THE WORLD OF THE SLAVS

Studies on the East, West and South Slavs:

Civitas, Oppidas, Villas and Archeological Evidence
(7th to 11th Centuries AD)

Reviewers:
Academician Jovanka Kali
Prof. Vlada Stankovi
Assist. Prof. Dejan Radievi
Milan Radujko, Ph.D.
Lovorka orali, Ph.D.

This book has been published with the financial support of

THE MINISTRY OF THE EDUCATION, SCIENCE AND TEHNOLOGICAL
DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
(project No III 47025)

THE INSTITUTE OF HISTORY

Monographs
Vol. 64

Tibor ivkovi Dejan Crnevi, Dejan Buli

Vladeta Petrovi, Irena Cvijanovi, Bojana Radovanovi

THE WORLD OF THE SLAVS

Studies on the East, West and South Slavs:
Civitas, Oppidas, Villas and Archeological Evidence
(7th to 11th Centuries AD)

Editor in chief
Sran Rudi, Ph.D.
Director of The Institute of History
Belgrade
2013

TA B L E O F C O N T E N TS

9
13

Preface
List of Abbreviations

15

The Urban Landcape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities in

the Territories of the Former Praefectura Illyricum and in the
Province of Dalmatia (ca. 610 950)
TIBOR IVKOVI

37

The Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic

Coast at the Time of the First Principalities of South Slavs (9th 11th
Centuries)
DEJAN CRNEVI

137

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and the Early Byzantine

Period on the Later Territory of the South-Slavic Principalities,
and Their Re-occupation
DEJAN BULI

235

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early

Middle Ages in the Western Part of the Balkan Peninsula
VLADETA PETROVI

289

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland

and Russia
IRENA CVIJANOVI

345

The Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the

Middle Ages According to Latin Sources (8th 12th Centuries)
BOJANA RADOVANOVI

369
413
421
429

List of References
List of Illustrations

General Index

In memory of

Tibor ivkovi
(1966-2013)

PREFACE

This study is an attempt to give an insight into some aspects of

Slavic civilization that flourished in vast territories of Europe during Early
Middle Ages. Through the examination of cross-regional similarities and
differences the authors described concepts of space amongst various Slavic
tribes. Their different experiences, historical heritage and social development
related to distinct territories, resulted in a very complex perception of
individual and public, or urban and rural space. The neat fabric of antique
organization of space marked the concepts of confrontation or coexistence
of various spatial layers in the territories occupied by South Slaves. In the
same time, vast areas of East European wild habitats conditioned specific
way of building, space organization and living.
Following the above-mentioned approaches, as well as the
specificity of studied written records and physical remains, this book is
divided into following chapters: The Urban Landscape of Early Medieval
Slavic Principalities in the Territories of the Former Praefectura Illyricum
and in the Province od Dalmatia (ca. 610 - 950) (written by Tibor ivkovi),
The Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast at the
Time of the First Principalities of South Slavs (9th 11th Centuries) (written
by Dejan Crnevi), The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and the Early
Byzantine Period on the Later Territory of the South-Slavic Principalities,
and Their Re-occupation (written by Dejan Buli), Terrestrial
Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages in the
Western Part of the Balkan Peninsula (written by Vladeta Petrovi), he
Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia
(written by Irena Cvijanovi), and The Typology of Slavic Settlements in
Central Europe in the Middle Ages According to Latin Sources (9th 12th
Centuries) (written by Bojana Radovanovi).

10

Preface

The first chapter titled The Urban Landscape of Early Medieval

Slavic Principalities in the Territories of the Former Praefectura Illyricum
and in the Province of Dalmatia (ca. 610 - 950) represents a research of the
urban development in the South-Slavic principalities. It relies on two
types of sources: archaeological evidence and written documents of
different types (those of epigraphic origin, charters and varia acta, and
narrative sources). The most important narrative source is the famous
work De administrando imperio (DAI) that covers many different subjects:
the earliest history of the Croats and the Serbs, the social classes in their
society, Byzantine policy towards the Croats and the Serbs, especially from
the time of Basil I (867 886), and unique data on the kastra oikoumena
in the principalities of Croatia, Serbia, Pagania, Terbounia, Zachlumia,
Diocleia, and Bosnia. Relying on these data, the deep-rooted opinion in
the historiography that the Southern Slavs did not develop any urban
centres in the early stages of their history is challenged and the new
approach in research is based on a new question: What is considered to be
an urban centre?
The history and artistic expression of cathedral churches, as the
most important sacral buildings of the epoch, are discussed in the chapter
The Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast at
the Time of the First Principalities of South Slavs (9th 11th Centuries). In
this chapter, cathedral churches, being the seats of different dioceses, are
placed in a broader political, cultural and religious context. Their
construction and artistic expression allow profound insight into the
different aspects of the spiritual and social life of that period as a whole. The
specific focus is given to distinct but complementary approaches in
research, i.e. studying on the micro and macro level. In that way, the
cathedral churches of the eastern Adriatic coast and their influence are
presented as a part of larger political and social horizon, as well as a base
of urban morphology and sacral topography in specific urban centers.
The aim of third chapter The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity
and the Early Byzantine Period on the Later Territory of the South-Slavic
Principalities, and Their Re-occupation is to present an overview of late
Roman and early Byzantine fortification sites in the Western Balkans and
a start point for their further studying. In the course of research, the main
objective was to indentify medieval strata of the existing fortifications and
to determine continuity or discontinuity of early Byzantine and Medieval
era. The analysis of archaeological material is focused on relationship of

Preface

11

the Slavs to the new environment, the degree of their adjustment to

existing settlements and factors that led to their subsequent use.
The chapter Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and
the Early Middle Ages in the Western Part of the Balkan Peninsula
describes terrestrial routes that defined the human spatiality over a broad
territory of Balkan Peninsula throughout centuries. Along the northern,
eastern and western frontier of the Peninsula, by following the rim of the
Pannonian Plain, the Pontic, Aegean, Ionic and Adriatic coastline, roads
were constructed that defined the frame within which all important,
major and local communications would spring up connecting numerous
settlements and fortifications. This network of traffic ways, the
construction of which lasted throughout the Roman mastery of the Balkan
Peninsula was somewhat expanded and restored at the time of Justinian
and was to be used throughout the entire Middle Ages.
Development of settlements on the territory of the Czech
Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Russia in the Early Middle Ages is
discussed in the chapter The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in
Bohemia, Poland and Russia. It was imposed by different political,
historical and economic conditions. Comparison between written sources
and archaeological finds on the territory of Bohemia, Slovakia and Poland
shows that the Slavs were primarily bearers of Prague-type culture. In
Slovakia the Presov-type culture appeared, with close analogies in Poland.
Based on research of a great number of towns and villages in ancient
Russia, five cultures can be determined: East Slavic culture, PragueKorchak, Penkovka, Ipotesti-Candesti and Volincevo culture. In the
forest-steppe areas of Ukraine the widespread cultures are Prague-type,
Penkovka, Zhitomir and Raikovets.
The aim of last chapter The Typology of Slavic Settlements in
Central Europe in the Middle Ages According to Latin Sources (9th 12th
centuries) is to highlight the typology and terminology used to determine
Slavic settlements in Central and Western Europe in the Early Middle Ages
(9th 12th centuries). The insight into this topic is given through the analysis
of the most common terms, such as civitas, urbs, metropolis, castrum,
oppidum, castellum, and villa. Medieval Latin chronicles, mainly from the
Frankish state, and from the territories of the present-day Poland, Czech
Republic and Germany provide extensive data on this subject. They show
that two main factors influenced the process of creation and transformation
of urban settlements, as well as terminology used. These factors are gradual

12

Preface

development of church organization and the economy growth that took

place during the second half of the tenth century.
This book represents one of the results of the scientific project
Ethnogenesis of Serbs in the Middle Ages: Comparative analysis of the
historical and cultural heritage, genetic material and artefacts of material
culture from the viewpoint of analytical chemistry (Etnogeneza Srba u
srednjem veku: Uporedna analiza istorijsko-kulturnog naslea, genetikog
materijala i predmeta materijalne kulture sa aspekta analitike hemije)
founded by Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development
of the Republic of Serbia. Studying archeological evidences (physical
remains of various settlements civitas, oppidas, villas, as well as traces of
traffic routes) and different written records gave insight into the historical
and spatial changes that took place during the Early Middle Ages. The next
step is to place these results into the context of genetic and anthropological
indicators.
During the work on this topic, Tibor ivkovi, one of the authors,
chief of the above-mentioned project, our dear friend and teacher died.
Therefore, we dedicate this book to his memory knowing that his scientific
vigour and courage will always inspire us all.
Authors

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

(. .)

AP

Arheoloki pregled

GZM

Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu, Sarajevo

Izdanja HAD

Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva, Zagreb

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Hannoverae

Prilozi

Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu, Zagreb

Rad JAZU

Rad Jugoslovenske akademije znanosti i umetnosti,

Zagreb

SP

Starohrvatska Prosvjeta, Split

VAHD

Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku, Split

The Urban Landcape of Early Medieval Slavic

Principalities in the Territories of the Former
Praefectura Illyricum and in the Province of
Dalmatia (ca. 610 950)
TIBOR IVKOVI

The last phase of the Slavic settlement south of the rivers Sava and
Danube took place early in the reign of the mperor Heraclius I (610 641),
between 613 and 615, and marked the beginning of a new era for the people in the areas that used to be the Praefectura Illyricum and the province
of Dalmatia.1 But this process of Slavic colonization of the modern Balkans
is poorly documented.2 The destiny of the Roman or Romanized population is even less well-known.3 The only surviving evidence which could
offer insight into what had happened to the urban landscape in the
Balkans during the turbulent 620s 630s is based on archaeological data.4
1

For different opinions about the chronology of the Slavic settlements in

these territories, see: T. ivkovi, Juni Sloveni pod vizantijskom vlau 600
1025, Beograd 2007, 121-122, 135-140, and notes, 440-444 (= ivkovi,
Juni Sloveni).
The most valuable, albeit fragmentary piece of information regarding the
incursions of the Slavs into the Balkans, can be found in the works of the following Byzantine authors: Procopius, Menander the Guardsman, Agathia,
Pseudo-Maurice, Theophylact Symmocatta, and in the Miracula S. Demetrii
I et II; Cf. Fontes Byzantini historiam populorum Jugoslaviae spectantes I
(ed. G. Ostrogorsky), Beograd 1955, 17-80; 85-98; 103-142, 173-216.
Some aspects of this slavicization in the areas which are today the Western
Balkans are given in: T. ivkovi, Sloveni i Romeji, Beograd 2000, 58-66;
116-119; 127-132 (= ivkovi, Romeji).
G. krivani, Gradovi i utvrenja u srednjoevropskoj Srbiji, Bosni i Dubrovniku,
Vojnoistorijski glasnik 2 (1969) 111-112; Z. Vinski, Rani srednji vijek u
Jugoslaviji od 400. do 800. godine, Haut Moyen-ge prhistorique et protohistorique

16

Tibor ivkovi

The first written records are from the middle of the ninth century,5 and the
most important document was written by the Byzantine Emperor
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos in the years 949 952. In his famous
work De administrando imperio (DAI), Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos
dedicated eight chapters to the South Slavs (chapters XXIX - XXXVI).6 This
valuable work covers many different subjects: the earliest history of the
Croats and the Serbs, the social classes in their society, Byzantine policy
towards the Croats and the Serbs, especially from the time of Basil I (867
886), and unique data on the kastra oikoumena in the principalities of
Croatia, Serbia, Pagania, Terbounia, Zachlumia, Diocleia, and Bosnia.7
Research of the urban development in the South-Slavic
principalities has relied on two types of sources: archaeological evidence
and written documents of different types. The main written documents
fall into three categories: those of epigraphic origin,8 charters and varia
acta,9 and narrative sources above all the DAI.

6
7

8
9

en Yougoslavie Recherches et rsultats, Beograd 1971, 357-397; I. remonik, Nalazi prvih ranoslovenskih naselja u Bosni i Hercegovini,
Zgodovinski asopis 35 (1981) 93-99.
The exception is the information about Abbot Martins mission in Dalmatia
ca. 642, who was sent by the Pope John IV to redeem captured Christians
and to collect relics of saints (presumably from Salona); Cf. Liber pontificalis
I III (ed. L. Duchesne), Paris 1955, I, 330.1-3. Other information about the
relationship between the Slavs and the Romans in the vicinity of Spalato
from ca. 650 comes from the late thirteenth-century source Historia
Salonitana, but it is based on a genuine document (imperial keleusis); Cf.
Toma Arhiakon Historia Salonitana (ed. O. Peri), Split 2003, 44.28-31.
For this keleusis, see: R. Katii, Uz poetke hrvatskih poetaka, Split 1993,
106- 108, 118 (= Katii, Uz poetke).
Constantine Porphyrogenitus De administrando imperio I II (edd. R. J. H.
Jenkins, Gy. Moravcsik), Washington D. C. 1967, cc. 29-36 (= DAI).
DAI I, cc. 31.68-70; 32.149-151; 33.20-21; 34.19-20; 35.12-13; 36.14-15. For
the meaning of kastra oikoumena see: S. irkovi, Naseljeni gradovi
Konstantina Porfirogenita i najstarija teritorijalna organizacija, ZRVI 37
(1998) 9-32 (= irkovi, Naseljeni gradovi), who considered these cities to
be the administrative centres of the earliest territorial organization among
the South Slavs. For a different opinion, see: T. ivkovi, Constantine
Porhyrogenitus kastra oikoumena in the South Slavs Principalities,
Istorijski asopis 58 (2008) 7-26, who considers these cities to have belonged
to the earliest ecclesiastical organization of the Roman Church.
V. Delonga, Latinski epigrafiki spomenici u ranosrednjovjekovnoj Hrvatskoj,
Split 1996. As a standard rule, these inscriptions pertain to church dedications.
Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae I (ed. M.
Kostreni), Zagreb 1967, Nos 3, 19, 20, 26, 27, 28, 30 (= CD I).

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

17

There is a deep-rooted opinion in the historiography that the

Southern Slavs did not develop any urban centres in the early stages of
their history.10 But the question should be: What is considered to be an
urban centre? The terminology is vague even in the western sources related
to Italy or other parts of Western Europe.11 The Civitates Romanae could
hardly have been the same as the civitates of the eighth-century Frankish
Kingdom.12 On the other side of the coin, the Slavs used only one term for
both city and town: grad.13 The meaning of grad was a settlement which
was walled or encircled. There are hundreds, perhaps even thousands of
toponyms in modern Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and
Montenegro that derived from this term, and indicate an abandoned,
razed settlement: gradina, gradite, gradac, gradanik, ograenik.14 These
10
11

12

13

14

ivkovi, Romeji, 116.

For instance, in 770 the Franks took from the Lombards the Italian cities
which were referred to as civitates plurimae. On the other hand, the same
source speaks about the castellum super fluvium Lyppia, which had been
built by Charlemagne in 777 (actually, as a military camp), and, while
speaking about the same place later in the text, it becomes Urbs Karoli. Cf.
Analium sancti Amandi Continuatio altera, MGH SS I (ed. G. Pertz),
Hannoverae 1826, 12, 16. In the Annales of Lorsch and Einhards Annales,
there are usually: civitas, locus, castrum, villa, oppidum, portum, castellum,
urbs, emporium; Cf. Annales Laurissenses minores, Einhardi Annales,
MGH SS I (ed. G. Pertz), Hannoverae 1826, passim.
E. Ennen, The Medieval Town, Amsterdam 1979, 18-21; R. H. Hilton,
English and French Towns in Feudal Society, Cambridge 1995, 6-7. For
terms such as oppida, castra, villas, and castella, see: C. Wickham, Framing
the Early Middle Ages, Europe and the Mediterranean, 400 800, Oxford
2006, 479-481 (= Wickham, Framing); C. Ravara Montebelli, Crusumium,
Archeologia Adriatica fra Cattolica e San Giovanni in Marignano, Roma
2007, 137-138.
According to: A. Deroko, Srednjovekovni gradovi Srbije, Crne Gore i
Makedonije, Beograd 1959, 17: Everything which was built as protection,
together with the place protected by it, was called grad. According to: F.
Miklosich, Lexicon linguae Slovenicae veteris dialecti, Vindobonae 1850,
33: grade = sepes; gradina = hortus; gradite = castrum; grad = urbs; gradac
= oppidulum. These translations of the Slavic terms into Latin are not quite
accurate. For instance, gradina gains the meaning of hortus much later (19th
century) and has nothing to do with its medieval meaning. The term grad
itself, is common in all Slavic languages.
For instance, there are at least 70 gradina, gradite, gradac or grad in central
Serbia; Cf. ivkovi, Romeji, 116, note 361. If this number is added to the
toponyms latinski grad, rimski grad, grki grad, maarski grad (Latin city,
Roman city, Greek city, and Hungarian city, respectively), the score of these
nameless towns grows to around 140 (in central Serbia only).

18

Tibor ivkovi

are always situated on the hill tops, usually at an altitude of between 400
and 700 meters.15 Even though the etymology of the toponym Obrovac is
mistakenly attributed to the name of the Avars (Obri),16 the name comes
from the same origin and in fact designates a place surrounded by a
ditch.17
The Late Roman terminology referred to cities as civitates, but this
gradually changed during the Early Middle Ages. The decline of civitates
in their size or in number of inhabitants was a widespread process observable from the Iberian Peninsula and Gaul to Italy, and it happened in
Dalmatia and Illyricum as well.18 However, the extent of the destruction in
Dalmatia and in the Praefectura Illyricum was on a far greater scale, especially in the interior of the Balkan Peninsula. At the beginning of the
seventh century, the largest urban centres of the Praefectura Illyricum,
previously controlled by Byzantium, were razed and completely abandoned: Singidunum, Viminacium, Naissus, Ulpiana, Scupi, Iustiniana
Prima.19 Other settlements were also abandoned, as is evident from the fact
15

16

17
18

19

Cf. V. Popovi, Albanija u kasnoj antici, Iliri i Albanci (ed. M. Garaanin),

Beograd 1988, 242, came to the conclusion, by comparing the words used
for plants and animals, that the Romans/Romanized population and the
Slavs came into contact at an altitude of between 600 and 900 meters. See
also: A. Avrama, Le Ploponnse du IVe au VIIIe sicle, changements et
persistances, Paris 1997, 80, where it was posited that the Slavs settled at an
attitude of between 500 and 700 meters.
This was the general opinion in old historiography; Cf. F. ii, Povijest
Hrvata u vrijeme narodnih vladara, Zagreb 1925, 679; J. Kovaevi, Avarski
kaganat, Beograd 1977, 91.
M. J. Majzner, Oranje-oboravanje, Godinjica Nikole upia 35 (1923) 183-201;
I. Goldstein, Hrvatski rani srednji vijek, Zagreb 1995, 128, note 815.
For the situation in the Frankish kingdom, see: Wickham, Framing, 676679; J. Henning, Early European Towns: The Way of the Economy in the
Frankish Area Between Dynamism and Deceleration 500 1000 AD, PostRoman Town, Trade and Settlement in Europe and Byzantium, Vol. I: The
Heirs of the Roman West (ed. J. Henning), Berlin 2007 (= Post-Roman
Town), 30-31; for Italy, see: S. Gelichi, Flourishing Places in North-Eastern
Italy: Towns and Emporia Between Late Antiquity and the Carolingian Age,
Post-Roman Town, 83-90.
For the destruction of Singidunum and some 40 fortresses in Illyricum, see:
Theophylacti Simocattae Historiae (ed. P. Wirth), Stuttgart 1972, I, 3-4; VII,
12. For the fall of Naissus (and Sardica in 614/615) see: Les plus anciens
recueils des Miracles de Saint Dmtrius I II (ed. P. Lemerle), Paris 1979, I,
186.4-5 (= Miracula). In the same Miracula s. Demetrii there is one interesting
detail mentioning Salonica having continuously received refugees from
the areas along the Danube River, and from the provinces of Pannonia,
Dacia, and Dardania (Miracula, 185.20-22). For a general overview of the

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

19

that most basilicas were also ruined early in the seventh century and most
of them were never again rebuilt or repaired.20 The disappearance of the
Late Roman and Early Byzantine urban centres in Dalmatia and Illyricum
was not related only to the arrival of the Slavs, but rather it was a process
that had already been taking place for at least 50 years (approximately),
since ca. 548 when the Slavs had made their first major incursion south of
the Danube River.21 Therefore, the economic decline of the cities in
Illyricum and Dalmatia was among the main reasons why these cities were
doomed to disappear.22 The last onslaught of invaders, which took place
during the first years of Heraclius reign, just dealt the final, fatal blow; it
was the closing act of a long, ongoing process. However, the rural population did not entirely disappear. To the contrary, the Romanized population

20

21

22

destruction of the urban centres in Illyricum, see: V. Popovi,

Desintegration und Ruralisation der Stadt im Ost-Illyricum vom 5. bis 7.
Jahrhundert n. Chr., Palast und Htte, Mainz 1982, 555-556; V. Popovi
V. Kondi, Cariin grad. Utvreno naselje u vizantijskom Iliriku, Beograd
1977. For the coastal areas of Dalmatia, see: Goldstein, Hrvatski, 121-122.
There is a vast literature on the Late Roman or Early Byzantine churches
which were deserted at the beginning of the seventh century. See: V. Skari,
Altertmer von Gradac in der Lepenica (Bosnien), Glasnik Zemaljskog
muzeja 44 (1932) 1-21; D. Sergejevski, Bazilika u Mokrom, Glasnik
Zemaljskog muzeja 15/16 (1961) 211-228; . Basler, Arhitektura
kasnoantikog doba u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo 1972, 67-136; Idem,
Bazilika u Oborcima, Nae starine 7 (1960) 59-72; T. Aneli, Crkvina,
itomisli, Mostar. Kasnoantika bazilika, Arheoloki pregled 12 (1970) 144147; M. Parovi-Peikan, Antika Ulpijana prema dosadanjim istraivanjima, Starinar 32 (1982) 61-63; V. Delonga, Starohrvatska crkva na
Mastirinama u selu Kaiu kod Zadra, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 18 (1988) 3988; M. Vasi, Le limes protobyzantin dans la province de Msie Premire,
Starinar 45/46 (1995) 49-50; D. Mari, Crkvine, ista Velika: Izvjee o
arheolokim istraivanjima 1992 1999. godine, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 27
(2000) 115-128; G. Toi, Nebeske stolice. Starohrianska bazilika na
Kopaoniku, Povelja 2 (2001) 126-128; M. Milinkovi, Die byzantinische
Hhenanlage auf der Jelica in Serbien. Ein Beispiel aus dem Nrdlichen
Illyricum des 6. Jh., Starinar 51 (2001) 92-117; E. Marin, Ereove Bare, villa
suburbana iz 3. stoljea i starokranska crkva iz 7. stoljea u Naroni, Vjesnik
za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 94 (2002) 9-80; A. Pitea, Slaveni i rana
hrvatska drava, Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva 95 (2003) 471-518.
Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia, Bellum Persicum, B. Vandallicum, B.
Gothicum, Historia Arcana, De aedificiis I IV (ed. J. Haury), Lipsiae 1962
1964, Procopii BG, III, 29, 423.8-10.
The cities of the Praefectura Illyricum had been in the state of constant
decline since the mid-fifth century; see: P. Lemerle, Invasions et migrations
dans les Balkans depuis la fin de lepoque romain jusquau VIII sicle, Revue
historique 211 (1954) 281; ivkovi, Juni Sloveni, 55-56. However, during

20

Tibor ivkovi

survived the arrival of the Slavs, and in a far greater number than was previously thought.23 It was merely a shift of political power which marked
the profound changes in the former Praefectura Illyricum from the
Romans/Byzantines to the Slavs. Consequently, the newcomers brought
with them their own system of political organization, which was intrinsically
different from the previous. And since not a single major Roman/
Byzantine city between Singidunum and Thessalonica survived the arrival
of the Slavs, the new political organization had to rely on a completely different socio-economic system. Unfortunately, the social stratigraphy of
the South-Slavic societies remains virtually unknown. But it must also be
noticed that the urban life in Illyricum and Dalmatia varied from region to
region.24 Namely, at the beginning of the seventh century the centre of the
former Praefectura Illyricum was far away from the main routes and the
urban centres of Thrace, which were still controlled by Byzantium. The
Serbs, who settled into the territories of present-day western Serbia,
north-eastern Montenegro, and the eastern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
virtually had no contact with the remaining centres of civilization, either
to the west (Dalmatia) or to the east and south (Byzantium). The nearest
cities where the Roman/Byzantine culture and civilization still prospered
in the seventh century were Sardica and Catera, some 250 km to the east
and west (respectively) from the Serbian frontier. The Byzantine cities of
Dalmatia that withstood the Slavic invasion - Tragurium, Spalato, Iadera,
Ragusa, Butua, Decatera, Ulcigno (Dulcinium, Liciniatensis civitas) - were

23

24

the rule of Justinian I (527 565), a number of fortresses and towns in what
is today modern Serbia were either rebuilt or constructed (after 540); Cf.
Procopii De aedif. IV, 4, 116.6-117.10; 122.15-129.4.
ivkovi, Romeji, 127-131. Procopiuss information, about the 200 000
Romans either killed or captured during the major Slavic incursions into the
praefectura Illyricum, cannot be accepted as true; Cf. Procopii Hist. arcana,
115.1-2.
In the opinion of J. C. Russell, Late Ancient and Medieval Population,
Philadelphia 1958, 78, the population of the Balkans around the year 540 (without the territory of modern Greece) did not pass 2,000,000 people. Actually,
there is no exact methodology to confirm Russells guess. If Singidunum,
Naissus, and Viminacium are assumed to have been the largest urban centers in
the territory of what is today Serbia (Moesia Prima), each with a population size
of some 15,000 to 20,000, and that all other cities had several thousand denizens
each, then it can be concluded that the urban population of Moesia Prima was
between 100,000 and 120,000. This could mean that the overall population of
this province had been about 1,000,000 1,200,000. The ratio of the urban vs.
the rural population would have been 1 : 10.

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

21

unable to expand their ecclesiastical influence farther than several miles

from their ager.25 In this way, the Serbs stayed isolated for at least a century
or two in their new homeland. This should have reflected in their overall
political and cultural development.
The Croats, on the other hand, were in the immediate vicinity of
the cities of the northern and central Dalmatia.26 More importantly, they
were also close to Italy and its Roman cultural heritage. The Byzantine
Exarchate of Ravenna, to which Dalmatia was subordinated politically and
militarily, was the main Byzantine centre in the west, and the Byzantines
were able to expand their influence over the Croats from there.27 The territory
of the Early Medieval Croatia stretched from the eastern borders of Istria
along the Dalmatian coast, up to the Cetina River. This territory had been
densely populated in the Roman times and it did not suffer much destruction
during the Avaro-Slavic incursions in the second half of the sixth century.28
Of course, the three most important civitates in Dalmatia - Salona, Narona,
25

26

27

28

Only in 925 did Pope John X write to the Metropolitan Church of Spalato
(Salona), ordering them to enlarge the organization of their diocese; Cf. CD
I, No 23: Ut in ecclesia, ubi presbiter occisus est, ante satisfactionem ipsius
uel plebi, ut congruum ipsi episcopo uidetur, nullus missam faciat.
The area of Early Medieval Croatia spread from the eastern borders of Istria
to the mouth of the Cetina River; Cf. DAI I, c. 30.113-116. The 11 districts
of Croatia (upas) in ca. 860 (DAI I, 30.90-93) covered between 15,000 and
20,000 km2; Cf. T. ivkovi, Contribution to the New Reading About the
Constantine Porphyrogenitus Statement on the Numbers of Croat
Horsemen, Foot Soldiers and Sailors in Early 10th Century, Byzantinoslavica
65 (2007) 151.
A lead seal of Paul, exarch of Ravenna, was found in the vicinity of Salona
at the end of the 19th century, but is now lost; Cf. I. Nikolajevi Stojkovi,
Solinski peat egzarha Pavla (723 726), 7 (1961) 61-66. A similar
seal was published by G. Schlumberger, Sigillogprahie de lEmpire byzantine, Paris 1882, 515. For the administration of Early Byzantine Dalmatia,
there is no definite answer. For instance, L. M. Hartmann, Untersuchungen
zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Verwaltung in Italien (540 750),
Leipzig 1889, 147, thought that Dalmatia belonged to the Praefectura
Illyricum in the 7th century. J. Ferluga, Vizantijska uprava u Dalmaciji,
Beograd 1957, 44-45, considered Dalmatia to be an independent province
under the rule of a proconsul. D. Mandi, Dalmatia in the Exarchate of
Ravenna from the Middle of the VI until the Middle of the VIII Century,
Byzantion 34 (1964) 370, argued that Dalmatia was under the jurisdiction of
the Exarchate of Ravenna.
The letters of Pope Gregory the Great to the Dalmatian bishops from
the end of the sixth century are proof that there had been no destruction
of the cities in Dalmatia; Cf. Mansi IX, col. 1039-1040, 1068, 1090
( Salona); Mansi X, col. 32, 59, 93, 102 (Iadera); Mansi IX, col. 93, 1119

22

Tibor ivkovi

and Epidaurum - did cease to exist during the first half of the seventh
century, though not because the Avars or the Slavs conquered them;
rather, this was due to the severe economic decline which had been happening since the middle of the sixth century.29 Salona and Epidaurum, the
two most important ecclesiastical centres of Dalmatia, were superseded by
the nearby Spalato (Salona) and Ragusa (Epidaurum). Additionally, the
number of urban settlements in the coastal areas of Dalmatia was much
higher than in the interior (Bosnia, Serbia).30 This is exactly why the cultural
position of the Croats was better than that of the Serbs. A number of small
Dalmatian cities that resisted and survived the first decades after the Slavic
arrival into Dalmatia, certainly made a profound impact on the development
of Croatian society in every field. In addition, at the beginning of the ninth
century, the Croats came under the direct rule of the Franks, even though
they still had rulers from their own dynasty. During the seven decades of
the Frankish rule, many features of the Frankish society were introduced
into Croatia.31

29

30

31

(Epidaurum); Mansi IX, col. 1050, 1212 (Rhisinium); Mansi IX, col. 1057;
Mansi X, col. 330 (Scader); Mansi X. col. 329, 330, (Diocleia); Mansi X, col.
329, 330 (Iustiniana Prima).
Cf. Goldstein, Hrvatski, 119-121; I. Marovi, O godini razorenja Salone,
Vijesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku 99 (2006) 253-273; Idem,
Ostava bizantskih zlatnika iz Narone, Vijesnik za arheologiju i povijest
dalmatinsku 99 (2006) 235-252. Recently, a follis of Basil I with his eldest
son Constantine (dated to the period between 868 and 877) was discovered
in the baptistery of the Church of St. Vitus (Sveti Vid) in Narona. However,
this isolated finding does not prove the continuity of the Church or of the
city itself, since other archaeological evidence suggest that Narona ceased to
exist as an urban settlement ca. 602; Cf. E. Marin, Kontinuitet i diskontinuitet
u Naroni, Raanje prvog hrvatskog kulturnog pejzaa (edd. M. Jurkovi, T.
Luki), Zagreb 1996, 101-104.
Salona was the biggest Roman city in the Balkans, its population peaking at
40,000 to 60,000 inhabitants; Cf. J. Belamari, Gynaeceum Iovense Dalmatiae
Aspalatho, Tetrarchic Practice in Name Giving, Diokletian und die Tetrarchie
(edd. A. Demandt, A. Goltz, H. Schlage-Schningen), Rome 2004, 143. It is
calculated that in the time of the Principate Iadera and Epidaurum numbered some 26,000 people; Cf. J. J. Wilkes, The Population of Roman
Dalmatia, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rmischen Welt (edd. H. Temporini,
W. Haase), Berlin 1977, 753 (= Aufstieg). The figure for Iadera is too high
because of the weak methodology applied the number of the inscriptions
and the allotments of land in a particular town. For urban settlements in
Dalmatia, see: M. Zaninovi, The Economy of Dalmatia, Aufstieg, 767-809.
The Croats fell under the rule of Charlemagne ca. 803; Cf. G. Manojlovi,
Jadransko pomorje 9. stoljea u svjetlu istono-rimske (bizantinske) povijesti,
Rad JAZU 150 (1902) 21-22.

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

23

The Slavs that had settled in Croatia and along the Dalmatian coast
from Istria down to Ulcigno were politically divided into several principalities: Croatia, Pagania, Zachlumia, Terbounia, Diocleia, and Bosnia.32 The
cities which survived the Slavic settlement were: Iadera, Tragurium,
Spalato, Decatera, Ragusa, Butua, Rosa, and Ulcigno. Not all of them found
their place in the DAI only Iadera, Tragurium, Spalato, Ragusa and
Decatera. These cities were politically under Byzantine rule, and it is
unknown whether their Slavic neighbours ever tried to capture them. In
641, a certain abbot Martin was sent by Pope John IV to Dalmatia to
redeem captured Christians and to retrieve relics of saints.33 This was, most
probably, immediately after the Croats (and other Slavs) settled in
Dalmatia. It is important to note that relics of saints were of the utmost
importance for a medieval city; without their protection, the city itself is
doomed to disappear. According to Thomas of Spalato (d. 1268), the citizens
of Spalato sent a letter to the emperors in Constantinople asking them to
prevent further Slavic incursions into the citys ager.34 The emperors - most
probably Constans II and Constantine IV - sent an iussio to the duces
Sclavorum, and the raids stopped. These two independent sources of information on the earliest relations between the citizens of Spalato, the Romans,
and the Slavs (Croats) actually provide a clue that the settlement of the
Croats and the Slavs was not peaceful. Both these pieces of evidence are in
contradiction with the statement of Constantine Porphyrogenitos that the
Croats and the Serbs had come as the foederati of Heraclius.35 Recent
research has actually revealed that the DAIs story about the peaceful settlement
of the Croats and the Serbs was really a construction not of Constantine
VII, but of Anastasius the Librarian who most probably had compiled a
work called De conversione Croatorum et Serborum (DCCS) in which the
peaceful character of the Croat/Serb settlement was emphasized.36
Archaeological evidence has shown that a number of large settlements were actually abandoned during the first half of the seventh century: Salona, Narona, Epidaurum, and Epetion. The inhabitants of Dalmatian
32

33
34
35
36

The existence of Bosnia in the Dark Ages can be glimpsed at from the list
of the kastra oikoumena; Cf. DAI I, c. 32.149-151. See also: T. ivkovi, On
the Beginnings of Bosnia in the Middle Ages, Spomenica akademika Marka
unjia (1927 1998), Sarajevo 2010, 161-180 (= ivkovi, Bosnia).
See note 5.
See note 5.
DAI I, cc. 31.17-20; 58-50; 32.7-12; 26-27; 146-148.
T. ivkovi, Sources de Constantin VII Porphyrognte concernant le pass le
plus loign des Serbes et des Croates, Byzantina Symmeikta 19 (2010) 11-37.

24

Tibor ivkovi

cities and towns and of some villae, vici, pagi, and oppida, retreated toward
the Dalmatian coast and its islands, where they grouped together in the
remaining cities. Their former settlements were either razed or simply left
to the elements.37 Constantine Porphyrogenitos wrote that some of these
cities (kastra) still stood at the time, but that nobody lived in them.38 This
may not have been because of the customs and habits of the Slavs, but
rather because of their numbers. Namely, the influx of the Slavs should not
be measured in hundreds of thousands, but rather tens of thousands in the
entire vast region from Istria to Ulcigno. The Slavs were simply not
numerous enough and would not have been capable of repopulating every
possible ancient city or place. Only a few of the most important urban
centres were under the control of the Slavs.39 It is apparent that in the three
charters issued by Croatian rulers in 852, 892, and ca. 950, not a single
civitas in the territory of Croatia was mentioned only loca, which most
probably meant villages, hamlets, or could have been mere appellatines.
According to the charter of Duke Terpimer (died ca. 855?), his court, curtis,40
(terre ex curte nostra quae Clisa dicitur) was at Klis, the place called
kleisoura in the DAI,41 and he issued his charter at Byaci (Actum in loco, qui
37

38
39
40

41

Archaeological evidence from south-western Serbia, which includes dozens

of Early Byzantine sites, has yet to unveil any traces of destruction by fire
or some other military means; Cf. M. Milinkovi, Kasnoantika utvrenja u
Ostrovici i aronjima kod Tutina, Novopazarski zbornik 6 (1982) 131-140;
Idem, Ranovizantijsko utvrenje na Tupom kru i okolna utvrenja u tutinskoj oblasti, Novopazarski zbornik 9 (1985) 47-54; J. Kali, D. Mrkobrad,
Gradina u Radalici, Novopazarski zbornik 9 (1985) 39-46; J. Kali, M.
Popovi, Kuzmievo i aronje u prolosti, Raka batina 3 (1988) 53-57; M.
Popovi, Utvrenje na Kuli u Kaludri, Novopazarski zbornik 8 (1984) 11-18;
V. Ivanievi, Kasnoantiko utvrenje u Ramoevu, Novopazarski zbornik
11 (1987) 5-12; D. Buli, Ranovizantijsko utvrenje Gradina-Lisina na
zapadnom Kopaoniku, Istorijski asopis 54 (2007) 43-62; Idem, Gradina
Kaznovie. Rezultati arheolokih istraivanja, Istorijski asopis 55 (2007)
45-62; Idem, Izvetaj sa istraivanja lokaliteta Gradina u selu Konuli,
Arheoloki pregled 2/3 (2008) 78-79.
DAI I, c. 29.293-295.
For instance, Aenona (Nin), Stagnum/Stamnes (Ston), and Diocleia.
For the term curtis, see: J. Chapelot, R. Fossier, The Village & House in the
Middle Ages, London 1985, 16, 130, 133. See also: B. Thissen, The Palace of
Nijmegen in the Tenth and Early Eleventh Centuries, The Empress
Theophano: Byzantium and the West at the Turn of the First Millennium
(ed. A. Davids), Cambridge 1995, 276-278, for a curtis as a manor which
belongs to a court. As for Terpimers curtis, it was obviously his manor.
DAI I, c. 29.29-30. Kleisa should be considered a small fortified place where
troops from Dalmatian cities were gathered to be dispatched to Pannonia.

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

25

dicitur Byaci), near Knin. Since Terpimer did mention the charter issued
by one of his predecessors, duke Mislav (ca. 830 ca. 840), it seems that
Byaci served as the central court of the Croat dukes (...quas decimas antecessor noster Mislauus dare cepit),42 where documents were probably kept
in some type of an archive. The Croat Duke Mutimer (ca. 892 ca. 910?),
also had his seat in Byaci,43 which was certainly walled since he mentioned
the Church of St. Martha, for which it is known to have been extra
muros.44 Half a century later, the Croat Duke Kresimer II issued his charter in castro quod vocatur Tignino (the modern town of Knin). While
Terpimer called Byaci locus, Mutimer did not provide any specific designation
for the place: Actum est in Biaci..., although Kresimer did call his seat castrum,
according to the contemporary Greek term - kastron - which has the broad
meaning of a city or a town.45 Knin, on the other hand, was mentioned in
the DAI among the kastra oikoumena, as Tenin.46 Many prominent witnesses
signed Mutimers charter from 892, among them Zellirrico zuppano
Cleoniae (Livno), and Sibidrago zuppano Clesae (Klis). Most likely, Zellirric
was a upan of the Livno district (upa),47 not just a military commander of
the eponymous city, while Sibidrag was just a military commander of the
city of Klis. In the DCCS written around the year 878, the upa of Livno
was referred to as Chlebena, while the upa of Klis was not mentioned at
all.48 The capital of each upa would usually be eponymous for the name of
the particular upa.49 Such a consistency, where the name of an administrative
42
43
44
45

46
47

48
49

CD I, No 3.
CD I, No 20
See: T. Marasovi, Ciborij sa zabatima iz crkve Sv. Marte u Bijaima,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta 33 (2006) 37-58.
The Early Medieval terminology for city - for instance civitas or castra in
Dalmatia - has the same meaning: a fortified settlement. Generally speaking,
the civitates were the seats of bishops, and castra were administrative centres; Cf. N. Klai, Odnos grada i sela na istonoj jadranskoj obali u ranom
srednjem vijeku, Jugoslovenski istorijski asopis 3-4 (1973) 68.
DAI I, c. 31.70.
For a general explanation of the terms upa and upan among the South
Slavs, see: Leksikon srpskog srednjeg veka (edd. S. irkovi, R. Mihalji),
Beograd 1999, 195-198 (= Leksikon); A. Kliko, Teritorijalno-politika organizacija srednjovjekovne Bosne u djelu Pave Anelia, Zbornik o Pavlu
Aneliu (ed. M. Karamati), Sarajevo 2008, 60-61.
DAI I, c. 30.91.
The known pairs are: Chlebena (DAI I, cc. 30.69; 31.91); Nona (DAI I, cc.
30.92; 31.69); Tenin/Tnina (DAI I, 30.92; 31.70) in Croatia, and Mokro in
Pagania (DAI I, cc. 30.105 106; 36.14). The upas of Medieval Bosnia, at least
those which are known from existing documents, were most frequently

26

Tibor ivkovi

district is the same as that of its capital provides insight into the administrative organization and social structure of the South-Slavic principalities. It seems therein that the military and administrative offices were
entrusted to the upan who resided in the capital of his upa.
The military role of the upans is well-documented: Prisna, maccerarii
zuppano, Pruade, zuppano cauallario (892).50 The Serbian upans, who
were rounded up in 926 by the Bulgarians to quash the Serbian resistance,
were in fact the backbone of Serbias military organization.51 upan
Demetrius (943) is known from an inscription found north of the river
Danube (Mircea Voda, Romania), which clearly describes his military
role.52 The upans Shun and Sybin (814 831) are known from inscriptions
in Bulgaria.53 The upans as elders or the ruling class governing the South
Slavs are mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitos.54 It appears that a
upan was primarily a military commander, a leader of one gens, and from
this role his powers grew to include administrative duties. In Einhards
story about Liudewits escape to the Serbs (822), a dux Serborum and his
civitas are mentioned, where Liudewit enjoyed their hospitality. This dux
was most probably a upan, military commander of a district (upa) and of
its capital.55

50
51
52
53
54
55

named after rivers Krivaja (Kamenica), Lepenica, Trstivnica, Bosna; Cf. P.

Aneli, Srednjovjekovna upa Kamenica ili Krivaja, Glasnik Zemaljskog
muzeja u Sarajevu 33 (1978) 331-343; Idem, Studije o teritorijalno
politikoj organizaciji srednjovjekovne Bosne, Sarajevo 1982, 31-34. The
same pattern can be found in Zeta/Diocleia (Komarnica, Zeta, Moraa,
Piva) and Serbia (Morava, Lepenica, Belica, Lugomir, Kruivnica, Drina,
Rasina, Pnua); Cf. Leksikon, 195-197. See also: M. Blagojevi, Pregled
istorijske geografije srednjovekovne Srbije, Zbornik Istorijskog muzeja
Srbije 20 (1983) 56, 70- 71.
CD I, No 20.
DAI I, c. 32.119-126.
I. A. Boilov, Linscription du jupan Dimitre de lan 943 (thories et faits),
tude historiques 6 (1973) 11-28.
V. Beevliev, Prvo-bulgarski nadpisi, Sofia 1979, Nos 53, 61, 63.
DAI I, c. 29.66-68.
Einhardi Annales, MGH SS I (ed. G. H. Pertz), Hannoverae 1826, 209.14-18:
Exercitus de Italia propter Liudewiticum bellum conficiendum in Pannonia
missus est, ad cuius adventum Liudewitus, Siscia civitate relicta, ad Sorabos,
quae natio magnam Dalmatiae partem obtinere dicitur, fugiendo se contulit,
et uno ex ducibus eorum a quo receptus est per dolum interfecto, civitatem
eius in suam redegit dicionem. It has been proposed that Sorabos were not
related to the Serbs, but rather to the small city of Srb which is mentioned
only in the 14th century as a upa in Croatia; Cf. N. Klai, Izvori za Hrvatsku
povijest do 1526. godine, Zagreb 1972, 18, n. 2; Goldstein, Hrvatski, 169.

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

27

There is an unusual phrase in the DAI that appears only in the

treatises chapters on the Slavs and by which Constantine Porphyrogenitos
marked specific urban centres: kastra oikoumena.56 It was previously
thought that this term designated the most ancient administrative centres
in the South-Slavic principalities, after some sort of administrative division
from the Late Roman times.57 However, this specific term does not actually
mean inhabited cities, but rather cities which belong to the ecclesiastical
organization. The true meaning is hidden behind the text of Anastasius the
Librarian, who, in 871, wrote about his discussion with Greek priests on
the meanings of the words oecumenos and universalis. In his letter,
addressed to Pope Hadrian II, Anastasius explained that the patriarch of
Constantinople was called oecomenicon not because he ruled the whole
world, but rather only the Christian world and each inhabited and habitable
place.58 This term is exactly the kastra oikoumena of the DAI, and had once
belonged to the same source which Constantine Porphyrogenitos used for
composing the Slavic chapters of the DAI.
Once it becomes plainly clear that the kastra oikoumena pertained
to those cities that belonged to the Roman Church, the entire approach to
the urban landscape of the South-Slavic principalities must take on a
wholly different shape. As for the identification of these cities, first towns
on this specific list are the dioceses (Nin in Croatia,59 Ston in Zachlumia,
Mokro in Makarska and Trebinje in Terbounia).60 For this reason, the otherwise

56
57
58

59

60

However, this understanding of Sorabos is untenable for at least two reasons: Sorabos were referred to as natio; and Sorabos held (ruled over) large
portion of Dalmatia (quae natio magnam Dalmatiae partem obtinere dicitur), something the inhabitants of a small city could hardly have achieved. For
the proper understanding of this passage, that the Sorabos are the Serbs, see:
K. Jireek, Istorija Srba I, Beograd 1952, 111; Katii, Uz poetke, 42, n. 24.
See note 7.
irkovi, Naseljeni gradovi, passim.
Iohannis VIII papae registrvm (ed. E. Caspar), MGH Epistolarvm VII,
Karolini Aevi V, Berolini 1928, 417.25-26: Nam quod Grece oecumeni
vocatur, Latine non solum orbis, a cuius universitate universalis appellatur,
verum etiam habitatio vel locus habitabilis nuncupatur.
For a discussion about the beginnings of the diocese of Nin, see: Z. Strika,
Catalogus episcoporum ecclesiae Nonensis zadarskog kanonika Ivana A.
Gurata, Radovi Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zadru 49 (2007) 9098 (= Strika, Catalogus).
Cf. CD I, Nos 4 (Nin, 858-867); 26 (Ston, 928). For Makarska/Mucar, see: HS,
62.12-13 (before 1030). For Trebinje/Terbounia, the only archaeological
evidence is from the church Sancti Petri de Campo; Cf. M. Popovi, Manastir

28

Tibor ivkovi

unknown kastra oikoumena in Serbia and Diocleia must have been of the
same status. If so, then Destinik in Serbia and Gradetai in Diocleia would
have been the most important ecclesiastical centres of the Roman Church
in these two principalities.61 Furthermore, there is an important issue concerning the timeline; namely, the list of the kastra oikoumena is from an
earlier period most probably the last quarter of the eighth century, at the
latest.62 In addition to the kastra oikoumena, there are some other cities of
the Slavic principalities mentioned in the DAI. Ras in Serbia, a border
town with Bulgaria, mentioned ca. 853/854.63 Then, Diocleia in Diocleia,
an old city and an abandoned one, but still called Diocleia.64 In Zachlumia
another two cities were listed as kastra oikoumena: Bona and Hum, both
of which were well known.65 While enumerating the islands occupied
and controlled by the Slavs of Pagania, Constantine Porphyrogenitos
mentioned an island called Kourkra, the modern island of Korula, on
which there is a city, presumably of the same name.66 John the Deacon
mentions a fortified Slavic city on the island of Lastovo (Ladestina), which
was besieged by the Venetians in the year 1000.67 If the list of the kastra
oikoumena in Croatia is compared to the charters of the Croatian dukes
from the ninth century, then it appears that the principal political seat of
Croatia was Nin, where the earliest roots of the ecclesiastical organization

61

62
63
64
65

66
67

svetog Petra de Campo kod Trebinja, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja 27/28

(1973) 313-346; . Jankovi, Late Antique Triconchal Church of St. Apostles
Peter and Paul Monastery Near Trebinje, Glasnik Srpskog arheolokog
drutva 18 (2002) 99-124.
There is a hill called Martinika gradina, some 15 km away from Diocleia,
where an early medieval complex was found: a palace and a basilica. It has
been proposed that this gradina could have been Porphyrogenitos
Lontodokla; Cf. V. Kora, Martinii, srednjovekovna transpozicija koncepcije atnikog grada, ZRVI 36 (1997) 163-172 (= Kora, Martinii). However,
the huge palace and basilica suggest that it could have been
Porphyrogenitos Gradetai, the city which is listed as the first among the
megala kastra oikoumena of Diocleia.
Cf. ivkovi, Bosnia, 178, note 89.
DAI I, c. 32.53. For the chronology, see: ivkovi, Juni Sloveni, 260, note
1325.
DAI I, c. 35.9-11.
DAI I, c. 33.13-15. For the position of these towns, see: D. Kovaevi-Koji,
Gradska naselja srednjovjekovne bosanske drave, Sarajevo 1978, 115-166,
and notes 27-29.
DAI I, c. 36.15-16.
Giovanni Diacono Istoria Veneticorum (ed. L. A. Berto), Bologna 1999, IV, 53.

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

29

were laid down,68 at latest in the last quarter of the eighth century.69 The
seat was transferred to Knin (Tenin) at the beginning of the ninth century,
most probably after 803, when Croatia fell under the rule of the Franks.70
Archaeological evidence from Olje, Nin, Mokro, and Lower Brela
(Berouilla in the DAI) could offer some help in estimating the size of these
cities and their functions. It is important to note that the pre-Romanic
churches on these sites were built extra muros, below the gradina,71 which

68

69

70

71

It is important to note that there were a great number of Early Christian

sites in the vicinity of the Roman city of Aenona; Cf. Strika, Catalogus, 9697. For the topography of Late Roman and Early Medieval Aenona (Nin),
see: B. Ilakovac, Gradska trnica (emporium) rimskog Nina (Aenona), Radovi
Zavoda povijesnih znanosti HAZU u Zadru 39 (1997) 1-15. According to the
typology of the earliest churches in the Early Medieval principalities of the
South Slavs, there were two main centres: Spalato and Ragusa, from where
architectural features spread out into the Slavic hinterland; Cf. T.
Marasovi, Regionalni junodalmatinski tip u arhitekturi ranog srednjeg
vijeka, Beritiev zbornik, Dubrovnik 1960, 33-47; R. Ivanevi,
Predromanika arhitektura ralanjena niama kontinuitet antike,
Raanje prvog hrvatskog kulturnog pejzaa (edd. M. Jurkovi, T. Luki),
Zagreb 1996, 75-86 (= Ivanevi, Predromanika arhitektura).
The baptistery of the Duke Vieslav (Vuissasclavo) most probably had came
from Nin; Cf. I. Petricioli, Krstionica s imenom Vuissasclavo duci i problem
ninskog baptisterija, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 14 (1984) 125-134; M.
Matijevi-Sokol, Krsni zdenac Hrvata. Paleografska ralamba natpisa s
krstionice kneza Vieslava, Croatica Christiana Periodica 59 (2007) 1-31.
There were 67 solidi of Constantine V (741-775) found in Dalmatia
(Knin/Biskupija, Nin, Sinj), all of which had been minted in Syracuse, and
found mostly in the graves of Croatian nobility. It is interesting that these
solidi have no traces of wear; Cf. I. Mirnik, Novac iz starohrvatskih grobova, Vijesnik Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu 37 (2004) 205-250. It appears
that Knin, Nin, and Sinj were the locations where the political power in
Croatia was concentrated during the eighth and ninth centuries.
T. Marasovi, Ranosrednhjovjekovna crkvica u Olju kod Stona, Peristil 2
(1957) 85-90; P. Vei, Rotonda u Olju, Zbornik Tomislava Marasovia
(edd. I. Babi, A. Miloevi, . Rapani), Split 2002; Lj. Gudelj, Ruevine
crkve svetog Ivana u Uzdolju kod Knina, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 32 (2005)
53-75; T. Marasovi, Crvka Sv. Spasa na vrelu Cetine. Prilog tipolokoj
analizi, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 22 (1995) 37-54; M. Jurkovi, Sv. Spas na
vrelu Cetine i problem westwerka u hrvatskoj preromanici, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta 22 (1995) 55-80; P. Vei, Ninska crkva u ranom srednjem vijeku.
Problem kontinuiteta i rezultati arheolokih istraivanja, Raanje prvog
hrvatskog kulturnog pejzaa (edd. M. Jurkovi, T. Luki), Zagreb 1996, 8799 (= Vei, Ninska crkva); D. Jelovina, Starohrvatska crkva Sv. Marte u
Bijaima, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 26 (1999) 97-107; P. Chevalier, Ostaci
starokranske skulpture iz crkve Sv. Marte u Bijaima, Starohrvatska prosvjeta

30

Tibor ivkovi

could mean that these churches functioned as baptismal centres in Early

Medieval Croatia. Most of these churches were built on the remnants of
buildings from the Late Roman times (for instance, St. Michael in Pridraga,
in Kai, St. Georgius in krabanja, and St. Georgius in Ravanjska).72
To understand the urban landscape of the South-Slavic principalities in the Early Middle Ages, there are essential areas that must be looked
into: the typology of these settlements; their customary positions (along
rivers and Roman roads, in valleys and on prominent hills); and the possible
economic, military, or ecclesiastical functions they had. The answers to
these questions would allow for a better understanding of the overall social
structure of these principalities.

Kastra oikoumena and kastra simplex 73

In the historical source in Latin that Constantine Porphyrogenitos

used when composing the DAI, the term Kastra oikoumena was given to
the cities in the Slavic principalities. These cities were under the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction of the Roman Church, but it is unknown how and when these
cities came to be. The key information on timing is the mention of Bosnias
kastra oikoumena Catera and Desnik which should be regarded as the
ecclesiastical centres of Bosnia from the period when it was not a part of
Serbia.74 The names of the kastra oikoumena of Croatia are of mixed linguistic origin. While Nona (lat. Aenona), Skordona, and Kori (lat. Corinium)
come from Latin, the names of Belgrade, Belicin, Stolpin, Tnina, Hlebena
and Klaboka are of Slavic origin. Other kastra of Croatia include Klis (the
Latin term clsa, derived from Greek), and Biaci, which is of Slavic origin.
Of the kastra oikoumena in Serbia and Bosnia, the names of three are
either of Greek or Latin origin: Salines (lat. Salines), Katera (in Bosnia, of
the same etymology as Kotor/Decaterum in Montengero) and Destinik (Ad

72
73
74

26 (1999) 109-140; M. Ani, Od vladarske curtis do gradskog kotara Bijai

i crkva Sv. Marte od poetka 9. do poetka 13. stoljea, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta 26 (1999) 189-230; N. Jaki, Arheoloka istraivanja Sv. Martina
u Lepurima kod Benkovca, Starohrvatska prosvjeta 27 (2000) 189-200.
Cf. Vei, Ninska crkva, 96-97.
Kastra simplex is a technical term, used to designate towns which did not
belong to the lists of the kastra oikoumena.
ivkovi, Bosnia, 178-179.

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

31

Stenes ?) in Serbia. The other five in Serbia and in Bosnia are of Slavic origin:
ernovrki, Meureje, Drenik, Lesnik (all of them in Serbia) and Desnik
(Bosnia). The only known kastra simplex of Serbia is Ras, derived from the
Latin Arsa. In the principality of Zachlumia, there are five kastra oikoumena Stagnon, Mokriskik, Iosli, Galoumanik, and Dobriskik. Only Stagnon
(Latin stagnum) and Iosli (Latin asellus) are of Latin origin, while
Mokriskik, Galoumanik, and Dobriskik are Slavic. In addition to the
kastra oikoumena, there are two other kastra simplex in Zachlumia: Bona
and Hum. Bona stems from Latin bonus, bona, while Hum is a typical Slavic
toponym, meaning mountain or hill. In Terbounia, there are five kastra
oikoumena: Terbounia, Ormos (Vrm), Rhisena (Risan), Loukabetai and
Zetlibi. Only the names Ormos (Latin: firmus, mons) and Rhisena
(Rhizinius) originate from Latin, while others are, most probably, Slavic
toponyms. In Diocleia, there are three ancient and old kastra oikoumena:
Gradetai and Nougrade, whose names are of Slavic origin, and Lontodokla,
which is of Greek or Latin. The city of Diocleia, referred to as kastra simplex
although it had been abandoned, is of an ancient (Illyrian) origin. The
kastra oikoumena in Pagania are Mokro, Beroullia, Ostrok and Slavinetza; of
these, only Mokro is derived from the Latin Muccar/Mucules, while the
other three names are of Slavic origin.75
Altogether, around the year 850, there were 40 cities in the principalities of the South Slavs. Of these 40 cities, names of 16 are of a Latin
or Greek origin, and 24 of Slavic. Therefore, at least 40% of the cities in
the South-Slavic principalities were re-built on the sites where the ancient
cities once stood, and they retained their former Latin or Greek names in
slavicized forms.76
The cities that bear Slavic names were most probably built upon
previous settlements villa rustica, oppida, castrum.77 The disappearance of
75

76

77

For the etymologies of these cities names, see: Fontes Byzantini historiam
populorum Jugoslaviae spectantes II (ed. G. Ostrogorsky, curavit B.
Ferjani), Beograd 1959, 44, notes 128-136; 58, notes 196-204; 61, notes
212-216; 63, notes 223-227; 64, notes 231-233; 65, notes 236-239. Also: A.
Loma, Serbiches und Kroatisches Sprachgut bei Konstantin Porphyrogennetos,
38 (2000) 106-116.
For the overall linguistic situation in the Balkans, especially regarding the
slavicization of the names of the Roman settlements, see: H. Mihescu, La
langue latine dans le sud-est de lEurope, Aufstig und Niedergang der
Rmischen Welt, Sprache und Literatur II, Berlin 1983, 1146-1147 (=
Mihescu, La langue latine).
V. Delonga, Fragmenti predromanikog crkvenog namjetaja iz Ostrovice,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta 12 (1982) 69-70. I. remonik, Nalazi prvih

32

Tibor ivkovi

a particular settlements old name, such as oppida or castrum, could have

been related to the absence of the indigenous population from a particular
region.78 The population density in Dalmatia or the Praefectura Illyricum
was not equally distributed. Neither had the Roman population lived in all
of its different regions in equal numbers, nor did the Slavs settle in vast
numbers all the areas exposed to their arrival. It can be assumed that the
survival of a long-standing name of some particular Roman settlement is a
proof that Roman population did persist in the area;79 on the other hand if
the name of the settlement became Slavic, the indigenous population must
have fled from the particular area.80 It is also evident that many terms related

78

79

80

ranoslovenskih naselja u Bosni i Hercegovini, Zgodovinski asopis 35

(1981) 93-99 (Muii/Bosnia); M. Popovi, Ras. Kasnoantiko i srednjovekovno utvrenje IV, Novopazarski zbornik 12 (1988) 138. On the
other hand, there is a great number of Early Byzantine forts, which were
not in use between the 7th and the 9th centuries in Serbia; Cf. J. Kali, Sloveni
i vizantijsko urbano naslee, Socijalna struktura srpskih gradskih naselja XII
XVIII veka, Smederevo Beograd 1992, 27.
In Bosnia, for instance, the names of the Roman towns such as Ad Matricem,
Salluntum, Sanderva, Stanclis, Inalperio, Domavium, Jonaria, Sarute,
Indenea, Balove, Leusara, Lamatis, Casra, Ad Fines, Stridon, Ad Turres,
Dilluntum, Pardua, Ad Zizium, Samum have not been preserved, not even
in their slavicized forms. Only Argentaria became the Late Medieval
Srebrenica (srebro is the Slavic word for the Latin argentium, silver in
English), and Salines (salt in English), became the Slavic Soli and consequently Turkish Tuzla (salt = tuz in Turkish); Cf. ivkovi, Juni Sloveni,
388, note 810. It is important to note that between Omi (Oneum) and Ston
(Stamnes) in the central Dalmatia, there are very few Roman or slavicized
Roman toponyms; Cf. G. Novak, Topografija i etnografija rimske provincije
Dalmacije, Zagreb 1918, 7-23.
It is important to observe that the names of major rivers kept their ancient
names: Timacus (Timok, Serbia), Drinus (Drina, Serbia), Drinus (Drim,
Albania), Danubius (Danube, Serbia), Savus (Sava, Slovenia/Croatia/Serbia),
Pincus (Pek, Serbia), Margum (Morava, Serbia), Oneus (Una, Croatia/Bosnia),
Narenta (Neretva, Bosnia), Lim, Tara, Zeta (Montenegro); Cf. ivkovi,
Crkvena organizacija, 131.
Specific toponyms in Dalmatia had the Latin word sanctus and the name of
a particular saint modified, contracting the root sanctus to sut- or su-, for
instance: Sutmiho (Sanctus Michael), Sutilija (Sanctus Ilias), Sutivan
(Sanctus Johannes), Sutpetka (Sancta Petronila), Sutivan, Supetar (Sanctus
Petrus), Sambare (Sanctus Bartolomeus or Sancta Barbara), Suurac (Sanctus
Georgius). These names belong to the earliest period of Slavic occupation of
the area between Zadar and the Bay of Kotor in Montenegro (Diocleia).
Toponyms composed from sveti (meaning holy/saint) and the name of a
saint came from the Slavs who had already been baptized, and these can be
found in the northern parts of Dalmatia and its islands (Cres, Loinj, Osor,

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

33

to the Christian rites in Serbian (as well as in Croatian) derive from Latin:
oleum ulje, acetum ocat, arca raka, paganus paganin, altare oltar,
sanctus sveti, vinum vino, crux krst, calendae koleda, compater
kum, panis panja.81 This terminology is the definite proof that there was
contact between the Slavs/Serbs and the indigenous population with their
Latin Christian rites in the Early Middle Ages; this also proves the existence of an earlier ecclesiastical organization (which was established in the
ninth century, if not before).82
The safest areas of Dalmatia and parts of the Praefectura Illyricum
were along the Dalmatian coast, where several small settlements survived
the Slavic onslaught. In the interior of the Balkan Peninsula, such areas
were in the most remote and inaccessible mountain ranges in central
Bosnia, central Montenegro, and the Velebit Mountain (north-western
coast of modern Croatia). This would mean that the Slavs settled in the
cities or fortified places along the main Roman roads, taking control of the
most fertile and arable land. In essence, two agrarian peoples met, the
Slavs and the population of the central Balkans, both rural and unrefined.
On the linguistic side of the matter, terms related to agriculture, which
were borrowed from the Slavs, make regular appearance in Hungarian,
Romanian, Albanian, and even Greek languages, while the Slavs adopted
the terminology for animal husbandry and products related to it from the
indigenous population.83 There is also an apparent divergence in plant
names: the names of the plants that grow on an altitude between 500 and
700 meters are of Slavic origin, while all other species still bear their old,

81
82
83

Krk, Rab), for instance: Sveti Spas, Sveti Vlaho, Sveti Martin; Cf. ivkovi,
Crkvena organizacija, 104-106; See also: V. Putanec, Refleksi starodalmatoromanskog pridjeva santus u onomastici obalne Hrvatske, Slovo 13 (1963)
137-176.
Cf. Mihescu, La langue latine, 1145-146; ivkovi, Crkvena organizacija,
132-134.
The same conclusion is based on archaeological evidence from the earliest
churches in Croatia, Vei, Ninska crkva, 97.
Cf. M. Vasmer, Die Griechischen Lehnwrter im Serbo-Kroatischen,
Abhandlungen der Preuischen Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosophisch-historiche Klasee 3, Berlin 1944, 14-17; P. Skok, Dolazak
Slovena na Mediteran, Split 1934, 60; I. Popovi, Novogrke i srednjogrke
pozajmice u savremenom srpskohrvatskom jeziku, 2 (1953) 200; P.
Ivi, Srpski narod i njegov jezik, Beograd 1981, 10; Mihescu, La langue
latine, 1146; I. evenko, Byzantium and the Slavs, Byzantium and Europe,
Athens 1987, 106, 112.

34

Tibor ivkovi

pre-Slavic names.84 Although we find this situation contemporary to ourselves,

it was probably far more striking in the Early Middle Ages.
The urban situation in the principalities of the South Slavs (ca. 850
950) seems even more complex than has ever been thought. If one would
cast a look at a Roman roadmap of the hinterland in the Early Medieval
Croatia (between Salona and Iadera), one could have easily seen that the
most prominent urban centres lay on the main Roman roads.85 The city of
Ras (in Serbia), as well as Diocleia in Diocleia (as kastra simplex) had also
been built on the ruins of Late Roman/Early Byzantine settlements.
Another fact deserves attention: most of these cities, if not all of them,
were situated either on the edges of fertile valleys (upas), or in their middle:
Diocleia, Nin, Gradetai (if this site was indeed the present-day Martinika
gradina), Livno (Chlebena), and probably Salines.86 It appears that the Slavs
did not create a new urban landscape or administrative division of the land,
but rather that they used the elements inherited from the Late Roman and
Early Byzantine times.

Conclusions

1. The Slavs (Croats, Serbs, and others) settled in the areas around the
main routes and in the most fertile areas of Dalmatia and Praefectura
Illyricum, by using the network of ancient Roman communications.
2. The Slavs were eager to use or rebuild Roman or Byzantine
settlements of a smaller size: oppida, mutationes, castra. These places served
as administrative and military centres, but not as strong economic centres.
3. The principalities were subdivided into upas districts usually
formed in fertile river valleys, with one main, fortified court, which acted
as the capital of a upa. Other smaller fortified settlements could have
also been maintained as military posts in a upa. Their numbers would be
higher in the border areas.

84
85
86

V. Popovi, Albanija u kasnoj antici, Iliri i Albanci (ed. M. Garaanin),

Beograd 1988, 242.
Cf. I. Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem cesta u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji,
Sarajevo 1974, 36, 41, 52, 58, 64, et passim.
For the city of Meureje the name translates into English as between
rivers - (one of the kastra oikoumena in Serbia) the name itself suggests
that it was situated in a valley.

The Urban Lanscape of Early Medieval Slavic Principalities

35

4. All Early Slavic cities followed one simple model: all of them
without exception were built upon the foundations of an earlier fortified
settlement. They were most often around 0.2 to 0.4 ha in surface area, and
their population consisted most often of the upans family, his officials,
and soldiers. The most common artefacts found in these cities are handmade pottery and small metal objects: usually tools and spears/arrows.
5. The churches were built most often extra muros, outside the
cities. There is no evidence to support the supposition that churches were
built within city walls in the period between ca. 850 and 950. The position
of churches in valleys, in the middle of well-populated areas, should be
seen as a silent testimony to the gradual process of Christianization.87
6. The Roman population that lived in the arable lands underwent
the process of slavicization, which seems to have been concluded by the
end of the ninth century. The indigenous population did not disappear it
blended in, assimilating into Slavs.

87

However, Ivanevi, Predromanika arhitektura, 81, suggested that it was,

in fact, customary in the Late Antiquity to conduct inhumation extra muros,
in a family crypt or in a mausoleum, which took a new shape as a family
chapel for the aristocracy in the pre-Romanic architecture of the Early
Middle Ages.

The Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the

Eastern Adriatic Coast at the Time of the First
Principalities of South Slavs (9th 11th Centuries)
DEJAN CRNEVI

Sacral objects are without doubt the most important segment of

Early Medieval architecture in the first South Slavic principalities.
Although rarely preserved in their entirety and in their original shape, and
often devastated or considerably changed over time through various partitions and annexes, their sheer number makes them the main source of
information on the overall architectural currents in the first South Slavic
states in the eastern Adriatic and its hinterland. Given their essential liturgical
function, but also a complex role that some of them played in particular
political events within the first Slavic states in the region, they are the
architectural creations of their epoch, which are also most familiar to us
through written historical sources and epigraphic monuments. All of this
has made the sacral architecture of the Early Medieval period the most
studied segment of the overall architecture of that epoch in all of its fundamental aspects: function, form, construction and decoration.
Further on in our exposition, we will attempt to present the history of construction and the architectural features of the cathedral churches
in Early Medieval episcopal centres on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, to
the extent of the current scientific findings on them. We will take into consideration only the cathedral churches of those episcopal sees for whose
existance we posess reliable historical information and whose urban centres
have been clearly located. Moreover, we will also examine the churches of
which we possess a solid knowledge on the visual appearance of their architectural configuration, gained through reliable archeological research and
architectural examination of the monuments themselves or their remains.

38

Dejan Crnevi

We are aware that some known, historically documented Early

Medieval episcopal centres in the eastern Adriatic will not be considered
here. Among those, there are some cathedrals known only from written
historical sources (sometimes of disputable content), as well as some
important former episcopal urban centres whose early medieval layer has not
been reliably documented (Skradin) or whose specific ubication is disputable
(Makarska). Therefore, we will primarily focus on those cathedrals whose,
often complicated, construction history reveals a clearly recognizable early
medieval construction layer and which can be discussed in more detail.
Given the urban character of episcopal service, we intend to perceive each of
those cathedrals within the context of an episcopal see as a whole, as an urban
settlement within which a cathedral grew and functioned, and not only from
the viewpoint of the settlements development and morphology, but also
(whenever possible) from the viewpoint of the structure of the settlements
contemporary sacral topoi (sacral topography).
Among the mentioned churches, built or more often, rearranged, for
the very complex role of a cathedral church, undoubtedly the most important
one given its exceptional prestige and the power of its metropolitan
cathedra was the cathedral church of the Metropolitan of Split. Grounding
its right into the continuity of the ecclesiastical authority in the early
Christian Metropolis of nearby Salona, since the first half of the tenth century
and throughout the Early Medieval period, with its jurisdiction over eighteen
dioceses at the peak of its power, the Metropolis of Split represented an
exceptionally prestigious and important cathedra. It is therefore
understandable that the cathedral church of the powerful Metropolitan of
Split represented an important focal point of the Christian community that
once lived under its jurisdiction. All of this makes it clear why the entire Split
peninsula, whose centre it once occupied, today exhibits the highest
concentration of entirely or partially preserved Early Medieval architectural
works in the entire eastern Adriatic, which is, probably, one of the highest of
its kind worldwide. In the history of settlement of the Split peninsula
which is the entire area of the present-day Split, bordering the Lower
rnovnica in the east and the Mount Marjan in the west the Late Antiquity
was, so it seems, an especially important period. Although the first traces of
settlements in this area date back to the Eneolithic, Emperor Diocletians
(284-305) decision to build a palace near the important, ancient city of Salona
(i.e. on the site of the already existing settlement of Spalatum) strongly
influenced the subsequent Early Medieval history of the new urban centre of

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

39

central Dalmatia. Namely, the palace (Fig. 2), where Diocletian retreated
after abdicating the imperial throne in Nicomedia in 305 AD, was built
on the heavily indented, southern coast of the Split peninsula, in the
centre of the deepest cove, and would become the spatial framework of
the early medieval city of Split. Formed after the diminishment of city
life in the magnificent urban centre nearby, the antique Salona, most
probably after grave Slavic and Avar attacks against it in the first half of
the seventh century, the early medieval Split found its spatial frame
within the strong walls of this late antique palace. Its structure offered
elementary living conditions, but also satisfied all other needs of its new
residents, including the religious ones.88 Formed in such a way, the early
medieval Split, since its very beginnings and during the entire time
period under consideration here (except for a brief period at the beginning
of the ninth century, when it was under Frankish rule, and the beginning
of the eleventh century, when it was under Venetian rule) was under
Byzantine rule. Only after 1068, the city would come under the reign of
the capable Croatian King Petar Kreshimir IV, and afterwards under his
heir, King Zvonimir.
The life of Christian communities on the Split peninsula (which,
earlier on, had been developed within the strong ecclesiastical centre in
the nearby ancient Salona), was characterized at the beginning of the Early
Medieval epoch by effort to maintain and continue the erstwhile church
organization. Hence the strong ecclesiastical effort in the early medieval
Split of the second half of the ninth century to maintain the continuity
with the former archdiocese of Salona. Several church councils held in
Split during the tenth and eleventh centuries (in 925, 928, 1060 and 1075),
the decrees of which witness to the fact that its authority spread far
beyond Dalmatia proper, speak enough about the size and strength of the
Metropolis of Split and the prestige and importance of its cathedral
church.89
88

89

The most important historical source on the first years of the early medieval
Split is work of the ecclesiastical historian Archdeacon Thomas of Split. Cf:
Thomae Archidiaconi Historia salonitanorum atque Spalatinorum
Pontificum (edd. O. Peri, M. Matijevi Sokol, R. Katii), Split 2003, 44-47;
Archdeacon Thomas of Split, History of the Bishops of Salona and Split
(edd. O. Peri, D. Karbi, M. Matijevi Sokol, J. R. Sweeney), Budapest
New York 2006, 48-53.
The decrees of the church councils held in Split have been long available to
the scientific community. Cf. Diplomatiki zbornik kraljevine Hrvatske s
Dalmacijom i Slavonijom I (ed. I. Kukljevi-Sakcinski), Zagreb 1874, No. 26; No. 92.

40

Dejan Crnevi

Settled, in all probability, at the very beginning of the fifth decade

of the seventh century, the early medieval Split rose in the southern
segment of Emperor Diocletians fortified palace, the one that had
previously had a strongly residential character (Fig. 1). Initially commencing
its life primarily through adaptation of the already existing premises of the
ancient palace, the city would expand, already in the Early Middle Ages, by
erecting its suburb immediately beside the palaces western wall. Within an
early medieval city shaped in such a way a city of pronounced monocentric
structure the seat of sacral and (most probably) secular power was centered
around the erstwhile great open hall (peristyle) of the ancient palace that
became the citys new central square. The cathedral church of the
Metropolitan of Split was established on the squares eastern side.
Like many other Split churches from that era, this undoubtedly
most prestigious cathedral church of the early medieval Dalmatia was
made by reshaping a segment of Emperor Diocletians palace. In fact, the church
of St. Mary (St. Domnius), as the cathedral church of the Metropolitan of
Split,90 was created through minor adaptations of the erstwhile main city
temple of Jupiter (and emperors mausoleum,91 at the same time), thanks to
direct envolvement of the first archbishop of Split, John of Ravenna.92 This
ancient temple (as well as the entire palace), dating back to the period
between 295 and 305 AD, belonged to the type of peripteral temples (Fig.
3). It had an octagonal plan and a rectangular prostasis on the western side.
Series of interventions were conducted in the Early Medieval period that
did not alter much the original architectural structure, meaning that the
90

91

92

Although, as historical sources suggest, the actual dedication of this church

to the patron saint St. Domnius (St. Duje) has been in place since the medieval
times, the churchs main altar has always been dedicated to the feast day of
the Assumption of the Most Holy Virgin, its original and oldest dedication.
There are conflicting expert views about whether the Jupiters temple was
converted into the cathedral or into the baptistery, or was it, in fact, the
emperors mausoleum that was converted into the cathedral. Cf. J.
Belamari, Split. Od carske palae do grada, Split 1998, 24.
The only historical source on this personality and this episode is, again,
Archdeacon Thomas of Split and his Historia: He cleansed the Temple of
Jove, a building that had been raised so as to tower above others within the
imperial palace, of the deceite of its false idols, and filled it with doors and
locks. Cf. Thomae Archidiaconi Historia salonitanorum atque
Spalatinorum Pontificum (edd. O. Peri, M. Matijevi Sokol, R. Katii),
Split 2003, 48-49; Archdeacon Thomas of Split, History of the Bishops of
Salona and Split (edd. O. Peri, D. Karbi, M. Matijevi Sokol, J. R.
Sweeney), Budapest New York 2006, 54-55.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

41

existing building was only slightly modified in order to fulfill its new
function of a cathedral church.
Thus, the already existing orientation of the building, with the
entrance on the western side, came to completely satisfy the needs of the
new sacral building. However, the opening of another door at the southern
side, done for liturgical purposes, made it possible to use the external
corridor of this peripteral temple for solemn liturgical processions and to
interconnect with the church of St. Mathew (the mausoleum of the
archbishops of Split, built precisely on the southern side of the cathedral
church).93 The interior of this late antique building of a central type (Fig. 5),
with its interior made more intricate by alternation of rectangular and
semicircular niches, and especially marked by two rows of columns (one
above the other) along the temple walls, and with the upper cornice
carrying a sculptural frieze that exhibits portraits of Emperor Diocletian and
Empress Prisca, could have been completely adequate for the new function
as well. With small interventions, three eastern niches were transformed
into a relatively wide altar space. By placing particular elements of stone
liturgical furnishings, most of all, the altar screen, in accordance with the
liturgical needs of the new Early Medieval epoch, the existing opulently
ornamented mausoleum from the Late Antiquity had finally been
completely transformed into a building with a new function (Fig. 6).94
93

94

Experts have long been debating the time of the creation of the southern
door of the Split cathedral (the seventh century; the end of the eighth and
the beginning of the ninth century; between the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries). Two decades ago, T. Marasovi stated that the jambs and the
lintel of the southern portal of Split cathedral are unique works exhibiting
pronounced pre-Romanesque features (the jambs cut into the lintel; the
asymmetry of many ornaments on the jambs; a similarity of the executed
decorative motifs with those present in Visigothic and Merovingian art).
Based on that, the same author dated this portal back to the middle of the
eighth or the beginning of the ninth century, at the time of archbishop John
of Ravenna. Cf. T. Marasovi, O junom portalu splitske katedrale,
Prijateljev zbornik I, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 32, Split 1993,
165-180. For recently expressed different opinions about the history of the
southern portal of Split cathedral, see: R. Buani, Toma Arhiakon i
njegove vijesti o Ivanu Ravenjaninu. Obnova Salonitanske nadbiskupije u
novom sjeditu i pregradnje antikih graevina u crkve, Toma Arhidjakon i
njegovo doba (Zbornik radova sa znastvenog skupa odranog 25-27. rujna
2000. godine u Splitu), Split 2004, 269-286; A. Pitea, Predromaniki
kameni nametaj iz crkve Sv. Petra Starog na Lucu u Splitu, Vjesnik za
arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku 100, Split 2007, 105-124.
Scholars have gathered a significant number of fragments of Split cathedrals
stone liturgical furnishings from four chronologically different phases of the

42

Dejan Crnevi

Recent research has also indicated a possibility that early medieval

consturuction and remodeling could have also been conducted on two
additional segments of this sacral building. Namely, although the crypt of
the erstwhile ancient temple (Fig. 4), located under the buildings central
space, was mentioned in the historical records as the church of St. Lucy
only since the sixteenth century, it is possible that it had that function
much before. This space, with a circular plan, additionally divided with
niches and covered with a dome, could have been reshaped in the Early
Medieval period as well, for the needs of Christian rite. This idea appeared
because of the fact that St. Lucys crypt is the place where several
fragments of stone liturgical furnishings from the Early Medieval epoch
were found.95 Some experts have recently expressed that Split cathedral

95

Early Medieval times (the second half of the seventh and the beginning of the
eighth century; the second half of the eighth century until the end of the
tenth century; different periods of the eleventh century; the late eleventh
century). Cf. Buli, Iscrizioni inedite, Bulletino di archeologia e storia dalmata
16, Split 1893, 36; L. Jeli, Zvonik spljetske stolne crkve, Vjesnik Hrvatskog
arheolokog drutva 1, Zagreb 1895, 29-93; . Rapani, Kamena plastika ranog
srednjeg vijeka u Arheolokom muzeju u Splitu, Vjesnik za arheologiju i
historiju dalmatinsku 60, Split 1958, 107-108, br. 11; . Rapani,
Ranosrednjovjekovni latinski natpisi iz Splita, Vjesnik za arheologiju i
historiju dalmatinsku 65-67, Split 1963-1965. (1971.), 273-274; P. M. FlcheMorgues, P. Chevalier, A. Pitea, Catalogue des sculptures du haut MoyenAge du Muse Archeologique de Split, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju
dalmatinsku 85, Split 1992. (1993.), 207-305; T. Buri, Arheoloki tragovi
kasnobizantinske epohe na istonoj obali Jadrana (Vladavina Emannuela I
Komnena), Diadora 16-17, Zadar 1994. (1995.), 377, fig. 6; D. Marasovi et al.,
Istrani i konzervatorski radovi na oltaru Sv. Staa u splitskoj prvostolnoj
crkvi, Obnova 2, Split 1995, 72; V. Delonga, Ranoromaniki natpisi grada
Splita, Split 1997, 24-27; G. Niki, Svjetlo u katedrali Sv. Duje u Splitu,
Kulturna batina 28-29, Split 1997, 38-46; T. Marasovi, O krsnom bazenu
splitske krstionice, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/24, Split 1997, 7-56; V.
Delonga, Split, katedrala, Hrvati i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 133-134; G. Niki,
Novi nalazi u koru katedrale Sv. Dujma, Kulturna batina 31, Split 2002, 139162; P. Vei, M. Lonar, Hoc tigmen. Ciboriji ranog srednjeg vijeka na tlu
Istre i Dalmacije, Zadar 2009, 114-117; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica.
Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus arhitekture.
Srednja Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2011, 258-266.
For further information on the crypt that lies beneath the Split cathedral
church of St. Mary (St. Domnius), see: A. Duplani, Arhivsko-bibliografski
podaci o nekim splitskim spomenicima iz Arheolokog muzeja, Vjesnik za
arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku 100, Split 2007, 189-192; T. Marasovi,
Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 3.
Korpus arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2011, 266.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

43

church could have also had a pre-Romanesque bell-tower in the Early

Middle Ages. Namely, although the construction of the present-day
Romanesque bell-tower began in the thirteenth century, some scholars
have recently recognized, among the fragments of carved stone decoration
from the Split cathedral, fragments of a carved cornice and capitals
(ornamented with a carved motif of three-partite interlace), presumably
belonging to a pre-Romanesque bell-tower that perhaps stood at the place
of the prostasis of the erstwhile ancient temple. The presumed existence of
only one axially placed bell-tower in front of the faade of Split cathedral
would represent a rare example in contemporary European architecture
and would stand as a very rare example of the pre-Romanesque
architecture in Dalmatia.96
The Split cathedral church of St. Mary (St. Domnius), as the most
solidly built structure of the erstwhile residential palace of Emperor
Diocletian, is an architectural achievement that has been performing an
exclusively sacral function for impressively long time: first as an ancient
temple and mausoleum, then as an early medieval church, until this very
day. By using the existing magnificent and opulently decorated late
antique building, this important ecclesiastical centre obtained, even
without new constructions, a church whose splendour has been remarked
and pointed out, while almost certainly serving as a model for subsequent
builders in the immediate and broader area. With its central plan,
emphatically inherited from its late antique origins, this church is an ideal
forerunner of a whole series of pre-Romanesque buildings of the central
plan type in the early medieval Dalmatia. Namely, experts already noticed
that this prestigious cathedral of the powerful Metropolis of Split could
have served as a model for builders of churches of the same (but far

96

For further information on the bell-tower of Split cathedral, see: T.

Marasovi, Tipologija predromanikih i romanikih zvonika u Dalmaciji,
Rapski zbornik, Rab Zagreb 1987, 289-296; T. Marasovi, Zvonici u graditeljstvu ranog srednjeg vijeka u Dalmaciji, Adrias 1, Split 1987, 197-206; I.
Babi, Zapaanja o zvoniku splitske katedrale, Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku 100, Split 2007, 145-170; A. Miloevi, . Pekovi,
Predromanika crkva Sv. Spasa u Cetini, Dubrovnik Split 2009, 159-163;
T. Marasovi, Aksijalni zvonici u hrvatskoj i europskoj predromanici,
Stjepan Gunjaa i hrvatska srednjovjekovna povijesno-arheoloka batina,
Split 2010, 309-318; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus arhitekture. Srednja
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2011, 266-267.

44

Dejan Crnevi

smaller) plan, in the Mosor area.97 If consideration of its architectural

significance also took into account the presumed pre-Romanesque belltower that could have been a model in its idiosyncratic type for an
identical solution of just one axially placed bell-tower in other Early
Medieval churches in Dalmatia, the Split cathedral church of St. Mary (St.
Domnius) would justifiably bear its prestigious name.98
97

98

C. Fiskovi, Uticaj Dioklecijanova mauzoleja na kasnije graditeljstvo,

Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku LIII, Split 1951, 181-196; T.
Marasovi, Regionalizam u ranosrednjovjekovnoj arhitekturi Dalmacije,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/14, Split 1985, 148.
The cathedral church of St. Mary (St. Domnius) has long attracted attention
of researchers, which explains copious literature that exists today: R.
Eitelberger von Edelberg, Die Mittelalterlichen Kunstdenkmale Dalmatiens
in Arbe, Zara, Tra, Spalato und Ragusa, Wien 1861, 258; L. Jeli, Zvonik
spljetske stolne crkve, Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva 1, Zagreb
1895, 29-93; G. Nieman, Der Palast Diokletians in Spalato, Wien 1910; E.
Hbrard, J. Zeiller, Le palais de Diocltien Spalato, Paris 1912; F. Buli, J.
Bervaldi, Kronotaksa splitskih biskupa uz dodatak Kronotaksa splitskih
nadbiskupa, Zagreb 1912-1913; Lj. Karaman, O datiranju dvaju sredovjenih
reljefa na stolnoj crkvi i zvoniku Sv. Duje u Splitu, Buliev zbornik, Zagreb
Split 1925, 442-446; F. Buli, Lj. Karaman, Palaa cara Dioklecijana, Zagreb
1927; C. Fiskovi, Novi nalazi u splitskoj katedrali, Bulletin Instituta likovnih
umjetnosti Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti VI/2, Zagreb 1958,
81-101; . Rapani, Kamena plastika ranog srednjeg vijeka u Arheolokom
muzeju u Splitu, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 60, Split 1958,
107-108, no. 11; . Rapani, Ranosrednjovjekovni latinski natpisi iz Splita,
Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 65-67, Split 1963-1965.
(1971.), 273-274; T. Marasovi, Najstarije vedute grada Splita, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta III/16, Split 1987, 187-194; K. Prijatelj, N. Gattin, Splitska
katedrala, Zagreb 1991; D. Rendi-Mioevi, O unitenom sredinjem
motivu friza Dioklecijanova mauzoleja, Prijateljev zbornik I, Prilozi povijesti
umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 32, Split 1993, 99-116; T. Marasovi, O junom
portalu splitske katedrale, Prijateljev zbornik I, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u
Dalmaciji 32, Split 1993, 165-180; M. P. Fleche Morgues, P. Chevalier, A. Pitea,
Catalogue des sculptures du haut Moyen-Age du Muse archologique de
Split, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 85, Split 1993, 297-306;
D. Marasovi, Istrani i konzervatorski radovi na oltaru Sv. Staa u splitskoj
prvostolnoj crkvi, Obnova batine 2, Split 1995, 72; T. Marasovi, O krsnom
bazenu splitske krstionice, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/24, Split 1997, 7-56; J.
Belamari, Split. Od carske palae do grada, Split 1997; V. Delonga,
Ranoromaniki natpisi grada Splita, Split 1997, 24-27; M. Matijevi-Sokol,
Latinski natpisi, Hrvati i Europa I, Zagreb 1997, 239-256; T. Buri,
Predromanike oltarne ograde. Vijek uporabe i sekundarna namjena,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/24, Split 1997, 57-76; G. Niki, Svjetlo u katedrali
Sv. Duje u Splitu, Kulturna batina 28-29, Split 1997, 37-48; V. Delonga
Pismenost karolinkog doba i njeni hrvatski odjeci. Latinska epigrafika batina

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

45

The church of St. Anastasia (St. Stoija), the cathedral church of

the bishop of Zadar, also represents a late antique structure that underwent certain modifications in the Early Medieval period, according to the
tendencies imposed by the new age. The town originated on the very peak
of a narrow, elongated natural peninsula that had been inhabited since the
Iron Age (Fig. 8). In the fourth century, a diocese was founded in the
town, the continuity of which can be traced throughout the Early Middle
Ages, despite the inconsistency of historical sources. Its jurisdiction
encompassed the immediate surroundings of Zadar, but also the islands
lying in this Adriatic region, up to Biograd, and also the southern part of
the island of Pag. Nevertheless, the diocese continued to exist throughout
the Early Middle Ages, under the jurisdiction of the Metropoly of Split. In
the middle of the twelfth century, it was elevated to the rank of
metropoly, and thus gained a greater influence in northern Dalmatia.99
Zadar remained the main stronghold of Byzantine power on the eastern
Adriatic coast throughout the Early Medieval period. Apart from its cathedral

99

u hrvatskim krajevima, Hrvati i Karolinzi I, Split 2000, 216-249; V. Delonga,

Split, katedrala, Hrvati i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 133-134; T. Marasovi, La
Spalato dellepoca precarolingia e carolingia, Hortus Artium Medivalium 8,
Zagreb Motovun 2002, 223-234; T. Buri, Pluteji oplate splitske krstionice
(vrijeme i okolnosti postojanja), Zbornik Tomislava Marasovia, Split 2002,
301-327; I. Fiskovi, Krstioniki zdenac splitske katedrale, Kulturna batina
24, Split 2002, 33-78; G. Niki, Novi nalazi u koru katedrale Sv. Dujma, Kulturna
batina 31, Split 2002, 139-162; G. Niki, Obnova prezbiterija katedrale Sv.
Dujma u doba Tome Arhiakona, Toma Arhiakon i njegovo doba, Split
2004, 253-267; R. Buani, Toma Arhiakon i njegove vijesti o Ivanu
Ravenjaninu, Toma Arhiakon i njegovo doba, Split 2004, 269-286; I. Babi,
Zapaanja o zvoniku splitske katedrale, Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest
dalmatinsku 100, Split 2007, 145-170; A. Pitea, Predromaniki kameni
nametaj iz crkve Sv. Petra Starog u Lucu u Splitu, Vjesnik za arheologiju i
povijest dalmatinsku 100, Split 2007, 116-117; A. Duplani, Arhivskobibliografski podaci o nekim splitskim spomenicima iz Arheolokog muzeja,
Vjesnik za arheologiju i povijest dalmatinsku 100, Split 2007, 171-220; P.
Vei, M. Lonar, Hoc tigmen. Ciboriji ranog srednjeg vijeka na tlu Istre i
Dalmacije, Zadar 2009, 114-117; N. Jaki, Riflessi della rinascenza
liutprandea nei centri urbani dell Adriatico orientale, Hortus artium
medievalium 16, Zagreb Motovun 2010, 17-26; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia
Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus
arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2011, 254-269.
For further information on the history of Zadar in the Antiquity, see: M.
Sui, Zadar u starom vijeku, Zadar 1981; On the medieval history of Zadar
see the comprehensive work: N. Klai, I. Petricioli, Zadar u srednjem vijeku,
Zadar 1981.

46

Dejan Crnevi

church, integral parts of the cathedral complex (Fig. 9) also included a

baptistery, a catechoumena (today the church of St. Barbara), a episcopal
palace and a cistern, together with a later erected church dedicated to the
Holy Trinity (St. Donatus). This architecturally and functionally elaborate
cathedral complex (Fig. 10), positioned in the north-west of the peninsula
where the town grew, developed gradually, and in a rather lengthy
timespan (Fig. 7). This process began at the end of the fourth or in the early
fifth century, when a smaller church dedicated to St. Peter, with a
rectangular plan and a synthronon in the altar space, was erected. The
church was built in the northern part of the already existing ancient forum,
partly stretching along the ancient street that followed the aligned taverns
surrounding that area of the forum. In the middle of the fifth and in the
sixth century, a church of far greater dimensions was erected on this site,
with a basilica plan and two rows of eight pillars that divided the interior
into three naves (Fig. 11). A semicircular apse, slightly wider than the central
nave, ended the eastern side of it. On the southern side of this imposing
structure, a baptistery100 and a catechoumena (today the church of St. Barbara)101
100

101

The baptistery of the cathedral church of St. Anastasia (St. Stoija) in Zadar
has the typical hexagonal form. The interior of this structure had a hexafoil
form, with six radially arranged semicircular conchas. A cruciform
baptismal basin situated in the centre was later replaced by a hexagonal
Romanesque one. The church is covered by dome, with hexagonal tambour.
Fragments of the liturgical furnishings of this baptistery have been
discovered (segments of the original transene). This baptistery was ruined
during the 1944 bombing, and restored in the 1980s. For further
information on the baptistery of cathedral church in Zadar, see: P. Vei,
Krstionica u Zadru, Peristil 24, Zagreb 1991, 13-23; P. Vei, Zdenac
krstionice u Zadru, Peristil 35-36, Zagreb 1993, 17-24; P. Vei, Zadar na
pragu kranstva, Zadar 2005, 41-47; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica.
Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture.
Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 288.
The catechoumena of the existing cathedral church of St. Anastasia (St.
Stoija) in Zadar was a single-naved rectangular structure, with an apse on
the east, pentagonal on the exterior and semicircular on the interior. It was
connected to church of Anastasia (St. Stoija) and the area surrounding the
baptistery through the entrances on the northern wall and western side.
The interior of this structure was divided into two sections by parapet slabs
or the wall. The front part was decorated with floor mosaic of a complex
geometrical composition, depicting an Old Testament theme (The Source
of Life). The hypothesis according to which this structure was uniquely
used as a catechoumena has been debated recently, since it could have also
represented a cathedral chapel in the Early Medieval period. For further
information on the catechoumena of the Zadar cathedral church, see: P. Vei,

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

47

were built, while a diaconion was built beside the west cornerstone. In
the following period, this church changed its patron and was dedicated to
the Sirmium martyr St. Anastasia, after the translation of the saints relics
with the approval of Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus I (802 - 811).
Donatus, the bishop of Zadar, placed these relics in a sarcophagus made
of marble kept at the cathedral church of Zadar.102 This church kept its
appearance but underwent architectural adaptations in the Early
Medieval period: smaller lateral premises (pastophoria) were erected
along the northern and southern side of the altar apse, with the crypt
placed in the altar space. For this particular purpose, of storing the saints
relics, a chapel was placed at the end of the northern nave of the basilica,
with the sarcophagus made of marble; on the western front of the church,
the diaconion, dating from the Early Christian period was converted into
the cistern. The early Christian basilica thus underwent modifications,
and considerably changed its visual aspect by placements of the liturgical
furnishings (ciborium, ambon, altar screen), which was, judging from its
stylistic features, possibly made in different phases between the eighth
and eleventh centuries.103 Consequently, the cathedral church of Zadar

102

103

Rezultati istraivanja u prostoru sakristije do katedrale u Zadru, Diadora 12,

Zadar 1990, 323-345; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 289.
The local tradition ascribes the translation of St. Anastasias relics, in the
early ninth century, to a successfully accomplished mission undertaken by
Donatus, bishop of Zadar. Einhart (c. 770 840), Carolignian court chronicler,
provided information on this mission: Einhard, Annales Regni Francorum,
an. 806. However, according to diverging opinions present in scholar community, relics of the saint were obtained as a gift from the Byzantine Emperor
Nicephorus I in the aftermath of the successfully accomplished military
operation of the Byzantine fleet in 807 and 809, and the establishment of
Byzantine power in the Adriatic, with its centre in Zadar. More extensively
on this issue: Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I
(edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 29/136-139;
II, 1959, 23-24
(particularly under the footnote 52); T. ,
( ), 2004, 60-63.
The cathedral church of Zadar was well known to the Byzantine Emperor
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos (913-959), who compared its monumental structure to the Chalkoprateia basilica of Constantinople. The emperor
included thorough and detailed data in his accounts on this church, which
confirms that he had been minutely informed on this issue (The church of
St. Anastasia is a basilica, like the church of Chalcopratia, with green and
white columns, and all decorated with encaustic pictures in the antique style;

48

Dejan Crnevi

confirmed the early medieval practice reflected in moderate architectural

adaptations of the already existing cathedral churches from the Early
Christian period. These rather imposing and highly decorated edifices
were thus equipped with liturgical furnishings fitting the stylistic demands
of the new age, and continued to basically function as cathedral churches
of important episcopal sees throughout the Early Middle Ages.104

104

its floor is of wonderful mosaic.). More extensively on this issue: Constantine

Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H.
Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 29/138-139;
II, 1959, 24; P. Vei, Po emu je u
10. stoleu katedrala u Zadru mogla sliiti Halkopratejskoj bazilici u
Carigradu, Diadora 20, Zadar 2001, 301-314.
Extensive literature on the cathedral church of Zadar encompasses the following works: R. Eitelberger von Edelberg, Die Mittelalterlichen
Kunstdenkmale Dalmatiens in Arbe, Zara, Tra, Spalato und Ragusa, Wien
1861, 38; C. F. Bianchi, Zara cristiana I, Zadar 1877, 118-190; T. G. Jackson,
Dalmatia, the Quarnero and Istra I, Oxford 1887, 267-288; G. Smirich, Il
Duomo di Zara, Rivista dalmatica 4, Zadar 1901; G. Bersa, Larca e la cappella
di S. Anastasia nel Duomo di Zara, Bulletino di archeologia e storia dalmata, Split 1908, 81; W. Gerber, Altchristliche Kultbauten Istriens und
Dalmatiens, Dresden 1912, 107; V. Brunelli, Storia della citt di Zara,
Venezia 1913; C. Cecchelli, Zara. Catalogo delle cose darte e di antichit,
Roma 1932; . M. Ivekovi, Krstionica kod stolne crkve Sv. Stoije u Zadru
i vrijeme gradjenja njezina i crkve Sv. Donata, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti 258, Zagreb 1937, 1-13; I. Petricioli, Fragmenti skulpture
od VI do VIII stolea iz Zadra, Diadora 1, Zadar 1960, 185-186; . Beloevi,
Neobjavljeni ranosrednjovjekovni kameni spomenici s pletenim ukrasom iz
Zadra, Diadora 4, Zadar 1968, 271-280; I. Petricioli, I pi antichi edifici
chistiani a Zadar (Zara), Arheoloki vestnik 23, Ljubljana 1972, 332-334; P.
Vei, Ranosrednjovjekovna cisterna episkopalnog kompleksa u Zadru,
Diadora 9, Zadar 1980, 517- 535; M. Sui, Zadar u starom vijeku, Zadar
1981, 332; I. Petricioli, Contribution a la recherche de la plus ancienne
phase de construction de la cathedrale de Zadar, Vjesnik za arheologiju i
historiju dalmatinsku 77, Split 1984, 243-253; I. Petricioli, Katedrala Sv.
Stoije u Zadru, Zadar 1985; P. Vei, Starokranska arhitektura u Zadru i
na zadarskom podruju, Godinjak Zavoda za zatitu spomenika kulture
Hrvatske 12, Zagreb 1986, 161-168; P. Vei, Starokranski sloj katedrale u
Zadru, Diadora 10, Zadar 1988, 165-183; I. Petricioli, Ulomci ranosrednjovjekovnog ambona zadarske katedrale, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti
12-13, Zagreb 1989, 25-26; P. Vei, Klesarska radionica u kasnoantikom
Zadru, Biogradski zbornik, Zadar 1990, 247-262; P. Vei, Prezbiterij katedrale u Zadru, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 30, Split 1990, 49-68;
P. Vei, Rezultati istraivanja u prostoru sakristije do katedrale u Zadru,
Diadora 12, Zadar 1990, 301-326; I. Petricioli, Pavimenti musivi paleocristiani
della cattedrale di Zara, Atti e memorie della societ istriana di archeologia
e storia patria 91, Trieste 1991, 7-16; P. Vei, Zdenac krstionice u Zadru,

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

49

Another architectural unit of the cathedral complex in Zadar

needs to be mentioned because of its immediate relation with the complex,
and because of the specific purpose of such a type of sacral objects, unique
for episcopal sees, despite the fact that it does not represent a cathedral
church stricto sensu.
A particular type of sacral buildings was intrinsically related by its
function to cathedral complexes in episcopal sees: these were sacral objects,
built inside these complex architectural structures, in the immediate vicinity
of the cathedral church, baptistery, catechoumena, or the episcopal palace,
and whose function was not of any of these enumerated structures. These
objects are considered, with a high degree of certainty, to be episcopal
churches built for particular purpose (chapels). Nevertheless, the appearance
of these structures, incorporated into the sacral units of the episcopal sees,
was not a novelty introduced in the Early Medieval era. The practice of
constructing such sacral objects has existed in history of the Christian sacral
architecture since its earliest times, and continued to spread during the
entire medieval period, including the Late Middle Ages as well. So at least
one architectural unit of momentous importance was erected in the first
South Slavic principalities of the eastern Adriatic coast and in the hinterland
during the Early Middle Ages: the church dedicated to the Holy Trinity (St.
Donatus) in Zadar, which could have been built for a specific purpose and
incorporated into the dominant and imposing episcopal see.
Peristil 35-36, Zagreb 1993, 17-24; P. Vei, Zadar na pragu kranstva,
Diadora 15, Zadar 1993, 29-54; P. Chevalier, Ecclesiae Dalmatiae I, Rome
1995, 101-107; P. Vei, The Early-Medieval Phase of the Episcopal
Complex in Zadar, Hortus Artium Medievalium 1, Zagreb Motovun 1995,
150-161; I. Petricioli, Predromaniki ambon iz zadarske katedrale i srodna
skulptura, Starohrvatska spomenika batina. Radjanje prvog hrvatskog
kulturnog pejzaa, Zagreb 1996, 209-214; P. Vei, Zadar, katedrale, Hrvati
i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 150-151; P. Vei, Po emu je u 10. st. katedrala u
Zadru mogla sliiti Halkopratejskoj bazilici u Carigradu, Diadora 20, Zadar
2001, 301-314; P. Vei, Zadar na pragu kranstva, Zadar 2005, 17-56; P.
Vei, Luoghi di culto della cattedrale di Zara, Hortus Artium Medievalium
11, Zagreb Motovun 2005, 275-290; N. Jaki, Dalmatinski primjeri reljefa
u stilu liutprandovske renesanse, Renesansa i renesanse u umjetnosti
Hrvatske. Zbornik dana Cvite Fiskovia II, Zagreb 2008, 395-400, 402-405;
N. Jaki, E. Hilje, Kiparstvo, 1. Od IV do XVI stolea, Umjetnika batina
zadarske nadbiskupije, Zadar 2008, 84-108; P. Vei, M. Lonar, Hoc
tigmen. Ciborij ranog srednjeg vijeka na tlu Istre i Dalmacije, Zadar 2009,
78-85; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno
graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 280-291.

50

Dejan Crnevi

This church, originally dedicated to the Holy Trinity (Fig. 12), was
erected on the eastern side of the Roman forum, south-east of the
catechoumena of the cathedral church of St. Anastasia (St. Stoija), built in
the Early Christian period. In the fifteenth century, the church was
dedicated to St. Donatus, a ninth-century bishop, meritorious for the
modifications and adaptations the church went through during the second
stage of construction. The church of Holy Trinity (St. Donatus), along with
other sacral buildings, baptistery and the episcopal palace, enhances the
uniqueness of the cathedral complex of the episcopal seat of Zadar.
Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos (913-959) was well
aware of the existence of this church105 that underwent several
architectural modifications and reconstructions during its relatively long
history. For an entire millennium, it was used for religious service; it was
given a secular function by the end of the eighteenth century when it
became a military storehouse. Its premises even served as a section of the
Archaeological museum in the period between the last few decades of the
nineteenth century and the end of the Second World War.
It seems that today we know much more about this building, mentioned by many scholars as one of the most monumental and representative building of the pre-Romanesque architecture on the eastern Adriatic
coast. This church was built in two distinctive building stages. During the
first one, that most probably occurred in the second half of the eighth century, the original church with a circular plan was erected as a free-standing
rotunda, with three horseshoe-shaped apses on its eastern end (Fig. 13).
Eight circularly aligned pillars separated the higher, interior area of this
original structure from its lower, exterior side that surrounded the church.
The interior wall section of the lower exterior area was divided with
numerous semicircular niches. A tambour was erected above the elevated central area, whereas the possible existence of a calotte dome, placed on it, still
remains uncertain (Fig. 15). The lower, ring-shaped exterior, surrounding the
central part of the church, was covered with a wooden beam construction.
105

The Byzantine emperor has stated that two other churches had been erected
in the vicinity of the cathedral church of St. Anastasia (St. Stoija): Near it
is another church, a doomed one, Holy Trinity, and above this church again
is another church, like a triforium, domed also, into which they mount by
a spiral staircase. More extensively on this issue: Constantine
Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H.
Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 29/138-139;
II, 1959, 24.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

51

These fragments of wooden construction were used in the second

construction stage and in the upper floor construction works; apart from this,
they also indicated that there was the first construction stage and confirmed
its dating with the C-14 method to the eighth century. Stylistic analysis of the
relief ornaments carved in the beams concurred with that dating, as did the
stylistic features of the relief on the preserved cornices and liturgical
furnishings. During the second construction stage (early ninth - mid-tenth
century), the original building went through significant transformations of its
original appearance (Fig. 14). The central area was elevated, as was the outer
ring supporting the upper floor, in order to obtain a more balanced aspect.
The interior thus acquired image of a two-storey structure. The eight
circularly aligned pillars inherent to the original structure were replaced by
six significantly more massive pylons and two pillars that would facilitate the
realization of this complex construction process. The lower exterior floor of
the ring-shaped area was covered with barrel vaults, and the upper one with
a wooden roof. The original semicircular niches positioned in the interior
walling of the outer, ring-shaped area, were immured during the second
construction stage. Two-storey division of the interior, conducted during the
second phase of construction, is not visible on the outside of the structure.
The outer form of the church is cylindrical, with semicircular apses in the
altar space, and an elevated tambour. The faade was divided by shallow,
vertically-aligned lesenes, mutually connected by arches only on
semicircular apses. Few other structures were annexed to the church in the
second construction stage: a two-storey vestibule on the west, with the
entrance to the ground floor and the access to the gallery; a rectangular,
probably two-storey area on the south, connected to the openings on the
gallery, and an exterior stairway on the north.
The question of the original cathedral church of Trogir is somewhat
more complex. Known under this name (Tragurion, Tragurium) since its
early beginnings as an Illyrian settlement, later inhabited by Greek
colonists, and also as a Roman municipium in the later period, this town
developed on a small island situated between the island of iovo and the
mainland, to which the island was connected by an isthmus (Fig. 17). The
early medieval town of Trogir, covering an area of an elongated, rectangular shape, was created gradually by silting from the western coast of this
circular island (Fig. 16). The town development was relatively limited by
the proximity of an important, ancient, administrative, urban centre in
Salona but obviously gained importance during the Early Byzantine period.

52

Dejan Crnevi

Archaeological remains of the sacral structures showed that this ancient

town could have a strong early Christian community in the last period of
the Late Antiquity. This early medieval town, known to the Byzantine
Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitos in the middle of the tenth
century,106 certainly had a diocese in the Early Middle Ages. Its beginnings
could be traced to the second decade of the eighth century,107 and could
certainly be dated to the last years of the tenth century.108 Nevertheless,
the problem of its early medieval cathedral church still seems significantly
more uncertain.
Although the visual aspect of the early medieval cathedral church
of the diocese of Trogir remains considerably less clear than in other cases
of episcopal sees of the eastern Adriatic, the issue of its location does seem
more certain. The suggestion that the church of St. Martin (at the present
time dedicated to St. Barbara) could have functioned as the cathedral
church of this diocese in the Early Medieval period, with its jurisdiction
106

107

108

According to the above-mentioned Byzantine emperor and writer: The

city of Tetrangourin is a little island in the sea, with a very narrow neck
reaching to the land like a bridge, along which the inhabitants pass to the
same city; and it is called Tetrangourin because it is long-shaped like a
cucumber. In this same city lies the holy martyr Lawrence the archdeacon.
The mention of the saints relics remains dubious, since these have been
kept in Rome, and not translated elsewhere. See: Constantine
Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H.
Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 29/136-137;
II, 1959, 22-23.
The note made by primicerius Ivan Lui in the sixteenth century points to
this hypothesis. His reference to the construction of the church of St. Mary
in Trogir, mentions bishop Peter, from the time of reign of Byzantine
Emperor Theodosius III (715-717). See: Nauna biblioteka u Zadru, Ms. 617,
fol. 122v; D. Farlati, Illyricum Sacrum, Venezia 1769, 306-307. Nevertheless,
it is curious that the mention of the bishop of Trogir was not included in the
narration of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos. This
might indicate that in 949, at the time when the emperor was writing his
work, the episcopal see had not been established in Trogir yet. More extensively on this issue: Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio
II. Comentary (ed. R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1962, 110.
The information provided by John the Deacon, the Venetian chronicler,
indicate this. The mention of the bishop of Trogir was included in his narration on the visit of the Venetian doge Peter II Orseolo to Trogir in 998.
More extensively on this issue: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat.
Urb. 440, fol. 31v-32r i 37v; N. Klai claims that diocese of Trogir was
established in the eleventh century, and that its first bishop was John
Ursini. See: N. Klai, Povijest grada Trogira. 1. Javni ivot grada i njegovih
ljudi, Trogir 1985, 22-23; 29-33.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

53

stretching from cape Planka to Katel, is more and more rejected in the scientific community.109 It seems that after the establishment of the diocese
of Trogir in the Early Middle Ages, a new structure that would serve as the
cathedral church was not erected. Instead, the already-existing church of
St. Laurentius (St. Lovro), built on the site of the present-day church dedicated to the same saint, was used to that purpose (Fig. 18). The site of the
present-day cathedral church of the bishop of Trogir was used for sacral
purpose for a long time. Apart from the unconfirmed information about
the presumed existence of an Illyrian shrine on this site, it is now considered for sure that an ancient Greek temple consecrated to goddess Hera
stood on this place, as did a Roman one dedicated to the Capitoline Triad.
Information on the remains of the an early Christian sacral structure erected on the site of this ancient temple was published in the middle of the
1980s.110 It is commonly believed that this structure, whose apse fragments
were disovered under the apse of the modern church (Fig. 19), dates back
to the fifth century, and was allegedly restored in the sixth century.111 It
served as the cathedral church of the bishop of Trogir in the Early
Medieval period. Since neither this early Christian church nor the cathedral from the Early Middle Ages were preserved, only very limited conclusions can be made, apart from the fact that it had the same orientation as
the modern church and most likely a lognitudinal form. Due to the fact
that the present-day cathedral was built on this site, we do not have more
detailed information on the original aspect of the church. Apart from the
archaeological excavations undertaken along the southern wall of the
modern church at the close of the twentieth century, with results still not
adequately presented, the early medieval layer of this structure has not
been more comprehensively researched yet. The discovered fragments of
its presumed liturgical furnishings could, nevertheless, yield information
regarding the potential remodeling of the original early Christian church
109
110
111

R. Buani, Predromanika pregradnja crkve Sv. Martina u Trogiru, Petriciolijev

zbornik I, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 35, Split 1995, 241-251.
I. Babi, Starokranski ulomci u Trogiru, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u
Dalmaciji 25, Split 1985, 25-47.
A copy of the charter dating from the year of 503 attests that the restoration
of the church was most likely undertaken in the sixth century. This copy,
made by Petar Lui, father of the famous historian Ivan Lui (1604-1679),
is stating that Kvirin, a dignitary from ancient Salona, restored the church
of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro) in Trogir. See: Nauna biblioteka u Zadru, Ms
617, list 125v. M. Ivanievi, Trogir u povijesnim izvorima od 438. do 1097.
godine, Mogunosti 10-11, Split 1980, 967.

54

Dejan Crnevi

that allowed its conversion into the cathedral church of the bishop of
Trogir during the Early Middle Ages.112 These fragments, dated to the period ranging from the second half of the ninth to the first half of the eleventh
centuries, are now kept at the Museum of Trogir. During the presumed
remodeling of the original early Christian church and its conversion into
the early medieval cathedral, the original architectural structure may have
been preserved, with instalation of new carved liturgical furnishings in several
construction stages. In the later period, in such a way remodeled early
medieval cathedral was replaced by the new late Romanesque church,
erected for the same purposes in the thirteenth century.
The cathedral church of Trogir might also have represented a segment of a wider sacral complex. Namely, the early medieval Trogir displayed features of the typical monocentric urban structure, inherited from
its ancient past; thus, the centres of its sacral as well as secular administration were placed on the main square, as was the case throughout the
Middle Ages. Consequently, besides the church of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro),
several other sacral structures were built on this square, according to historical sources, and confirmed by the recently conducted archaeological excavations. Some of these include churches dedicated to St. Stephen, St.
Martin, and St. Mary. Among the destroyed buildings, whose foundations
were discovered underneath the central square, the remains of a smaller rectangular structure with semicircular apse on the east were discovered south
of the modern cathedral. More to the south, in the vicinity of the church
of St. Mary de Platea, historical sources mentioned the former baptistery
of the Trogir cathedral. A further and more detailed examination of these
structures is still hoped-for; they were doubtlessly built to function as part
of the episcopal complex, and attest the far more elaborate role these early
structures could have played in the Early Medieval period.113
112

113

M. Ivanievi, Neobjelodanjeni ranosrednjovjekovni latinski natpisi iz

Trogira, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/11, Split 1981, 176, tab. I, 1, 2; J. Belamari,
Novootkriveni zabat predromanike oltarne pregrade u Trogiru, Vjesnik za
arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku LXXV, Split 1981, 159, tab. XXIX, 2; T.
Buri, Predromanika skulptura u Trogiru, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/12, Split
1982, 127-160; T. Buri, Trogir, katedrala, Hrvati i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 144.
For further information on history, architecture and carved ornaments of
the cathedral church of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro) in Trogir, see: N. Cambi,
Trogir u antici, Mogunosti 10-11, Split 1980, 950-963; M. Ivanievi, Trogir
u povijesnim izvorima od 438. do 1097. godine, Mogunosti 10-11, Split
1980, 964-992; M. Ivanievi, Neobjelodanjeni ranosrednjovjekovni latinski
natpisi iz Trogira, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/11, Split 1981, 176, tab. I, 1, 2;

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

55

In three episcopal sees on the northern Dalmatian islands of Krk,

Cres and Rab, former churches from the Early Christian times also acted
as cathedral churches; newly-decorated and adapted to a certain extent,
they preserved their function of cathedral churches. Examples of Early
Medieval architecture and sculpture are observable in every major island
of the northern Adriatic in the Kvarner archipelago area, lying between
Istria and Velebit. The islands of this archipelago (Krk, Cres, Rab, Loinj,
Pag, and numerous small ones) had been inhabited since prehistoric times,
and were important harbours in the Antiquity. Being a part of the Lower
Dalmatia (Dalmatia Inferior), under Byzantine power throughout the
early stages of this Empire, these islands offered refuge to the autochthonous population of eastern Adriatic in the aftermath of Slavic incursions.114
During the reign of Emperor Basil I (867 886), due to the emperors more
active approach to political issues regarding the restoration of Byzantine
power in the Balkans and eastern Adriatic (that eventually resulted in
establishment of the thema of Dalmatia in 870s), the population of
Kvarner was obliged to pay, with the emperors approval, annual taxes to
the Slavs who had heavily oppressed them.115 The Kvarner islands fell

114

115

J. Belamari, Novootkriveni zabat predromanike oltarne pregrade u

Trogiru, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku LXXV, Split 1981,
159, tab. XXIX, 2; T. Buri, Predromanika skulptura u Trogiru,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/12, Split 1982, 127-160; I. Babi, Starokranski
ulomci u Trogiru, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 25, Split 1985, 2547; N. Klai, Povijest grada Trogira. 1. Javni ivot grada i njegovih ljudi,
Trogir 1985, 11-48; V. Kovai, Prilozi za ranokransku topografiju
Trogira, Diadora 15, Zadar 1993, 291-294; V. Delonga, Pismenost
karolinkog doba i njeni hrvatski odjeci. Latinska epigrafika batina u
hrvatskim krajevima, Hrvati i Karolinzi I, Split 2000, 232-234; T. Buri,
Trogir, katedrala, Hrvati i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 144; T. Marasovi,
Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 3.
Korpus arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2011, 116-119.
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos confirms this in chapter 29 of his work De
administrando imperio, and mentions, among others, the ancient towns of
Arba, Vekla and Opsara (the present-day Rab, Krk and Osor, situated in the
islands of Rab, Krk and Cres) as refuges. More extensively on this issue:
Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G.
Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 29/124-125;
II, 1959, 13; N. Klai,
Izvori za hrvatsku povijest do 1526. godine, Zagreb 1972, 5.
Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G.
Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 30/146-147;
II, 1959, 36; N. Klai,
Izvori za hrvatsku povijest do 1526. godine, Zagreb 1972, 27.

56

Dejan Crnevi

under the dominion of the early medieval Croatian state at the end of the
eleventh century, after being subject to Venetian rule in the early eleventh
century.116 The structure of the ecclesiastical organization of this region,
established in the Late Antiquity, survived throughout the Early Middle
Ages. Thus, the dioceses whose continuity go back to the Late Antiquity,
with centres in ancient towns of Krk, Rab and Osor, continued to expand
their precisely delimited jurisdiction over several Kvarner islands, while
submitting to the jurisdiction of the dominant Metropolis of Split.
The island of Krk, of an irregular, triangular shape, with its mountainous south-eastern side, represents, besides Cres, one of the biggest
islands of the eastern Adriatic. Krk was an important base of the Roman
fleet during the Antiquity, a part of the Exarchate of Ravenna in the Early
Byzantine period, and part of the thema of Dalmatia afterwards. Ever since
the Antiquity, the administrative centre of the island was situated in the
town of Krk (ancient Curicum, Curicta, civitas Curictarum, Byzantine
Civitas vetus, Vekla in Porphyrogenitos writings), settled down between
the two bays, approximately in the central part of the south-western coast.
The plan of the town was pear-shaped (Fig. 20); its ramparts and gates,
built in the Antiquity, were restored and refortified in the Early Middle Ages,
whereas the ancient street network underwent only insignificant reduction
in size. The episcopal see was situated in this important ancient harbour
centre of the northern Adriatic, with its jurisdiction encompassing the coastal
stretch of land lying at the foothill of the Velebit mountain. The history of
this diocese probably goes back to the sixth century, although it was only in
the 680s that the name of its first known bishop was registered in relevant
historical sources. The present cathedral complex (Fig. 21), erected on the
low stretch of land at the foothill of a small mount overlooking the southern
ramparts of the historical core, encompasses the cathedral church of St. Mary,
the two-storey church of St. Quirin, dating from a later period, and the
remains of the ancient thermae and an early Christian baptistery, situated
next to the northern wall of the cathedral church. The current cathedral
complex, preserved in its entirety and still in religious service, demonstrates
all the complexity of this architectural structure, formed through different
construction stages. The discovered remains lying next to the northern wall
of the cathedral church of St. Mary reveal the existence of the ancient
thermae with the first oratory built inside one of its premises, dating from
116

I. Goldstein, Hrvatski rani srednji vijek, Zagreb 1995, 31.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

57

the earliest construction stage.117 In the period ranging from the fifth to the
sixth centuries, the church of St. Mary was built in the form of a
monumental three-naved basilica, in the southern premises of the thermae,
where a palestra once stood. It still seems uncertain how the lateral naves
were executed on the eastern side; nevertheless, the vast semicircular apse
of the main nave, beyond any doubt, put the main accent on the eastern
segment of the building. The particularity of this apse was reflected in the
fact that it was partially indented in the rectangular area of the main nave,
which allowed extension of its lateral parts in the form of the
characteristic, massive pylons that separated, together with seven pillars,
the interior into naves and, by connecting to the archivolts, supported the
walls covered with a wooden roof. A baptistery most likely stood on the
northern side of the church, situated in one of the premises of the ancient
thermae, whereas a narthex and an atrium were positioned in its western
front, opening to the main side streets (cardo) of the ancient town. This
architectural structure represented the first cathedral church of the
diocese, with its see in the town of Krk, which probably continued with
this function throughout the Early Medieval period as well. Despite the
fact that traces of remodelling of the very structure of the church in the
Early Middle Ages are absent, numerous discovered fragments of carved
stone decoration confirm the fact that this church preserved its principal
form of an original Early Christian basilica even in the afore-mentioned
period (apart from the additional pre-Romanesque decoration of the
church interior, by new liturgical furnishings). Stylistic features of the
discovered fragments of the liturgical furnishings indicate that this church
witnessed some interior adaptations at the end of the eighth or in the early
ninth century. During this time, the high altar screen, with most likely a
tripartite entrance, was built into this church. This basilica church
underwent another transformation in the twelfth thirteenth centuries,
in the Romanesque period, when three new apses were constructed on its
eastern side, together with the church of St. Quirin in the west.118
117

118

Fragments of the floor mosaic and frescoes were discovered and identified
among the remains of the ancient thermae, lying north of the cathedral
church of St. Mary in the town of Krk.
For further information about the cathedral church of St. Mary on the
island of Krk, see: A. Mohorovii, Problem tipoloke klasifikacije objekata
srednjovjekovne arhitekture na podruju Istre i Kvarnera, Ljetopis Jugoslavenske
akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 62, Zagreb 1957, 490; A. Mohorovii,
Novootkriveni nalazi antikih terma, oratorija i starokranske bazilike u
gradu Krku, Rad Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 360, Zagreb

58

Dejan Crnevi

Cathedral church situated on the island of Cres also represents an

example of an older structure from the Early Christian times that also
continued to function as an cathedral church throughout the Early Middle
Ages. Since olden times, Cres has been one of the most important islands of
the western area of the Kvarner bay; elongated, narrow and rugged in
surface on the north, Cres was characterized by a lower and wider stretch of
land on the south and formed a spatial unit with the island of Loinj, to
which it was connected by an artificial isthmus (Fig. 23). Many historical
events confirm that the past of this island was rather analogous to the
destiny of Krk. After the period marked by Germanic domination, the island
fell under Byzantine rule in the first half of the sixth century. It was firstly
encompassed by the realm of the Exarchate of Ravenna, and then, after its
fall in 751, it entered the thema of Dalmatia, with the centre in Zadar. The
core of administrative and ecclesiastical organization of the island was
situated in the town of Osor (ancient Apsoros, Apsarum, Opsara in
Porphyrogenitos writings), where it seems that the episcopal see was
founded at the end of the sixth century, with its jurisdiction expanding from
the islands of Cres and Loinj to numerous smaller southern Kvarner islands.
Osor originated in the south-west of the island, enclosed by two bays, at the
location where a natural isthmus stretched towards the neighbouring island
of Loinj (Fig. 22). Later, a channel was dug out through this isthmus,
turning Osor into a small peninsula. In this town, only two important sacral
structures from the Early Medieval period have been preserved: the
cathedral church of St. Mary and the church of St. Peter (catholicon of the
former Benedictine monastery), today almost entirely devastated. Their
juxtaposed locations in the town reveal the fact that the early medieval
1971, 19-34; I. ic-Rokov, Kompleks katedrale. Sv. Kvirin u Krku, Rad
Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 360, Zagreb 1971, 131-157;
M. Jurkovi, Doppelkapelle Sv. Kvirina u Krku. Biskupska kapela
dvostruke funkcije, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 32, Split 1992,
223-236; P. Chevalier, Ecclesiae Dalmatiae I, Rome 1995, 32-35; M.
Jurkovi, Krk, Katedrala Sv. Marije, Hrvati i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 125126; S. Luli, Opus columnarum katedrale Sv. Marije u Krku, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta III/32, Split 2005, 113-122; M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les
du Kvarner dans lAntiquit tardive: Curicum, Fulfinium et Apsorus, Hortus
Artium Medievalium 12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 24-25; M. Skoblar, Prilog
prouavanju ranosrednjovjekovne skulpture na otoku Krku, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta III/33, Split 2006, 70-71, 85-87; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia
Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus
arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 42-47.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

59

Osor, apart from having undergone restorations, preserved the analogous

form and the location that the previous ancient settlement once had. The
urban surface was probably reduced in the Late Middle Ages, which led to
the fact that the original early medieval cathedral church of St. Mary was
erected outside of the ramparts; hence, the new episcopal church was built
at a new location in the fifteenth century. The original cathedral church of
St. Mary (today within burial ground area) was initially located at the easternmost part of the ancient Osor, in the immediate vicinity of the ramparts
and the eastern city gate. The complex architectural structure became a
cathedral unit in the sixth century. The church was built in several construction stages, but also suffered destruction (the Saracens demolished it
in the ninth century, the Genoese burnt it down in the second half of the
fourteenth century, and it was damaged in 1945 bombing) and restoration
in the mid-eighteenth century. During the earliest construction stage (the
fourth the fifth centuries), the first single-naved church of a rectangular
plan was erected on this location (Fig. 24), without an apse on its eastern
end, which gave it appearance of a hall. On its north-eastern side, a smaller rectangular structure, equally apseless in the east, was identified as a baptistery with the discovery of fragments of a hexagonal concave-sided baptismal
basin. In the second construction stage (the fifth the sixth centuries), this
simple architectural complex underwent significant adaptations and transformations in its entirety. The interior of the original single-naved church
was converted into a three-naved basilica with two rows of pylons; in
addition to this, the semicircular apses were erected on the church, as well
as in the baptistery. A narrow single-naved rectangular area was annexed
to the original architectural unit, with a semicircular apse on the eastern
end. This annex was erected south of the original church, which gave a
twofold aspect to the cathedral structure. The church of St. Mary in Osor
on the island of Cres (Fig. 25) most likely existed in such form until the
Early Medieval period, and functioned as the cathedral church of this diocese. According to recent scientific discoveries that revealed the role of
this church in the Early Middle Ages, it represented an example of continuous usage of the previous, older Christian sacral structures that were
functioning as episcopal churches in the eastern Adriatic during the Early
Medieval times. In this period, repeated remodeling of its interior was
conducted. Numerous fragments of the liturgical furnishings, ranging from
different epochs, yielded proof of these undertakings (stylized capitals (the

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Dejan Crnevi

seventh the eighth centuries), fragments of the altar screen (the ninth
the tenth centuries), ambon (the eleventh century)).119
A similar process of using the older churches from the Early
Christian period as cathedral churches throughout the Early Middle Ages
is also observable in the case of Rab, a Kvarner island where an episcopal
see was located since the beginning of the Early Medieval period. The
island of Rab (ancient Arba, Arva, Arbia), situated between the islands of
Krk and Pag, follows the Adriatic coast. In Rab, it seems that a diocese was
founded in the first half of the sixth century. This diocese spread its
jurisdiction to the neighbouring island of Pag and the coastal stretch of
land at the foothill of the Velebit Mountain after the Council of Split, held
in 928. The episcopal see was positioned in the town of Rab (Fig. 27),
situated in the central part of the south-western coast, on a small peninsula
triangular and narrow in shape, encircled by two bays. This town, known
119

Incorporated into the described St. Marys cathedral complex in Osor,

another single-naved rectangular structure exists, erected between the
northern basilica and the baptistery, with semicircular apses on the eastern
end. Different opinions regarding its construction time and function have
been present among researchers, ranging from the hypothesis that this
structure represented an early Christian martyrium/memoria (.
ohorovii), to the opinion that it was a chapel, annexed in the Early
Middle Ages (eleventh century) (B. Fui). For further information on the
cathedral church of St. Mary in Osor, see: T. G. Jackson, Dalmatia, the
Quarnero and Istra I, Oxford 1887, 103-107, fig. 108; W. Gerber,
Altchristliche Kultbauten Istriens und Dalmatiens, Dresden 1912, 83-84,
fig. 100-102; A. Mohorovii, Sjeverozapadna granica teritorijalne rasprostranjenosti starohrvatske arhitekture, Peristil 2, Zagreb 1957, 91-207; A.
Mohorovii, Problem tipoloke klasifikacije objekata srednjovjekovne
arhitekture na podruju Istre i Kvarnera, Ljetopis Jugoslavenske akademije
znanosti i umjetnosti 62, Zagreb 1957, 486-536; A. Mohorovii, A.
Deanovi, M. Filjak, Osor, Sv. Marija na groblju, 1977; B. Fui, Lantica
cattedrale di Santa Maria di Ossero, De Cultu mariano saeculo XVI, Acta
Congressua Mariologici-Mariani Internationalis Caesar augustae anno 1979
celebrati VI, Roma 1986, 277-290; P. Chevalier, Ecclesiae Dalmatiae I,
Rome 1995, 55-59; B. Fui, Terra incognita, Osor, stara osorska katedrala,
Zagreb 1998, 186-196; M. auevi, Sain-Marie du cimitre dOsor: tat de
la question et rsultats des dernires fouilles, Hortus Artium Medievalium
9, Zagreb Motovun 2002, 205-212; M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les
du Kvarner dans lAntiquit tardive: Curicum, Fulfinium et Apsorus, Hortus
Artium Medievalium 12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 33-36; M. Jarak, Prilog
istraivanju porijekla predromanike plastike na otocima Cresu i Rabu,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/34, Split 2007, 57-71; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia
Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus
arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 86-93.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

61

under its ancient name of Arba, was increasing its importance since the era
of Augustus who, judging by the preserved epigraphic material, ordered the
construction of the ramparts. At the beginning of the Early Middle Ages,
Rab was under the Byzantine rule, after which it fell under the power of the
Croatian King Petar Kreshimir IV in the second half of the eleventh century.
The town covered the area of the previous settlement from the Antiquity,
and thus inherited its urban features. The bicentric structure of the town
was achieved in the Early Medieval period, when the secular centre
separated from the sacral one: the sacral was transferred towards south-west,
whereas the secular occupied the north-eastern part of the town.
Demographic movements significantly influenced the early
medieval architectural tendencies attested on the island. In the tenth
century, characteristic by decreasing trends in demography, and in which
the pre-Romanesque style prevail, architecture was exclusively marked by
adaptation of the already existing older structures. The Romanesque style of
the eleventh century, characteristic by demographic growth, accentuated
the need for new architectural construction projects. The cathedral church
of St. Mary was erected in the farthest south-eastern part of the triangular
peninsula where the town of Rab came to be (Fig. 26). The structure did not
follow the pattern of ideal orientation (45 towards south-east), due to the
constructors aim to adapt the church to the rugged peaks that dominated
the south-eastern end of the peninsula. Although we know little about it, it
is assumed that the church, in the shape of a three-naved basilica with an
eastern apse semicircular on the inner and polygonal on the outer side, was
erected in the first construction stage (the fifth century) (Fig. 28). At the
same time, a baptistery was built north of the basilica; today only partially
preserved in the lower sections of the walls, the rectangular structure
revealed the remains of a cross-shaped baptismal basin and an access
stairway. This cathedral complex too, continued to function as an episcopal
church throughout the Early Middle Ages, as usual having undergone only
moderate transformations. Thus, the church was decorated with a new
liturgical furnishings at the end of the eighth or in the early ninth century,
with a semicircular apse that was annexed to the eastern side of the adjacent
baptistery. The early medieval remodelling of this cathedral complex was
carried out in the eleventh century, characteristic by demographical growth,
when a new three-apsidal, three-naved basilica was erected on the place of
an older church from the Early Christian times. This newly-constructed
structure was probably of identical dimensions as the former one, but

62

Dejan Crnevi

decorated according to pre-Romanesque artistic tendencies. Today in altar,

but in those days in baptistery, the hexagonal ciborium represents an
example of the only early medieval structure of this kind preserved in situ
that bears witness to the afore-mentioned early medieval reconstruction
projects. Although the three posterior sides of this structure were erected
most likely at the end of the fourteenth century, its three rear sides,
together with a hexagonal pyramidal roof with an acroterium and stylistic
features of the relief technique, all clearly indicate the transformation
process of the interior that occurred in the older cathedral complex in the
Early Medieval period, which nevertheless kept its previous function, even
in the new era marked by altered political and cultural climate.120
The use of older, already-existing early Christian churches and
their conversion into cathedral churches of episcopal sees in the Early
Medieval period, attested in the realms of the first South-Slavic
principalities, encompassed not only older episcopal centres, but also the
newly-established dioceses, which were established in recently developed
political and cultural nuclei. In such towns, with a long tradition of
settlement and a temporary or more-less permanent seat of newlyintroduced political authorities, dioceses were founded, whose jurisdiction
and therefore influence, no matter of what nature, eradiated the space
where the sacral and often affiliated secular power expanded, but
remaining focused on the cathedral church, which usually possessed its
much older, historical layer of construction.
The early medieval town of Nin and the episcopal see in it could
provide a sound example for the afore-mentioned process. This town, situated
in the northernmost coastal Dalmatian region, represented the main
120

For further information on the church of St. Mary in the town of Rab, see:
R. Eitelberger von Edelberg, Die Mittelalterlichen Kunstdenkmale
Dalmatiens in Arbe, Zara, Tra, Spalato und Ragusa, Wien 1861, 75; T. G.
Jackson, Dalmatia, the Quarnero and Istra III, Oxford 1887, 202; D. Frey,
Der Dom von Arbe, Wien 1912; N. Jaki, Tipologija kapitela 11. stoljea u
Dalmaciji, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/13, Split 1983, 208-209; P. Vei, I
cibori a pianta esagonale risalenti allAlto medioevo in Istria e in Dalmazia,
Hortus Artium Medievalium 3, Zagreb Motovun 1997, 101-116; M.
Domijan, Rab. Grad umjetnosti, Zagreb 2001, 89, 111; M. Domijan, Rab u
srednjem vijeku, Split 2004, 9-15; M. Domijan, Katedrala Sv. Marije Velike
u Rabu, Split 2005, 4-20; P. Vei, M. Lonar, Hoc tigmen. Ciborij ranog
srednjeg vijeka na tlu Istre i Dalmacije, Zadar 2009, 52-57; T. Marasovi,
Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2.
Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 138-143.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

63

centre of the north-western area of Ravni Kotari in the Antiquity, but also
during the Early Middle Ages. Archaeological excavations discovered
traces of original settlements dated to prehistoric times in the town of Nin
(ancient Aenona, Nona in Porphyrogenitos writings). In the Antiquity, it
seems that the Christian religion won its first believers among the
inhabitants of this town in the third century, judging by the remains of the
earliest local church (domus ecclesiae). With the changing circumstances
in the fourth century, the first elaborate and complex Christian churches
were established precisely by the transformation of the ancient sacral
structures. This culminated in the construction of the first ecclesiastical
centre, that was formed as an original architectural unit, erected in the
sixth century, composed of two adjacent churches dedicated to the Holy
Trinity. Nin withstood the first Avaro-Slavic incursions of the seventh
century, unlike numerous neighbouring antique towns, thanks to its
geographic position: difficult to access and connected to the mainland only
by a narrow isthmus on the south side, the town occupied the area of
almost round peninsula, located in the middle of lagoon bay in the northwestern part of the northern coast of Dalmatia (Fig. 30). Along the
establishment of the first political authorities among the inhabited
Croatian tribes, the town became the centre of a upa, newly-introduced
administrative unit. Along with it, the first episcopal see was founded in
the town in the third quarter of the ninth century, with its jurisdiction
encompassing the entire territory of the first Croatian state.121
The new episcopal see, initially placed under the jurisdiction of
the ecclesiastical centre of Aquileia, was soon abolished, upon the decrees
of the Council of Split, held in 928. It was restored in the last quarter of
the eleventh century, but with a slightly smaller territorial jurisdiction.
Nevertheless, the importance Nin had for the South Slavic principalities
on the eastern Adriatic, never decreased. During the eleventh century and
the reign of upan Godeaj, the church of St. Cross was probably
connected to the royal complex. Nin became the residence of the Croatian
ruler Petar Kreimir IV (c. 1055/1058 - 1074). In the Early Modern Era,
121

Nin and the surrounding upa were known to Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos.
In De administrando imperio, he mentions Nin and the upa bearing the
same name among the inhabited towns of Christianized Croatia, among
the eleven districts inhabited by the Croatian tribes. More extensively on this
issue: Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G.
Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 30/144-145; 31/150-151;
II, 1959, 33, 44.

64

Dejan Crnevi

Nin lost the important role it once played when, destroyed in the
aftermath of Venetian bombardment (preventing Nin from being used as
one of the Turkish strongholds in the middle of the seventeenth century),
it was reduced to a congregation of rural communities. Consequently, the
episcopal see ceased to exist in the first decades of the nineteenth century.
The early medieval Nin occupied the area of the erstwhile
settlement from the Antiquity; thus, the topography of Christian sacral
structures was preserved. These did not originate in the ancient pagan
cultic centre of the town, but in an expressly chosen new location south of
the urban area, in the vicinity of the southern entrance to the town (Fig.
29). The first sacral structure rose in the fourth century, at about the same
time the Edict of religious toleration was implemented, in the first meeting
place of the persecuted Christian community, in the house of one of its
eminent members (domus ecclesiae). This building with semicircular apses
on the eastern end, was enlarged during the fourth century, which led to
its transformation into two adjacent monumental structures in the sixth
century (Fig. 31). The northern and larger one was a single-naved
structure of a rectangular plan with semicircular apse on its eastern end,
and lesenes on its faade. The southern church was smaller, but identically
constructed. Archaeological excavations revealed remains of its outer
walls only, which led to the hypothesis that it had been used as a baptistery.
Having successfully overcome the first Avaro-Slavic incursions, these
churches continued to have its significant function during the Early
Middle Ages. By these sacral structures, with the church of Holy Trinity,
later dedicated to St. Anselm, one of the seventy disciples who, according
to tradition, became the first bishop of the town, after the foundation of
the diocese of Nin, the cathedral complex was established in the last
quarter of the ninth century. It was done by a well-known process: not by
building anew, but only by remodeling the already existing ancient early
Christian structures of a good reputation and prestige. Becoming the
cathedral church of a very important newly-established diocese, the
structure of the church of St. Anselm preserved the architectural form of
the original church dating from the Early Christian period (Fig. 32). As we
know now, the adaptation of this original church included remodelling of
the upper parts of the wall surfaces around the opening, a new stylistically
elaborate liturgical furnishings, and probably a new baptistery, annexed to
the north-western end of the apse. The baptismal basin bearing a wellknown yet often questionable inscription related to prince Vieslav (kept

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

65

at the Museum of Croatian archaeological monuments in Split) might have

belonged to it as well. This church provided an example of another cathedral church that kept its function during the Early Medieval period, only
with partial pre-Romanesque restoration.122
The diocese of Biograd was one of the episcopal sees of the early
medieval northern Dalmatia, situated in the realm of the first South Slavic
prinicipalities. The town represented one of the pivotal administrative and
economic centres of the early medieval Croatian states administrative unit
called Sidraga upa, which subsequently became the capital of the state.
According to the documents issued by Croatian rulers, Biograd was
referred to as a capital in the early tenth century. It was founded on a small
peninsula, in the immediate vicinity of the south-eastern opening to the
Paman channel, opposite the Paman Island (Fig. 34). Due to this favourable
geographic position, which enabled control of the bay and partially of Ravni
kotari, the town became the centre of the upa, mentioned by Constantine
VII Porphyrogenitos as one of the eleven Croatian districts in the tenth
century.123 The town of Biograd fell under Venetian rule in the early
eleventh century; nevertheless, during the reign of Kreimir III, it again
became the capital of the Croatian state, beyond the administrative system
of upas. It preserved this status throughout the second half of the eleventh
century, as confirmed by the charters issued by Croatian rulers in the following period. Finally, after the collapse of the early medieval Croatian
state, the Hungaro-Croatian King Koloman was crowned in Biograd. The
town was intentionally demolished by the Venetian authorities in the
middle of the seventeenth century, during the war with the Ottomans.
122

123

For further information on the cathedral church of St. Anselm in Nin, see:
M. Sui, M. Perini, Revizija iskopavanja ninskog baptisterija, Diadora 2,
Zadar 1962, 317-320; M. Sui, . Batovi, J. Beloevi, Nin. Problemi arheolokih istraivanja, Zadar 1968; P. Vei, Sklop upne crkve Sv. Ansela,
bive katedrale u Ninu, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/15, Split 1985, 201-216;
N. Jaki, Nin. Hrvatska srednjovjekovna prestonica, Split 1995, 11-12; P.
Chevalier, Ecclesiae Dalmatiae I, Rome 1995, 83-86; P. Vei, Ninska crkva
u ranom srednjem vijeku. Problem kontinuiteta i rezultati arheolokih
istraivanja, Starohrvatska spomenika batina. Radjanje prvog hrvatskog
kulturnog pejzaa, Zagreb 1996, 87-99; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia
Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus
arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 191-194.
More extensively on this issue: Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando
imperio I (edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967,
30/144-145; 31/150-151;
II, 1959, 33, 44.

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Dejan Crnevi

At the beginning of the Early Medieval period, the Sidraga upa

was, most likely, under the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical authorities of
Skradin. Subsequently, a new episcopal see was founded in the upa, as a
consequence of the newly established political system of the upa
administration. Some scholars consider the document issued by the King
Kreimir I in 950 as relevant for determining the year of this dioceses
foundation. However, numerous historical sources confirmed the
existence of the episcopal see, and yielded names of several prelates who
occupied the bishops throne of this town in the eleventh century. This
diocese whose jurisdiction encompassed the Sidraga upa and presumably
the Paman islands as well, remained under the jurisdiction of the
archbishop of Split until the middle of the twelfth century, and from then
on, under the archbishop of Zadar.
Explicitly qualified as a town (castrum) by Constantine VII
Porphyrogenitos, this settlement was doubtlessly solidly fortified, despite
the fact that relevant information on the urban strata from the Antiquity
are absent. An early medieval town expanded within ramparts, erected to
match the circular shape of the peninsula that encompassed several sacral
structures (Fig. 33). Although only the foundations remain, we know that
besides the cathedral church of Biograd, most likely dedicated to St. Mary,
the town had the churches of St. John the Evangelist and of St. Thomas, that
were built within a Benedictine monasterys complex, within the city walls.
Apart from these, the early medieval churches of St. Anthony (Sv. Ante) and
Holy Sunday (Sv. Nedeljica) were built outside the city walls. Almost
completely ruined today, the cathedral church, which was erected between
the central area of the settlement and the southern ramparts, on the highest
point called Glavica, represented the most significant sacral structure built
inside the ramparts. This early medieval church continued to exist even
after the destruction of the town in 1125 when it lost its episcopal
function. Despite the fact that it was demolished, it was nevertheless well
preserved in the Late Middle Ages as well. It suffered heavily in the
destruction that befell the town in 1646, whereas its architectural
structure was dismantled during the construction of a new parish church
dedicated to St. Anastasia, built on the same location. Finally, the church
was utterly demolished in the twentieth-century, as consequence of a new
urban plan. The question of its original dedication still remains open.
Several modern researchers consider that the early medieval cathedral
church was dedicated to St. Anastasia (St. Stoija), based on the fact that

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

67

the new parish church, erected in the first half of the eighteenth century,
was dedicated to the same patron saint. Nevertheless, as well as older,
some new researchers share the opinion that the early Christian, as well as
the early medieval cathedral church was dedicated to St. Mary. There is no
scientific consensus on the dating of the church, either. Most researchers
from previous periods dated this church to the eleventh century, contrary
to I. Petricioli, whose opinion is by and large accepted today, that the
church should be dated to the ninth century, on the basis of the analyses
he conducted in person. The cathedral church of Biograd was erected in
several construction stages, as was the case with other previously-mentioned cathedral churches. The earliest construction stage was characterized by a smaller church dating from the Early Christian period. It was a
single-naved structure, with semicircular apses on its eastern end, most
likely covered with a barrel vault. According to stylistic analysis of the
fragments of its carved stone decoration, and revealing analogies with
other stonemason artefacts from the Zadar region, the church was dated to
the sixth century. Nonetheless, the lesenes in its architectural structure led
several researchers to date it to the dawn of the Early Middle Ages (seventh
eighth centuries). It seems that the next construction stage took place in
the middle of the ninth century, when the church was enlarged and transformed into an irregular, rectangular three-naved structure, whereas its
interior was divided by two rows of six massive pylons, most of which
have cylindrical cross section124 (Fig. 35). Each of the naves have semicircular apse on its eastern end, with the central apse wider and deeper than
the lateral ones. The foundations of the walls were revealed in the southern nave, indicating that its central area was partitioned. Remains of the
cruciform baptismal basin unearthed in this area reveal that a baptistery
was placed in this part of the church. The outer aspect of this building was
dominated by massive buttresses, rounded on the exterior and densely
placed along the western, northern and southern church wall. Traces of
lesenes were discovered in the interior of the lateral walls, whose alignment
did not correspond to the one of the buttresses on the exterior side. Thick
walls, dense alignment of the buttresses, as well as the lesenes arranged
along the interior of the walls indicate that the naves were vaulted. A roof
124

Deviations in the intersection of the pylon base were only observed in the
second pair from the eastern side, which had a quadrilateral-prism base, and
in one rectangular-based pylon in the southern row. See: T. Marasovi,
Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2.
Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 430.

68

Dejan Crnevi

construction, most probably barrel vaults that covered the naves, was
supported by arches, stretched out between massive pylons. Uncovered
fragments of liturgical furnishings bear similarities to those which
originated in prince Trpimirs time and therefore allow dating this
construction stage to the middle of the ninth century. The outer form of the
church, characterized by rounded buttresses, also corresponds to the
structures erected on the territory of the Early Medieval principality of
Croatia (Fig. 36). This architectural project of enlarging the older church
reflected the political importance Biograd had in that time, as administrative
center of Sidraga upa and royal seat, particularly enhanced by the
establishment of the episcopal see. Stylistically different fragments of
liturgical furnishings could reveal the third construction stage of this
church, dated to the middle of the tenth century, during which the church
underwent smaller remodelings, including the closure of the opening in its
southern nave. In the fourth construction stage, probably done in the second
half of the eleventh century, a bell-tower, with an almost square plan, was
annexed to the western front of the building. The ground plan of this
church, drawn early on during the first systematic, only recently published
research,125 unveils that the original hypotheses regarding its axial position
in this structure were not exact. The base of the newly-erected bell-tower
did not correspond to the axis of the church. The remains of a stairway,
discovered on the southern side of the bell-towers ground floor, confirm
that it served to enable communication with the upper floors. The
architectural structure of this early medieval cathedral church led modern
scientists to consider it as a specific example of church, demonstrating a
substantially reduced idea of the Caroligian westwerk with axially erected
bell-tower.126 Consequently, the early medieval cathedral church of Biograd,
which can be examined mainly because of the preserved archaeological and
technical documentation dating from its first examination in the early
twentieth century, still remains so enigmatic to modern science.127
125

126

127

F. Bukariol, Istraivanja don Luke Jelia u Biogradu na moru na poloaju

Glavica, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 27, Split 1988, 21-56; F.
Bukariol, L. Jeli, O katedrali u Biogradu na moru, Biogradski zbornik I,
Zadar 1990, 351-372.
. Jurkovi, Lglise et ltat en Croatie en IXme sicle. Le problme du
massif occidental carolingien, Hortus Artium Medievalium 3, Zagreb
Motovun 1997, 23-39.
For further information on the cathedral church of Biograd, see: V. karpa,
Izvjetaji muzejskih prijatelja i povjerenika, Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheolokog
drutva n.s. 3, Zagreb 1898, 230-231; L. Jeli, Povijesne topografske crtice o

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

69

The early medieval cathedral church of the diocese of Knin stands

as an important and curious case among many cathedral churches
constituted in the first Early Medieval South Slavic principalities of the
eastern Adriatic region and its hinterland. By the end of the Early
Medieval period, the diocese of Knin became the episcopal see of the
Croatian state, previously held by the diocese of Nin. The jurisdiction of
this diocese, founded in the first decades of the eleventh century, stretched
over a significantly greater territory than the one in which the seat of the
upa was situated. Its ecclesiastical authority covered the area up to the
mouth of the river Cetina in the east and Lika and Bosnia in the north. The
seat of its prelate was in the early medieval settlement of Kosovo, in the
immediate vicinity of Knin. According to historical sources from the
middle and the third quarter of the eleventh century, a royal court (villa
regalis) stood in this settlement, as well as the see of the Croatian bishop,
who accompanied the king with the royal suite.
biogradskom primorju, Vjesnik Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva n.s. 3,
Zagreb 1898, 33-126; . ,
IX XV . , 1922, 112; Lj.
Karaman, Iz kolijevke hrvatske prolosti, Zagreb 1930, 68; . M. Ivekovi,
Istraivanja starina u Biogradu na moru i njegovoj okolici, Ljetopis
Jugoslavenske akademija znanosti i umjetnosti 44, Zagreb 1932, 146-156; J.
Beloevi, Sv. Ivan u Biogradu, Arheoloki pregled 12, Zagreb Ljubljana
Beograd 1972, 167-168; T. Marasovi, Prilog morfolokoj klasifikaciji ranosrednjovjekovne arhitekture u Dalmaciji, Prilozi istraivanju starohrvatske
arhitekture, Split Zagreb 1978, 64-66; B. Juraga, Srednjovjekovni kameni
spomenici na podruju Biograda, Diadora 9, Zadar 1980, 445-469; I.
Petricioli, Prilog diskusiji o starohrvatskim crkvama s oblim kontraforima,
Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva 8, Zagreb 1984, 221-226; V. Goss,
Early Croatian Architecture. A Study of the Pre-Romanesque, London 1987,
154-155; F. Bukariol, Istraivanja don Luke Jelia u Biogradu na moru na
poloaju Glavica, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 27, Split 1988, 2156; F. Bukariol, L. Jeli, O katedrali u Biogradu na moru, Biogradski
zbornik I, Zadar 1990, 351-372; T. Marasovi, Graditeljstvo starohrvatskog
doba u Dalmaciji, Split 1994, 78, 80; P. Chevalier, Ecclesiae Dalmatiae I,
Rome 1995, 126-128; N. Jaki, Klesarska radionica iz vremena kneza
Branimira, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/22, Split 1995, 141-150; N. Jaki,
Croatian Art in the Second Half of the Ninth Century, Hortus Artium
Medievalium 3, Zagreb Motovun 1997, 41-54; M. Jurkovi, Leglise et lett
en Croatie en IXe sicle. Le problemme du massif occidental carolingien,
Hortus Artium Medievalium 3, Zadar 1997, 23-39; Biograd, ostaci katedrale
na Glavici, Hrvati i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 195-196; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia
Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus
arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 426-431.

70

Dejan Crnevi

The area enclosed by the valley of the river Krka, flowing from the
western slopes of the Dinara mountain toward the bay of ibenik and the
region of Knin, and the neighbouring Kosovo polje, was the shortest route
between the eastern Adriatic and the hinterland and Pannonia, giving it
an important strategic position in this maritime region. Being a borderline zone of the northern and central Dalmatian land, this region has been
inhabited since prehistoric times and was a military and communication
center in the Roman period. Besides the Roman military stronghold
erected in Burnum, on the very frontier between the Illyrian tribes of
Liburni and Dalmati, the adjacent Ninia, situated on the present-day
mount of Spas in Knin, gained on importance after the destruction of
Burnum in the Late Antiquity. The Christian necropolis from the Late
Antiquity, discovered at the outskirts of the town, attest the importance
Ninia once had. Namely, this necropolis unveiled more than two hundred
graves and numerous precious finds of Ostrogothic and Byzantine origin,
thus representing one of the biggest graveyards in this area, dating from the
Migration Period. The castrum erected on the mount of Spas (the present-day
Knin) in the Early Medieval period (the antique Ninia, medieval Tnin,
Tenenum, Porphyrogenitos Tenin), became one of the most densely
populated towns in the area and the centre of a Croatian upa. Despite the
fact that this castrum has not been preserved, its position in the northern part
of the present-day Knin fortress was nevertheless established, unlike its size
and structure. It can be deduced, therefore that this complex had a
multicentric structure, composed of the three following segments: 1) the
nucleus of the castrum, erected on the northern mountain rim of Spas, where
an early medieval church was located. The church was probably dedicated to
Christ the Saviour, judging by the discovered fragments of liturgical
furnishings decorated with interlace ornament; 2) the suburbs that gradually
expanded southwards. The church of St. Stephan, erected in the oldest part
of the suburbs in the Early Middle Ages, was converted into a mosque during
the Ottoman period; nonetheless, its preserved liturgical furnishings bore
features of the Early Romanesque style dating from the end of the eleventh
and the early twelfth century; 3) Kaptol, situated on a smaller eponymous hill
over the river Krka, where a royal monastery with the church of St.
Bartholomew (Sv. Bartul) was built in the Early Middle Ages, today
preserved only in fragments. A new cathedral church was built in its place in
the thirteenth century. This Early Medieval castrum became more important
since the first half of the tenth century and the reign of the Croatian King

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

71

Drislav, when the afore-mentioned royal monastery was constructed

nearby. Its importance culminated in the eleventh century, during the
rule of the Croatian Kings Peter Kreimir IV and Zvonimir, when in its
vicinity, in the eastern part of Kosovo polje, the seat of Croatian rulers and
bishops was established.
Written sources revealed more information on early medieval Knin
than the discovered remains of the town. Most of its structures were
destroyed, particularly during the Turkish expansion. During the Early
Middle Ages, the centre of political and ecclesiastical organization was not
situated in Knin, but in the settlement of Kosovo, only several kilometres
away from the town. The historical sources and archaeological excavations
confirm that in the area of the early medieval Kosovo settlement (Villa
Cossovo, Kosoua), a very rich sacral topography was developed, on the site
of the present-day village Biskupija, slightly elevated in the eastern region
of Kosovo Polje, south-east of Knin, where traces of a settlement date back
to the Eneolithic period and the Iron Age. Apart from significant
discoveries dating from the Roman and Early Christian periods, as well as
from the Migration Period, the Early Medieval period was the most
important time for the development of this settlement. Despite the fact that
the archaeological excavations could hardly yield more precise information
regarding the shape and structure of this early medieval settlement, it
seems unquestionable that it should be classified as a particularly elongated
settlement type. It developed on the predominantly flat surface of the
eastern bank of Kosovica river, flowing through the western part of the
settlement. Five pre-Romanesque churches of this settlement were
mentioned in the historical sources, whereas remains of four were
discovered in the archaeological excavations. So, the structures that were
erected in the early medieval Kosovo, in order from north to south, are: 1)
a single-naved church with three apses in its eastern end and a two-storey
vestibule (westwerk) in the western front (dated to the middle of the ninth
century); its dedication has not been confirmed yet; it was located on a
mount Lopuka Glavica, overlooking the river Kosovica; 2) a single-naved
church with a semicircular apse on its eastern end (dating from the ninth
century), of unknown dedication, erected on a site caled Bukorovia
Podvornici, in the proximity of the small village of Bukorovii (the socalled fourth church) 3) a domed church of a probably octagonal plan
(dating from the end of the ninth century, destroyed in the eighteenth
century), located in the Christian Orthodox graveyard, whose remains have

72

Dejan Crnevi

remained undiscovered; it could have been dedicated to the Holy Trinity,

like the church existing today in that same location; 4) a three-naved church
with three apses in the eastern end, a two-storey vestibule (westwerk), and
a bell-tower in the western front (dating from the second half of the ninth
century), erected on a mount called Stupovi, probably dedicated to St.
Cecilia, judging by the toponym Cecela; 5) the church identified as the
cathedral church of St. Mary, erected in the immediate proximity of the
Croatian royal court, where the residence of the bishop most likely stood
as well, who accompanied the king in the royal suite. The three necropoles,
discovered at various locations (in the vicinity of the cathedral church and
the royal court; next to the present-day church of the Holy Trinity; on the
site Dolovi, near Lopuka Glavica, along the Kosovica river) indicate the
complexity of this settlements structure.
The remains of the cathedral church of St. Mary, which occupied the
southernmost point of the site where the pre-Romanesque churches of the
Kosovo settlement stood, were discovered on the site Crkvine, within the
Catholic cemetery (Fig. 37). A preserved fragment of the altar screen bears
inscription attesting that this church (identified as the cathedral church of
Croatian bishops) was dedicated to the Holy Mother of God and to St.
Stephen. Segments of this complex architectural structure, unearthed in
archaeological excavations, have been rather differently interpreted, after a
century of research. Recently conducted research has proposed a new
hypothesis, according to which these remains were attributed to the
cathedral of Kosovo, the church of St. Mary, and to the residential royal court
built in its immediate vicinity. It was in this very palace that Croatian King
Zvonimir issued a charter to the nuns of Split in the period between 1076 and
1078, on the occasion of the reconsecration of the church. This complex
architectural unit has been only fragmentarily preserved and is composed of
the three following segments: 1) a sacral three-naved basilica erected in the
south-east; 2) a structure of a rectangular plan, identified as the royal
mausoleum, situated in the south-west; 3) a very complex architectural unit
constructed in the north, aligned with the church and the mausoleum, and
identified as the residential royal court (Fig. 38). This architectural complex
was erected in several construction stages, stretching through a longer
time period. The older cultural layer of this site is represented by
necropolises, dating from the Early Christian and Early Medieval times, as
confirmed by archaeological excavations. The rectangular object built in
the south-west at the end of the eighth century, with massive pylons

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

73

dividing its interior into three sections, represented the most ancient
structure of this architectural unit. The fact that a funerary chapel was
founded in an existing necropolis and that ten graves were discovered that
contained warrior equipment, weapons and other objects, as well as the fact
that it included pits with child burials, led researchers to identify it as a
mausoleum for rulers. During the next construction stage, east of the
mausoleum, a church of a basilica plan was built. The massive pylons,
erected along the eastern wall, together with two rows of four piers, divided
its interior into three naves. Although the issue regarding the shape of the
eastern end of the church was disputed by researchers for a long time, a
hypothesis has recently been accepted according to which this three-naved
basilica had a semicircular apse on its eastern end. These pylons formed a
quasi separate lateral premises in the extension of the exterior naves. All the
naves were covered with barrel vaults and with a basilical roof construction.
In the early ninth century, after the erection of the church, the area
stretching westwards that was used as a mausoleum, got transformed into a
vestibule of the church. This older, western end of the church, covered with
a barrel vault, changed its aspect into a two-storey vestibule (westwerk). It
seems that its upper floor was used as the rulers lodge, open towards the
interior of the church. The applied patterns of Carolingian architecture led
the researchers to assume the possibility of one or two bell-towers having
been erected above this vestibule, or even another frontal vestibule, or a
dome vaulting the eastern end of the central nave (Fig. 39). Numerous
fragments of the liturgical furnishings, exceptionally carved and considered
to be precious and rare, emphasize the fact that this church had a
meticulously designed and lavishly decorated interior. Detailed analysis
revealed that the liturgical furnishings underwent four transformations in
the period from the ninth to the eleventh centuries. The adaptations it
underwent in the eleventh century were seemingly directly related to the
establishment of the episcopal see, as well as to the elevation to the rang of
the capital church of the Croatian rulers during Zvonimirs reign. The final
construction stage, undertaken in the eleventh century, was in all likelihood
contemporaneous with the afore-mentioned events. A distinct architectural
unit, with parts of building organized around a vast rectangural courtyard in
the center, was erected along the northern lateral part of the cathedral
church and a mausoleum (Fig. 40). Despite the fact that only sporadic
information on this structure have been available, it has been assumed,
judging by the remains of the narrow parallel stairway walls, that it was

74

Dejan Crnevi

composed of upper floors and porches situated on the ground floor. Judging
by the results of a recently-conducted study, this object has been identified
as the residential complex of the royal court, probably containing the
residence of the Croatian bishop as well.128
128

For further information regarding the cathedral church of St. Mary in

Biskupija, near Knin, see: F. Buli, Starinske izkopine u Biskupiji (pokraj
Knina), Bulletino di archeologia e storia dalmata 9, Split 1886, 23-32; F.
Buli, Hrvatski spomenici u kninskoj okolici uz ostale suvremene
dalmatinske iz doba hrvatske narodne dinastije, Zagreb 1888; F. Radi,
Hrvatska biskupska crkva Sv. Marije u Biskupiji i Kaptolska crkva Sv.
Bartula na sadanjem Kaptolu kod Knina, Starohrvatska prosvjeta I/1, Knin
1895, 150-156; . ,
IX XV . , 1922, 110; Lj. Karaman,
Iz kolijevke hrvatske prolosti, Zagreb 1930, 137-150; S. Gunjaa, Na
ulomcima natpisa crkve Sv. Marije u Biskupiji nema traga spomena knezu
Zdeslavu, Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku LI, Split 1940, 197202; S. Gunjaa, etvrta starohrvatska crkva u Biskupiji kod Knina i groblje
oko nje, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/2, Split 1952, 57-79; S. Gunjaa, Revizija
iskopina u Biskupiji kod Knina, Ljetopis Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i
umjetnosti 57, Zagreb 1953, 9-39; Lj. Karaman, O reviziji iskopina u
Biskupiji, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/4, Split 1955, 209-219; S. Gunjaa, Oko
revizije iskopina u Biskupiji, Starhrvatska prosvjeta III/5, Split 1956, 21-32;
S. Gunjaa, Rad osnivaa Muzeja hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika i
utemeljitelja Starohrvatske prosvjete (Povodom stogodinjice rodjenja fra
Luje Maruna 1857-1957), Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/6, Split 1958, 20-21; I.
Petricioli, Pojava romanike skulpture u Dalmaciji, Zagreb 1960, 10-11; S.
Gunjaa, D. Jelovina, Starohrvatska batina, Zagreb 1976; T. Marasovi,
Prilog morfolokoj klasifikaciji ranosrednjovjekovne arhitekture u
Dalmaciji, Prilozi istraivanju starohrvatske arhitekture, Split Zagreb
1978, 64, 67; N. Jaki, Zabati oltarne pregrade iz crkve u Biskupiji kod
Knina, Fiskoviev zbornik I, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 22,
Split 1980, 97-110; V. Delonga, Nekoliko ranosrednjovjekovnih latinskih
natpisa s Crkvine u Biskupiji u Muzeju hrvatskih arheolokih spomenika u
Splitu, Gunjain zbornik, Zagreb 1980, 149-162; N. Jaki, Romanika
klesarska radionica iz Knina, Peristil 24, Zagreb 1981, 27-33; T. Marasovi,
Projektni modeli u graditeljstvu ranog srednjeg vijeka, Starohrvatska
prosvjeta III/13, Split 1983, 139-144; M. Jurkovi, Crkve s westwerkom na
istonom Jadranu, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 26, Split 1987, 6186; V. Goss, Early Croatian Architecture. A Study of the Pre-Romanesque,
London 1987, 149-150; N. Jaki, O katedralama hrvatske kninske biskupije,
Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru 27 (14), Zadar 1988, 115-133; M.
Budimir, Arheoloka topografija kninske opine, Arheoloka istraivanja u
Kninu i Kninskoj krajini, Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva 15, Zagreb
1990, 23-32; T. Marasovi, Graditeljstvo starohrvatskog doba u Dalmaciji,
Split 1994, 76, 79; N. Jaki, Knin. Hrvatska srednjovjekovna prijestolnica,
Split 1995; M. Jurkovi, Sv. Spas na vrelu Cetine i problem westwerka u

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

75

The principality of Zachlumia was situated between the valley of

Neretva and the western boundaries of Dubrovniks surroundings, and
encompassed within its borders the Peljeac peninsula, the Elaphiti islands
early on, and the island of Mljet later on. This principality flourished in
the tenth century, under the reign of daring and ambitious ruler Michael
Vievi.129 In the following century, it fell under Diocleia, which particulary strengthened its political power during the reign of King Michael (ca.
1050 1082) and Bodin, his successor (1082 1101). Its episcopal see was
situated in Ston, lying on a narrow stretch of land that connected the
Peljeac peninsula with the mainland. Ston developed on a location that
had been inhabited since prehistoric times. Nevertheless, it has been classified into a quasi-rural settlement type, due to its atypical spatial organization, despite its enhanced urban character.130
Ston developed on the foundations of the Stamnes (Stagnum) castrum, which was re-inhabited in the Early Middle Ages. That way, the
town spread beyond its walls, and encompassed several smaller settlements (Prapratno, Darka, Vino, Zahumac, Gorica, etc.), situated on the
slopes of the adjacent hills (Fig. 41). But two mounts proved to be the most
suitable for habitation Stari grad and Gradac (Sveti Mihajlo). The earlier
late antique fortification erected on Gradac became a royal seat in the

129

130

hrvatskoj predromanici, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/22, Split 1995, 55-80; V.

Delonga, Latinski epigrafiki spomenici u ranosrednjovjekovnoj Hrvatskoj,
Split 1996, 55-82; V. Delonga, Dvorska epigrafika Zvonimirova doba i odjeci
Grgurovih reformi, Starohrvatska spomenika batina. Radjanje prvog
hrvatskog kulturnog pejsaa, Zagreb 1996, 173-180; M. Jurkovi, Lglise et
ltat en Croatie en IXme sicle. Le problme du massif occidental carolingien,
Hortus rtium Medivalium 3, Zagreb Motovun 1997, 23-39; M. Jurkovi,
Skulpture sa prikazom Bogorodice u Dalmaciji u okviru politikog programa
reformirane crkve, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/25, Split 1998, 63-80; A.
Miloevi, Crkva Sv. Marije. Mauzolej i dvori hrvatskih vladara u Biskupiji
kraj Knina, Split 2000; A. Miloevi, Dvori hrvatskih vladara na Crkvini u
Biskupiji kraj Knina, Zbornik Tomislava Marasovia, Split 2002, 199-207; A.
Miloevi, . Pekovi, Predromanika crkva Sv. Spasa u Cetini, Dubrovnik
Split 2009, 155-159; T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 536-550.
For further information regarding this early medieval ruler, his role and
political ambitions, see: . , (IX
XII ), 2006, 59-66.
T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u
Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i sjeverna Dalmacija, Split
Zagreb 2009, 124-125.

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Dejan Crnevi

Early Medieval period, with the church of St. Michael built as a rulers
fondation, and a royal chapel. Ston represented a typical example of the
urban bicentric structure, with its secular seat lying on the Gradac mount
(Sveti Mihajlo), and the sacral one situated in an entirely different site,
along with the cathedral church of St. Magdalene on Gorica, and suburban
dwellings on the slopes of Humac, Gradac and Stari grad.
The afore-mentioned smaller settlements were located between
these urban centres, on the slopes of the adjacent hills and in the fertile
Stonsko polje, clustered around main resources arable lands and
numerous springs. It was not extraordinary if a sacral building was erected
in the centre (or on some other convenient location) of these settlements,
serving as a pivot and a symbolic nucleus. Ston had an atypical urban
structure, due to the fact that its inhabited urban area expanded beyond
the limits of the fortified castrum and encircled the settlements situated in its
surroundings. Consequently, Ston was classified into a quasi-rural
settlement type. The economy of these settlements benefited from the
fertile lands. In the case of Ston, the favourable conditions were also the
proximity of the sea, and the well-known saltern.
However, the cathedral church of the bishop of Ston, the church
of St. Magdalene, as one of the numerous churches erected in Ston and the
Peljeac peninsula, gave an urban character to the entire settlement.
Bishops were present in Ston since the sixth century, and their
presence was attested in the Early Medieval period as well. The existence
of ecclesiastical organization in this town was corroborated by the presence
of Mihajlo Vievi, daring ruler of Zachlumia, at the first church council
of Split (held in 925), and by the explicit allusion to the bishop of Ston in
the decrees of the second council of Split, held in 928. Consequently, the
ecclesiastical organization, with the bishop at its head, existed in the early
tenth century in Zachlumia. Relatively vivid architectural activity in the
territory under the jurisdiction of the diocese of Ston, that spread from the
valley of Neretva in the north to the maritime parts west of Dubrovnik in
the south, including the Peljeac peninsula, indicates not only the
increased political power of this relatively small southern principality lying
in the southern Adriatic, but also the sphere of influence this ecclesiastical organization cast.
Nevertheless, the issues regarding the location of the cathedral
church of the bishop of Ston has been highly debated among researchers.
At least two hypotheses on its ubication were proposed half a century ago.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

77

The hypothesis that the church dedicated to the Holy Mother of Luine
was the ancient cathedral church of Ston used to be rather dominant, but
a more recent opinion pointing to the church of St. Magdalene on Gorica
seems to prevail.131
The location inside the ancient nucleus of Ston makes this church
easy to access, while its dimensions and expressiveness of the architectural
composition distinguish it from the smaller and more distant church of the
Holy Mother of Luine, situated in the vicinity of the ancient saltern.
Erected on the mount called Gorica, north-west of the ancient Ston, this
church could have been situated along the important communication
route connecting different parts of this atypical settlement. Built on a
smaller elevated plateau, this cathedral church dominated above other
urban churches in the spatial sense, too. Other churches, with an earlier
layer from the Early Christian era, were erected in its immediate vicinity:
the church of St. Stephen east of it, the church of St. John south of it and
church of St. Peter even farther to the south.
A late antique construction layer most likely exists in the case of
this church, which underwent significant remodelings in the Early
Medieval period, i.e. during the ninth and the tenth centuries. The early
Christian single-naved structure, with semicircular apse on the eastern
end represents the core of the cathedral church of St. Magdalene (Fig. 42).
It underwent transformations during the Early Middle Ages, when two
rows, each containing three massive pylons, with rectangular cross section,
were built into its interior. That way, this cathedral church was converted
from a single-naved into a three-naved basilica. Furthermore, at the same
time more delicate interventions regarding its architectural structure were
performed on its western front, where a bell-tower was erected. The
131

The hypothesis according to which the church of St. Magdalene on Gorica

represented a medieval cathedral church of the bishops of Ston was proposed by Pavo Gluni, half a century ago. More extensively on this issue:
. , XIV - XIX , 1961,
93. Vojislav Kora has in his earlier works explicitly supported the
hypothesis according to which the church dedicated to Our Lady of Luine
had represented the cathedral church of Ston bishops. See: . ,
, 1965, 52-57. Nevertheless, the same
author apparently accepted the hypothesis of P. Gluni in his later works,
or left this question unanswered, before new archaeological excavations
took place. See: . , :
, ,
1998, 85-87.

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Dejan Crnevi

church thus gained features of Carolingian Early Medieval architecture

(westwerk), due to the position of the bell-tower, and to its function and
structure. Numerous central Dalmatian churches were subjected to this
specific architectural procedure, undertaken predominantly during the
times marked by the strong Carolingian influence in this area, attested
since the middle of the ninth century. The cathedral church of St.
Magdalene on Gorica in Ston had an almost identical pattern applied to its
western front, and thus represented the earliest example of such westwerk
in Zachlumia.132
Dubrovnik, the town protected by St. Blaise (Sv. Vlaho), a thirdcentury bishop from Cappadocia and its patron saint ever since the Early
Middle Ages, was gradually coming into being.133 It was founded on steep
132

133

For further information on the architecture of the cathedral church of St.

Magdalene on Gorica, including the examples of westwerk attested in the
Early Medieval architecture in the eastern Adriatic, see: I. Fiskovi,
Srednjovjekovna preuredjenja ranokranskih svetita u dubrovakom
kraju, Arheoloka istraivanja u Dubrovniku i dubrovakom podruju,
Zagreb 1988, 197; M. Jurkovi, Sv. Spas na vrelu Cetine i problem westwerka
u hrvatskoj predromanici, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/22, Split 1995, 55-80;
M. Jurkovi, Lglise et ltat en Croatie en IXme sicle. Le problme du massif
occidental carolingien, Hortus Artium Medievalium 3, Zagreb Motovun
1997, 23-39; M. Jurkovi, Stonsko polje na poluostrvu Peljecu, Gorica,
Hrvati i Karolinzi II, Split 2000, 336-337; . ,
7. 10. , 2007, 121.
Copious literature exists on Dubrovnik, its origin, stages of development of
its historical nucleus and its cathedral church. Consequently, only the most
significant works will be cited here: V. Adamovi, O bedemima grada
Dubrovnika, Dubrovnik 1929; M. Medini, Starine dubrovake, Dubrovnik
1935; N. Dobrovi, Urbanizam kroz vekove I, Beograd 1950; L. Beriti,
Utvrdjenja grada Dubrovnika, Zagreb 1955; I. Marovi, Arheoloka istraivanja u okolici Dubrovnika, Anali Historijskog instituta JAZU u
Dubrovniku 4-5, Dubrovnik 1956, 9-30; L. Beriti, Ubikacija nestalih
spomenika u Dubrovniku, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 10, Split
1956, 15-83; A. Marinovi, Urbanistiki razvoj starog Dubrovnika i potreba
asanacije i rekonstrukcije, URBS, Split 1958, 55-64; L. Beriti, Dubrovake
zidine, Dubrovnik 1958; L. Beriti, Urbanistiki razvitak Dubrovnika,
Zagreb 1958; C. Fiskovi, Starokranski ulomci iz Dubrovnika, Starinar IXX, Beograd 1958-1959, 53-57; . Basler, Jedan zid stare dubrovake tvrave,
Beritiev zbornik, Dubrovnik 1960, 19-23; L. Beriti, Jo jedan kasnoantikni
kapitel u Dubrovniku, Peristil 5, Zagreb 1962, 5-6; M. Prelog, Dubrovaki
Statut i izgradnja grada (1272-1972), Peristil 14-15, Zagreb 1972, 81-95; M.
Prelog, Dubrovnik, Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti Sveuilita u
Zagrebu I/1-2, Zagreb 1972; M. Sui, Antiki grad na istonom Jadranu,
Zagreb 1976, 255; M. Prelog, Urbanistiki razvoj Dubrovnika, Peristil 21,
Zagreb 1978; A. Marinovi, Povijesna jezgra Dubrovnika u savremenim

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

79

slopes of a natural peninsula linked to the mainland by a low isthmus (Fig.

44). Characterized by a particularly favourable geographic and strategic
position of the peninsula that protected the entrance to the bay opened on
the east, Dubrovnik is one of the early medieval towns that had a particular
continuity with the Antiquity. Its urban development began after the
colonization of late antique castrum of Ragusium by the refugees who fled
from the nearby Epidaurum (the present-day Cavtat), after its destruction.
That is the reason why the continuity of the early medieval Dubrovnik is
not a literally spatial one, but is instead a particular continuity of both
temporal and spiritual authorities and administration from the preceding
urban whole of the Antiquity.
Despite the fact that the older, late antique cultural layer of the
town remained insignificantly known compared to its medieval history,
the opinion that the earliest nucleus of the future town was based in the
late antique settlement of Ragusium - developed on the westernmost and
highest point of this peninsula, for military reasons and in order to assure
tokovima ivota grada, Arhitektura, Zagreb 1978, 53-55; I. Fiskovi, O
ranokranskim spomenicima naronitanskog podruja, Izdanja Hrvatskog
arheolokog drutva 5, Split 1980, 213-256; M. Plani-Lonari, Planirana
izgradnja na podruju Dubrovake republike, Zagreb 1980; I. Babi, Naselja
pod utvrdama u Dalmciji, Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta Zadar 4, Split 1985,
7-25; J. Stoi, Saeti prikaz istraivanja pod katedralom i Bunievom
poljanom u Dubrovniku, Peristil 12, Zagreb 1986, 241-248; Arheoloka
istraivanja u Dubrovniku i dubrovakom podruju, Zagreb 1988; J. Stoi,
Prikaz nalaza ispod katedrale i Bunieve poljane u Dubrovniku, Izdanja
Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva 12, Zagreb 1988, 15-38; J. Stoi, Istraivanja,
nalazi i problem prezentacije pod Katedralom i Bunievom poljanom, Obnova
Dubrovnika 1979-1989, Dubrovnik 1989, 326-335; . Rapani, Arheoloka
istraivanja nakon potresa i poeci Dubrovnika, Obnova Dubrovnika 19791989, Dubrovnik 1989, 339-345; M. Planari-Lonari, Ceste, ulice i trgovi
srednjovjekovnog Dubrovnika, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 29,
Split 1990, 157-168; I. Stevovi, Prospetto della citta di Ragusa. Novi izvori
za najraniju istoriju vizantijskog Dubrovnika, Zbornik radova Vizantolokog
instituta 29-30, Beograd 1991, 137-154; I. Principe, Tri neobjavljene karte
Dubrovnika iz XVI-XVII stoljea, Dubrovnik 1, Dubrovnik 1991, 191-202; .
Pekovi, Developpement de lensemble de la cathdrale de Dubrovnik,
Hortus Artium Medievalium 1, Zagreb - Motovun 1995, 162-168; . Pekovi,
Urbani razvoj Dubrovnika do 13. stolea, Dubrovnik 4, Dubrovnik 1997, 166211; . Pekovi, Nastanak i razvoj crkve Sv. Vlaha u Dubrovniku, Dubrovnik
5, Dubrovnik 1998, 43-78; . Pekovi, Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj
srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998; . Pekovi, Nastanak i razvoj katedralnog
sklopa u Dubrovniku, Tisuu godina dubrovake (nad)biskupije (998-1998),
Crkva u svijetu, Split 2001, 517-576.

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Dejan Crnevi

the control of navigation and commerce in this Adriatic area prevailed.

A natural harbour was situated at its foothill, in a bay protected from
wind, not far from the modern cathedral. Therefore, the future urban
agglomeration that was gradually growing, will not develop through a
mere transformation of the oldest nucleus, but through the process of its
enlargement by new construction projects (Fig. 43). The very nature of the
terrain significantly predetermined the outlook of the towns further
development.
In this manner the Katel sexterium the original, oldest and
smallest district of Dubrovnik was founded above the earlier polygonal
Byzantine castrum from the Late Antiquity, most likely erected in the
sixth century, during the Byzantine domination of the Adriatic. It was
built on the highest point of the inhabited peninsula, along the steep
slopes of its southern coast, descending gently towards the north and east.
It expanded through a new urban district, erected on the larger plateau of
the peninsula descending towards the east. The oldest town gate stood in
this district (the so-called Katel Gate), presumably positioned in the location where an older gate leading to the Byzantine castrum once stood; the
first church, dedicated to St. Sergius and St. Bacchus was also built there.134
Every new urban quarter (sexterium) was distinctively delimited and symbolically demarcated by new urban gates and numerous sacral buildings.135
134

135

The earliest church erected in the Katel sexterium, the oldest urban district, was dedicated to St. Sergius and Bacchus, and was probably located
north of the later and larger church of St. Mary of the Benedictine
monastery. The preserved smaller lateral building that stands even today
north of the church of St. Mary could represent the former church dedicated to St. Sergius and Bacchus, later converted into a chapel. More extensively on this issue: . Pekovi, Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog
grada, Split 1998, 45.
During the Middle Ages, numerous churches were erected in Katel sexterium, the initially developed urban district. These churches have often thus
born epithet of Katel: the church of St. Mary of Katel (church of the
Benedictine monastery, whose construction began in the thirteenth century), the church of St. Foska of Katel (probably located on the narrow land
adjacent to southern city walls; it was mentioned in the documents of the
fourteenth century, and destroyed during the earthquake of 1667; its
remains not having been discovered), the church of St. Peter Klobii
(located in the south-eastern part of Katel; mentioned in 1281 for the first
time, and destroyed in the earthquake of 1667), the church of St. Andrew of
Katel (church of the Benedictine monastery, located outside Katel, probably erected next to its ramparts; it was first mentioned in 1234; it underwent
complete reconstruction in 1542, achieved by the demolition of the old church

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

81

Symbolical sacral network, successively established by constructing many

sacral buildings, gave to the medieval Dubrovnik a complex structure of a
very distinctive urban sacral topography. Consequently, the second urban
quarter, the St. Peters sexterium, was named after the famous church built
within its realm.136 This district was attached to the eastern side of the
Katel sexterium, where a smaller suburb of Katel had most likely already
existed. St. Peters sexterium originated during the influx of the population
that fled from the already existing urban centres as a consequence of the
Avaro-Slavonic incursions of the early seventh century. The newlyarrived population brought their urban culture with them, including the
living pattern from their previous urban settlements to the recently-constructed quarter, which was apparent in the urbanization process that
occurred, as it seems, already in the Late Antiquity. This quarter was also
marked by the gates137 and sacral structures erected in it.138 Nevertheless,
the urbanization of this quarter with a rectangural plan was marked by the
establishment of the regular, orthogonal town grid only, and not of
squares, which represent centres of public life. Because of this, the focus of
Dubrovniks town life was at that time probably still concentrated in the

136

137

138

and the construction of the new one; it was destroyed in the earthquake of
1667, and has not been rebuilt). More extensively on this issue: . Pekovi,
Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998, 45, 47-51.
The church of St. Peter the Great was the most significant sacral object of
this urban district, as well as the most representative early Medieval building of Dubrovnik. For further information on this church, see: . Pekovi,
Crkva Sv. Petra u Dubrovniku, Starohrvatska spomenika batina. Radjanje
prvog hrvatskog kulturnog pejzaa, Zagreb 1996, 267-277.
Several city gates existed in St. Peters sexterium, the second urban district:
three on the northern side (Celenga Gate, Meneti Gate and Lions Gate),
and one in the east (St. Margeritas Gate, lying towards the adjacent
Pustijerna quarter). More extensively on this issue: . Pekovi, Dubrovnik.
Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998, 51-52.
In the Middle Ages, church of St. Simeon was erected at the outskirts of St.
Peters quarter, next to the ramparts. This church was incorporated into the
complex of the monastery Koludarica, located at the foothill of Katel. It was
mentioned for the first time in 1108, and restored during the thirteenth century. The monastery was destroyed in the 1667 earthquake and has not been
rebuilt. The church of St. Michael was built in St. Peters district as well. It
was erected on the ramparts overlooking the sea. This site was mentioned in
1345. The church changed its dedication to St. Lucia in the fifteenth century. It was destroyed in the earthquake of 1667, and its altar transferred to the
church St. Blaise (St. Vlaho). More extensively on this issue: . Pekovi,
Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998, 63-64.

82

Dejan Crnevi

oldest quarter the Katel. A two-hundred-metre long wooden bridge

connected the northern walls of St. Peters sexterium and the peninsula to
the mainland, erected over the muddy bay of Dubrovnik.139 The Pustijerna
sexterium, as the third and last to be built in the south-east of the peninsula,
surely by the middle of the tenth century, was also well protected by
massive walls that surrounded it.140 It encompassed several important urban
objects, as the population of this urbanized surface dealt with shipbuilding,
navigation and commerce. Apart from the ramparts and towers that
facilitated the exploitation of the naturally favourable position of this
quarter, lying on the uttermost end of the peninsula, thus protecting the
towns harbour,141 this quarter also obtained a special significance by a series
of sacral objects erected in it. After the construction, the church of St.
Stephen,142 where the relics of St. Pancras were kept, was considered as one
139

140

141
142

The wooden bridge stretched over the shallow cove and separated the part
of the bay that served as a harbour, from its more shallow, swampy area.
This cove was gradually covered and inhabited in the following centuries
during the medieval period. This process ended at the close of the thirteenth
century, when the town experienced territorial and demographic expansion. That way, the cove entered the area delimited by the new walls that
encompassed both the original urban districts lying on the peninsula and
the settlements situated on the opposite coastal stretch of land, on the slopes
of the Sra mount (St. Nicolas sexterium, or Prijeko), thus creating a unique
urban unit. By this, the formation process of what we hold today to be the
historical nucleus of Dubrovnik was accomplished.
According to the accounts of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos on the
origin and development of the town of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), included in his
work De administrando imperio: They built it small to begin with, and
afterwards enlarged it, and later still extended its wall until the city reached
its present size, owing to their gradual spreading out and increase in
population. Bearing in mind that this historical source undoubtedly
originated in 948/49, it is obvious that the third expansion of the town in
the direction of south-east of the peninsula (Pustijerna sexterium) must
have been finished by the middle of the tenth century. See: Constantine
Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H.
Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 29/134-135;
II, 1959, 20.
It would lead to the creation of smaller urban arsenals in the area delimited
by the northern ramparts of Pustijerna district later in the Middle Ages.
The chruch of St. Stephen was built in the eastern part of the Pustijerna
district, opposite to St. Margeritas Gate, connecting this quarter to St.
Peters sexterium. It most likely represented the central and particularly
venerated sacral building of this quarter, erected on a crossroads of two
main communication lines. It had probably been built before the Pustijerna
district was created, as a smaller church in front of the towns gate, but has,

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

83

of the most important sacral buildings of this quarter, and the only one
mentioned by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos.
Also subsequently after the construction of the archbishops court in this
part of the town,143 it seems that its centre could have been transferred to
this urban quarter relatively early. Through time, numerous new churches
were built in the Pustijerna sexterium, as was the case with other
quarters.144 Apart from these structures, very strong towers were erected

143

144

after the construction of Pustijerna sexterium, come to occupy the centre of

this quarter. This church underwent archaeological survey in 1927. A smaller single-naved building lay inside the ruins from a later period, together
with fragments of the liturgical furnishings decorated with interlace ornament, and showing pre-Romanesque stylistic features. For further information on this church, see: Lj. Karaman, Iskopine u Sv. Stjepanu u
Dubrovniku, Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik 1929, 269; N. Gjivanovi, Otkopine
razvaline crkve Sv. Stjepana, Dubrovnik, Dubrovnik 1929, 278; . Pekovi,
Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998, 66.
The archbishops palace lay next to the northern ramparts of the Pustijerna
sexterium, encompassing two blocks of houses in this quarter, in the vicinity
of the towns gates leading towards the cathedral. It was erected on the location of the former church of St. Vitus (Sv. Vid), in the aftermath of its demolition in the early eleventh century. The church was demolished in order to
erect the archbishops residence in the immediate proximity of the cathedral.
The archbishops palace existed until the nineteenth century. See: . Pekovi,
Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998, 66-68.
The following churches were erected during the Middle Ages in Pustijerna
sexterium, in the vicinity of the church of St. Stephen: the church of St.
Thomas (church of the Benedictine monastery, mentioned for the first time
in 1234; the windows of the monastery were embedded in the ramparts
overlooking the harbour), the church of St. Cosmas and Damian (situated on
the location of the previously-existing tower that was oriented towards the
cathedral complex; erected in the early eleventh century, it has recently
undergone archaeological survey. Remains of the original tower and a
single-naved church of a later date and early Romanesque stylistic features
with semicircular apse and two lateral semicircular apsidioles have been
discovered), the church of St. John (St. Ivan) (situated at the very end of the
peninsula, on the easternmost point of the fortified cliff; the angular tower
that defended the access to the harbour has been named St. Ivans tower
since 1436, after this church; the church dedicated to Our Lady of Carmel
was erected above this church in 1628), and the church of St. Theodore
(situated next to the former town prison, in the immediate vicinity of the
southern Pustijerna ramparts; it was mentioned in 1281; the womens hospital
was built in its proximity in the sixteenth century; it was probably destroyed
in the 1667 earthquake, since its destruction was mentioned in 1782). For
further information on these churches, see: . Pekovi, Dubrovnik.
Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998, 79-82.

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Dejan Crnevi

on the southern side of the walls, stretching along the stone slopes towards
the sea, and beside the city gates.145 The northern St. Margaritas gate, next
to which the archibishops palace was later to be constructed, led towards
the harbour and the location where the first cathedral church of the bishops
of Dubrovnik was later erected.
Dubrovniks urban whole gradually emerged through its own
expansion and gained explicitly urban character, among other things,
through the transfer of the episcopal see from its previous antique nucleus
Epidaurum into this newly-established settlement. Although the
bishop of Epidaurum was mentioned in the historical sources for the last
time at the end of the sixth century, the episcopal continuity in the
newly-founded urban settlement, that was gradually developing on the
small peninsula, could have lasted through centuries to come, strongly
loaded by obscure historical events. The diocese of Dubrovnik was
mentioned in the decrees of the two church councils held in Split (in 925
and 928), which clearly indicates the existence of the firmly-established
ecclesiastical organisation in this eastern Adriatic region in the early
tenth century, that will finally led to its elevation to the rank of
archdiocese at the end of the same century. Nevertheless, the ubication of
the cathedral church remains questionable. Hence, the priority was to
uncover the ubication of the original cathedral church of the diocese of
Dubrovnik among the remains of a dozen pre-Romanesque churches,
preserved inside the ancient nucleus.146 Archaeological excavations
undertaken in the 1980s on the site of the present-day cathedral and the
adjacent square yielded evidence of an uncommonly complex architectural
structure, and unearthed remains which, even before the preliminary
results were publically announced,147 provoked frequently-debated

145

146

147

Pustijerna sexterium, the third urban quarter, had two gates, situated in the
west, opening towards the St. Peters sexterium (St. Margaritas Gate), and
in the north, towards the harbour and the area in front of the cathedral
(Pustijerna Gate). See: . Pekovi, Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split 1998, 66.
More than a half a century ago, Luka Beriti proposed the hypothesis that
the church of St. Peter the Great could have been the first cathedral church
of Dubrovnik. See: L. Beriti, Ubikacija nestalih gradjevinskih spomenika u
Dubrovniku, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 10, Split 1956, 15-83.
. Stoi, Prikaz nalaza ispod katedrale i Bunieve poljane u Dubrovniku,
Arheoloka istraivanja u Dubrovniku i dubrovakom podruju, Zagreb
1988, 15-35.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

85

reactions among the experts.148 Approximately fifteen years ago, this

conglomeration of archaeological findings discovered under the present
cathedral was once again subjected to architectural analysis that identified
the oldest layer of the cathedral church of Dubrovnik.149
These particularly complex archaeological remains lying under the
present cathedral revealed a series of architectural interventions this
cathedral church had undergone through its history. According to recent
discoveries, the oldest church was dedicated to St. Blaise (St. Vlaho), the
patron saint of the town, and was erected in the location of the currently
existing cathedral. It originated outside walls of the Pustijerna quarter,
next to the wooden bridge and the city gate. The oldest church of St. Blaise
(St. Vlaho) was erected in 972, in honour of the new patron of the town,
after his miraculous intervention that saved the town from Venetian siege
the year before. It seems that the original church had cross-in-square plan
(Fig. 45). The four massive piers divided the interior into nine bays; those
positioned next to the lateral walls were elongated and rectangular. The
apse in the eastern end was rectangular too, whereas the corner bays,
adjacent to the altar, were characterized by semicircural niches built into
the eastern wall. The four massive piers supported the roof construction
revealing the cross-in-square plan. The central bay was covered by an
ellipsoidal dome. Under the dome, the foundations were discovered,
which were recently interpreted as the remains of the former cella,
designed for the storage of relics.
Two other structures existed in the immediate vicinity of the
church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho), more precisely in its south-west: an object
with the square plan erected in the principal axis of the Pustijerna Gate,
perhaps even before the church was built, that could have represented the
tower intended for the duke who was in charge of the defence system,150
and a cruciform building with a quatrefoil plan that could have been connected to the adjacent tower. It probably served as a chapel (memoria),
containing the relics of the saint and numerous pits.
148

149
150

eljko Rapani minutely reported, in chronological order, the debate on

these archaeological findings. See: . Rapani, Marginalija o postanku
Dubrovnika, Arheoloka istraivanja u Dubrovniku i dubrovakom
podruju, Zagreb 1988, 39-50.
. Pekovi, Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada, Split
1998, 90-146.
Nikola Ranjina, chronicler from Dubrovnik, mentioned the structure with
this function. See: Annales Ragusini Anonyimi, item Nicolai de Ragnina,
Zagreb 1883, 201.

86

Dejan Crnevi

Among the archaeological findings unearthed underneath the

present cathedral church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho), only traces of two southern pilasters of the original church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho), dating from the
end of the tenth century, and its northern wall, perforated during the latter construction works, have been preserved. This church was of almost
identical proportions as the church of St. Peter the Great in Dubrovnik and
St. Tryphon (Sv. Tripun) in Kotor, which also had the cross-in-square
plan. The church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho) had a rectangular altar apse, as
did the church of Transfiguration of Christ (Sigurata) at Prijeko, in
Dubrovnik. Its extremely narrow bays built along the lateral walls made
this structure suitable for additional construction works, undertaken during
the next construction stage, by cutting through the lateral walls.
The elevation of the diocese of Dubrovnik to the rank of archdiocese, at the end of the tenth century, resulted in the necessity for citizens
of this small community to construct a new cathedral church that would
more adequately correspond to the newly-acquired high rank of this
ecclesiastical centre. Due to the fact that the public life was mainly concentrated in the Pustijerna quarter, with its sacral centre at the church of
St. Stephen, a convenient site for erecting a new cathedral church was not
easy to find within the city walls. For this reason, this urge was reflected
in the expansion and remodeling of the already existing church of St.
Blaise (St. Vlaho). The fact that the relics of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho), its patron
(more precisely, segments of the head and of a knee) were brought to
Dubrovnik at the time of the archbishop Vitalis Gueti (1023 1057),
could also have led to this decision.
The cathedral church of the archdiocese of Dubrovnik was established in 1020, by expanding and remodeling the older, church of St. Blaise
(St. Vlaho). The new cathedral church most likely preserved its previous
dedication. This expansion and transformation was achieved by demolition of the western front and the altar apse, and by perforation of the lateral
walls between the pillars. Thus the newly-erected cathedral gained additional surface area and was expanded eastwards, towards the altar space,
and westwards, stretching up to the already-existing tower and chapel
(memoria), that were reunited into a new architectural unit and changed
their previous function. The width of the cathedral was enlarged by the
newly-constructed lateral walls, parallel to the former ones. Two other
rows of four massive piers were erected, beside the four already-existing
piers. The easternmost newly-erected pillar was circular, whereas the

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

87

remaining ones were octagonal. That way, the church obtained a basilica
plan, with the older church entirely enclosed within the new structure.
The central nave of this newly-erected basilica ended with a new big and
elongated altar apse, trapeziform on the outside, and semicircular on the
inside. Subsellia and a simple monolithic cathedra of the archbishop of
Dubrovnik were placed along the interior of the apse walls. The lateral
naves (pastophoria) ended in the east with semicircular apses, and were
separated from the naves by the altar screen with joist, whose traces have
been preserved in the wall sections. Pastophoria were covered with
vaults, constructed to support the large barrel vault, stretching above the
altar space. The dome and the vault of the original church of St. Blaise (St.
Vlaho) were entirely preserved in the centre of this newly-erected sacral
building, while the remaining parts of the new church were covered with
a wooden roof construction. Despite the fact that the traces of church
gates were archaeologically detected only in the southern wall, the
newly-built cathedral church certainly had entrances in its western, and
probably even northern wall. The structures previously built in the
south-west of the original cathedral of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho) the
presumed tower of prince and a chapel (memoria) were, in the process
of westward enlargement of the sacral building, probably attached to it,
and changed their original purpose. The high tower of the presumed
original tower was thus used as a bell-tower, whereas the former chapel
(memoria) most likely became the baptistery of the newly-erected
cathedral complex. Consequently, communication with it was established
through the bell-tower.
The construction of the new cathedral church of the archbishop of
Dubrovnik, in the unprotected area lying in the vicinity of the port outside
ramparts, reflected the intention of the authorities to concentrate urban
life around this sacral centre. Hence, the aim of building a square in its
surroundings seems rather logical. Nevertheless, in contrast to other
Dalmatian towns that possessed spatial continuity with their antique
heritage (e.g. Split, Trogir, Zadar), the authorities of Dubrovnik could not
proceed in the same manner when building the cathedral square, but
accepted the concept of building the square on the location of the original
church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho), in the suburban area. As it was already stated,
the original princes tower became a part of the new cathedral complex, and
most likely served as a bell-tower. Nonetheless, the new princes tower
(nowadays built into the south-eastern end of the princes palace) was erected

88

Dejan Crnevi

in the north-eastern corner of the square that surrounded the church; this
square gradually expanded northwards, towards the wall encircling this
fourth urban area.
Only several decades after its construction, the first remodeling
was undertaken on the cathedral church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho).
Furthermore, in approximately 1060, right after the schism between the
Eastern and the Western church took place, the interior of the newlyerected cathedral church already underwent some moderate remodeling.
It included adaptations of the altar space and the vault construction.
During this construction stage, a two-level subselia (row of seats) was built
in the altar space, and the archbishop cathedra situated in the centre of the
altar apse underwent transformations as well. The altar apse was decorated
with new frescoes, whose lower section are still partially visible on the
apse, the outer walls and in the arcature. The transformation of the upper
construction was achieved during this stage as well, when the barrel vault
was erected above the central nave of this cathedral church, whereas a
groin vault most likely covered the lateral naves. Along the front side of
the remains of lateral walls of the original church, pilasters were erected,
as well as along the interior of the lateral walls of the latter. This was done
to strengthen the already existing lower parts of the church structure, and
to support the reinforced thrust of the new vault construction. Although
the architectural pattern of this church as well as the fragments of the
liturgical furnishings show pre-Romanesque stylistic features, and its
outward aspect shows inconsistency with its interior, the church could be
classified as structure of the Early Romanesque architectural style. Its tripleapsidal form reflects the novelty that happened in the religious service of
the Western church of the eleventh century, when static liturgy
concentrated on the altar as the most sacred part of the church, replaced the
previously stational one, concentrated on processions.151 A partial
adaptation of the western front of this cathedral occurred in the middle of
the twelfth century, in a very small effort.
According to numerous chroniclers, the cathedral church of the
archbishop of Dubrovnik, erected and re-modelled during the first half of
the eleventh century (in 1020 and c. 1060), was demolished at the close of
the following century. The earthquakes, frequent in this area, could have
151

More extensively on this issue: M. Jurkovi, Crkvena reforma i ranoromanika arhitektura na istonom Jadranu, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/20,
Split 1990, 191-213.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

89

led to its destruction, as could have the tumultuous consequences of the

Venetian assault on Dubrovnik, which occurred in 1171. During the
attack, the Venetians brought down the ramparts stretching towards the
sea in vengeance, and probably at the same time the princes palace and the
cathedral church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho) could have been demolished or
severely damaged. The construction of a new cathedral church probably
began at the end of the twelfth century, and lasted until the middle of the
fourteenth century, judging from archival documentation. In 1204, the
newly-erected cathedral was re-dedicated to St. Mary. Reasons that led to this
might be sought in the explicit wish of its new founder, or in the possible
Venetians demands to extinguish the cult of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho), cathedrals previous patron-saint, after the fall of Dubrovnik under the Venetian
rule. Despite the fact that the new cathedral church was larger than the previous one, it was also built in the form of a three-naved basilica. Instead of
the triple-apsidal eastern end of the older cathedral, the newly-erected
cathedral was designed with only one semicircular apse built in the eastern
end of the central nave. The six cruciform pairs of columns divided the
interior into naves and supported the groin vaults covering each bay. The
horizontal thrust of the vaults was alleviated by massive pilasters built into
the outer side of lateral walls. A dome covered the second eastern bay,
almost square in form and of wider dimensions. Apart from the main
entrance to the western front of the church, the secondary entrances were
cut through the lateral walls. Together with numerous other sacral objects
lying inside the city walls, this Romanesque cathedral church was destroyed
in the powerful earthquake that struck the town in 1667.
Yet another important episcopal see situated in the south of the
eastern Adriatic established its ecclesiastical organization in a town whose
origins resemble that of Dubrovnik. During the Middle Ages, Kotor most
likely started to develop as a refuge of the previous antique settlement. The
antique Acruvium was the ancient nucleus of Kotor, despite the fact that
it remains imprecisely localized,152 the medieval Kotor began to spread on
the most south-eastern point of the Kotor bay, at the foothill of the narrow
slopes of St. Ivans mount, of the Loven mountain range.
Dubrovnik and Kotor, situated in southern Adriatic maritime region,
experienced comparable situations, not only regarding their development.
152

For further information and bibliography on different scientific hypotheses

relevant for the ubication of the antique Acruvium, see: . ,
, 2003, 31, notes 55-57.

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Dejan Crnevi

Kotor is located in naturally protected surroundings, in the relatively

restricted area at the bottom of the bay, located between the kudra, a
subterranean river in the north, and the spring of Gurdi in the south, between
the sea and the natural stronghold in its hinterland at the St. Ivan mount (Fig.
47). Like Dubrovnik, Kotor also benefited from a particularly favourable
harbour, adding to its economic, military and strategic influence.
The urban areas of Dubrovnik and of Kotor, most probably had a
polycentric organization. With relantlesly small dimensions and irregularity
in shape, they spread around sacral centres and were connected by main
communication lines stretching along the direction in which these towns
expanded. The early medieval Kotor (Fig. 46) was encircled by a river in the
north and a spring in the south, which allowed it to spread westwards only,
and abundant water resources gave it an advantage in difficult times when
it had to defend its independence. With an insufficient amount of arable
lands at its disposal, Kotor took its principal economic activities to the sea.
In time, it established strong and complex relationship with its hinterland as
well, especially in the aftermath of the Slavic colonization.
From the very beginning, the presence of Byzantine political and
ecclesiastical organization was apparent in these maritime towns representing the strong foundation of Byzantine power in the south Adriatic
region. Mentions of the bishops of Kotor in the historical sources since the
sixth century, and throughout the Early Middle Ages,153 despite the nearly
inevitable presence of lacunas throughout the history of this diocese, yet
witnesses the existence of a firmly established early medieval ecclesiastical organization with a see in Kotor. Numerous sacral objects erected in
the town and its immediate vicinity (amounting to approximately fifty in
153

Apart from the first mention of the bishop of Kotor (in the sixth century),
he was also present at the seventh Ecumenical Council of Constantinople
(held in 787); bishop John was referred to in the inscription dating from the
early construction stage of the original church of St. Tryphon in Kotor (in
809); bishop of Kotor was equally referred to in the decrees of the church
councils held in Split (in 925 and 928); without omitting the information on
bishop of Kotor as a shipwreck victim (ca. 1030). See: J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum
Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, Florentiae 1767, XIII, col. 373;
Diplomatiki zbornik kraljevine Hrvatske s Dalmacijom i Slavonijom I
(ured. I. Kukljevi-Sakcinski), Zagreb 1874, No. 26, No. 92; Thomas
Archidiaconus, Historia Salonitana (ed. F. Raki), Zagrabiae 1894, 43;
Schematismus Dioecesis Catharensis, Kotor 1911, 10; F. ii, Povijest
Hrvata u vrijeme narodnih vladara, Zagreb 1925, 152, 171; . ,
( ),
2004, 56, 147-148, 155.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

91

the Middle Ages, of which several were built in the Early Medieval period)
also yield information about the christian communitys development.
According to available historical facts, the original church of St.
Tryphon (Sv. Trifun) was, until recently, held to have represented its
oldest sacral structure, erected in the beginning of ninth century and
dedicated to the towns patron saint. Nevertheless, the results of
archaeological research, conducted in various locations in Kotor during
the early 1980s, depicted an entirely different picture of the earliest stage
in the sacral architecture of this important episcopal centre, lying in the
south of this eastern Adriatic region. Archaeological and architectural
examination of the church of St. Mary Koledjata154 provided crucial
information that would shed light on the issues relevant for the earliest
history of urban episcopal churches. This church from the early thirteenth
century proves to be equally important in terms of reputation and function
as the present-day cathedral church of St. Tryphon. Namely, under the
sacristy of this single-naved domed church, which, by its size, decoration
and construction pattern exceeds other similiary constructed churches of
Kotor, the remains of a baptismal basin and fragments of the adjacent
cruciform pier, recognized as segments of an older architectural structure,
were discovered. Traces of the two previously-built altar apses with
synthronon seats were also discovered in the altar space. Due to the fact
that the mentioned architectural elements of the church structure (and
particularly the baptismal basin) were predominantly incorporated into
cathedral churches, it was assumed that this newly-discovered
archaeological findings revealed fragments of the earliest cathedral church
of Kotor. Despite the fact that the original form of the oldest cathedral
church of St. Mary has not been yet established with certainty, this church
most likely represented a basilica-based structure (Fig. 48). Two rows of
six cruciform columns, built of regularly cut little stone blocks, divided
the interior into three naves, most probably ending with semicircular
apses in the east. The base of the cruciform pier points to the fact that it
doubtlessly supported vertical and horizontal arches. Consequently, this
154

For further information on the construction stages undertaken on the chuch

of St. Mary Koledjata in Kotor, see: . ,
II. , 1989,
201-232 (with full bibliography). For further information on the results of
the archaeological excavations conducted in this church, see: J. Martinovi,
Ranohrianska krstionica ispod crkve Sv. Marije od Rijeke u Kotoru,
Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 29, Split 1990, 21-32.

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Dejan Crnevi

lateral nave was undoubtedly designed with a massive upper construction.

These piers probably served as the construction supporting the roof of
original church, covering its central nave. In the eastern apse of its northern
nave, was a baptistery, but archaeological excavations revealed the remains
of the basin only, built into the floor (Fig. 49). The bottom of the basin had
a shape of a square stone slab, with a hole in its centre, whereas the four
almost identical stone blocks arranged in the shape of a cross covered its
surface. Due to the fact that these were the only preserved fragments of this
baptistery, it would not be possible to make any conclusions regarding the
upper parts of this structure. The form of this baptistery was frequent in the
era when baptism by affusion replaced the previous form of baptism by
immersion. According to other archaeological findings from similar, but
more precisely dated monuments, it could be assumed that this earliest
cathedral church of Kotor could have originated in the second quarter of the
sixth century. The restoration of the maritime centres after the Gothic
incursion in the fifth century and disastrous earthquake of 518 might also
corroborate this hypothesis, as does the more intensive Christianization process
immediately following the above-mentioned events, and the same holds for
the first allusion to the bishop of Kotor, dating from the sixth century.
Besides this church, another one of a probably longitudinal plan
was built in Kotor in the Early Middle Ages. Remains of this large threenaved basilica, including piers separating the central from the lateral naves,
were discovered underneath the church of St. Michael. Nevertheless, the
first church dedicated to St. Tryphon, the patron saint of the town, was
erected in the beginning of the ninth century, after the translation of the
saints relics to Kotor. Based on the information provided by Constantine
VII Porphyrogenitos, the church was presumed to have been a rotund for
a long time.155 Nevertheless, the archaeological excavations conducted in
the late 1980s confirmed that the original church of the patron saint had a
cross-in-square plan, probably with a quadrilateral dome over the central
bay. Barrel vaults covered the arms of the cross, while the groin vaults
stretched over the corner bays, supported by pillars or piers.156 The form
155

156

Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G.

Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington D.C. 1967, 29/136-137;
II, 1959, 23.
For further information on the results of archaeological excavation conducted on the church of St. Tryphon in Kotor, see: J. Martinovi,
Prolegomena za problem prvobitne crkve Sv. Tripuna u Kotoru, Prilozi
povijesti umjetnosti Dalmaciji 30, Split 1990, 5-29.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

93

and relatively modest dimensions of this church correspond to the martyrium of the venerated saint, but could not answer the demands of the
epoch and the function of a cathedral church. Approximately in the time
of construction of the church of St. Tryphon, at the end of the eighth or in
the early ninth century, the cathedral church of St. Mary underwent
remodeling. Unfortunately, discovered archaeological findings have not
yielded sufficiently precise or complete information regarding the form of
this church in the aftermath of these re-modelings. At that time, its baptistery seems to have been already covered and the wall dividing the
northern lateral nave from the central one erected over it. Certain elements indicate that the proportions of this church were moderately
reduced, or that the spatial architectural solution of the central nave was
different. Early Romanesque stylistic features of the fragments of carved
stone decoration allow the chronological setting of this remodeling
process. The rise of St. Tryphons cult replaced, in the following centuries,
the cult of St. George (Sv. Juraj), the former patron saint of the town.
Therefore, the urban community was enforced to build a new cathedral
church in the twelfth century, dedicated to St. Tryphon. Nevertheless, the
importance of the former cathedral, church of St. Mary, did not diminish;
instead, it continued to exist as a con-cathedral church, among other
churches of Kotor and in its vicinity. Eventually, the original church was
demolished in the early thirteenth century. In its place, a new church was
built and dedicated to St. Mary in 1221, after having undergone a lengthy
construction process.157
Among many settlements of different size, relatively densely
clustered on the southernmost coast of the eastern Adriatic, two other
settlements also had the status of episcopal sees at different stages of their
early medieval history. Varoius sources also provide some information
about the architecture of their cathedral churches. The town of Bar grew
in one of the most convenient defence locations in this maritime region
157

Nevertheless, the newly-proposed datings of archaeological findings

discovered beneath the church of St. Mary Koledjata have recently been
presented. According to . Jankovi, these findings should be dated to the
tenth and the eleventh centuries. He did not exclude the possbility that
another, older structure could exist under the church. His conclusions were
based on an analysis of the presumed church plan, the discovered baptismal
basin, as well as the fragments of the altar screen, inscription, and pottery
findings, including amphoras and ceramics of the roof construction. More
extensively on this issue: . , 7. 10.
, 2007, 109-111.

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Dejan Crnevi

(Fig. 50). Located in the centre of the small and easily approachable bay of
Bar, with the monastery of the Holy Mother of Ratac on the northern cape,
and a hill Volujica in the south, the medieval Bar was situated in the location
that enabled it to spread safely thanks to its excellent geographic position,
naturally suitable for defence. In contrast to other maritime towns lying on
the very shore, medieval Bar was founded several kilometres away, on a flat
plateau, rising approximately 150 metres above the sea level, secured with
the mighty rocky massif of the Rumija mountain lying in its hinterland.
Positioned on a vertically cut rock lying in its eastern and southern side,
well-protected from the sea, with a panoramic view stretching over the
coast and mainland, this town stayed beyond the grasp of any potential
invader. Despite the fact that the town was detached from its immediate
hinterland by the mighty mountain massif of Rumija, Lisinj and Sutorman,
the town maintained contacts with it, thanks to its excellent and ramified
road network (Fig. 51). Thus, an important urban centre of a considerable
sacral and secular significance developed on this four-hectare plateau,
located on a slightly descending slope.
The bishop of Bar was included in the list cataloguing the bishops
under the jurisdiction of the archbishop of Dyrrachium (Durrs, Dra) in
the first half of the eighth century.158 In the middle of the tenth century,
the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos mentioned Bar
as the southern frontier of the province of Dalmatia, and as a borderline
castel occupying the northernmost part of the Byzantine thema of
Dyrrachium.159 It has recently been considered that the origin of the episcopal see of Bar should be chronologically associated to the foundation of this
thema.160 No mention was made of the bishop of Bar in the decrees of the
158

159

160

Hierocles Synecdemus et Notitie Graece episcopatum (ed. Parthey), Berlin

1866; Dictionnaire dhistoire et de gographie ecclsiastiques (edd. A.
Baudrillart, R. Aigrain, P. Richard, U. Rouzies), Paris 1924.
More extensively on this issue: Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando imperio I (edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Dumbarton Oaks
1967, 30/140-141, 144-145;
II, 1959, 27, 34.
Recent scientific research on the history of this sacral centre indicate that
the precise time of its origin could correspond to the patriarch Photius time
and could be dated to the period after the church council of Constantinople,
held in 879. More extensively on this issue: . ,
( ), 2004, 148.
For further information on the establishment of the Byzantine thema of
Dra, see: J. Ferluga, Sur la date de la cration du thme de Dyrrachium,
Actes du XIIme Congrs international des tudes byzantines II, Beograd 1964,

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

95

church council held in Split in 928, but there were many references to the
bishop in numerous papal bulls from the first half of the eleventh century
whose authenticity has been debated for long time. The bishop of Bar was
also one of the four clergymen from the southern Adriatic involved in a
shipwreck that befell them on their voyage to the church council of Split, held
in 1030, as described in Thomas the Archdeacons work.161 But regardless of
the mentioned doubts pertaining to its ancient past, the second half of the
eleventh century represents the apogee in the early medieval history of this
episcopal see, when the prelate of this maritime centre was elevated to the
rank of archbishop in 1089, by pope Clement III.162 In the town, the title
of the prelate of Bar was considered a proof of continuity of the ancient
Roman archdiocese of Doclea, and the title of its prelate will be inflaming
the rivalry between the archdiocese of Bar and its rival, the archdiocese of
Dubrovnik in the following two centuries.
In the first half of the 1950s, archaeological excavations undertaken
in the southernmost part of the high plateau of medieval Bar, in the site of
Londa, revealed the remains of two structures dating from different periods
(Fig. 52). Judging by their essential architectural forms, these were
attributed to two separate sacral objects, successively erected one above the
other. The foundations of these two churches overlap and are dislocated
from each other. The foundations of the walls of a church of considerably
bigger dimensions that was built later on, were not laid over the foundations
of the older one, but were slightly traverse and moved northwards. Since the
older church was completely destroyed, the later church was erected upon
its remains. The remains of the older church have been preserved,163 but
their quantity is much smaller then the one belonging to the posterior

161

162

163

83-92; . , VII XIII ,

CCCXLIII, . 5, 1986.
Thomae Archidiaconi Historia salonitanorum atque Spalatinorum
Pontificum (edd. O. Peri, M. Matijevi Sokol, R. Katii), Split 2003, 60-61;
Archdeacon Thomas of Split, History of the Bishops of Salona and Split
(edd. O. Peri, D. Karbi, M. Matijevi Sokol, J. R. Sweeney), Budapest
New York 2006, 64-65.
For further information on this papal bull and its relation to the previous
one, see: L. Thalloczy, C. Jireek, E. Sufflay, Acta et diplomata res Albaniae
mediae aetatis illustrantia I, Vindobonae 1913-1918, 21-22.
The remains of the older church include the following: 1) the lower section
of the southern wall; 2) the front of the pier, having rectangular or square
cross sections, incorporated into the southern wall of the newer church; 3)
scarce fragments of its northern wall (pieces of crushed stone and mortar);
4) fragments of the floor, placed on a lower level indicating that the church

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Dejan Crnevi

structure.164 Nevertheless, these have yielded some information regarding

their possible original architectural structure.
The older church was reconstructed according to a basilica plan.
Two rows, each with three smaller piers, formed the three naves in its
interior. Each of the naves was thus divided into four bays, with a semicircular altar apse on the eastern end of the central nave. This church most
likely faced destruction in fire, indicting it was covered with a wooden
roof. Despite its rather imposing dimensions (it was at least 12 m long and
7. 5 m wide), the church should be described as a relatively modest one,
due to the fact that it was probably dug in and had an older, mosaic floor
designed for secondary purposes. Finally, judging by the stylistic features
of the discovered fragments attributed to the carved stone decoration, the
remains of the older church were dated to the period ranging from the
ninth to the eleventh centuries.165
The newer church was also reconstructed in a form of a threenaved basilica. Its lateral naves had smaller semicircular apses, incorporated into the walls, in the eastern end, while the central nave ended with a
larger, semicircular apse.166 A certain irregular pattern in its interior was

164

165
166

was slightly dug in, in regard to the surrounding terrain. Apart from the
already-mentioned fragments, the following remains were attributed to this
church: 1) diverse fragments of the older floor mosaic, considered to have
been of secondary use; 2) carved stone decoration. See: . ,
, 1962, 11-12.
The following remains of the newer church have been preserved: 1) fragments of the lower section of the southern wall, of unequal orientation,
firmness, depth and construction, which indicates it might have been built
in stages; 2) the bottom of the western and northern wall section, and of the
altar apse; 3) fragments of the western portal threshold; 4) fragments of the
bottom of the piers, particularly those of the three southern piers, aligned at
uneven distance; 5) fragments of the floor, in the western front. Numerous
fragments of the substructure of the bell-tower have been discovered along
the exterior of the south-west corner of the newer church. Apart from the
mentioned remains, several fragments have also been discovered (of the
vault ribs, leaf-shaped console, fragments of the doors, windows and liturgical furnishings). See: . , , 1962, 12-16.
. , , 1962, 12.
Two different presumed foundations of the newer church were published.
Different opinions exist regarding the eastern segment of lateral naves.
According to some, these ended with semicircular apses (V. Kora), and
according to others, semicircular apses were incorporated into the wall (.
Bokovi). See: . , , 1962, 10; . ,
, 1965, 36.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

97

marked by an unequal distance in the alignment of the square-shaped

piers. It was also assumed that the older church had been covered with
wooden roof. Its non-corresponding orientation and the thickness of its
southern wall led to a conclusion that this church could have undergone
certain re-modelings at a later stage. A hypothesis was put forward, that
each nave originally contained three bays with its westernmost bays
additionally built, or remodeled. In this rebuilding stage that probably
included the western faade as well, ribbed vault could have been built,
too. Furthermore, a bell-tower was erected along the western section of
the southern wall, as well as a door in the northern wall in the final
construction stage. Judging by architectural features, the remains of the
newer structure have been dated to the second half of the twelfth century
or to the early thirteenth century, i.e. to the period corresponding to the
re-establishment of the archdiocese of Bar, in the years following the
church council held in 1199. Judging by the form of the preserved
fragments of the ribbed vault, the restoration and remodeling could have
taken place in the second half of the thirteenth or in the early fourteenth
century. After the rise of the archdiocese in the fourteenth century, a belltower was erected, whereas the doors in the northern wall were built a
century later. Upon the fall of the medieval Bar under Turkish rule in
1571, the church was converted into a mosque; in 1882, it was entirely
destroyed from the explosion of ammunition that was kept in it.167 The
remains of the older sacral structure situated in the southern end of the flat
plateau of medieval Bar should thus be attributed to the former cathedral
church of the archbishop of Bar. Despite the fact that the dedication of the
older church is not quite certainly confirmed historically, prevailing
opinion is that the church was dedicated to St. Theodore.168 But it should
167
168

. , , 1962, 19-20.
According to Daniele Farlati (1690-1773), a famous church historian, and
his well-known work Illyricum Sacrum. Farlati probably obtained his
information on the older church, dedicated to St. Theodore, that stood on
the location of the newer church dedicated to St. George, from the report of
Marko orga, the archbishop of Bar, dated 1697. This probably represents
the oldest document mentioning cathedral church of St. Theodore in Bar.
See: . , , 1950,
247. The papal bull issued by Pope Alexander II in 1067 mentions St.
Georges day, and not St. Theodores, as a ceremonious holiday, which
justifyingly opens the question whether the older church was also originally
dedicated to St. George. For further information on this papal bull, see: L.
Thalloczy, C. Jireek, E. Sufflay, Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae
aetatis illustrantia I, Vindobonae 1913-1918, 16.

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Dejan Crnevi

be emphasized that different hypotheses have recently been proposed,

questioning the aforementioned conclusions, put a half a century ago.
Consequently, the recently published annual reports on the results
of systematic archaeological excavations, undertaken in the site of the
medieval Bar in the last years, led to a re-evaluation of the existing
hypotheses, and resulted in new ones. Because traces of settlements have
not been discovered in the area of Barsko polje, the hypothesis that the
original cathedral church of the bishop of Bar was the trefoil church in the
site of Topolica, in the field adjacent to the modern town of Bar, has been
rejected. During the 1980s, the hypothesis that the discovered fragments
of the floor mosaic of the older church in Londa, might have come from
the mentioned trefoil church in Topolica, whose transfer could be
interpreted as a symbolic act as a transfer of episcopal tradition to a new
topos,169 has been rejected, as an assumption that does not rest on solid
archaeological evidence.170 Instead, these fragments of floor mosaic could
have come from another site in the closer surroundings of medieval Bar,
and considering the nature of their decorative features, were presumably
part of structure not necessarily sacral.171 It is very probable that, judging
by the early medieval carved stone decoration and inscription, a sacral
structure, older than the newer church dedicated to St. George, existed in
medieval Bar, but the assumption that the wall discovered south of the
newer church was part of this structure remains a pure speculation.172 In
169
170

171

172

For further information on this hypothesis, see: P. Mijovi, Kulture Crne

Gore, Titograd 1987, 119-120.
It is not certain what is the premise that brought remains of the floor mosaic
into connection with the trefoil church on the site of Topolica in Bar. See:
S. Gelichi, Stari Bar. The Archaeological Evidence and the Settlement
during the Ages, The Archaeology of an Abandoned Town. The 2005
Project in Stari Bar, Firenze 2006, 21.
Namely, since a sacral structure from the Late Antiquity has not yet been
discovered on the location of the medieval Bar, a hypothesis was proposed
suggesting these might be attributed to a villa rustica, presumably situated
on the slopes of the hill. See: S. Gelichi, Stari Bar. The Archaeological
Evidence and the Settlement during the Ages, The Archaeology of an
Abandoned Town. The 2005 Project in Stari Bar, Firenze 2006, 21.
Definite conclusions cannot be reached at this stage, due to the fact that
these most important sacral structures of the medieval Bar have been insufficiently preserved, and already excavated in their entirety in 1950s. See: S.
Gelichi, Stari Bar. The Archaeological Evidence and the Settlement during
the Ages, The Archaeology of an Abandoned Town. The 2005 Project in
Stari Bar, Firenze 2006, 24.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

99

addition, another dating of the remains of the mentioned sacral structures

has recently been proposed. The remains of the older church, presumably
dedicated to St. Theodore, were dated to the period between the fifth and
the sixth centuries. This church was restored in the early eighth century
and replaced by a more recent church, erected on the same location and
dedicated to St. George, the patron of the town, supposedly when King
Michael won the recognition of his royal title in 1077.173 But only the completion of the currently conducted systematic archaeological excavations
on this site will yield more reliable conclusions on the cathedral churches
of the archbishop of Bar.174
Like Bar, the medieval Ulcinj was also founded on a safe location,
providing sound living conditions for its inhabitants. It developed on an
elongated slope of sediment limestone descending towards the sea, with
almost inaccessible peaks and sharp, vertical cliffs more than thirty metres
high on both the land and sea side (Fig. 54). That is the reason why this
site was convenient for habitation since the earliest times. Thanks to this
position naturally suitable for defence, the settlement was fortified rather
early on and gradually grew into a unique defence system. Consequently,
the town of Ulcinj started expanding in an area delimited by two distinct,
but organically linked parts, separated by walls (Fig. 53). The citadel (or the
so-called Upper Town) was its first part, representing a stronghold raised for
military purposes, in the location where an acropolis might have stood in
the Early Byzantine period. This acropolis of a most likely irregular polygonal form was almost entirely destroyed during the deurbanization process of
the sixth and the seventh centuries, but was restored in the re-urbanization
of the early ninth century, by using the remains of older buildings and ramparts to construct new buildings. The second part of Ulcinj was the urban
173

174

The proposed dating for the remains of the churches situated on Londa has
been provided in a summary overview of the history of the medieval Bar,
presented in published reports on the recently conducted archaeological
excavations. See: M. Zagaranin, Short Historical Overview of the own of
the Stari Bar, Stari Bar. The Archaeological Project. Preliminary Report,
Firenze 2005, 15-18.
The fundamental work on the architecture of the medieval Bar still remains
the following: . , , 1962. For further
information on the results of the most recent excavatons undertaken in the
same site, see: Stari Bar. The Archaeological Project. Preliminary Report,
Firenze 2005; The Archaeology of an Abandoned Town. The 2005 Project
in Stari Bar, Firenze 2006; A Town Through the Ages. The 2006-2007
Archaeological Project in Stari Bar, Firenze 2008.

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Dejan Crnevi

settlement, fortified by defence walls and established on an area of approximately two hectares, along the entire length of the rocks slope. In the
Middle Ages, the suburban area grew on the slopes under and around city
ramparts, particularly towards the north and north-east.
The ancient Olcinium or Olchinium, whose origins should be
traced to the fifth century BC, the time of the fortified urban settlements
foundation, grew in the location of the present-day Stari Grad (Old
Town).175 In the Roman period, this town had the status of oppidum.
However, it was not included in the list of the towns that were built anew
or were restored during the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Justinian I
(527-565). The reference to Emperor Leo V (813-820) and his son
Constantine, preserved in the inscription of the ciborium of the towns
church, indicates that Ulcinj was under Byzantine administration in the
early ninth century.176 Despite the fact that Ulcinj was omitted from the
lists of the dioceses lying under the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of
Dyrrachium, similiarly to Bar as well, the Byzantine Emperor Constantine
VII Porphyrogenitos refers to Ulcinj in the middle of the tenth century as
a borderline castel, erected in the northernmost part of the Byzantine
thema of Dyrrachium.177 According to the bull issued by Pope Benedict VII
in 1022, the diocese of Ulcinj was placed under the jurisdiction of the
Archdiocese of Dubrovnik,178 but judging from the bull issued by Pope
Clement III in 1089, it lay under the jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of
Bar.179 Throughout the following period, marked by disputes between the
two mentioned rival archdiocese for supremacy over this area, the diocese

175

176

177

178

179

Hypothesis that the antique Olcinium should be identified with Old Ulcinj
(a smaller agglomeration lying on the rock and separated from the
mainland, halfway between Bar and Ulcinj) was also previously proposed.
This even helped determine the establishment time of the thema of
Dyrrachium. More extensively on this issue: J. Ferluga, Sur la date de la
cration du thme de Dyrrachium, Actes du XIIe Congres international des
tudes byzantines II, Beograd 1964, 86.
More extensively on this issue: Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando
imperio I (edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jenkins), Dumbarton Oaks 1967,
30/144-145; II,
1959, 34.
For further information on the authenticity of this charter, see: L.
Thalloczy, C. Jireek, E. Sufflay, Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae
aetatis illustrantia I, Vindobonae 1913-1918, 16-17.
L. Thalloczy, C. Jireek, E. Sufflay, Acta et diplomata res Albaniae mediae
aetatis illustrantia I, Vindobonae 1913-1918, 21-22.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

101

of Ulcinj was not always loyal to the ecclesiastical centre in Bar, albeit it
was geographically closer.
In the 1950s, archaeological excavations discovered remains of two
structures, successively built one above the other, in the same location in
the southernmost part of the medieval Ulcinj, on a rock nineteen metres
above the sea level (Fig. 55). As the remains of the older building lay
entirely under the floor of the later one, it is clear that the later structure
was built after the complete devastation of the older one. Almost identical
as in the medieval Bar, these remains yielded fragments of the two
churches of the medieval Ulcinj. Equally as in the medieval Bar, remains of
the older structure are far less preserved. Its apse was preserved in a rather
good condition, as was the northern segment of its eastern wall, and an
approximately seven metres long segment of its northern wall. Above the
southern wall of the earlier structure lays the southern wall of the newer
one, whereas the remains of its western wall have not been preserved.
Judging by the disposition of these remaining wall segments, it was
concluded that the older church was a simple one, with a single nave of
relatively modest dimensions, with the interior approximately seven metres
long and four metres wide, ending in the east with a semicircular apse (Fig.
56). The discovered remains of walls built of roughly hewn limestone,
sandstone, and pieces of crushed stone do not indicate that there was
splitting. Judging by their shape, fragments of stone blocks might suggests
that they may belonged to angular sides of an octagonal dome, presumably
attributed to the earlier church, because of their smaller size. Judging by
fragments of inscriptions and of the carved stone decoration with distinct
pre-Romanesque stylistic features, the earlier church was dated to the
period ranging from the ninth to the eleventh centuries. If the existence of
an Early Byzantine basilica in the citadel (i.e. in the Upper Town) is
excluded, the aforementioned earlier church erected in the southernmost
part of the medieval Ulcinj would represent the only preserved remains of
the early medieval cathedral church of the Ulcinj diocese.180 Consequently,
several other fragments of pre-Romanesque stone ciborium might also be
attributed to this church. The highly decorated relief of its arcade represents
its most prominent segment, kept at the National Museum of Belgrade.181
180

181

For further information on the remains of the presumed cathedral church

of medieval Ulcinj, see: . , . , . ,
I, 1981, 109-124.
Numerous articles have been written about the fragments of the preRomanesque ciborium of Ulcinj: . ,

102

Dejan Crnevi

Nevertheless, relatively modest dimensions of this sacral structure

produced some uncertainties. Namely, it would be reasonable to debate
whether the church of such relatively modest dimensions could have
matched the prestige or could have answered the needs of a cathedral
church. Another problematic issue is that of the presumed placement of
the ciborium in a rather limited altar area. Judging by the ratio between
the dimensions of the ciborium, and those of the apse (approximately 3 m
wide, 1.5 m deep), the rear side of the ciborium must have adjoined the top
of the apse and therefore inaccessible, which would mean that the
communication in the apse was almost impossible. If this ciborium was not
placed in front of the altar apse, it might have been part of another early
medieval church as well, one that has still remained undetected.182
The Early Medieval episcopal sees and their cathedral churches on
the eastern Adriatic coast and its hinterland at the time of the first South
Slavic principalities presented here, portray a more certain picture of spiritual
life and the development of ecclesiastical organization in this region
throughout the given period. The existence of the cathedral churches and
their complex construction history, not seldom realized gradually and in
several stages, confirm the information given by the historical sources on
the development of ecclesiastical organization in the lands that were being
settled permanently by Slavic tribes in the Early Middle Ages. The dating
of certain architectural construction stages of the early medieval cathedral

182

, II, 1951, 279-280; .

-,
, 3-4, 1951, 75-76; I. Petricioli,
Pojava romanike skulpture u Dalmaciji, Zagreb 1960, 49; . ,
,
VIII-1, 1963, 148-151;
I, 1967, 367-370 (. ); .
, , 1970, 158, fig.
13; . , , 1971,
26; P. Mijovi, Umjetniko blago Crne Gore, Beograd Titograd 1980, 120,
137, fig. 71; . , . , . , I,
1981, 109-110, tab. LIX; . , ,
XXXVI, 1985, 91-104; . -,
. , Godinjak Pomorskog muzeja u
Kotoru L, Kotor 2002, 247-264.
For further information on general architectural and urbanistic features of
the medieval Ulcinj, see: . , . , . ,
I, 1981.

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

103

churches on the eastern Adriatic coast, conducted in some cases with a

high degree of certainty, confirmed the existence of active spiritual life in
these areas, as well as the existence of a hierarchical ecclesiastical
organization that could initiate such construction endeavours or at least
bring them into liturgical life through the liturgical order. As a
consequence, the construction works were always realized for the sake of a
specific community of believers existing in a specific area, while the erected
structures were consecrated and brought into liturgical life by the church
ministers bishops, primarily. That way, the Early Medieaval sacral
architecture as a whole (especially the construction efforts dealing with
erection and reconstruction of cathedral churches in episcopal sees) proves
that the ecclesiastical organization, doubtlessly struck heavily during the
penetration and settlement of the new ethnic element in the Balkans, was
well on its way to re-establish itself already about 150 years later.
The intensive architectural activity associated with particular areas of
the eastern Adriatic could also confirm the conjecture that there existed main
centres from which the main wave of Christianization spread first, to be
followed by the establishment of a firmer ecclesiastical organization system in
the areas inhabited by the newly-arrived neighbours. It was not accidental,
then, that the frequency of such construction efforts is particularly high in
central and southern Dalmatia, whose episcopal sees accomplished powerful
missionary work (Split, Dubrovnik, Kotor). The architectural models of the
cathedral churches erected in these episcopal sees radiated their influence into
the immediate surroundings in the artistic sense as well (Split).
The construction of cathedral churches in the urban areas that were
secular centres as well the Early Medieval upas, but also the residences of
first Early Medieval rulers shows that the established ecclesiastical organization
was gradually being integrated into the foundations of the first political entities
that were forming on the territories inhabited by the South Slavs; but also
reveals the links between, no matter how simple, the ideology of rulership and
only recently-accepted Christian ways of perceiving history and the world.
When it comes to ideas, the predominant notion that the role of
cathedral churches, in both restored and newly-established episcopal sees,
is almost exclusively given to the older churches that were built to play the
identical role during the earlier organization of ecclesiastical life in the
Late Antiquity, demonstrates a more than obvious intention of the newlyinstituted ecclestiastical organization to inherit the older sacral tradition
and ground its historical and divine legitimacy in it.

104

Dejan Crnevi

As the decrees of the church councils strictly forbade ordaining

bishops in non-urban areas, the tradition of selecting the main urban
churches for cathedrals also speaks about the preservation of the age-old
arrangement behind the episcopal duty. Even if the morphology of the settlements containing episcopal centres and undertaking construction of new
cathedral churches does not show such an urban image, the mere presence
of such sacral structure would have improved the urban character of these
settlements.
Dedications of the cathedral churches lying in the eastern
Adriatic, offer precious insight into the course the development of
spiritual life took in particular areas throughout the Early Medieval period.
The choice of one particular patron saint was commonly observed.
Namely, almost exclusive dedication of cathedral churches to the Holy
Mother of God in the Early Middle Ages supports the theory of a firmly
rooted cult of the Holy Mother of God in this area (in Krk, Osor, Rab,
Biograd, Knin, Split, Dubrovnik and Kotor). Continuously transferred
down, since the Early Christian days in some cases, for Her role in the
Embodiment of God Logos, this choice (more widespread in the eighth and
ninth centuries, i. e. during the earlier period of this epoch) is thought to
represent a still present echo of the victory over the Christological heresies
from the previous centuries. When a particular saint had been chosen and
then consolidated as the local towns patron, the cathedral churches in
episcopal sees would get dedicated: to this, another patron besides the
Holy Mother of God (Split); or would be changing their dedication
alternately (Dubrovnik); or, in the case of Kotor, the title of the cathedral
was completely re-oriented to a new patron saint. The case of Knin was
peculiar, since the Holy Mother of God was the patron of the cathedral
church, together with St. Stephen. This peculiarity is explained by the
very character of this saint, being a protector of the ruling dynasty, and by
the fact that the mentioned cathedral church was in the domain of the
ruler. The influence that the patron saints cult had on the dedication of
early medieval cathedral churches can be observed in the example of the old
Zadar church, that changed its original dedication (despite the fact that it
had previously been dedicated to St. Peter) and was re-dedicated to St.
Anastasia (St. Stoija), the saint whose relics were translated to the town.
The example of the cathedral church of Nin is seldom encountered: this
church was dedicated to St. Anselm, one of the saints from Milan (the
remaining two were St. Ambrose and St. Marcello), whose cult flourished

Architecture of Cathedral Churches on the Eastern Adriatic Coast

105

in this ecclesiastical centre during its rise in the Carolingian era. That is
the reason why it could be interpreted as a reflection of the political and
cultural influences that disseminated from the Frankish state.183
Everything aforementioned presents the cathedral churches of
episcopal sees in the early medieval eastern Adriatic not only as a
significant testimony about the paths of architectural thinking, about the
ways of creative efforts and the strength of specific construction
techniques, but also as a source of knowledge that enables us to make
conclusions about the wider currents of the cultural development as a
whole, about the peculiarities of mentality in the spiritual life of these
communities and, finally, about the ever growing presence of the
ecclesiastical organization in these lands in the Early Middle Ages.

183

For further information on the frequency of particular dedications, as well

as the nature and origins of their cults, see: T. Marasovi, Dalmatia
Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 1. Rasprava,
Split Zagreb 2008, 164-179.

106

Fig. 1. Split. Diocletians Palace and Its Early Medieval Western Suburb (Ground Plan)

Fig. 2. Split. Diocletians Palace (Aerial View)

107

Fig. 3. Split. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (St. Domnius) (Ground Plan)

Fig. 4. Split. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (St. Domnius), Crypt (Ground Plan)

108

Fig. 5.
Split. Temple of Jupiter
(Diocletians Mausoleum)
(Axonometic Reconstruction)

Fig. 6.
Split. The Cathedral Church of
St. Mary (St. Domnius),
Early Medieval Interior
(Reconstruction)

109

Fig. 7.
Zadar, Early Medieval Town
(Town Plan)
(1. The Cathedral Church of
St. Anastasia (St. Stoija))

Fig. 8. Zadar, Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

110

Fig. 9. Zadar. The Cathedral Complex (Ground Plan)

Fig. 10. Zadar. The Cathedral Complex (Aerial View)

111

a. Early Christian Basilica,

with Baptistery
and Catechoumena
(5th-6th Century)

b. Early Medieval Church

(10th Century)

c. Romanesque Church
(12th Century))

Fig. 11. Zadar. The Cathedral Church of St. Anastasia (St. Stoija) (Ground Plans)

112

Fig. 12. Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity (St. Donatus) (Exterior from the South-East)

113

Fig. 13.
Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity
(St. Donatus) (8th Century)
(Ground Plan)

Fig. 14.
Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity
(St. Donatus) (9th Century)
(Ground Plan)

Fig. 15.
Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity
(St. Donatus) (8th Century)
(Transversal Section)

114

Fig. 16. Trogir. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)

(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro))

Fig. 17. Trogir. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

115

Fig. 18.
Trogir.
The Cathedral Church of St. Laurentius
(St. Lovro) (Ground Plan)

Fig. 19. Trogir. The Cathedral Church of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro) (Exterior of Apse)

116

Fig. 20.
Krk. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)
(with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)

Fig. 21. Krk. The Cathedral Complex (Ground Plan)

117

Fig. 22.
Osor. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)
(with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)

Fig. 23. Osor. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

118

Fig. 24.
Osor.
The Cathedral Complex
(Ground Plan)

Fig. 25.
Osor.
The Cathedral Church
of St. Mary
(Aerial View)

119

Fig. 26.
Rab. Early Medieval Town
(Town Plan)
(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary)

Fig. 27. Rab. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

120

Fig. 28. Rab. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Longitudinal Section and Ground Plan)

121

Fig. 29.
Nin. Early Medieval Town
(Town Plan)
(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Anselm)

Fig. 30. Nin. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

122

Fig. 31. Nin. The Cathedral Church of St. Anselm. Early Christian Church (Ground Plan)

Fig. 32. Nin. The Cathedral Church of St. Anselm (Ground Plan)

123

Fig. 33.
Biograd. Early Medieval Town
(Town Plan)
(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (?))

Fig. 34. Biograd. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

124

Fig. 35. Biograd. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (?) (9th - 11th Century)

Fig. 36. Biograd. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (?), Exterior (11th Century) (Reconstruction)

125

126

Fig. 37.
Biskupija, near Knin.
The Cathedral Church of St. Mary
(Aerial View)

Fig. 38. Biskupija, near Knin. Royal Court and the Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Ground Plan)

127

Fig. 39. Biskupija, near Knin. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Axonometic Reconstruction)

Fig. 40. Biskupija, near Knin. Royal Court and the Cathedral Church of St. Mary, Exterior
(Reconstruction)

128

Fig. 41. Ston. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

Fig. 42. Ston. The Cathedral Church of St. Magdalene (Ground Plan)

129

Fig. 43. Dubrovnik. Medieval Town (Ground Plan)

(The Cathedral Church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho))

Fig. 44. Dubrovnik. Medieval Town (Air View)

130
a. The Church of St. Blaise (972)

b. The Church of St. Blaise (1020)

c. The Church of St. Blaise (1060)

d. The Church of St. Mary

(12th Century)

e. The Church of St. Mary

(17th Century)

Fig. 45. Dubrovnik. The Cathedral Church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho) (Ground Plan)

131

Fig. 46.
Kotor. Medieval Town
(Ground Plan)
(with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)

Fig. 47. Kotor. Medieval Town (Aerial View)

132

Fig. 48. Kotor. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Ground Plan)

Fig. 49.
Kotor.
The Cathedral Church of St. Mary,
Baptistery

133

Fig. 50.
Bar. Medieval Town (Ground Plan)
(with the Cathedral Church of St. Theodore (St. George))

Fig. 51. Bar. Medieval Town (Air View)

134

Fig. 52. Bar. The Cathedral Church of St. Theodore (St. George) (Ground Plan)

135

Fig. 53.
Ulcinj. Medieval Town (Ground Plan)
(with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)

Fig. 54. Ulcinj. Medieval Town (Aerial View)

136

Fig. 55. Ulcinj. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Ground Plan)

Fig. 55. Ulcinj. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary, Interior of Apse

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and the Early

Byzantine Period on the Later Territory of the SouthSlavic Principalities, and Their Re-occupation
DEJAN BULI

As the title reveals, this text will cover the Early Byzantine period
(early 5th early 7th century) in the areas we have surveyed ourselves, i.e.
Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro. However, as some authors use the two
designations the Late Antiquity and the Early Byzantine period synonymously, the time frame for the territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and
Macedonia is set from the 330s to 610s. It was already pointed out that a
precise chronological estimate cannot be determined without excavation
works and analysis of ceramics and small findings.184 The sites indexed
with poor, often just unspecific data, and described in acquired, conservative
interpretations, offer insecure datings, making fine-tuned chronological
estimations impossible, most of the time. For all these reasons, a revision
of the already-existing lists of sites for the territories of Macedonia and
Bosnia and Herzegovina could not be done, as the material was impossible
to gain insight into.
Considering territory, the work will cover the area of the former
Yugoslavia, without Slovenia and Istria, or more precisely, the area delimited by the river Raa on the north, i. e. Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Montenegro, Serbia, and Macedonia. In other words, the territories that
184

M. Garaanin, Odbrambeni sistemi u praistoriji i antici na tlu Jugoslavije,

Materijali 22, Novi Sad 1986, 10; I. remonik, Rimska utvrenja u BiH s
osvrtom na utvrenja kasne antike, Arheoloki Vestnik 41 (1990) 355 (=
remonik, Rimska utvrenja).

138

Dejan Buli

first formed a part of South Slavic principalities, and then states, during the
Early Middle Ages. During the research undertaken until now in this area,
a large number of fortifications were noticed, with a cultural layer from
the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine period. Information on these was,
in a large measure, obtained through terrain reconnaissance. Sondages
were undertaken on dozens of sites, while systematic archaeological excavations were seldom conducted. The territory covered in this work
encompasses geographical entities defined according to the present-day
administrative borders of the states, which is why we did not take into
account the provincial demarcations from the Late Antiquity/Early
Byzantine period, as these present-day territories were part of two, three
or several provinces throughout the Late Antiquity.185
After the creation of lists and maps of the Late Antiquity/Early
Byzantine localities, the final objective of this work is registering the Early
Medieval and Medieval strata in the mentioned fortifications, and on
detecting potential continuity and discontinuity that marked the medieval
and Early Byzantine period. It is difficult to report some of the relevant
data about the construction or particularities of specific fortifications, their
functions, interconnections, and the roles they played in the defence system
of the Empire in the Late Antiquity or the Early Byzantine era. The aim of this
research is to reflect on the historical context, and not on the movable archaeological material, which is a task beyond the scope of this kind of study.
Some zones of present-day countries remain insufficiently covered,
a consequence of local museums policies and interest, because of which
some areas have not even been reconnoitred, which caused uneven level
of exploration among the regions. For example, the regions of continental
Croatia are the least examined territory.
All that was mentioned above pertains to medieval sites, too, and to
a far greater degree, as they were neglected. They were not the subjects of
initiated projects, but have always remained out of the focus of researchers
to such a degree that these days clear distinction between the Late
Antiquity and Early Byzantine ceramics is no longer made, and the
medieval strata are not even registered.

185

Issues regarding precise delineations of the Late Antiquity provinces have

not been considered relevant for this work.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

139

The Province of Dalmatia A Historical Overview

With the Hunnic invasion, the majority of Illyrian towns were

destroyed.186 The decline of Roman-Byzantine towns, together with the
restricted means of artisanal industry and trade, led to these towns
being reduced to well-fortified settlements with entirely rural agglomeration. The centre shifted towards the south, to the settlements whose
crisis could be alleviated by an influx of agrarian population fleeing the
barbarians.187
The new circumstances, which emerged from the crisis of the third
century, led to the reforms of Diocletian and Constantine the Great, but
ultimately to the division of the Empire in 395. During the reign of the
Ostrogoths, Dalmatia retained the basic structure of its earlier ogranization,
but with one novelty: the merger of Dalmatia and Savia into one administrative unit that had its centre in Salona.188 Salona was an archiepiscopal
see; the existence of Dalmatian dioceses is known because of the presence
of bishops at the ecclesiastical councils in Salona in 530 and 533, which
also provided a delimitation of the province of Dalmatia.189 But it remains
unknown whether organization of dioceses was preserved after 537, when
Byzantium pushed the eastern Goths out of Dalmatia, early on in the conflict between Byzantium and the Goths. As follows from the ecclesiastical
186

187

188
189

For further information on the history of towns in the mid-400s Illyricum,

cf.: Prisci fragmenta (ed. L. Dindorf), Historici graeci minoris I, Lipsiae
1870, Frg. 2, 280.20-281.6; Frg. 8, 291.9-15; I, 7-16; . ,
, 2000, 59-60 (= , ). The
following works offer a wider account of this problem: D. S. Potter, The
Roman Empire at Bay, AD 180-395, London 2004; A. Cameron, The Later
Roman Empire, AD 284-430, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1993; S. Mitchell,
A History of the Later Roman Empire, AD 284-641: The Transformation of
the Ancient World, Hoboken, New Jersey 2007.
For further information regarding the process of disintegration and
ruralization in the hinterland of Illyricum, and the archaeological traces it
left, see: . ,
5. 7. , Sirmium (
), 2003,
239- 258; , , 58-66.
. , j , 1957, 23-24 (= ,
j ).
Diplomatiki zbornik kraljevine Hrvatske s Dalmacijom i Slavonijom I
(ured. I. Kukuljevi Sakcinski), Zagreb 1874, No. 239 and No. 240.

140

Dejan Buli

policy of Justinian I, he strived to reshape the borders of archdioceses so as

to match the borders of dioceses to those of provinces.190 Salona held its status as an archdicese, because Dalmatia was part of the Diocese of Illyricum
in the Late Empire period, with its seat in Salona.191

Bosnia and Herzegovina:

Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and the Early Byzantine Period

Bosnia and Herzegovina occupies the central part of the Balkans.

It borders with Croatia on the north, north-west and south, by the rivers
Sava and Una, and the Dinarid mountains, Serbia on the east and northeast, by the river Drina, and Montenegro on the south-east. Bosnia and
Herzegovina accesses the Adriatic Sea on the south, through the coastal
municipality of Neum.
The very name of Bosnia and Herzegovina reveals the duality of
this land. The major part of northern, peri-Pannonian Bosnia belongs to
the southern rim of the Pannonian Basin, except for the area around the
river Sava, including Semberia, which is an extension of the Pannonian
Plain. Northern Bosnia is marked by a predominantly mountainous terrain
which slopes northwards from the south.192 The mountain areas of Bosnia
and Herzegovina represent a wide expanse, part of the Dinarid mountain
range with high and medium mountains, as well as with long and deep,
often canyon-like valleys, between them. Fields of karst are by far more
numerous than basins. Eastern parts of Bosnia have karst depressions, rather
than karst fields.193
Geographically speaking, two units can be discerned in
Herzegovina: the upper or mountainous pastoral Herzegovina, and the
lower or Adriatic agricultural Herzegovina, situated in the south.194 The
mountainous Herzegovina represents the south-eastern extension of the

190
191
192
193
194

. , (
), 2004, 41-42 (= , ).
For the entire issue on the province of Dalmatia and its eastern borders, see:
, , 33-49.
, , 151-152.
, , 489-490.
. . , , 1972, 495
(= , ).

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

141

western Bosnian high karst, land with mountain ridges and karst fields
lying between.195 The maritime Adriatic region expands into the lower
Herzegovina, along the lower course of the river Neretva, its tributaries
and the great karst field known as Popovo polje.196
In hydrographical terms, the greatest part of Bosnia and
Herzegovina belongs to the Black Sea drainage basin, i.e. to the river Sava
basin, with the Una, Vrbas, Bosna and Drina rivers as its longest tributaries,
all flowing parallely from the south towards the north.197 A small area of
Herzegovina drains into the Adriatic Sea, with Neretva being the longest
river. Surface rivers are prevalent in northern and central Bosnia, while
subterranean rivers flow through western Bosnia and the mountainous
regions of Herzegovina.198 The lower Herzegovina is distinguished by
rivers, lost rivers, springs, surface and subterranean lakes and wetlands.
During the humid seasons of the year, karst fields become temporary lakes,
often large and deep.199
A moderate continental climate is characteristic of northern
Bosnia, while the sub-alpine climate is prevalent in the wider Dinara area.
The lower Herzegovina has the Adriatic climate, which is a variation of an
altered Mediterranean type of climate, influencing the mountainous regions
of Herzegovina as well, due to the proximity of the Adriatic coast.200
During the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine period, the presentday Bosnia and Herzegovina approximately encompassed the hinterland of
the province of Dalmatia (Dalmatiae), as well as parts of the provinces
Pannonia Prima (Pannonia I) and Pannonia Secunda (Panonnia II).
Excavations confirmed Patschs hypothesis that castra were erected
in Doboj and ipovo (several, since castra lying on the road SalonaServitium were confirmed by the sources),201 in the aftermath of the
Pannonian uprising in the first century AD. The forms of ceramic findings
from the castrum of Doboj dated from the first to the fifth century,202 as
was confirmed by a test excavation conducted at ipovo.203 In those early
195
196
197
198
199
200
201
202
203

, , 496-497.
, , 806-807.
, , 152.
, , 490.
, , 812.
, , 490, 811.
C. Patsch, Zbirka rimskih i grkih starina u bos.-herc. Zemaljskom muzeju,
Sarajevo 1915, 57 (= Patsch, Zbirka).
I. remonik, Rimski kastrum kod Doboja, GZM 39 (1984) 70.
remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 355.

142

Dejan Buli

days, the important crossings on the tiver Sava were doubtlessly wellprotected, which in time developed into the Sava limes,204 but, not a single
fortification on the Sava has been discovered, let alone excavated, up to the
present.
Information about the movable findings are available for very few
sites, especially for the medieval ones, since published material is absent,
most of the times, despite long archaeological excavations in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, initiated at the end of the 19th century.205
Irma remonik composed a list of 263 Roman fortifications, with
emphasis on ones form the Late Antiquity. Most of these fortifications,
considering they are mainly in the highlands, were built in the Late
Antiquity or Early Byzantine period.206 But a certain number of them were
not indexed in the Lexicon: 79, 92, 93, 94, 100, 108; and some sites were
identified as prehistoric strongholds (gradine): 44, 65, 69, 70, 105; or as a
tumul: 90. Site 106 was identified as a prehistoric (gradina) and a medieval
town; site 104 as a prehistoric stronghold and a Turkish tower, while sites
28 and 30 were identified as medieval towns. We assume that in these
examples, the author probably obtained information inaccessible to us,
which led him to classify these sites as antique fortifications. But a few
sites remain problematic, as they do not appear to have been strongholds:
sites 25, 83 and 114; and it would be reasonable to omit from the list site
42 (a Roman camp deserted in the third century), site 89 (identified as a
Roman structure) and the site 203 (classified as a medieval necropolis).207
Another six sites mentioned in Perica pehars list of 60 fortifications from the Early Byzantine period,208 should be added to the list of 263
sites composed by I. remonik and incorporated into her work:209

204
205

206
207
208
209

Patsch, Zbirka, 159.

For further information regarding the history of the undertaken research,
see: Arheoloki leksikon Bosne i Hercegovine 1, Sarajevo 1988, 15-49 (=
Leksikon).
remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 355-364.
Leksikon 2-3.
The register of the fortifications, to economise space, was attached to the list
of I. remonik: remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 355-364.
pehar compiled his register without having taken into account the work
written by I. remonik: . ,
( ),
5, 2008, 17-48 (=
, ).

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

143

264. Gradina, Rajike, Glamo210

265. Gredine, Potoani, Livno211
266. Mareljia gradina, Staro selo-Carevica, Glamo212
267. Gradina, Prisoje-Perkovii, Duvno213
268. Gradina, Podgradina, Livno214
269. Teferi, Krupac, Ilida215
The aforementioned list should be expanded with several other
sites mentioned in the Archaeological Lexicon of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
These probably represent fortifications dating from the Late Antiquity or
Early Byzantine period and include the following:216
270. Crkvena, Kamiani, Prijedor217
271. Velika Gradina, Donja Slabinja, Bosanska Dubica218
272. Vracarevo (Vracar-grad), Brievo, Prijedor219
210

211
212
213
214
215

216

217
218
219

, , 42; Leksikon 3, 240; A. Benac, Utvrena ilirska

naselja I. Delmatske gradine na Duvanskom polju, Bukom blatu, Livanjskom
i Glamokom polju, Sarajevo 1985, 158-160 (= Benac, Ilirska naselja).
, , 42; Leksikon 3, 242; Benac, Ilirska naselja, 103-104.
, , 42; Leksikon 3, 245-246; D. Sergejevski, Putne biljeke
iz Glamoa, GZM 54 (1942) 153; Benac, Ilirska naselja, 180-181.
, , 42; Leksikon 3, 266; V. Radimsky, Starine kotarska
upanjog u Bosni, GZM 6 (1894) 300; Benac, Ilirska naselja, 21.
M. Mandi, Gradine, gromile i druge starine u okolini Livna, GZM 47 (1935)
12; , 42; Leksikon 3, 239.
, , 42; Leksikon 3, 57; . ,
, ,
2003, 103; D. Sergejevski, Arheoloki nalazi u
Sarajevu i okolici, GZM 2 (1947) 46-48.
The deficiencies of this classification are evident; a considerable number of
these forts were categorized only after surface findings, collected during
reconnaissance. Scarce information from the Lexicon often omit pottery
findings, while the chronological classification is most often given with a
simple, broad phrase Late Antique fortification.
Leksikon 2, 34.
Leksikon 2, 39.
V. Radimsky, O nekojim prehistorijskim i rimskim graevnim ostacima u
podruju rijeke Sane u Bosni, GZM 3 (1891) 439-440; D. Sergejevski,
Epigrafski nalazi iz Bosne, GZM 12 (1957) 112-116; D. Sergejevski, Rimski
rudnici eljeza u sjeverozapadnoj Bosni, GZM 18 (1963) 88-92; Leksikon
2, 39.

144

Dejan Buli

273. Mali Grad-Blagaj kod Mostara.220

274. Cetinac, Bokovii, Laktai221
275. Lisiji Brijeg-Cintor, Laminci, Bosanska Gradika222
276. Gradac, Trnovica, Zvornik223
277. Veliki Gradac, Ostojievo, Bijeljina224
278. Zvornik 1, Zvornik225
279. Crkvena, Dragoaj, Banja Luka226
280. Gradina, Brdo-Rudii, Mrkonji Grad227
281. Gradina, Bosansko Grahovo228
282. Gradina, Drvar Selo-Glavica, Drvar229
283. Velika Gradina, Lastve-Rakovice, Bosanski Petrovac230
284. arampovo, Gornji Vakuf231
285. Babunar (Saraj), Travnik232
286. Blace, Rankovii, Pucarevo233
220
221
222
223
224
225

226
227
228
229

230
231
232

233

. Basler, Arhitektura kasnoantikog doba u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo

1972, 50 (= Basler, Arhitektura).
Leksikon 2, 48.
L. eravica - Z. eravica, Arheoloka nalazita u okolini Bosanske Gradike,
Zbornik Krajikih muzeja 6, Banja Luka 1974, 220-221; Leksikon 2, 52.
Leksikon 2, 91.
C. Patsch, Mali rimski nahoaji i posmatranja, GZM 9 (1897) 518; Leksikon
2, 98.
M. Babi, custodian of the museum in Bijeljina, has confirmed the existence
of an Early Byzantine layer by means of sondage, of which he was kind to
let us know. . Mazali, Zvornik (Zvonik). Stari grad na Drini, GZM Istorija
i etnografija 10 (1955) 73-116; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Zvornik (Zvonik) u
srednjem vijeku, Godinjak drutva istoriara BiH 16, Sarajevo 1967, 19-35;
Leksikon 2, 98.
Leksikon 2, 128.
Leksikon 2, 146.
I. remonik, Dva srednjovekovna grada u okolici Grahova, GZM 8 (1953)
349-351; Leksikon 2, 161.
V. uri, Starine iz okoline Bosanskog Petrovca, GZM 14 (1902) 252; Z. Vinski,
Kasnoantiki starosjedioci u salonitskoj regiji prema arheolokoj ostavtini
predslavenskog supstrata, VAHD 69, 1967 (1974) 41; Leksikon 2, 162.
V. uri, Starine iz okoline Bosanskog Petrovca, GZM 14 (1902) 22-23;
Leksikon 2, 165-166.
J. Petrovi, Novi arheoloki nalazi iz doline Gornjeg Vrbasa, GZM 15-16
(1960-1961) 1961, 231-234; Basler, Arhitektura, 84; Leksikon 2, 186.
P. A. Hoffer, Nalazita rimskih starina u travnikom kotaru, GZM 7 (1895) 50
(= Hoffer, Nalazita); J. Koroec, Travnik i okolina u predhistorijsko doba,
GZM 4-5 (1949-1950) 1950, 254-265 (= Koroec, Travnik); Leksikon 2, 195.
Leksikon 2, 195.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

287. Glavica, Mali Mounj, Vitez234

288. Gradac (Tarabovac), Vilenica, Travnik235
289. Gradina-Megara, Gole, Travnik236
290. Grbavica Brdo, Grbavica, Vitez237
291. Jankovii, Jankovii, Travnik238
292. Oblak, Mali Mounj-Divljaci, Vitez239
293. Trojan, Pazari, Hadii240
294. Domavia, Gradina-Sase, Srebrenica241
295. Rade, Neum. Sitomir, Radiii, Ljubuki242
296. Veliki vrh, Romanija, Sokolac243
297. Veliki Gradac, Presjeka-Mahinii, Nevesinje244
298. Brijeg, Pareani, Bilea245
299. Gradina, Brova, Trebinje246
234
235
236
237
238
239
240
241

242
243
244

245
246

Koroec, Travnik, 257; Leksikon 2, 197.

Koroec, Travnik, 256; Leksikon 2, 198.
Koroec, Travnik, 250; Leksikon 2, 199.
Hoffer, Nalazita, 54; Koroec, Travnik, 259; Leksikon 2, 199.
Koroec, Travnik, 265; Leksikon 2, 200.
Koroec, Travnik, 258; D. Sergejevski, Novi i revidirani rimski natpisi, GZM
6 (1951) 309; Leksikon 2, 203.
Leksikon 3, 57.
L. Pogatschnig, Stari rudokopi u Bosni, GZM 2 (1890) 125-130; V.
Radimsky, Rimski grad Domavija u Gradini kod Srebrenice u Bosni i
tamonji iskopi, GZM 3 (1891) 1-19; F. Buli, Rimski nadpisi u Srebrenici
(Municipium Domavia), GZM 3 (1891) 387-390; V. Radimsky, Prekopavanje
u Domaviji kod Srebrenice godine 1891., GZM 4 (1892) 1-24, C. Patsch,
Prilozi naoj rimskoj povjesti, GZM 22 (1910) 1911, 192-195; D. Sergejevski,
Epigrafski i arheoloki nalazi (ipovo, Livno, Duvno), GZM 42, sv. 2 (1930)
162-163; D. Sergejevski, Rimski natpisi iz Bosne, uikog kraja i Sandaka,
Spomenik SKA 93, Beograd 1940, 144; I. Bojanovski, Biljeke iz arheologije
I, Nae Starine 19 (1964) 193; I. Bojanovski, Arheoloki pabirci sa podruja
antike Domavie. lanci i graa za kulturnu istoriju istone Bosne, Tuzla
1965, 103; Leksikon 3, 69.
C. Patsch, Mali rimski nahoaji i posmatranja, GZM 9 (1897) 528-529;
Leksikon 3, 334.
. Truhelka, Prethistorijske gradine na Glasincu, GZM 3 (1891) 306-307;
Leksikon 3, 108.
D. Sergejevski, Rimska cesta na nevesinjskom polju, GZM 3 (1948) 55; I.
Bojanovski, Prilozi za topografiju rimskih i predrimskih komunikacija i
naselja u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji (s posebnim obzirom na podruje
Bosne i Hercegovine). II - Prethistorijska i rimska cesta Narona - Sarajevsko
polje s limotrofnim naseljima, Godinjak Akademije nauka i umetnosti
Bosne i Hercegovine 17, Sarajevo 1978, 90-91; Leksikon 3, 153.
Leksikon 3, 170.
Leksikon 3, 177.

145

146

Dejan Buli

300. Velika Gradina, Slivnica, Trebinje247

301. Vraevica, Panik, Bilea248
302. Grad Lis, Repovci, Konjic249
303. Gradac, Glavatievo, Konjic250
304. Ilina, Gorani, Konjic251
305. Velika Gradina, Varvara, Prozor252
306. Anelia (Juria) Gradina, Lipa, Livno253
307. Gradina, Podgradina, Livno254
308. Gradina (Nuhbegovia gradina), Podhum, Livno255
309. Kasalov Gradac, Livno256
310. Brina, Vinjani, Posuje257
311. Bukovac 2, itluk, Posuje258
312. Grad, Stipanii, Duvno259
313. Gradina, Korita, Duvno260
247
248
249
250
251
252

253

254
255
256
257
258
259
260

. Odavi, Praistorijska nalazita na prostoru Trebinja (gomile i gradine),

Tribunia 4, Trebinje 1978, 153; Leksikon 3, 195.
I. Bojanovski , Arheoloki spomenici, Nae starine 8 (1962) 12; Leksikon 3, 196.
P. Aneli, Historijski spomenici Konjica i okoline, Konjic 1975, 158-160 (=
Aneli, Historijski spomenici); Leksikon 3, 213.
P. Aneli, Srednjovekovni gradovi u Neretvi, GZM 13 (1958) 200-202;
Leksikon 3, 213.
Aneli, Historijski spomenici, 29; Leksikon 3, 217.
V. uri, Gradina na vrelu Rame, prozorskog kotara, GZM 12 (1900) 99118; . Truhelka, Kulturne prilike Bosne i Hercegovine u doba prethistorije,
GZM 26 (1914) 79-80; B. ovi, Prelazna zona, Praistorija Jugoslovenskih
zemalja 4 (1983) 390-412; N. Mileti, Rani srednji vijek, Kulturna istorija
Bosne i Hercegovine od najstarijih vremena do pada ovih zemalja pod
osmansku vlast, Sarajevo 1984, 422; Leksikon 3, 225.
V. uri, Arheoloke biljeke iz Livanjskog kotara, GZM 21 (1909) 169170; M. Mandi, Gradine, gromile i druge starine u okolini Livna, GZM 47
(1935) 9-10; A. Benac, Utvrena ilirska naselja, I. Delmatske gradine na
Duvanskom polju, Bukom blatu, Livanjskom i Glamokom polju, Sarajevo
1985, 134 (= Benac, Ilirska naselja); Leksikon 3, 235.
Leksikon 3, 239.
V. uri, Arheoloke biljeke iz Livanjskog kotara, GZM 21 (1909) 169;
Benac, Ilirska naselja, 80-83; Leksikon 3, 239-240.
M. Mandi, Gradine, gromile i druge starine u okolini Livna, GZM 47 (1935)
7; Benac, Ilirska naselja, 108-110; Leksikon 3, 244.
Leksikon 3, 260.
P. Ore, Prapovjesna naselja i grobne gromile, GZM 32 (1977) 1978, 218-219 (=
Ore, Naselja); Leksikon 3, 261.
Leksikon 3, 264.
N. Mileti, Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola u Koritima kod Duvna, GZM 33
(1978) 1979, 141-204, . Miki, Rezultati antropolokih ispitivanja ranosre-

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

147

314. Vukove Njive, Gradac, Posuje261

315. Bilobrig, Vionica, itluk262
316. Gradina, Mali Ograenik-Donji Ograenik, itluk263
317. Krstina, Hamzii, itluk264
318. Mala Gradina, apljina265
319. Milanovaa, Gorica, Grude266
320. Trebinje-Crkvine267
With these additions, we reach a total of 320 fortifications, mainly
from the Late Antiquity or Early Byzantine period. This figure still does
not reflect their real quantity, with all the already mentioned deficiencies
of such a classification and some zones having been poorly explored, but it
is certainly closer to the actual number. The empty zones were not uninhabited in the Late Antiquity, for these were the mining districts of eastern Bosnia or the fertile valleys around the Bosna river. A lot of strongholds (gradine) were, with inertia, were dated of as prehistoric. But even
if we accept such datings, there remains a number of Late Medieval towns
whose Late Antiquity or Early Byzantine phase can be assumed to exist.
The conjectured density of fortifications can be glimpsed at by comparing
the empty zones with the surrounding ones.
Since the historical information being absent and the adequate
archaeological information being scarce, it is difficult to speak of the historical context beyond general observations. The process of adapting to the
new circumstances unfolded in two directions. The first was fortifying the
already existing settlements in the plains, as seen in Mogorjelo at apljina,
where an agricultural estate was fortified already in the early fourth century.
The other direction, far more efficient, is the so-called vertical migration
resettlement to the fortifications on higher altitudes.268

261
262
263
264
265
266
267
268

dnjovekovne nekropole u Koritima kod Duvna, GZM 33 (1978) 1979 205222; Benac, Ilirska naselja, 74-76; Leksikon 3, 264-265.
Ore, Naselja, 184-185; Leksikon 3, 279.
Leksikon 3, 290.
. Belagi, Steci. Kataloko topografski pregled, Sarajevo 1971, 315 (=
Belagi, Steci); Leksikon 3, 297.
Leksikon 3, 301.
C. Patsch, Pseudo-Skylaxovo jezero. Prinos povjesti donjeg poreja Neretve,
GZM 18 (1906) 374-376 (= Patsch, Pseudo-Skylaxovo); Leksikon 3, 330.
Patsch, Pseudo-Skylaxovo, 379; Leksikon 3, 331.
. , 7. 10. , 2007, 158 (=
, ).
, , 37.

148

Dejan Buli

But this does not exclude the possibility that the exploitation of fertile plains, suitable for agricultural production, could have continued. We
can speak of a more large-scale fortification construction in the hinterland
of Dalmatia only after 535 and the final expulsion of the Goths from
Dalmatia, since it is unlikely that during their reign they would allow living
in strongholds.269 Besides, the number of the known fortifications in continental Croatia is, so far, meagre.
Perica pehar divided the fortifications in four big groups, based on
a sample of 60 fortifications from Late Antiquity or Early Byzantine period,
according to their surface area: big, middle-sized and small, while the fortifications with an unknown surface made a group of its own.270 Small fortifications, in the hinterland of Dalmatia, represent the most numerous group.
As ihajlo ilinkovi warned, when classifying the fortifications
according to their size, one should be aware that, most of the times, the
outer extensive ramparts often remained undiscovered, and that they
could have been used occasionally to keep the livestock during the siege.271
pehars division may be accepted, but it should be borne in mind
that all the fortifications on high altitudes were located on more or less
steep slopes. When making a projection of a ground plan, which is normally executed on a horizontal plane, shrinking of the surface area unavoidably happens, in line with the laws of mathematics.272 But the conclusions
that the big-sized fortifications, erected on the elevations overlooking the
fertile plains, rivers or fields, acted as a sort of collective centres in addition to having a defensive role, and maybe even that of ore storagesremain dubious.273 One of the main functions the fortifications had was
probably the protection of the mining basins and auriferous rivers.
269
270

271
272

273

Procopius makes no mention of fortification construction in Dalmatia.

The first group is made up of fortifications with a surface area greater than
1 hectare; the second of fortifications with a surface area between 0.5 and 1
hectare; while the fortifications of a surface area smaller than 0.5 hectare
fall into the third group: , , 19.
. , . , 2010, 225-226.
In order to take the measurements of the surface area, it is necessary to have
in mind the shrinkage that occurs when projecting terrain onto a flat
horizontal plane, except for where there are no slopes and the surface
remains the same. Practically, this would mean that the represented surface
of the fortification is 86.6% of the real one, if the angle of the slope is 30;
and only 70.7%, if the angle of the slope is 45. It is an entirely different
question if some surfaces are useful due to these terrain slopes.
, , 38.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

149

Findings of slag indicate that the fortifications were erected in the vicinity of the mining shafts, and the residues of slag are frequently found on
many sites, regardless of their geographical position or size, as had been
suggested. The idea that the discovered buildings had the function of
horeum (silo for storage of agricultural products) has no foundation.
Positions these fortifications occupied could determine their main
tasks and functions; however, the excavations carried out in or around
these sites so far do not yield sufficient elements that could make a correlation between the surface of a fortification and its function. The crucial
function of the fortifications situated along the main roads was to secure
the traffic, settlements or river crossings. Besides the insufficient research
on the fortifications and the deficient knowledge of the traffic ways (especially the less significant ones), additional difficulty lies in the locations of
a majority of Roman settlements that we know of from the sources,
remaining unidentified.274
On the other hand, perceived clusters of fortified points along the
border of the maritime Adriatic belt and on the mountain massifs that
separated the coastal regions from the hinterland of Dalmatia are spurious
as well.275 We think that such attitude comes, doubtlessly, from the insufficient research of the given areas that led to the false clusterization of the
fortified points. Also, without understanding that these generally represented fortified villages,276 with no military function, this theory should be
rejected. Nevertheless, the unquestionably higher density of fortifications
274
275

276

remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 357.

Other than the local functions - protection of roads and settlements - the
fortifications around Bosanski Petrovac, Grahovo, Livanjsko polje,
Glamoko polje, Duvanjsko polje, Posuje, Gruda, Imotsko polje, Ljubuko
polje, and those lying along the lower course of Neretva, formed a solid
barrier towards the hinterland; See: remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 357.
In the last couple of years, an opinion prevailed that most of the
fortifications served as fortified settlements, without excluding additional
functions. The nature of the archaeological findings confirms this
hypothesis, since these have been predominantly associated with
craftsmanship and agriculture, and there are objects pointing to the
presence of women and existance of churches, all indicating a longer stay
within the forts. Cf: . ,
,
, - 2002, 7172; . ,
, III, 2005, 180; . ,
. ,
2010, 227.

150

Dejan Buli

comes as a consequence of geographic conditions i.e. the fact that these

were erected on a low, coastal stretch of land which led some inhabitants
to leave the area for the island fortifications, and the majority to flee to the
highlands of the Dinara mountains. Most likely such process of receding
was happening on the northern side of the massif as well.
The following, revised list, includes the fortifications that, besides
the already mentioned Late Antique/Early Byzantine strata, contain medieval
traces that indicate a continuous or re-initiated use of the fortification. 277
1. Brekovica, Biha (95)278
2. Zecovi, arakovo, Prijedor (81)279
3. Grad, Gornji Vrbljani, Klju (Velika and Mala Gradina (80)280
4. Gradina (Grad), Gradac, Posuje (46)281
5. Zelengrad, Han Kola-utkovci, Banjaluka (134)282
277
278

279

280

281

282

The number within the parentheses designates the number of the site,
corresponding to the number on the provided map.
Leksikon 2, 14. Some authors date the remains of ramparts and of the
pentagonal tower only to the Late Antiquity and the Early Byzantine
period: V. Radimsky, Nekropola na Jezerinama u Pritoci kod Bia, GZM 5
(1893) 41; P. pehar, Late Antique and Early Byzantine Fortification in
Bosnia and Herzegovina (Hinterland of the Province of Dalmatia),
Hhensiedlungen zwischen Antike und Mittelalter-Ergnzungsbnde zum
Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, Band 58, Berlin New
York 2008, 586 (= pehar, Late Antique).
The foundations of the church, as well as the sporadic medieval objects
confirm that these fortifications were used in the Middle Ages: Leksikon 2,
39; I. remonik, Rimski ostaci na Gradini Zecovi, GZM 11 (1956) 137-146;
Basler, Arhitektura, 55.
The occupation continued into the Carolingian age (8th 9th century). That
is confirmed by the archaeological findings such as the ceramics of Early
Slavonic type, a bronze spur and a gold-plated prong of a belt buckle:
Leksikon 2, 144; Z. Vinski, Novi ranokarolinki nalazi u Jugoslaviji, Vjesnik
Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu 10-11 (1977-78) 1979, 143-190; I.
Bojanovski, Kasnoantiki katel u Gornjim Vrbljanima na Sani, GZM 34
(1979) 1980, 109-119.
In some of the researched structures on the slopes of gradina were noticed
material remains of the Early Medieval period (the Slavic period): Leksikon
3, 264.
Remnants of the wall above the Late Antique fortification are thought to be
related to the town of Zemljanik, mentioned in the sources from the late
13th century: . , ,
GZM 48 (1936) 33. West of the plateau, a necropolis arranged in rows was
discovered and categorized as medieval: Leksikon 2, 133.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

6. Mogorjelo, apljina (252)283

7. Biograci, Litice, Mostar (37)284
8. Gradac, Hudutsko, Prozor (29)285
9. Gradina, Bivolje brdo, apljina (263)286
10. Grad Biograd, Zabre, Konjic (24)287
11. Blagaj (Stjepan Grad), Blagaj, Mostar (35)288
12. Vidoki Grad, Stolac (191)289
13. Gradina, Alihode, Travnik (68)290
14. Crkvina, Makljenovac, Doboj (73)291
283

284

285
286

287

288

289

290
291

Besides the necropolis dating from the Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages,
on the fortified site and in its immediate surroundings human habitation in
the Early Middle Ages was confirmed with the medieval ceramics and Early
Carolingian findings. Several tombstones (steci) have also been preserved,
so the archaological findings cover the period from the eighth to fifteenth
century; . Werner, Ranokarolinka pojasna garnitura iz Mogorjela kod
apljine (Hercegovina), GZM 25-26 (1961) 235-242; Z. Vinski, O nalazima
karolinkih maeva u Jugoslaviji, SP 11 (1981) 9-54; Z. Vinski, Zur
karolingischen Schwertfunder aus Jugoslawien, Jahrbuch des RmischGermanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 30 (1983) 465-501; Leksikon 3, 331.
This fortification was again used during the eighth and ninth centuries; by
a population of Slavic characteristics, but under Frankish influence, as
confirmed by the discovered spur: I. remonik, Rimsko utvrenje na
Gradini u Biogracima kod Litice, GZM 42/43 (1989) 89-92.
The use of Gradac in the Middle Ages has been confirmed by the findings
of Late Medieval ceramics: Leksikon 3, 213.
Discovered movable findings represent pre-historic and Roman ceramics
and bricks, so it remains unclear why a medieval settlement was even
mentioned: Leksikon 3, 325.
This site was mentioned in 1444, 1448 and 1454 as the domain of Herzeg
Stjepan. In the Turkish census of 1469, it was mentioned as a deserted town,
while the square (trg, a suburb) of the same name had 17 houses: Leksikon
3, 213; P. Aneli, Historijski spomenici Konjica i okoline, Konjic 1975,
125-129 (= Aneli, Historijski spomenici).
The earliest source that explicitly mention the town dates back to 1423. The
Turks took the town in 1465 and in the eighteenth century the walls of this
structure were once again redesigned. What particularly draws attention is
a twelfth-century stone plate with a cyrillic inscription, in a secondary use:
Leksikon 3, 290-291.
This town was mentioned for the first time in the fifteenth century and it
was destroyed later, during the construction of Austro-Hungarian barracks:
Leksikon 3, 195; Basler, Arhitektura, 50-51.
A fragment of Early Medieval (Slavic) ceramics was discovered in the area
of Gradina: Leksikon 2, 198.
During the Middle Ages, there was a wooden church on the hilltop with graves
around it dated from the ninth to thirteenth centuries: Leksikon 2, 63.

151

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Dejan Buli

15. Bobovac, Dragovii-Miljakovii, Vare (63)292

16. Gradac, Homolj, Kiseljak (59)293
17. Gradina, Dabravina, Vare (171)294
18. Teferi, Krupac, Ilida (269)295
19. Crkvena, Kamiani, Prijedor (270)296
20. Bosanska Gradika, Bosanska Gradika (113)297
21. Lisiji Brijeg-Cintor, Laminci, Bosanska Gradika (275)298
22. Zvornik 1, Zvornik (278)299
23. Gradina, Bosansko Grahovo (281)300
292

293

294

295

296
297

298
299

300

For the first time Bobovac was mentioned in 1350, while a royal court was
being built from the second half of the fourteenth to the mid-fifteenth
century. The Turks took it in 1463: P. Aneli, Bobovac i Kraljeva Sutjeska.
Stolna mesta bosanskih vladara u XIV i XV stoleu, Sarajevo 1973; Leksikon
3, 15. For further information regarding remains from the Early Byzantine
period, see: . Basler, Kanelirani stup iz Stoca, Slovo Gorina 10, 1982, 52-53.
Besides one medieval ceramic vessel, graves dated to the Middle Ages were
discovered above the Early Byzantine basilica: Leksikon 3, 19. pehar claims
that these tombs have to be dated to the Late Antiquity: pehar, Late
Antique, 573. V. Skari, Altertmer von Gradac in der Lepenica (Bosnien)
(Starine na Gracu u bosanskoj Lepenici), GZM 44 (1932) 1-21.
Individual medieval findings were found inside the Gradina. These include
several objects made of iron and a trefoil arrow, dated to the Early Middle
Ages. The issue of dating these objects to the Antiquity or the Middle Ages
remains open: D. Sergejevski, Bazilika u Dabravini (Revizija), Sarajevo 1956;
I. Nikolajevi, Kasnoantike presvoene grobnice u srednjovekovnoj
crkvenoj arhitekturi Bosne i Hercegovine, Predslavenski etniki elementi na
Balkanu u etnogenezi Junih Slovena, Sarajevo 1969, 223-227. I. Nikolajevi,
Oltarna pregrada u Dabravini, ZRVI 12 (1970) 91-112; For a more
generalized overview, see: Leksikon 3, 19.
D. Sergejevski and K. Topolovac claim that this was a late medieval fortification: D. Sergejevski, Arheoloki nalazi u Sarajevu i okolini, GZM 2, (1947)
46; Leksikon 3, 57, while M. Popovi and P. pehar support the theory of
Late Antique/Early Byzantine fortification: , ,
103; pehar, Late Antique, 586.
Leksikon 2, 34.
E. Paali, Antika naselja i komunikacije u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo
1960, 27; L. eravica - Z. eravica, Arheoloka nalazita u okolini Bosanske
Gradike, Zbornik Krajikih muzeja 6, Banja Luka 1974, 215-233 (= eravica
- eravica, Arheoloka nalazita); G. Kraljevi, Rimski novci iz Bosanske
Gradike i Laktaa, GZM 34 (1978) 1979, 137.
eravica - eravica, Arheoloka nalazita, 220-221; Leksikon 2, 52.
Leksikon 2, 98; . Mazali, Zvornik (Zvonik). Stari grad na Drini, GZM
Istorija i etnografija 10 (1955) 73-116; D. Kovaevi-Koji, Zvornik (Zvonik)
u srednjem vijeku, Godinjak drutva istoriara 16, 1967, 19-35.
I. remonik, Dva srednjovekovna grada u okolici Grahova, GZM 8 (1953)
349-351; Leksikon 2, 161.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

24. Glavica, Mali Mounj, Vitez (287)301

25. Gradina-Megara, Gole, Travnik (289)302
26. Kastel- Banja Luka (76)303
27. Veliki vrh, Romanija, Sokolac (296)304
28. Grad Lis, Repovci, Konjic (302)305
29. Gradac, Glavatievo, Konjic (303)306
30. Velika Gradina, Varvara, Prozor (305)307
31. Gradina (Nuhbegovia gradina), Podhum, Livno (308)308
32. Gradina, Korita, Duvno (313)309
33. Vukove Njive, Gradac, Posuje (314)310
34. Gradina, Mali Ograenik-Donji Ograenik, itluk (316)311
301
302
303

304
305
306
307

308

309

310
311

Koroec, Travnik, 257; Leksikon 2, 197.

Koroec, Travnik, 257; Leksikon 2, 197; Belagi, Steci, 145; Leksikon 2, 199.
In the thirteenth century, Banja Luka belonged to the upa Zemljanik and
the oblast (area) of Donji Kraji. Its modern name was mentioned for the first
time in 1494. After the fall of the Bosnian state (1463), Banja Luka became
a part of the banovina of Jajac, and the Turks took it in early 1528: A. Bejti,
Banja Luka pod turskom vladavinom, Nae Starine 1 (1953) 91-116; V.
Skari, Banja Luka i njena okolina u davnini, Otabina 31-33 (1924), 2;3;2;
I. remonik, Kastel Banja Luka. Gradina sa slojevima od praistorije do
danas, AP 14 (1972) 133-134; L. eravica, Kastel Banja Luka. Kompleksno
utvrenje, AP 15 (1973) 112-113; B. Graljuk, Posavina u antici u svjetlu
novih istraivanja, Antiki gradovi i naselja u junoj Panoniji i graninim
podrujima, Varadin 1977, 147-154; Banja Luka, Enciklopedija Jugoslavije
1, A-Biz, Zagreb 1980, 492-494 (M. Vasi); Leksikon 2, 130; D. Peria,
Zlatnik cara Justinijana iz Banjaluke, GZM 45 (1990) 171-176.
Leksikon 3, 108.
Aneli, Historijski spomenici, 158-160; Leksikon 3, 213.
P. Aneli, Srednjovekovni gradovi u Neretvi, GZM 13 (1958), 200-202;
Leksikon 3, 213.
V. uri, Gradina na vrelu Rame, prozorskog kotara, GZM 12 (1900) 99118; N. Mileti, Rani srednji vijek, Kulturna istorija Bosne i Hercegovine od
najstarijih vremena do pada ovih zemalja pod osmansku vlast, Sarajevo
1984, 422; Leksikon 3, 225.
V. uri, Arheoloke biljeke iz Livanjskog kotara, GZM 21 (1909) 169; A.
Benac, Utvrena ilirska naselja, I. Delmatske gradine na Duvanskom polju,
Bukom blatu, Livanjskom i Glamokom polju, Sarajevo 1985, 80-83;
Leksikon 3, 239-240.
N. Mileti, Ranosrednjovekovna nekropola u Koritima kod Duvna, GZM 33
(1978) 1979, 141-204; . Miki, Rezultati antropolokih ispitivanja
ranosrednjovekovne nekropole u Koritima kod Duvna, GZM 33 (1978)
1979, 205-222; Benac, Ilirska naselja, 74-76; Leksikon 3, 264-265.
Leksikon 3, 279.
Leksikon 3, 297.

153

154

Dejan Buli

35. Mali Grad-Blagaj near Mostar (273)312

36. Grad Vitanj, Kula, Sokolac (106)313
37. Gradina Loznik, Podloznik, Pale (104)314
38. Gradina Bokaevac, Kostajnica, Konjic (28)315
39. Gradina, Vraba, Bijela, Konjic (30)316
40. Vrtine, rvanj, Ljubinje (203)317
41. Trebinje-Crkvine (320)318
This leads us to the conclusion that out of 320 Late Antique/Early
Byzantine sites, medieval traces appear on 41 sites, or 12.81%. We hold
this percentage to be much higher in reality, which can be deduced if we bear
in mind the deficiencies and scarcity of information, because of which
medieval horizons are impossible to discern.
And since the sites taken into account here were often merely
registered in the process of reconnaissance, or yielded only scarce and
inaccurately dated findings, a wider picture and chronological frame of
these sites has proved very complex to grasp. The absence of written
sources and infrequent occurrence of the remaining architectural
monuments add to the complexity of this task, as well.
A more accurate dating of certain fortifications has not been
established beyond them being medieval towns: 1, 23, 31, 36, 38, 39; some
represented a medieval town with a church in it: 2; or a medieval town and
a necropolis: 5. When it comes to site 18, only a broad conclusion can be
made that it belongs to the Middle Ages. Sites 20 and 21 were classified as
312

313
314
315
316

317
318

About 2.5 km from the fortification of Blagaj near Mostar, stands Mali
Grad, formed of a tower, what was probably a cistern, and another
building. The ground floor of the tower corresponds with the time of
Emperor Justinian I: Basler, Arhitektura, 50.
remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 360; Leksikon 3, 96.
Belagi, Steci, 263; remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 360; Leksikon 3, 54.
remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 358; Aneli, Historijski spomenici, 163-167;
250-255; Leksikon 3, 215.
remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 358; P. Aneli, Srednjovekovni gradovi u
Neretvi, GZM 13 (1958) 185-189; Aneli, Historijski spomenici, 129-133;
Leksikon 3, 215.
Belagi, Steci, 379; remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 361; Leksikon 3, 196.
Archaeological excavations confirm existence of a town, about 1.2 ha in
surface area. Accidental pottery findings point to the Early Byzantine
period the seventh century, as well as to the period between the ninth and
tenth centuries: . , 7. 10. ,
2007, 158 (= , ).

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

155

medieval settlements; site 19 as a medieval building, while individual

medieval findings were discovered on several sites: 16, 17, 24. Slightly
more precise designations were provided for sites 8, 10, 12, 15, 22, 26, 28?,
29? as Late Medieval towns; site 33 was classified as a Late Medieval settlement; the following sites were identified as Late Medieval necropoles:
32, 34, 40; site 25 as a tombstone; site 11 was dated to the Late Medieval,
Ottoman period; site 37 was identified as a Turkish tower. Site 14 was a
indentified as church with a necropolis, dated between the 9th and 13th
centuries.
According to Slavic and Early Carolingian findings, the following
sites were defined as Early Medieval: 3, 4, 6, 7, 13; site 30, which represent a
settlement with a necropolis, was also dated to the Early Medieval period.
Site 9 was dated to the Middle Ages, for unknown criteria; site 27 was
destroyed during later construction works, which might corroborate the
hypothesis that it dates back to the Middle Ages.
Years after the fall of Salona represented the beginning of a new
age, one of continuous Slavic settlement in the decades that followed. In
the second wave of migrations, with the emperors consent, the Serbs and
the Croats got hold of the entire area of the former province of Dalmatia,
where the first principalities would rise some time later. About them we
know from the treatises of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos.319
Byzantine coastal towns and some islands were the only ones spared of the
conquests and they will play an important role in Christianization and the
development of Slavic hinterland.320
There is almost no historical information on the events in Bosnia
and Herzegovina during the first couple of centuries after the Slavic colonization, and the archaeological insights hardly provide a more profound
perspective. Opportunities were not taken adequately, just because many
sites with these remains were either excavated too early at the turn of
the century, or too late destroyed before being researched.
Why the architectural elements attributed to the Slavs are difficult
to recognize will be discussed later; for now, it will suffice to acknowledge
their presence in the strongholds (gradine). During excavation of the
319
320

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio I (ed. Gy.

Moravcsik R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington DC 1967, cc 31-36 (= DAI).
, , 309.

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Dejan Buli

fortifications, fragments of early Slavic ceramics were discovered. These

findings reflect the attitude of the Slavs towards their new environment,
but the use of these sites is not an evidence for the adaptation of the newcomers to the earlier settlements, nor is it a proof for the continuity of life.
However, it is a proof of analogous factors that led to the fortifications
being re-used immediate war danger, in this case. Purposely chosen and
situated on important strategic points, they justified the reason of their
choice and affirmed their centuries-long importance.
The first to mention Bosnia was Constantine Porphyrogenitos in
the mid-tenth century, when it was still a part of Serbia, while other lands
lying within the province of Dalmatia were principalities of the Narentines,
Zachlumia and Travunia, ruled by archonts. Salines (in the vicinity of the
present-day Tuzla) was included as well, among other Serbian towns,
whereas only two towns in Bosnia were mentioned, Katera and Desnik.321
Katera was thought to be Kotorac near Sarajevo, but this site has no
medieval strata whatsoever; it could have been Kotor, in the middle of the
Vrbanje upa (administrative unit). It has been known under the name of
Bobac (Bobos), but all that is known of the town pertains to the Late
Middle Ages. The location of Desnik remains unidentified, but it was
thought to be located near the present-day Deanj.322 Alternatively, if we
follow the understanding that the term kastra oikoumena in De administrando imperio, the treatise of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos, does not
designate inhabited towns, but lists the towns in the ecclesiastical organization of the Roman church, these two towns might be Bistua (Zenica or
Vitez) and Martar (Mostar or Konjic).323
Porphyrogenitos mentions five towns in Travunia: Trebinje, Vrm,
Risan, Lukavete and Zetlivi;324 in Zachlumia aside from Bona and Hum,
another five: Ston, Mokriskik (Mokro), Josli (Olje), Galumajnik and
Dobriskik;325 and among the Narentines (Pagans) the towns of Rastoka and
Dalen (Doljani). Risan is a well-known coastal town in Montenegro. Trebinje
was founded at the site of the present-day Crkvine, over an earlier Roman
fortification. Accidental findings of pottery were dated to the Early
321
322
323
324
325

DAI I, 32.149-151.
,
2010, 183.
T. ivkovi, On the Beginnings of Bosnia in the Middle Ages, Spomenica
akademika Marka unjia (1927-1998), Sarajevo 2010, 177-178.
DAI I, 34.19-20.
DAI I, 33.20-21.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

157

Byzantine period and the 7th century, and fragments from the 9th - 10th centuries were found next to the ramparts.326 The position of Vrm has not been
established yet, but it is being searched for around the Trebinjica river
east of Trebinje (maybe around Panik). Lukavetija and Zetlivija have not
been localized with certainty.327
Bona and Hum were, in all likelihood, located at the site of Blagaj
beside Mostar. Smaller forts were erected on two hilltops, Stjepan grad and
Mala gradina, outside which settlements existed probably already in the
Early Middle Ages, which corresponds to the reports by Constantine
Porphyrogenitos on these two towns.328
In the tenth century, Bosnia was a part of the Serbian realm, ruled
by prince aslav. And it seems that after his death, in the mid-tenth century, Bosnia broke off and became politically independent.329 At the close
of the century, it was subjugated by the Bulgarian tsar Samuil, and afterwards became a part of the Byzantine Empire. Throughout the 11th century,
Bosnia, Travunia and Zachumlie were under the authority of the Doclean
state. From the mid-twelfth century, Bosnia was under the supreme rule
of Hungary, followed by a brief return to Byzantium. Then began a new
age for Bosnia and Herzegovina that would last until the Ottoman conquest
of Bosnia in 1463, and of Herzegovina in 1481.330
In all these times of war, the fortifications were more or less used,
but as no systematic excavations took place until today, it is guesswork to
say when and under what circumstances were some of them sites of war
operations, which are proven by remains of weapons and traces of fire on
some of the sites.

326
327

328
329
330

, , 158.
For further information regarding the proposed ubications, see: . ,
II ( ).
, 48 (1880) 1-152; .
, , 37
(1998) 20-21; . Loma, Serbischen und kroatisches Sprachgut bei Konstantin
Porphyrogennetos, 38 (1999/2000) 87-160; T. , Constantine
Porphyrogenitus Kastra oikoumena in the Southern Slavs Principalities,
57 (2008) 9-28 .
Basler, Arhitektura, 50; Leksikon 3, 290-291 .
, , 57.
For a general chronological frame of the development of Bosnia, see: .
, I, 1940; . ,
, 1964.

158

Dejan Buli

Croatia

Most of the present-day Croatia belonged to the province of

Dalmatia, with the exception of the northern, flat areas that were parts of
the Upper and Lower Pannonia, i.e. the provinces of Savia and Pannonia
II. Byzantine presence in Slavonia remains dubious. On the section of
limes from Aquincum to Singidunum, distance of several hundred kilometres, no Roman camp was discovered, not even in Mursa.331 The only relict
of urban life from the Late Antiquity is Siscia (Sisak), the town that survived until the early eighth century.332
Geographically speaking, the province of Dalmatia can be divided
into two areas, the coastal and the mountainous region. In the present time,
the coastal area belongs to Croatia, except for Neum. The littoral karst
region is characterized by a jagged coastline, shortage of drinking water,
and a few arable, fertile fields. There are only few passages fit for travel in
the high, insurmountable mountains immediately beyond the coastline.
Only two existed through the mountain Velebit the northern one,
through which Senj was connected with the Iapyd lands in the present-day
Lika and with Sisak; and the southern one, which connected Lika with
Ravni Kotari. Except for these, the passage from Klis to Sinjsko polje led in
the same direction as did the communication line along the Neretva river.333
Roman roads built in the early first century AD, immediately after
the conquest of these lands, facilitated the control and the process of
Romanization in Dalmatia and Illyricum. The proximity of the Adriatic
seaports made the delivery of material and goods, required by the army,
convenient. A string of permanent Roman camps was erected in the area
stretching from the Krka to the Neretva rivers, and south of the Dinara
mountain. Among these, only two legion camps stood: Burnum and
Tilurium, while auxiliary camps were based in Promona, Magnum,

331
332

333

M. Sanader, Rimske legije i njihovi logori u hrvatskom dijelu panonskog

limesa, Opuscula archaeologica 27 (2003) 463-468.
B. Miggoti, Arheoloka graa iz ranokranskog razdoblja u kontinentalnoj
Hrvatskoj, Od nepobjedivog sunca do sunca pravde. Rano kranstvo u
kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj, Zagreb 1994, 47.
J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia, London 1969, XXI-XXVII.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

159

Andetrium and Bigeste.334 After the conquest of Dalmatia, the population

came down from strongholds (gradinas) into the plains and foothills,
where antique settlements developed. Antique settlements, which existed
until the fourth century were situated near a moderately hilly terrain, on
slightly lifted terraces in the middle of fertile plains, close to the sources of
fresh water and yet safe from seasonal floods.335
In the turbulent times of the Late Antiquity, these prehistoric
locations were revived and turned once again into fortified settlements.
The frequent barbarian incursions that move in from the north and used
the roman roads forced the endangered and decimated population to seek
protection in these fortified sites that then evolved into genuine settlements. This pattern of life became a habit out of necessity, not because
these sites served as shelters, which they did not. The process of the socalled horizontal migration took place in the coastal region of Dalmatia, in
which the inhabitants of the coastal area moved to the islands and maintained contacts with the mainland via the sea.336
Within the class of fortifications from the Late Antiquity, focus
in Croatia was only on the fortifications erected on promontories and
towering heights of certain islands, and in similar locations on the coast
line. Some of these structures were built on uninhabited islands, or in locations far from any settlements, which led to the conclusion that they were
not built for defensive purposes, but that they together formed a system
that was meant to ensure full control over seafaring on the eastern coast of
the Adriatic. Their position to each other and to the main seafaring routes
between the islands and along the coast point to this, too.337
Zlatko Gunjaa classified the Late Antique fortifications on the
coastline and on the islands. Besides the fortifications he assorted with
utter certainty, he also mentioned the positions in which remains of forti334

335

336

337

D. Peria, Je li delmatsko podruje presjekao rimski limes?, Archaeologia

Adriatica 2 (2008), 507; I. Borzi - I. Jadri, Novi prilozi arheolokoj
topografiji dugopoljskoga kraja, Archaeologia Adriatica 1 (2007) 167.
T. Tkalec, S. Karavani, B. iljeg, K. Jelini, Novootkrivena arheoloka
nalazita uz rjeicu Veliku kod mjesta Majur i Ladinec, Cris. asopis
Povjesnog drutva Krievci 9-1, Krievci 2007, 5-25.
. Tomii, Arheoloka svjedoanstva o ranobizantskom vojnom
graditeljstvu na sjeverojadranskim otocima, Prilozi 5/6 (1988/1989), Zagreb
1990, 29-53.
Z. Gunjaa, Kasnoantika fortifikacijska arhitektura na istonojadranskom
priobalju i otocima, Odbrambeni sistemi u praistoriji i antici na tlu
Jugoslavije, Materijali 22, Novi Sad 1986, 124 (= Gunjaa, Kasnoantika).

160

Dejan Buli

fications allegedly existed (but were yet to be confirmed), some positions

which he marked based on his own impressions, the importance of the
locations and the potential oversight over seafaring in a wider area.338 From
this list and from the fortifications provided by Goldstein,339 here were
included only those that underwent archaeological excavations as well as
those where architectural elements have been preserved. Count of the
already-mentioned fortifications from the Late Antiquity/Early Byzantine
period we added to the fortifications in the hinterland of Dalmatia, as well
as those covered by the latest excavations, to the extent of availability of
more recent publications:
1. Fortifications on the cape Molunat (15th century)340
2. pidaurus (Cavtat) (up to the 9th century, Late Middle Ages)341
3. Island of Mrkan342
4. Islet of Bobara near Cavtat343
5. Gradac near Dubrovnik344
6. Spilan above upa at Dubrovnik345
7. Dubrovnik (continuity)346
8. Stari Grad in the Peljeac peninsula347
9. Fortifications on St. Micheals hill in Peljeac (church, 11th century)348
338

339
340

341
342

343
344
345
346
347
348

Such assumptions are supported, in some cases, by the toponyms of these

sites, or by the continuous presence of fortifications on them, whose
construction most probably destroyed previous structures: Gunjaa,
Kasnoantika, 128-129.
Goldtajn, Bizant.
L. Bereti, Molunat. Utvrde i regulacioni plan Molunata iz druge polovine
15. stoljea, Prilozi povijesti umetnosti u Dalmaciji 14, Split 1962, 53;
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128; Goldtajn, Bizant, 34.
Sui, Antiki grad, 35; Goldtajn, Bizant, 34.
I. Fiskovi, O ranokranskim spomenicima neronitskog podruja, Dolina
rijeke Neretve od prethistorije do ranog srednjeg vijeka, Izdanja HAD 5,
Split 1980, 243 (= Fiskovi, O ranokranskim); Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128;
Goldtajn, Bizant, 34.
Fiskovi, O ranokranskim, 249; Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128; Goldtajn,
Bizant, 34.
I. Marovi, Arheoloka istraivnja u okolici Dubrovnika, Anali Dubrovnik 45 (1955/1956) 9-31 (= Marovi, Arheoloka istraivanja); Goldtajn, Bizant, 34.
Marovi, Arheoloka istraivanja, 24; Goldtajn, Bizant, 34.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128; Goldtajn, Bizant, 36-37.
M. Zaninovi, Antika osmatranica kod Stona, Situla 14/15, Ljubljana
1974, 163-173; Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 125; Goldtajn, Bizant, 38.
C. Fiskovi, Likovna batina Stona, Anali Dubrovnik 22-23 (1985) 80;
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 125; Goldtajn, Bizant, 39.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

10. Polaa in ljet349

11. Katel in Mljet350
12. Fortification in the upper part of the islet of Majsan351
13. Fortification in the site Glabalovo selo above Orebi352
14. Straa above Pjevor in Lastovo353
15. Fortification on the islet of Svetac, near Vis354
16. Gradina above Trpanj in Peljeac355
17. Zamasline in Peljeac356
18. Baina at Ploe357
19. Fortification on the island of Osinje358
20. Gradina in Jelsa359
21. Faros-Starigrad (continuity)360
22. Grad or Galenik on the hill Paljevica, in Hvar361
23. Tor in Hvar362
24. Fort Graee on the exit out of Starigradski bay363
25. Bol on the island of Bra (9th century)364
26. Mirja above Postire in Bra365
349
350
351
352
353
354
355
356
357
358

359
360

361
362
363
364
365

M. Sui, Antiki grad na istonom Jadranu, Zagreb 1976, 239.

Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 125
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 125.
Fiskovi, O ranokranskim, 230; Goldtajn, Bizant, 39.
Goldtajn, Bizant, 40.
B. Kirgin - A. Miloevi, Svetac, Arheo 2, Ljubljana 1981, 45-51; Gunjaa,
Kasnoantika, 125; Goldtajn, Bizant, 40.
I. Fiskovi, Peljeac u protopovijesti i antici, Peljeki zbornik 1, Zagreb
1976, 15-80; Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 125; Goldtajn, Bizant, 42.
Fiskovi, O ranokranskim, 221; Goldtajn, Bizant, 42.
Fiskovi, O ranokranskim, 14-15; Goldtajn, Bizant, 42.
J. Jelii, Narteks u ranokranskoj arhitekturi na podruju istonog Jadrana,
Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 23, Split 1983, 26-27; Gunjaa,
Kasnoantika, 125; Goldtajn, Bizant, 42.
Goldtajn, Bizant, 42; M. Kati, Nova razmatranja o kasnoantikom gradu na
Jadranu, Opvscula archaeologica 27 (2003) 525 (= Kati, Nova razmatranja).
On the Croatian coast Faros is the only example of a town from the
Antiquity that underwent a reduction in its urban form: Kati, Nova
razmatranja, 525; Goldtajn, Bizant, 42-43.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 126; Goldtajn, Bizant, 42.
Goldtajn, Bizant, 43.
M. Zaninovi, Neki prometni kontinuiteti u srednjoj Dalmaciji, Materijali
17, Pe 1978, 39-53; Goldtajn, Bizant, 43.
D. Hrankovi, Braciae insulae descriptio (Opis otoka Braa), Legende i kronike,
Split 1977, 210, 219; Goldtajn, Bizant, 43.
E. Marin, Mirje nad Postirama, AP 19 (1977) 152-154; Goldtajn, Bizant, 43.

161

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Dejan Buli

27. Salona366
28. Split (Diocletians Palace) (continuity)367
29. Trogir (continuity)368
30. Gradina on the island of irje369
31. Gustijerna on the island of irje370
32. Tradanj on the lower Krka river371
33. St. Ana fortification in the ibenik area372
34. Fortification on the island of Vrgada373
35. reta arac on the island of Kornati374
36. Pustograd on the island of Paman375
37. St. Mihovil in Ugljan376
38. Koenjak near Sala in Dugi otok377
39. Graevina on the islet of St. Peter near Ilovik378
40. Jader (Zadar) (continuity)379
366
367
368
369

370
371

372
373
374

375
376

377

378

379

Goldtajn, Bizant, 44.

Goldtajn, Bizant, 44.
Goldtajn, Bizant, 44; T. Buri, Vinia. Rezultati rekognosciranja, SP 27
(2000) 59.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 126; Z. Brusi, Kasnoantika utvrenja na otocima
Rabu i Krku, Arheoloka istraivanja na otocima Krku, Rabu, i Pagu i
Hrvatskom primorju, Izdanja HAD 13, Zagreb 1988, 111-119 (= Brusi,
Kasnoantika).
Z. Gunjaa, Gradina irje. Kasnoantika utvrda, AP 21 (1980) 133; Gunjaa,
Kasnoantika, 126; Brusi, Kasnoantika, 111-119.
Z. Gunjaa, O kontinuitetu naseljavanja na podruju ibenika i najue
okolice, ibenik. Spomen-zbornik o 900. obljetnici, ibenik 1976, 46 (=
Gunjaa, O kontinuitetu); Goldtajn, Bizant, 47.
Gunjaa, O kontinuitetu, 46; Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128; Goldtajn, Bizant, 47.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 126; Goldtajn, Bizant, 47.
I. Petricioli, Toreta na otoku Kornatu, Adriatica Praehistorica et Antiqua
(ur. V. Mirosavljevi, et al.), Zagreb 1970, 717-725; Gunjaa, Kasnoantika,
126.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 127; Goldtajn, Bizant, 48.
N. Jaki, Prilozi povjesnoj topografiji otoka Ugljana, Radovi FF-a u Zadru
15 (1989) 83-102; Goldtajn, Bizant, 48; Z. Kara, Tragovi bizantskog
urbanizma u Hrvatskoj, Prostor 3-2 (10), Zagreb 1995, 291 (= Kara,
Tragovi).
. Ivekovi, Dugi Otok i Kornat, Rad JAZU 235 (1928) 256; I. Petricoli,
Spomenici iz ranog srednjeg vijeka na Dugom Otoku, SP 3 (1954) 53-65;
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128; Goldtajn, Bizant, 49.
A. Badurina, Bizantska utvrda na otoiu Palacol, Arheoloka istraivanja na
otocima Cresu i Loinju, Izdanja HAD 7, Zagreb 1982, 171-174; Gunjaa,
Kasnoantika, 128.
Goldtajn, Bizant, 49-50.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

163

41. St. Damjan fortification in the island of Rab380

42. Katelin fortification above Kamporska draga on the island of Rab381
43. Fortification on the hill of Bosar, near Baka, on the island of Krk382
44. Fortification of Veli Grad on the cape Glavina, on Krk383
45. Fortification on the islet St. Mark (Almis)384
46. Gradina above Omilje, on the island of Krk385
47. Fortification on the islet of Palacol386
48. Apsorus (sor) (Late Middle Ages)387
49. Drid388
50. Island of Drvenik, at the foothill of Graina389
51. Ostrvica in Poljice390
52. Gradina above Modri draga391
53. Sveta Trojica392
54. Gradina above Donja Prizna393
380
381

382
383
384

385
386

387

388
389
390
391

392
393

Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 127; Brusi, Kasnoantika, 111-119; Goldtajn,

Bizant, 51.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128; Brusi, Kasnoantika, 112; . Tomii, Sv. Juraj
iznad Paga. Ranobizantski kastron, Obavijesti HAD 21, Zagreb 1989, 28-31;
Kara, Tragovi, 293.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 127; Goldtajn, Bizant, 52.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 128; Faber, Osvrt, 116-121; Brusi, Kasnoantika,
112-116; Kara, Tragovi, 291; Goldtajn, Bizant, 52.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 127; . Faber, Osvrt na neka utvrenja otoka Krka
od vremena prethistorije do antike i srednjeg vijeka, Prilozi 3-4 (1986/1987),
Zagreb 1988, 116-121 (= Faber, Osvrt); Brusi, Kasnoantika, 111-119;
Kara, Tragovi, 291.
N. Novak - A. Boi, Starokranski kompleks na Mirinama u uvali Sapan
kraj Omilja na otoku Krku, SP 21 (1991) 1995, 32.
A. Badurina, Bizantska utvrda na otoiu Palacol, Arheoloka istraivanja na
otocima Cresu i Loinju, Izdanja HAD 7, Zagreb 1982, 171-177; Gunjaa,
Kasnoantika, 127; Goldtajn, Bizant, 52.
In the year of 530, it became the episcopal see: A. Faber, Poeci urbanizacije
na otocima sjevernog Jadrana, Arheoloka topografija Osora, Arheoloka istraivanja
na Cresu i Loinju, Izdanja HAD 7, Zagreb 1982, 61-78; Goldtajn, Bizant, 54.
M. Kati, Utvrda Drid, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 34 (1994), 5-19.
T. Buri, Arheoloka topografija otoka Drvenika i Ploe, SP 27 (2000), 41.
. Rapani, Kasnoantika palaa u Ostrvici kod Gata (Poljica), Cetinska
krajina od prethistorije do dolaska Turaka, Izdanja HAD 8, Split 1984, 149-162.
. Tomii, Matrijalni tragovi ranobizantskog vojnog graditeljstva u
velebitskom podgorju, Vesnik Arheolokog muzeja 23, Zagreb 1990, 139162 (= Tomii, Matrijalni tragovi).
A. Glavii, Arheoloki nalazi iz Senja i okolice (VI), Senjski zbornik 10-11,
Senj 1984, 17; Tomii, Materijalni tragovi, 139-162.
Tomii, Matrijalni tragovi, 139-162.

164

Dejan Buli

55. Kastron in Sutojanica (Svetojanj, Sutojanj, Svetojanica)394

56. St. Juraj above Pag395
57. Fortification on a plateau near Klopotnica396
58. Site Kolja Gromaa north of Novalja397
59. Trinielo near Stara Novalja398
60. Izvor near Kolan399
61. Fortification on the hill of Koljun near Zaglava (Novaljsko polje)400
62. Petri near Stara Novalja401
63. Fortification in Slatina above Gajac402
64. Gradina near Baka voda403
65. Site Luna in the western upper part of the island of Pag404
66. Guard post in the island of Ist405
67. Korintija on in the island of Krk (until the 11th century)406
68. St. Peter peninsula407
69. Beretinova gradina408
70. Hill Pupavica, in the Vuipolje area near Dugopolje409
71. Burnum, the Roman camp410
394

395

396
397
398
399
400
401
402
403
404
405
406
407
408
409
410

Tomii, Matrijalni tragovi, 139-162; . Tomii, Svetojanj. Kasnoantika

utvrda kraj Stare Novalje na otoku Pagu, Arheoloki radovi i rasprave 12,
Zagreb 1996, 291-305.
. Tomii, Arheoloka svjedoanstva o ranobizantskom vojnom
graditeljstvu na sjeverojadranskim otocima, Prilozi 5/6 (1988/1989), Zagreb
1990, 29-53. A Byzantine gold coin was discovered in one of the rooms: K.
Regan, Utvrda Sv. Jurja u Caskoj na otoku Pagu, Prilozi Instituta za
arheologiju u Zagrebu 19 (2002) 141-148 (= Regan, Utvrda). After the fall
under the Slavic control, the settlement kept on living until 1203, when it
was razed and deserted, during a conflict between Rab and Zadar.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Kati, Nova razmatranja, 523.
Regan, Utvrda, 141.
Kara, Tragovi, 291.
Kara, Tragovi, 290.
Kati, Nova razmatranja, 523.
. Batovi, Istraivanje ilirskog naselja u Radovini, Diadora 4 (1968) 53-69.
I. Borzi - I. Jadri, Novi prilozi arheolokoj topografiji dugopoljskoga kraja,
Archaeologia Adriatica 1, Zagreb 2007, 160.
M. Zaninovi, Burnum, casellum-municipium, Diadora 4 (1968) 121; M.
Zaninovi, Od gradine do castruma na podruju Delmata, Odbrambeni sistemi

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

165

72. Knin, ancient Ninia411

73. Gradac (above the road leading to Promona), round the St. Marijen church412
74. Danilo Gornji, ancient Ridera near ibenik413
75. Balina glavica (Magnum)414
76. Gradina of Subotie415
77. Podgrae near Benkovac (Aserija) (Middle Ages)416
78. uker in Mokro Polje417
79. Keglevia gradina Mokro Polje418
80. Glavica near the small village of Meter in Lug (Middle Ages)419
81. Kokia glavica Pripolje420
82. Grad on the slopes above Knezovi and Mami jezero421
83. Ljubljan Ravni kotari422
84. Kuzelin near Zagreb423
85. Narona (Vid)424

411
412
413
414

415
416
417

418
419
420
421
422
423
424

u praistoriji i antici na tlu Jugoslavije, Materijali 22, Novi Sad 1986, 166 (=
Zaninovi, Od gradine).
M. Zaninovi, Kninsko podruje u antici, Arheoloki radovi i rasprave 7,
1974, 309; Zaninovi, Od gradine, 167.
A. Uglei, Ranohrianska arhitektura na podruju dananje ibenske
biskupije, Drni - Zadar 2006, 51-53.
M. Zaninovi, Gradina u Danilu i Tor nad Jelsom, Dva gradinska naselja u
srednjoj Dalmaciji, Materijali 15, Beograd 1978, 17-29 (= Zaninovi, Gradina).
I. Glava, Municipij Magnum. Raskrije rimskih cestovnih pravaca i
beneficijarska postaja, Radovi Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zadru
52, Zagreb - Zadar 2010, 45-59.
I. Alduk, Uvod u istraivanje srednjovekovne tvrave Zadvarje (1. dio - do
turskog osvajanja), Starohrvatska prosvjeta 32 (2005), 218.
Sui, Antiki grad, 136, including the relevant bibliography. Many structures
were dated to the Middle Ages.
Life on Gradina ended with the Slavic and Avar incursions, but several
ceramic fragments were discovered, dated to the Late Middle Ages: V.
Delonga, Prilog arheolokoj topografiji Mokrog Polja kod Knina, SP 14
(1984) 259-283 (= Delonga, Prilog).
Delonga, Prilog, 259-283.
Lj. Gudelj, Proloac Donji. Izvjee o istraivanjima lokaliteta kod crkve Sv.
Mihovila u Postranju, SP 27 (2000) 130. (= Gudelj, Proloac Donji)
Gudelj, Proloac Donji, 129-146.
Gudelj, Proloac Donji, 129-146.
Tomii, Materijalni tragovi, 147.
This fortification has existed since the 4th century: V. Sokol, Das spatantike Kastrum
auf dem Kuzelin bei Donja Glavica, Arheoloki vestnik 45 (1994) 199-209.
N. Cambi, Antika Narona. Postanak i razvitak grada prema najnovijim
arheolokim istraivanjima, Materijali 15, Beograd 1978, N. Cambi, Arhitektura

166

Dejan Buli

86. Gradina Badanj425

87. Bribir (Late Middle Ages, Ottoman period)426
88. Mala Vijola near Knin427
89. itluk near Sinj (ancient veteran colony of Aequum)428

This list enumerates 89 fortifications in Croatia, but this number

must have been higher. Until now, a plenty of strongholds (gradine) on the
territory of Mokro polje429 and dry-stone fortifications erected on the hills
overlooking Sinjsko polje have been sighted; some Late Antique/Early
Byzantine ones might be found among the latter.430 Just so, some fort
would surely be registered with sondages on a few of medieval fortifications on the slopes of Medvednica (Medvedgrad, Susedgrad), Samoborsko
gorje (Oki, Samobor), and umberak/Gorjanac (Mokrice).431 In the vicinity
of the already-mentioned Balina Glavica near Umljanovii (75), several
gradinas were discovered, some of which might be from the Early
Byzantine period.432

425

426

427
428

429
430

431
432

Narone i njezina teritorija u kasnoj antici, Radovi Filozofskog Fakulteta u

Zadru 24 (1984/1985) 33-58; E. Marin, Narona: Vid kod Metkovia, Split 1999.
Besides the Late Antiquity period, ranging from the fourth to the sixth
century, medieval findings were registered, dating from the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries: R. Mateji, Gradina Badanj kod Crkvenice, Jadranski
zbornik 10, Pula 1978, 239-271.
Z. Gunjaa, Strateko i istorijsko-arheoloko znaenje Bribira, Kolokvij o
Bribiru. Pregled rezultata arheolokih istraivanja od 1959. do 1965. godine,
Zagreb 1968, 9-16; Z. Gunjaa, Nalaz srednjovekovnih arhitektura na
Bribiru, SP 10, Zagreb 1968, 235-242; T. Buri, Bribir u srednjem vijeku,
Split 1987.
M. Zaninovi, Kninsko podruje u Antici, Arheoloki radovi i rasprave 7,
Zagreb 1974, 303.
N. Gabri, Kolonia Claudia Aequum (Pregled dosadanjih iskopavanja,
sluajnih nalaza i usputnih zapaanja), Cetinjska krajina od prethistorije do
dolaska Turaka, Split 1984, 273-284. The town was mentioned in 533, at the
second Council of Salona; Sui, Antiki grad, 131.
Delonga, Prilog, 262
D. Peria, Je li delmatsko podruje presjekao rimski limes?, Archaeologia
Adriatica 2 (2008) 511-512; . Barlutovi, Neka pitanja iz povijesti Senja,
Senjski zbornik 34 (2007) 265-296.
D. Lonjak - Dizdar, Terenski pregled podruja izgradnje HE Podsused,
Annales Instituti Archaologici 4 (2008) 109-112.
I. Glava, Municipij Magnum. Raskrije rimskih cestovnih pravaca i
beneficijarska postaja, Radovi Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zadru
52, Zagreb-Zadar 2010, 45-59.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

167

By applying the criteria of urban continuity, Z. Kara proposed the

following classification:
- Towns with antique foundations
- Dislocated, i.e. abandoned towns
- Newly-emerged settlements, some of which lasted continuously433
According to the proposed classification, Zadar (40), partly Trogir
(29) and probably Rab, too (41-42) fall into the first type of settlement, i.e.
they represent towns with the least turbulent transitions from the
Antiquity and Byzantine era to the Middle Ages.434 These towns survived
historic calamities, but have persevered up to the present, and are towns
with full continuity of existence.
The second group of settlements are those that transferred their
urban functions to more secure areas towards the coast or to the islands
when the hinterland was lost and the terrestrial communication interrupted.
The dwindling population of Salona (27) moved closer to the sea partly
into Diocletians palace (28), from which the town of Split would develop,
and partly towards the nearby Trogir.435 The population of Epidaurus (2)
sought refuge on the nearby islands of Mrkan (3) and Bobara (4),436 but also
to the gradinas of Gradac (5) and Spilan (6), that had already been inhabited for centuries before,437 while the episcopal see was transferred to
Dubrovnik (7). Epidaurus lingered on until the ninth century.438 Narona,
an important harbour on the Neretva, was transferred above Ston (8-9)
when the lower course of the river silted;439 the same phenomenon struck
Nin (Aenona) too.
But some ancient cities disappeared completely because new locations could not be found, which happened to a whole string of settlements
433
434
435
436

437

438
439

Kara, Tragovi, 285-298.

Kara, Tragovi, 285.
Goltajn, Bizant, 91.
I. Fiskovi, O ranokranskim spomenicima naronitskog podruja, Dolina
rijeke Neretve od prethistorije do ranog srednjeg vijeka, Izdanja HAD 5,
Split 1980, 233, 246, 249; Goldtajn, Bizant, 34.
Annales Anonymi Ragusini, Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum
meridionalium 25, Zagreb 1983, 7; Goltajn, Bizant, 34. For further information
regarding the results of the archaeological excavations, see: I. Marovi,
Arheoloka istraivanja u okolici Dubrovnika, Anali Dubrovnik 4-5 (1955-6)
24; J. Medini, O nekim kronolokim i sadrajnim znaajkama poglavlja O
Dalmaciji u djelu Cosmographia anonimnog pisca iz Ravene, Putevi i komunikacije u antici, Materijali 17, Pe 1978, 76-77 (= Medini, O nekim kronolokim).
Kara, Tragovi, 289.
Goltajn, Bizant, 96, 98.

168

Dejan Buli

below Velebit: Ortopla (Stitnica), Vegium (arlobag), Lopsica (urjevo),

Argyruntum (Starigrad). These settlements lost their terrestrial communications, and found themselves beyond Byzantine sea routes.440 Senia (Senj)
was the only town to have arranged transfer of its location to the castrum
of Korinthia on the island coast of Krk (67), which lasted until the
eleventh century.441
Late Antique underwent transformations, due to historical events
and economic factors, political and administrative changes, and new
cultural and ideological structures, as analysed in detail by M. Sui.442
Towns underwent ruralization; elements of rural economy and rustic
architecture spread inside towns elements of agrarian production in
urban palaces.443 Most of the agglomerations inherited from the Antiquity
were ruralized and thus survived in the form of the agro-urban
milieu.444 In the Late Antiquity, towns were depopulated and villages
repopulated. This exodus of the urban population was a consequence of
the permanent economic crisis, which led to the growth of villages and of
agricultural production.445 In the hinterland, the prevailing insecurity
caused the strongholds to be re-evaluated; and not just the settlements
that continued to exist throughout the entire Antiquity, but also those
that were abandoned. This fits in the already stated tendencies of the
castrization process.446
Because the terrestrial communications were lost, the only road
stretching along the coast was the maritime one. Therefore, it was necessary to build a system of watchtowers and fortifications along the sea
routes of Byzantine ships. Around forty of them were built in the area
stretching from the cape Planka in central Dalmatia to the coast of Istria,
5-10 km apart, allowing for visual communication.447 The other reason to
440
441
442

443
444
445
446
447

Kara, Tragovi, 289.

Kara, Tragovi, 289-290.
For further information regarding the transformation of antique towns into
medieval ones (post-Antiquity), changes and reduction of public spaces,
construction and adaptation works, usage of monumental objects for
secondary purposes, issues regarding spolia, spacial conceptions, internal
disposition and articulation, as well as the questions of spatial solutions and
relations within a town area, see: Sui, Antiki grad, 227-251.
Sui, Antiki grad, 248-9.
Sui, Antiki grad, 248-9.
Sui, Antiki grad, 249.
Sui, Antiki grad, 249.
A. Badurina, Bizantski plovni put po vanjskom rubu sjevernih jadranskih
otoka, Radovi Instituta za povijest umetnosti 16, Zagreb 1992, 7-9.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

169

construct fortifications was to create a neccessary network of refuges for

the adjacent unfortified rural settlements.448 Most of these fortifications did
not survive the Middle Ages, although some of them stood for a very long
time, like the Brioni castel, which existed until the sixteenth century. The
fortified Byzantine locations were abandoned early, especially the
agglomerations on high altitudes, far away from the sea and/or a suitable
harbour. Late Antique rural palaces (e.g. strvica in Poljaci, Polaa on
Mljet) suffered a similar faith. In the sixth and seventh centuries, small
rural settlements of a limited duration formed around them.449
Most authors attribute the horizons of fortification creation
along the eastern Adriatic coast to the reconquista of the Emperor
Justinian.450 These fortifications were, doubtlessly, providing safety for the
naval transportation in this part of the Adriatic, bays suitable for anchoring and safe from winds establishing control over the navigation routes,
and were offering protection to the local population. Byzantium showed
significant interest in harbours and islands lying on the east Adriatic coast,
since that route enabled the most direct and, in the aftermath of Slavic
migrations, the only connection with Ravenna and the territories in
northern Italy. Pursuing the goal of the restoration of the Roman Empire
within its former boundaries, Justinian had to defeat the Gothic fleet. And
only after the victory was won, at the beginning of the second half of the
sixth century, Byzantium managed to seize the entire Adriatic. According
to Gunjaa, this period should be considered terminus post quem for the
start of the construction of the fortification system, at least regarding the
structures in the central and northern parts of the Adriatic.451
Contrary to the aforementioned prevailing opinion of the utter
demise of Illyricum (depopulation, ravaged economy, razed and abandoned towns as a consequence of the plague epidemics, loss of trade and
traffic connections with the occupied hinterland), Kati considers the
process of decay and transformation of the Dalmatian towns to be far more
complex and lengthy in nature. Recent research has also pointed to another, quite opposite process that took place in the Late Antiquity.452

448
449
450
451
452

Goltajn, Bizant, 104.

Kara, Tragovi, 294.
Tomii, Matrijalni tragovi, 146; Kara, Tragovi, 291; Regan, Utvrda, 147.
Gunjaa, Kasnoantika, 131.
M. Kati, Nova razmatranja o kasnoantikom gradu na Jadranu, Opuscula
archaeologia 27, Zagreb 2003, 523-528 (= Kati, Nova razmatranja).

170

Dejan Buli

The process of decay indeed struck larger towns, like Salona and
Narona.453 The author underlines the example of Hvar, i.e. Lisine, founded
at the end of the fourth century. It had no earlier roots in the Antiquity,
and yet it flourished in the sixth century.454 Kopar and Novigrad in Istria
have roots in the Late Antiquity, and the same applies to Biograd, ibenik
and Dubrovnik.455 Written sources and archaeological excavations clearly
indicate that new fortified centres of the Late Antiquity contain ports,
churches and ramparts, and some of these became diocese sees. Because of
all this, Kati claims that the notion of the crisis of the Late Antiquity in the
eastern Adriatic needs to be more clearly defined, depending on the available archaeological and historical facts, which is why generalizing the process
of urban settlements decay cannot be accepted.456
Cosmographia of the Anonymous from Ravenna speaks in favour
of this hypothesis. In this work, the number of towns registered compared
to the earlier Roman itineraries is higher. These are the new centres of the
Late Antiquity,457 and the newly-established system of habitation in the littoral
regions.458 The anonymous writer from Ravenna, author of Cosmographia,
a treatise composed at the end of the sixth or in the early seventh century,
designated civitates on the coastal stretch of land at the foothill of the
Velebit Mountain.459 The explanation given for this fact was that his contemporaries did not differentiate between towns and villages (and even
today many rural settlements are called towns), and that the fortifications
held so much importance that a mere presence of ramparts enhances the status of settlement.460
As Slobodan ae states, the accounts given by the Anonymous of
Ravenna are precious as they indicate that the process of castrization - i.e.
transfer of settlements towards more easily defensible hilltops had advanced
well even before the sixth century and that it took off during Justinians
453
454
455
456
457
458
459
460

Goltajn, Bizant, 90-91; 96.

M. Kati, Kasnoantiki grad na Jadranu. Primer grada Hvara, Prilozi povijesti
umetnosti u Dalmaciji 38, Split 1999/2000, 19-49 (= Kati, Kasnoantiki grad).
Kati, Nova razmatranja, 525.
Kati, Nova razmatranja, 525.
Medini, O nekim kronolokim, 69-83.
S. ae, Civitates Dalmatiae u Kozmografiji Anonima Ravenjanina, Diadora
15 (1993) 431 (= ae, Civitates Dalmatiae).
Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia et Gvidonys Geographica (ed. M.
Pinder - G. Parthey), Berlin 1860; Sui, Antiki grad, 303-305.
More extensively on this issue, see: Sui, Antiki grad, 248-9; Goldtajn,
Bizant na Jadranu, 101-2.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

171

reign, when the entire province was covered by a dense network of

different fortifications, ranging from towns and small fortifications to
watchtowers. Even the settlements that were not on the main road were
listed: Dubrovnik, Ston, Makar, Drid; 461 but still, many settlements were
located along the sea routes, which should be taken into consideration.
With the cessation of terrestrial traffic, commerce and traffic
shifted to sea routes. Skilful in seafaring and shipbuilding, the islanders
benefited from the newly-emerged circumstances and took part in trade
and transportation in the Mediterranean. These circumstances led,
together with an increasing influx of population, to the formation of late
antique civitates on the coastline. In this process, Justinians reconquista
played an important, but not the key role.462 Justinian was not setting up
a limes by building fortifications along the sea roads of the eastern
Adriatic, but was rather striving to secure and improve the seafaring
conditions in the Adriatic.463 Therefore, castrization was not the only
process taking place, but also the construction of docks and harbours,
usually below fortifications, which was helping trade and providing
harbours for ships.464
Tomii and several other authors had an idea of a limes set up
along the southern coast below the Velebit mountain, acting as a defensive
system against Slavic incursions towards the Adriatic;465 I. remonik
shared this opinion to a certain extent.466 Such a point of view is a product
461
462

463
464
465

466

ae, Civitates Dalmatiae, 430.

Kati claims that the impact of Justinians castrization, with which the Late
Antiquity fortifications on the eastern Adriatic coast are associated, has
been overstimated, and that earlier, fortified settlements on high terrain
need to be differentiated from the Early Byzantine castra: Kati, Nova
razmatranja, 525-526.
Kati, Nova razmatranja, 526.
. Rapani, Predromaniko doba u Dalmaciji, Split 1987, 58.
The spatial distribution of the Early Byzantine fortifications lying at the
foothill of Velebit and on the island of Pag indicates their in-depth
arrangement, and that the forts on the coastal rim could have acted as the
first defensive line, with the castra on the Pag island being the second. The
position of mountain passages on the Velebit mountain fits with the
arrangement of the forts on the coastal rim, i.e. they are guarding the access
to the passages from the coast. The forts arranged in-depth on the Pags
coastal rim (56; 65) were guarding the naval zone, but also the island and its
urban agglomerations: Tomii, Matrijalni tragovi, 139-162.
She speaks of the clustering of fortified sites along the Adriatic coastal rim
and along the mountain ridges separating the coast from the Dalmatian
hinterland: remonik, Rimska utvrenja, 357.

172

Dejan Buli

of focusing on a small area only and of not perceiving the entire distribution of the fortifications, densely clustered throughout the territory of
Dalmatia and Illyricum.
The Avar forays and the Slavic colonization in the eastern
Adriatic, followed by the second wave of the arriving Serbs and Croats,
marked the end of Late Antiquity in these lands. In such circumstances,
the local Romanized population managed to survive for a long time in heterogenous enclaves surrounded by Slavs. It was only in Istria that nearly
all earlier settlements continued to exist,467 in contrast to very few on the
coastline of the present-day Dalmatia: Zadar, Trogir, Split and Dubrovnik
on the mainland, and Krk, Cres and Rab in the islands.468 The hinterland
was cut off, while the islands and the few surviving coastal towns maintained economic relations with the metropolis by the sea route. hese
were towns with an inherited continuity, cities with cultural, ethnic and
topical continuity (Krk, Osor, Rab, Zadar, Trogir..). Others preserved the
urban traditions of some destroyed town, but not its location, like Split and
Dubrovnik meaning, only cultural and ethnic continuity. More numerous are the settlements that rose at the sites of earlier urban settlements
from the Antiquity that suffered destruction, like Nin, Skradin and many
others. Although uninterrupted continuity has not been established in the
previously-mentioned cases, some precedents from the Antiquity played a
certain role in the formation of the new town, e.g. by retracing the ancient
ramparts, preserving some important communications...469 Some rural settlements would spurn urban organisation, even though they sprung up above
the antique ruins (Solin). Small Roman enclaves pressed against the coastal
rim could only have been rejuvenated by receiving fresh forces from the
hinterland. Thus began the process of Slavization in the coastal towns.470 As
we have seen in the afore-mentioned list, and as J. Medini said earlier, after
the Slavic colonization there were far more surviving Roman oases in littoral
Dalmatia than previously thought.471
While the issues regarding Byzantine towns on the eastern
Adriatic were widely spoken of and are now well-known, the Byzantine
fortifications in the hinterland remain a neglected topic. Because of this
we have today a very small number of fortifications in continental Croatia
467
468
469
470
471

Sui, Antiki grad, 253.

DAI I 29. 49-54; , 12-13.
Sui, Antiki grad, 257.
Sui, Antiki grad, 249.
Medini, O nekim kronolokim, 75.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

173

from this era, and the movable findings from such sites equally remain
unknown. It was already mentioned that the settlements in the rural areas
are developed along Roman roads, which now acted as the main streets.
Their locations in the valleys and the dispersion of dwellings made defensive features inexistent and fortification rather impossible, which is why
the population moved to the nearby hills and plateaus in tumultuous times
most often to the sites of former Illyrian strongholds.472 Except for a few
forts, they remain unfamiliar to us. If the analogous situation from the
nearest neighbourhood, Bosnia and Slovenia,473 is applied, an approximate
dispersion of Early Byzantine fortifications should be expected. Katis
remark on the re-use of Illyrian strongholds (gradina) provides a good
guideline for identifying them. A repeated analysis of the ceramic material could yield surprising results, by simply using the presence of mortar to
distinguish these epochs.

Montenegro

What is today Montenegro was, for the greatest part, the province
of Prevalis, which was detached from the province of Dalmatia at the end
of the third or beginning of the fourth century, in 297 or 305/6.474 All that
was said of the coastal towns in Croatia stands for those in Montenegro as
well. The towns in the maritime Zeta had a common origin - their urban
identity had been established in the Antiquity. Only a few of them
continued to exist into the Middle Ages without suffering destruction
during the Great Migrations (Ulcinj, Sva), while in the case of Acruvium,
still not localized precisely, the old settlement was entirely abandoned, and
a new one was founded that then took over the traditions of the old town
together with its diocese (Kotor). The town of Bar represents an exception,
since it was, most likely, restored in the sixth century, during Justinians
reconstruction of towns in Illyricum. All the coastal towns entered the

472
473

474

Kati, Nova razmatranja, 523.

For further information regarding fortifications in Slovenia, see: S.
Cigleneki, Hohenbefestigungen als Siedlungsgrundeinheit der Spatantike
in Slowenien, Arheoloki vestnik, 45 (1994) 239-266; S. Cigleneki,
Hohenbefestigungen aus der zein vom 3. bis 6. Jh. Im Ostalpenraum,
Ljubljana 1987.
1, 1967, 242 (. ).

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Dejan Buli

Middle Ages with a Christian population of Roman descent and as diocesan centres.475
While it is undeniable that the founders of the medieval towns in
the coastal Zeta were Romaions (Romanoi), the process of Slavization
began after the hinterland politically stabilized. In this process, the populations of the towns became mainly Slavic and the Romaions dissappeared
over time. Although greater or smaller Romaion islands persisted in the
towns, the urban districts were entirely Slavic.476 This process was followed by antagonisms between the native, Romaion population, and the
Slavic newcomers, which gained a sectarian note, in addition to the ethnic
one.477 Besides this, the Slavs in the hinterland lived of agriculture and animal husbandry, while the Romaions were forced to live of the sea.478
At the very beginning of the Early Medieval period, the episcopal
towns brought together the need for gathering, commerce, defence and
preservation of the Christian way of life. The last-mentioned is well
reflected in the fact that towns smaller in size and closer to each other
opened their doors for the refugees from the hinterland who carried with
them their dioceses (the cathedrae from destroyed Doclea and Acruvium
were transferred to Bar and Kotor, respectively).479
1. Bar (continuity)480
2. Ulcinj (Olcinium) (continuity)481
3. Old Ulcinj (Late Middle Ages, 17th century)482
4. Sva (8th-10th; 11th-15thcentury)483
475
476
477
478
479
480
481
482
483

. ,
IV XV , 2003, 17 (= , ).
, , 18-19.
. , --
, 14/1-2 (1958) 230.
, , 26.
, , 307.
. , , 1962; , , 42-44; .
, , 2008.
. - . - . , I, 1981;
, , 45-48; , , 124.
. - . , , 1975, 61, 141 (= - , ).
E. Zeevi, Late Phase of the Medieval Town Sva,
, 2001, 685-695; ,
, 27-33; 159; , , 48-50; ,
- (. .
), 2010, 249-250 (. ) (= ).

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

5. Budva (Buthua) (continuity)484

6. Duklja (Doclea) (church, 9thcentury)485
7. Gradac Budimlja486
8. Gradac Kaludra, Berane487
9. Gradina Andrijevica488
10. Onogot (Niki) (14th-15thcentury, Ottoman rule)489
11. Samograd (Kamengrad), in the vicinity of Berane490
12. Gradina uteza in Dinoe491
13. Vladimir (Oblak) near Sva492
484
485

486

487
488
489

490

491

492

-, , 162 ; , , 37-42; ,
, 34-36; 89-96.
Archaeologists M. ivanevi and D. Drakovi have confirmed the
existence of the Early Byzantine ceramics; P. Sticotti, Die rmischen Stadt
Doclea in Montenegro, Wiena 1913; P. Sticotti, Rimski grad Doklea u Crnoj
Gori, Podgorica 1999; - , , 63-69; Nova antika
Duklja I, Podgorica 2010; 1, 1967, 269-270
(. ); , , 160; Ceramical findings dated to the
earliest stage could be attributed to the 4th and 5th century, whereas the
traces of the 6th century are still questionable: D. Drakovi - M. ivanovi,
Keramika prostorije 3/IX. Prilog poznavanju svakodnevnog ivota antike
Duklje, Nova antika Duklja II, Podgorica 2011, 76-77.
. , ,
53-1, 1973, 117; . ,
,
(
17. 2010), - 2010, 182.
Based on an insight into the unpublished research of P. Lutovac,
archaeologist from the Polimski Museum in Berane.
Based on an insight into the unpublished research of P. Lutovac,
archaeologist from the Polimski Museum in Berane.
1, 1967, 241-280, 253-4 (. );
- , , 122-123; , ,
187-188 (. ).
. , . ,
, 6 (1990) 135-139; .
, . , . A , 13
(1989) 31-46.
Given the provided description and the construction technique of the gradina,
we decided to include this site into the review, although excavations have
not been conducted. Cf. O. Velimirovi-ii, Ostaci fortifikacione arhitekture
na gradini uteza u Dinoama kod Titograda, Odbrambeni sistemi u praistoriji
i antici na tlu Jugoslavije, Materijali 22, Novi Sad 1986, 80-87, 14 (=
Velimirovi-ii, Ostaci).
, , 159-160.

175

176

Dejan Buli

14. Risan (Rhizinium) (Late Middle Ages)493

15. Herceg Novi (continuity)494
16. Nehaj (14th-16thcentury)495
17. Gradina Martinii (9th-12thcentury)496
As we have seen, like with the towns in Croatia, we can speak of
the continuity between medieval and antique towns in the case of the
coastal towns of Zeta. Residential and other buildings have not been
preserved, because later buildings were built of their material and on
their foundations. The earliest remnants of stone buildings belong to
sacral objects, inscriptions and stone carvings that allow the buildings to
be dated.497
Except for the typical towns, fortified places were also registered
(albeit to a lesser degree), such as fortified villages and occasional military
outposts that mostly did not survive into the Middle Ages. The threenaved basilica above Samograd from the Early Byzantine period is an
exception. At this site, fragments of medieval pottery dated to the tenth
century were discovered in the course of sondage exploration.498
Old medieval fortifications have been preserved in late medieval
towns thanks to their growth and development (Bar), or to their
stagnation (Sva). Fortifications from the eight to tenth centuries of other
towns have remained unknown, since they were either completely
demolished and built over or superposed on in the following period.499
493
494

495
496
497
498

499

- , , 130-131; , , 157-158;
, , 242-244 (. ).
A tower of a circular groundplan, now submerged under the sea but built
after the fall of the Roman Empire, indicates that a ferry traffic existed
between Lutica and Herceg-Novi: -, , 55-58;
P. Mijovi, Nekoliko opaanja o rekonstrukciji antikih i kasnoantikih
puteva kroz Crnu Goru, Putevi i komunikacije u antici, Materijali 17, Pe
1978, 133-144.
. , , 2008, 67-70.
- , , 61; V. Kora, Martinii. Ostaci srednjovekovnog grada, Beograd 2001; , , 51-55, 126-128.
For further information on this issue, including the bibliography, see:
, , 154-155.
rchaeological material has not been published yet: . , .
,
, 6 (1990) 135-139; . , . ,
. A , 13 (1989) 31-46.
, , 169.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

177

According to the chapter XXXV of De administando imperio, three

inhabited towns existed in Doclea: Gradac, Novograd and Lontodokla, all
three still not located. Gradac could have been any of the many toponyms
with this name, but its name indicates its antique core, unlike Novograd.
The name Lontodokla is made out of two parts the latter being Dokla, i.e.
Duklja.500 Dioclea was too big to be a town in the Middle Ages, and no
reconstruction is known, which is why Lontodokla should be looked for
in the surrounding area.
Porphyrogenitos recorded the following inhabited towns in
Travunia and Konavle: Trebinje, Vrm, Risan, Lukaveti and Zetlivi.501 Since
Travunia extended into the areas of the present-day Montenegro up to Risan,
some of the mentioned towns were in the territory of the present-day
Montenegro, or they are assumed to have been. Risan is a well-known but
unexplored maritime town, lying on a hill approximately 200 m high. On
the other side of a stream, an older church was discovered beneath the
floor of the Sts. Peter and Paul church.502 Lukaveti and Zetlivi are unknown
and there are several proposals where to ubicate them.503
Jankovi identified Oblak from the Chronicle of Dioclea (Letopis popa
Dukljanina), with the site called Vladimir (Oblak), near Sva, where remains
of a church and of a fortification (dimensions 50 15/20m) were discovered.
The fortification was not inhabited throughout its whole existence, nor was
the refuge, as their surface areas are too small, so it must have served primarily
as a border-line fort. Fragments of antique pottery are the only movable
findings that were discovered. This site has not been researched.504
Life returned to the gradina of Dinoe at the time of Byzantine
restoration. Velimirovi-ii holds that this gradina could have been the
centre of Gorska upa.505 It is considered that these remains could represent
Novigrad from Porphyrogenitos writings.506
500
501
502
503
504
505

506

P. Skok, Kako bizantski pisci piu slovenska mjesna i lina imena, SP n.s. 1 (1927) 73.
DAI I, 34.19-20.
, , 158.
Cf. note 142. We mention them since these locations, most probably, had an
earlier, Late Antique phase.
, , 159-160.
Velimirovi - ii, Ostaci, 82-83. Two smaller gradinas guarded the rear of
the fortification; since these gradinas - in the north Gradac in Lopari, and in
the east, gradina Vuko - have not been researched, their chronological
frame cannot be established either.
The author identifies the remains of the medieval citadel as Ribnica. In support
of this hypothesis, he mentions the remains of the church of St. Archangel

178

Dejan Buli

In a string of castra appearing at the end of Antiquity, the fortified

settlement of Onogot should be underscored, built close to the former
Roman castrum Anderba in the present-day Niki in Montenegro. It is
believed it was named after a Gothic comes (Anagast, Anegast, hence
Anegastum), who had his residence at the spot.507
The small number of Early Byzantine fortifications comes as a consequence of never-conducted systematic reconnaissance on the one hand
and on the other, of a small number of excavations undertaken in the late
medieval towns that overlay the earlier strata. That it is so can be seen
from a simple fact that a large number of fortifications were discovered
around Berane after sondage works had been initiated.508 In this case, 11
out of 17 sites had later phases of use (64.7 %).

Macedonia

In 295, the reforms of Diocletian had Macedonia assigned into the

diocese of Moesia. In the first half of the fourth century, during
Constantines reign, it was transferred under the jurisdiction of the prefecture of Illyricum.509 he territory of this prefecture was divided into two
dioceses: Dacia in the north and Macedonia in the south. Macedonia was
made up of the following provinces: Macedonia Prima, Macedonia Secunda,
Epirus Nova, Epirus Vetus, Thessalia, Achaia and Creta.510 Macedonia I,
Macedonia II, and parts of the provinces Dardania, Dacia Mediterranea,
Praevalitana and Epirus Nova were situated within the boundaries of the
present-day Macedonia.511 The crisis that befell the Roman state and the
barbarian invasions affected Macedonia as one of Romes provinces.
The first Gothic incursions and the ravaging of towns in the third
century had a major impact on the eastern- and central-Balkan lands. The

507
508
509
510
511

Michael, in which Nemanja could have been baptized by the Catholic rite:
Velimirovi - ii, Ostaci, 82-83.
1, 1967, 253-4 (. ).
Based on an insight into the unpublished research of P. Lutovac,
archaeologist from the Polimski Museum in Berane.
1, 1969, 53-54.
. , VI , 19 (1980), 19 (=
, ).
I. Mikuli, Sptantike und frhbyzantinische Befestigungen in
Nordmakedonien. Stdte-Vici-Refugien-Kastelle, Mnchen 2002, 19 (=
Mikuli, Sptantike).

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

179

area of Macedonia suffered destruction chiefly in 268 and 269, when most
towns, big and small, were destroyed and never rebuilt again. The barbarian menace reappeared after the ruin of the Roman army in the Battle of
Hadrianopolis in 387, when the Gothic squads ravaged the interior of the
Peninsula unchecked. In the fifth century, the barbarian threat became
the prime problem of the Balkan Peninsula. The Byzantine border on the
Danube repeatedly gave way in the mid-fourth century to the Hunnic
onslaught and the Ostrogothic incursions around 480. At the time, Stobi
and Heraclea Lyncestis were destroyed, Dyrrachium and Salona taken and
the surroundings of Thessalonica pillaged. Several barbarian assaults led by
the Avars, Bulgarians, Kutrigurs and Slavs struck the Balkans during the
sixth century. In 517, a barbarian squad made up of Geths (Bulgarians)
roamed Illyricum ultimately reaching Thermopylae, after plundering several forts on the way, Skupi among others.512 In 540, Huns (the Kutrigurs)
crossed the Danube and descended southwards to Chalkidiki. During this
raid, 32 fortified sites in Illyricum were destroyed.513
Taking a lesson from the experiences with the Huns and the
Goths, Emperors Leo and Zeno, followed by Anastasius and Justinian,
conducted fortification efforts to restore Late Antique fortifications and
to construct many new ones. Procopius of Caesarea compiled a list of
fortifications that were restored and towns that were built in provinces
and smaller regions; he made a record of 47 newly-erected and restored
forts in Macedonia.514 ustinians defensive system did not withstand the
Avaro-Slavic incursions in the years that followed. During the Kutrigur
raid of 558/9 that the Danubian Bulgars and Slavs joined, Lower Moesia
and Thrace were devastated and one of their parties proceeded towards
Thessalonica. Several fortifications in Macedonia were most likely
destroyed in this raid. Twenty years of peace followed, except in 571,
when the Slavs (judging by a horizon of deposits) penetrated all the way
to Macedonia.515 During the 580s, Slavic invasion from the lower Danube
512
513
514
515

. , ,
1996, 24 (= , ).
Proc. BG II 4, 163.8-164.16.
1, 59.
V. Popovi, Une invasion slave sous Justin II inconnue des sources crites,
4, 1981, 111-126. In Voden by Skoplje, on the
acropolis tower, a stratum with traces of fire and demolition was
stratigraphically established: . ,
, 1982, 50-51.

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Dejan Buli

overran Thrace, parts of Illyricum (mainly those in Macedonia), and then

spread southward, to Hellas and Peloponnese. This campaign grew to
become a permanent barbarian settlement. Cases of hoarding soared,
indicating the jeopardy or disappearance of earlier urban life in the towns
of the mid-580s Macedonia.516 The next Slavic incursion happened
probably in 580/81, when the Slavs penetrated deep to the south, into
Greece, where they spent the following four years (581-584).517 Some areas
of Macedonia undoubtedly suffered destruction at that time, too. Already
in 584/5, the Avars from the Valachian plain, combined with the Slavs
from the Ukraine and Moldova, thoroughly desolated eastern Balkan
provinces and reached Thessalonica in 586.
The remaining Romaion population fled either to the south or into
the inaccessible mountain fortifications. The Byzantine presence was
reduced to holding a few most important fortifications. Evidence of
continuous life was discovered in about twenty larger fortified sites: coins
from the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century, and a
Byzantine soldier fibula from the same period.518 After the collapse of the
limes lines in erdap, the Slavs gradually occupied entire Greece in waves
of settlement, having already covered Macedonia on their way.
In the territory of the present-day Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia, more than 500 fortifications were registered. They were all
dated to the Late Roman (mid-200s mid-400s) and the Early Byzantine
period (late fifth sixth centuries).519 Their number is significantly higher
than the available written sources tell us.520 The information on most of the
fortifications comes from summary reports or side notes, since only very
few of them underwent thorough archaeological research. Eighty one
medieval fortifications with an antique nucleus have been enlisted. Of
516
517

518
519

520

, , 20-48.
V. Popovi, Aux origines de la slavisation des Balkans. La constitution des
premirs Sklavinies macdoniennes vers la fin du VIme sicle, Comptes
rendus de lAcadmie des inscriptions et belles-lettres I, Paris 1980, 232.
More extensively on the settlement of the Slavs into the Peloponnese and
Greece, see: . , ,
2002, 65-83; 119-141 (= , ).
, , 26.
For further information regarding the proposed categorization of the
fortified sites, see: . , , ,
1999, 190-191(= , ).
Procopius list omits in entirety the provinces of Prevalitana and Macedonia
II, and a greater part of Macedonia I.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

181

these 81 registered medieval fortifications, the existence of the previous

stage (Late Antiquity) was found lacking only in the case of one town in
Macedonia, Debar:
1. Gradite Budinarci (Budingrad?)
2. Bitola Herakleja Linkestidska (Heraclea Lyncestis)
3. D. Oreovo Kale
4. ivojno Gradite
5. Zovik (emren) Gradite
6. Streevo Kale (Gabalarion?)
7. Belica
8. Belica, site Kale na Stolovatec
9. Devi, site Devini Kuli
10. Zagrad (Raste)
11. Zdunje
12. Iite, Vulkanska kupa Kale
13. Modrite, site Markovo kale
14. Valandovo
15. Vinica, site Gradite, Kale
16. Gabrovo (Petrovo), site Markov manastir
17. G. Banica, site Gradite
18. Gradec, site Gradite
19. Kalite, Grad Sokolec, site Sokolec
20. Srbinovo (Trnovo), site Kale Zvezda
21. Ratani Kale
22. Vire
23. Drame (Bigla)
24. Zvegor, site Malo (dolno) Gradite
25. Lukovica
26. Buin Kale
27. Graite Gradite, medieval Dobrun
28. eleznec Gradite
29. Drenovo, site Gradite, or Devol-grad
30. Resava
31. rangel (Srbica)
32. Kievo
33. Podvis
34. Morodvis, site Gradite

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Dejan Buli

35. Opila, site Gradite

36. Gradite, the town of Lukovo?
37. Kanarevo, the town of Kozjak, site Grade
38. Konjuh, site Golemo Gradite
39. Mlado Hagoriane, the town of egligovo
40. Demir kapija, Prosek
41. Markov grad Korenica
42. Kula Korenica
43. elovec, site Strezov Grad (kale), the village of elovec
44. Godivje Kula, site Kula
45. hrid
46. Pesoani Kula, Debrica (Deuritsa)
47. Varo, the town of Prilep, site Markovi Kuli
48. Debrete, site Kale
49. Desovo, site Kale, Leska
50. Zrze, site Kale, Sveti Spas
51. Manastir Gradok, Markovi Kuli (the town of Morihovo?)
52. Prilepac, site Markov zid
53. Treskavec
54. Zletovo, site Bauar, Gradite
55. Radovi, site Hisar
56. opur, Brdo Pilat Tepe
57. Evla Kale, Vasilida?
58. Stenje (Konsko) Golem Grad (Golema Petra)
59. Trebenite Kale
60. Sopot (Trstenik), site Donjo Gradite
61. Vodno, the town of rne, site Markovi Kuli
62. Kole, site Markovi Kuli
63. Markova Suica, site Markovi Kuli
64. Matka, site Markov grad
65. Skopje, site Kale
66. uer, site Davina or Kula
67. Zagradani
68. Bansko, Termica? site Gradite
69. Kone, site Gornja Kula
70. Kosturino (Raborci), site Vasilica
71. Strumica, Ridot Careva Kuli
72. Donja Lenica, site Kale

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

183

73. Jegunovce, Gradite

74. Leok, site Kale or Gradite
75. Orae, site Gradite, Sobri
76. Rogle, site Kuka
77. Stene, the town of Stena?, site Gradite
78. Teovo, site Markovo kale
79. Veles, site Kale
80. Krupite, site Kale
81. Creka, site Hisar
82. tip, site Hisar521
Expressed in percentages, 16.4% of antique forts had a medieval
town or a medieval fortified site appearing after them. A conclusion can be
made that new stone fortifications were seldom encountered in medieval
Macedonia and are therefore an exception.
I. Mikuli proposed a categorization of medieval fortified sites
that we convey here without questioning its accuracy: castrum, regional
centre, mining fortification and the settlement, guard, refuge, fortified
monastery and suburb-town.522
Ramparts on some of the fortifications were considered in a good
shape. This was of particular importance in the Middle Ages, when it was
necessary to repair only the dilapidated upper parts of the ramparts, battlements, towers, gates and so on. Because these sections caved in at some
later time, it is difficult to register construction interventions everywhere.
This is why the remark of I. Mikuli that some fortifications were not
rebuilt in the Middle Ages, does not hold up, since these reconstruction
works could not have been registered. Examples of walling-off are easier
to notice but are less frequent, too. Most often, the walling-off was part of
resizing and reducing the fortifications, and the settlements were made of
timber and are therefore undetectable except by excavations. Having this
in mind, rare medieval findings make sufficient evidence that the fortifications were used in the Middle Ages.
With the Slavic settlement, and then with the arrival of the Serbs
and the Croats, most of Illyricum became colonized by Slavic tribes and
521

522

The list of sites was composed after the following work: ,

, with the exception of the site 21, which was
taken from the work: Mikuli, Sptantike, 278; and the site 59, taken from:
, , 405.
, , 134.

184

Dejan Buli

removed from the Byzantine control. However, there are no historical

accounts on these first decades and relations between Byzantium and the
sclavinia in Macedonia.
There were several attempts to deal with the situation in the
Western areas of the Empire but this resulted only in a temporary
subjugation to the supreme authority. Despite the transfer of populations
to Asia Minor, nothing resulted in a permanent solution, as the Slavic
sclavinia were rapidly acquiring independence. The restoration of power
in Thessaly and Macedonia began during the reign of the dowager-empress
Irine, when the Byzantine army led by the logothete Stauracius defeated
and subjugated the Slavs in 783. The introduction of the theme system
began after this event.523 The theme of Macedonia was mentioned already
in 802,524 and the theme of Thessalonica was created in the years
immediately following the campaign of Stauracius.525 What followed was a
massive Christian Romaion colonization in the areas of Strimon, especially
in 810/11, during the reign of Nicephoros. The aim was to Hellenize the
Slavs and reduce the threat from the ascending Bulgaria under Krum.
It should be logical to expect that the sclavinia were not taken
without a fight and that therefore some Early Byzantine fortifications
were then used for defensive purposes during the Byzantine offensive in
the Slavic territories.
No matter how much of a target or a stopover Macedonia was for
the foraying Slavs, traces of their presence are scarce in the seventh, eighth
and most of the ninth century. But we cannot agree with the opinion that
the Slavs came from the valley of Danube simply passed through Macedonia,
(already ravaged, with no traces of Romaion settlements, showing how
unattractive it became) and settled in the coastal Mediterranean Greece
with a mild climate. This does not seem credible.526 The accounts on the
founded sclavinia, together with the Early Slavic findings from the basin
of the Bregalnica river refute that theory. A ceramic vessel dating from the
seventh century was discovered on the left bank of the Bregalnica, while
fragments of an urn dating from the seventh century were unearthed on
the site Kazandijska Mala in tip. Ceramic fragments of hand-made pottery
discovered at Berovo and dating from the seventh and eighth centuries
523
524
525
526

For further information regarding the issue of sclavinia in Macedonia, see:

, , 204-239.
Teoph. I, 475.22.
, , 232.
, , 27.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

185

indicate the presence of a Slavic ethnic group around the upper course of
the river Bregalnica. A bronze casting mould of Avaro-Slavic type was
discovered at the site Bargala by tip in a role of an amulet and as part of
funerary inventory. It was dated to the early seventh century.527
However, the few findings from the fortified sites, dated to the
seventh and eighth centuries indicate the presence of a non-Slavic
population. These were attributed to the autochthonous Romaions, bearers
of an inherently non-Slavic culture, as the case of the Komani-culture
necropolis beside Ohrid confirms. On the island of Golem-grad in the
Prespa lake, tombs were discovered containing jewelry of Byzantine-Italian
type and coins of Constantine IV (668-685); whereas coins of Constans II
were discovered at Isariot near Valandovo and at Selce near Prilep, as well
as the coins of Justinian II (685-695) at the acropolis of Konjuh. In the castle
of Debrete near Prilep, objects of Byzantine origin were discovered and
dated to the seventh century.528 Although these findings are not a priori
proof of Romaion in the most important fortifications, they might indicate
a short-term Byzantine control that was waning and waxing throughout
the seventh and eighth centuries. The restoration of the diocese of Stobi
that took place in the late seventh century was associated with the year 679
and the migration of Sermisianoi under Kuver from Pannonia to the
Keramisian plain (today Prilepsko polje), although Stobi had been
destroyed and left depopulated nearly a century before.529
The absence of the seventh- and eighth-century findings indicates
that the fortifications were not used in this period, as was the case with
Serbia. The high altitudes did not appeal to the Slavic tribes, which is why
the traces of their presence are to be looked for in the valleys and basins,
until the fortifications were once again re-used in the ninth and tenth
centuries, because of the war.
On the other hand, a more thorough reconnaissance of the
lowland positions was never undertaken, not in a way that would yield
adequate results. The smallest of reparations on the upper parts of the
walls are not visible today, since the relevant segments of the ramparts
have been ruined. Wooden annexes, wallings, and dwellings made of light
527
528
529

. , , 6, 1990, 45-49.
, , 32.
V. Popovi, Aux origines de la slavisation des Balkans. La constitution des
premirs Sklavinies macdoniennes vers la fin du VIme sicle, Comptes
rendus de lAcadmie des inscriptions et belles-lettres I, Paris 1980, 249-252.

186

Dejan Buli

materials have not been preserved or, in rare cases, only in fragments. It is
very common that the only indication these fortifications were occupied
are rare movable archaeological findings. Except for the jewelry and some
highly specific objects, a significant part of these findings can not be
subjected to a precise chronological determination. This applies to tools in
particular. Until recently, not enough attention was paid to the pottery, or
it was not even possible to reliably set it apart according to the epochs. This
calls for a revision and re-dating of some pottery fragments on some sites.
We will cover the ninth-century Slavic migration wave further on
in the text, when touching upon the topic in the frame of Serbia. Mikuli
holds that new brotherhoods moved from the valley of the Danube after
the collapse of the Chaganate in Pannonia (late 8th early 9th century),
when the Avars were shattered and the relations with the Slavic North
could be re-established. The contacts with the Slavic tribes beyond the
Danube have been archaeologically confirmed by numerous specific
objects, discovered at fortifications of ree (79) and Davina (65).530
During the reign of Simeon (893-927), the Bulgarian rule reached
the Drina and the Adriatic, including the entire Republic of Macedonia,
nearly touching Thessalonica. After his death, Bulgaria weakened, the
Russian prince Svyatoslav conquered it, and in 971 John Tzimiskes entered
Preslav and annexed the Bulgarian to the Byzantine Empire.
Among the standard forms of metallic findings used by the Slavic
population, occasional findings were discovered of specific objects
attributed to the Bulgarian boyars, the officers of the new administration.531
The ninth-century town of Kuprite (78) that sometimes served as a
military camp was a Proto-Bulgarian town.532 Bronze amulets representing
a horse-riding mythical hero (or a shaman) were discovered at the
fortresses of Prilep (47) and emren (5). It was assumed that these arrived
to Macedonia from the lower Danube valley, along with the expansion of
Boris and Simeons state, at the end of the ninth or in the tenth century.533
The well-known Bulgarian double-sided amulets (seals) were found at
Jegunovci near Tetovo (71); another amulet was discovered at Devol-grad
near Drenovo (29), as well as a small bronze plate with a tamgha, also dating
530
531
532
533

, , 36. Numerous toponyms such as

Morava, Boemija, Boemica, etc., corroborate this theory.
, , 35.
, , 348.
, , 83-84.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

187

from the late ninth or the tenth century, from a road watch Arangel near
Kievo (31).534 The belt ornament discovered at reka (79) typologically
corresponds to the period of the collapse of the Avar khaganate. The use
of these ornaments spread to the neighbouring Slavic boyars in the early
ninth century.535
In 976, a rebellion broke out in Macedonia, led by the four
Cometopuli the sons of the comes (knez) Nikola. Samuil was the only
one to survive the uprising of 978 and he managed to place under his
authority entire Macedonia, except for Thessalonica; then he expanded his
rule to Thessaly, Western Bulgaria, Epirus, areas of Albania including
Dyrrachium and the Serbian lands, and he re-established the Patriarchate.
After the Byzantines displayed their military and technical superiority
during the campaign of 1001-1004, when they conquered Skopje and
Voden, the Empire began to crumble, persisting until the death of Ivan
Vladislav in 1018.536 A belt buckle with a representation of a griffon, a
product of Byzantine craftsmanshift, was discovered at Devol (29) and it
could be dated to this period.
After the collapse of Samuils state, Basil II was determined to
destroy the fortresses in the area that might have been used as new army
strongholds. He spared only several key castra where Byzantine military
crews were deployed. Thus were demolished Ohrid, tip and Prilep, with
only the Archdiocese of Ohrid left standing. Prosek was restored in the
late 1100s and expanded in the early thirteenth century, since it became
the centre of a new regional state.537
Of the conquered territory of Samuils state, the new theme of
Bulgaria was formed centred in Skopje, while the Archdiocese of Ohrid
was re-organized. We learn of the established ecclesiastical organization
from the Golden Bull of 1272, issued by the Byzantine emperor Michael VIII
to the Archdiocese of Ohrid. This Bull contained copies of the three Bulls
issued by Basil II to the same church in 1019, in May 1020 and between 1020
and 1025. In the Bull of 1019, 17 dioceses were listed. With each episcopal
see, towns under its jurisdiction were listed and the number of clerics and
parishioners written down. In the second Bull issued to the Archdiocese
of Ohrid, another 14 dioceses were added to the list now totalling 31
534
535
536
537

, , 84-85.
, , 85.
. , , 1959, 294-295.
, , 47.

188

Dejan Buli

dioceses.538 In this work we convey from the list of dioceses and towns only
those lying in the territory of the present-day Macedonia. The list shows
the extent of the restoration process undertaken:
1. Skopje the episcopal see (64), and the towns Bine (Serbia),
Lukovo (36), Preamor and Princip (not located) placed under its jurisdiction.
2. rovid (34), with the parishes of Kozjak (37), Slavite (35),
Zletovo (54), Pijanec and Maleevo (not located).
3. Diocese of Strumica (69) with its see most likely at the
monastery of Veljusa. Towns lying in the jurisdiction of Strumica were
Radovite (55) and Kone (68).
4. Butela Bitolj with the following towns: Prilep (47), Debret
(Deuretis) (48), Veles (77) and Pelagonija (probably Bitolj).
5. Ohrid (45) with the following towns: Kiava (32), Prespa
(Greece) and kra (lbania).
6. The area of Polog and the town of Leskovec (Leak 72) were
placed under the jurisdiction of the bishop of Prisdiana (Prizren, Serbia).
7. Prosek (40-43) and Morihovo (51), in the present-day Macedonia,
were placed under the jurisdiction of the diocese of Moglen in Greece.
Another two fortifications in the area of Ohrid Prespa were
mentioned in the treatise of John Skylitzes: one on the Prespa lake, and the
other, Vasilid, situated on a mountain top lying between the lakes of Ohrid
and Prespa.539 According to Mikuli, Vasilid was most likely one of the
two fortifications erected between the villages of Evlo and Petrino. 540 The
fortress of Termica was in the area around Strumic, and it was also
mentioned in the 1016 campaign of David Arianites.541
Archaeological findings of reliquary crosses discovered in the
vicinity of the ecclesiastical centres could easily be associated with the
establishment of the ecclesiastical organization in these areas. These sites
include Skopje, Bitolj, Ohrid, Strumica, Prilep, Prosek, Lukovica, Kozjak
and Leak. The afore-mentioned crosses, made in Byzantine workshops,
were generally attributed to the higher ranks of the tenth and eleventh
century clergy.542 An amulet with a representation of a Slavic deity, discov538

539
540
541
542

For more detailed information on this issue, including the map of dioceses
and settlements, see: . ,
, 2004, 172-177.
III, 130.
, , 275-276.
III, 119.
, , 83.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

189

ered at the fortification of Davine near uer, should be dated to the times
before the Slavs in Macedonia were Christianized, rather than to the tenth
century, as the analogous findings might suggest.543
In 1040, the anti-Byzantine movement led by Petar Delyan broke
out in Belgrade and in the Morava area, because of the new taxes levied in
money and the abuse of the officials. It was not long before the revolt
spread to Ni, Skopje and Macedonia. Delyan took Dyrrachium, attacked
Thessalonica and advanced into Greece. Byzantium crushed the uprising
the same year, with the help of Alusian, son of Ivan Vladislav.544
After the crushing defeat that Byzantium suffered at Manzikert
(1071), the malcontents from Macedonia organized an uprising which
Constantine Bodin joined, after having been proclaimed emperor in
Prizren, in 1072. The rebels managed to take Skopje after defeating the
strategos of the theme of Bulgaria.545 Bodin split his armies in two groups
and headed towards Ni, while Petrilo, general of Michael VII Doukas,
took Ohrid and Devol but suffered defeat at Kastoria. Soon after, Bodin
himself was defeated in Kosovo and taken captive.546
The restoration of the Byzantine rule, along with the development
of mining in the eleventh century, had a beneficial effect on the town
growth, which culminated in the fourteenth century under the Serbian
rule. Archaeological findings discovered at fortified sites close to the mining areas indicate the renewal of the mining industry. The findings include
coins and many objects of cast iron, such as weapons and tools.547

Serbia

The social crisis that struck the Roman Empire caused striking
pauperization of the population, while the continuous flood of settlers,
various peoples and looters made the difficult situation even worse. These
groups benefited from the proximity of the frontier and the well-branched
road network to reach their loot in the flatland settlements and towns. The
Hunnic wrath caused destrucion of some important towns, such as Singidunum,
543
544
545
546
547

, , 84-85.
I, 1981, 183 (. ).
For further information regarding these events, see: . ,
- 1072 1075, 47 (2000) 35-57.
I, 1981, 190-191 (. ).
, , 50.

190

Dejan Buli

Viminatium, Margum and Naissus. It took plenty of time for these towns
to recover. The horrible times were exacerbated by the natural disasters
that befell certain parts of the Empire. The catastrophic earthquake struck
Dardania in 518,548 followed by a plague epidemic that decimated the
population and weakened the defences of the Empire.549
Insecure times called for construction of fortifications. Some of
these fortified sites were regional centres with military crews and a still
functioning ecclesiastical organization. Besides these, the imperial
authorities strived to build smaller fortifications on important strategic
points along the roads, so as to defend and oversee the communication and
supply systems. These fortified sites also served as refuge centres that
provided safe haven to the populations fleeing the endangered lowland
settlements. Parallel to the construction of these fortifications, smaller
ones were built by rural communities, to provide them with safer
positions. Although their positions changed by moving into locations on
higher altitudes, they carried on with their economic activities on earlier
agricultural fields with a shift towards pastoralism.
These measures created a new defensive system, born out of
necessity and reflecting how weak the Empire had become. The aim was
to reduce the influx of refugees that sought shelters in the south, since the
refuges were built in every part of the Empire; but also put to a heavy test
the barbarians ability to lay siege and to maintain their supply chain; in
addition, the barbarians were rather unaccomplished besiegers of
fortifications, which by then had no riches left to loot. In any event, the
smaller hordes roaming the roads of the Empire did not even pose a threat
to the villagers any longer, unless they carried out sudden attacks. But the
remains of fire on some fortifications, together with numismatic material
and relevant archaeological horizons of hoards confirm that settlements
were played havoc with, and speak of volatile times.550 This concept,
adapted for the precarious sixth century, reached its culmination during
the reign of Justinian, as was corroborated by the writings of Procopius,
but also by the plentiful material finds from throughout the Empire.
548
549

550

I, 57.
B. Geyer, Physical Factors in the Evolution of the Landscape and Land Use,
The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh Through the
Fifteenth Century I (ed. A. E. Laiou), Washington 2002, 31-45.
For further information regarding the horizon of hoards from the Early
Byzantine period on the territory of Serbia, see: . - . ,
, 2006, 24-27.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

The list of Early Byzantine sites on the territory of Serbia:

1. Zbradila Korbovo551
2. Rgotski kamen552
3. Gradite ukojevac, Kraljevo (9th - 11th centuries)553
4. Velika Gradina Zamanja (9th -10th centuries)554
5. Velika Gradina Miloaj, municipality of Kni (7th century)555
6. Bogut grad Bogutovac556
7. Branievo Svetinja (12th-13th centuries)557
8. Branievo Mali i Veliki grad (10th-11th,12-13th centuries)558
9. Vranjska banja Crkvite559
10. Vranjska banja Kale560
11. Gradite Korbevac561

551
552
553

554

555
556
557
558
559

560

561

. , ,
6 (1990) 115-118.
. , ,
6 (1990) 191-196.
. ,
2002-2003., 1 (2007) 39-42; . ,

, 8, 2007, 9-16. The medieval phase has
been identified by the personal insight into the material.
. , . , . . ,
,
1 (2007), 47-49.
Based on the personal insight into the unpublished material.
. , , 2/3 ..
(2004/5) 2008, 72-3.
. , . ,
38 (1988), 1-37.
. , . , ,
39 (1988), 125-176.
. , . , . . ,
,
20 (2004), 145-169 (= ,
).
. , .
1964. . , 1 (1965)
226; . , , 145-169.
. - . , ,
1951, 136; . , .
1964. . , 1
(1965) 225-226; . , , 145-169.

191

192

Dejan Buli

12. Markovo kale near Preevo562

13. Kale Klinovac563
14. Gradite Veliki Trnovac564
15. Markovo Kale Vranje (Late Middle Ages and the Ottoman period)565
16. Kacapun566
17. Stajkovac567
18. Jovac site Gradite568
19. Tesovite Otri ukar569
20. Dubnica Kitka hill (Kale)570
21. Fortifaction Sv. Ilija (15th century)571
22. Donji Romanovac Gradite572
23. Kijevac Gradite573
24. urkovica Kulite574
25. Garinje Mali Gradac575
26. Donje Balinovce Gredak (Stoliica)576
27. Mrtvica577
562
563
564
565
566

567
568
569
570
571
572
573
574
575
576
577

. , 1968. , 4 (1968)
502; . , , 145-169.
. -, VI ,
7 (1973), 25-37.
. , - ,
10 (1986) 59-60; , 1965, 322.
. - . , .
, 20 (1987) 141-154.
. , .
1964. . , 1 (1965)
225 (= , ).
J, , 225.
, , 225.
. . , , ,
II, 1963, 171; , , 227.
. , 1965. , 2 (1966) 322
(= , 1965.).
. - . , .
, 1977, 147-148 (= - , ).
. , 1966. 1967. , 3
(1967) 330 (= , 1966. 1967.)
, 1966. 1967, 330.
, 1966. 1967, 330.
. , 1968. , 4 (1968)
511-512 (= , 1968.).
, 1968, 512.
, 1968, 512.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

193

28. Gradite Prvonek578

29. Skobalji Grad Leskovac (11th-15th centuries)579
30. Jerinin grad Gornja Crnua (16th-17th centuries)580
31. Gradina Ilinje (11th-13th,14th-15th centuries)581
32. Gradina Kaznovie (9th-10th centuries)582
33. Gradina Konuli (9th-11th, 12th centuries, Ottoman period)583
34. Gradina Lisina584
35. Kale (Grgec) Gornje Brijanje585
36. Leskovac, Hisar site (Late Middle Ages and the Ottoman period)586
37. Selite Nakrivanj587
38. Sjarina, municipality of Medvea588
39. Gornje Gradite, municipality of Lebane589
40. Kulite or Jezero590
41. Sakicol site, municipality of Lebane (the church ?)591
42. Radinovac, Gradite site (Kaljaja)592
43. Cariin Grad Lebane (10th-11th centuries)593
578
579
580

581
582
583
584
585

586
587
588
589
590
591
592
593

Dj. Jankovi, The Slavs in the 6th Century North Illyricum, 20

(2004) 39, 43.
. - . ,
, 27 (1987), 61-67.
. , . , . ,
-
, 16 (1988), 81-94.
. , M .
, 53 (2006), 53 91.
. , . R ,
55 (2007) 45-62.
. , , 57 (2008) 29-58.
. ,
, 54 (2007) 43-62.
. - . ,
, 1988, 39 (= -,
, ).
-, , , 41.
-, , , 41.
-, , , 37, 42;
- , , 152-153.
- , , 152.
- , , 150.
- , , 149-150.
-, , , 41.
- , ; -, ,
, 81-82; B. Bavant - V. Ivanievi, Justinijana
Prima - Cariin Grad, Beograd 2003.

194

Dejan Buli

44. Konjua Cer594

45. Nemi Donja Bukovica595
46. Vidojevica Cer (11th-12th century)596
47. Gradina Stapari597
48. Kulina near Solotua (15th century)598
49. Gradina near Bajina Bata599
50. Bregovina (10th century)600
51. Zlata601
52. Glaince Kale near itoraa602
53. Balajnac Gradite603
54. Gornji Statovac Milanov kr604
55. Bogujevac Bandera605
594

595

596

597

598

599

600
601
602
603

604
605

. Vasiljevi, M. Popovi, Konjua na Ceru . Ranovizantijsko utvrenje, AP

16 (1974) 111-112; . , . , . T ,
I, ,
1953, 43.
. , . T ,
I, , 1953, 57; . Jankovi,
Rekognosciranje srednjovekovnih nalazita u zapadnoj Srbiji i na Peteru,
AP 20 (1978) 187 (= Jankovi, Rekognosciranje).
. , . , . T ,
I, , 1953, 4546; Jankovi, Rekognosciranje, 186.
. , , ,
, 2008; . -,
. O ,
I, , 1953, 60- 61.
. - . , . O ,
I, ,
1953, 59-60.
. . ,
- . , .. 4 (2008)
143-145.
. , ,
, , - 1999, 87-116.
- , , 153; . ,
, 12-1 (1986) 217-220.
. -, . ,
1998, 54 (= -, ).
. - . , ,
9-10, 1959, 77; M. Jeremi, Balajnac. gglomration
protobyzantine fortife (Rgion de Ni, Serbie du Sud), Antiquit tardive 3
(1995) 193-207.
-, , 54.
-, , 54.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

56. Rgaje Grad (10th-12th centuries)606

57. Pesti Bukoloram607
58. Miljkovica608
59. Vidovaki Kr609
60. Buince610
61. Smrdelj611
62. Babotinac Veliko Kale (the Middle Ages)612
63. Pirot (12th-14th centuries; Ottoman period)613
64. Gradite, site Grad614
65. Baranica615
66. Gradina Venac616
67. Koelj617
68. reac618
69. Kalna619
70. Sveta Trojica near Ravna620
71. Gradina Juhor (Momilov grad)621
606
607
608
609
610
611
612
613

614
615
616

617
618
619
620
621

-, , 44, 55, 65.

-, , 44, 55.
-, , 43.
-, , 43.
-, , 43.
-, , 43.
. -, ,
3 (1987) 213-218.
. - . , . A 1985.
, 3 (1986) 227-232; . - . ,
. A 1986. ,
4 (1987) 149-154; . , , 1996, 10-13;
. , , 8-9 (1979)
185-201.
. - . , . , 1997, 26, 113 (= - , ).
- , , 25-26.
. - . ,
, 1,
2003; . ,
, 4-5, 2011, 36-7.
- , , 27-28.
- , , 28.
- , , 29.
- , , 29.
. , , 12-1 (1986)
199-217.

195

196

Dejan Buli

72. Petrus (12th, 14th-15th centuries)622

73. Orlovia Grad Leje623
74. Mali grad Dragoevac624
75. Jerinin grad Dragoevac625
76. Jerinin grad Beoi626
77. Gradite (Devojaka stena) Sekuri627
78. Grad Opari628
79. Jerenin grad Vojska629
80. Hanite Grad, Dramirovac630
81. Brdo Kruar631
82. Bukovaka esma632
83. Govedarnik Grad, Glavinci633
84. Jerinin grad Mievi (up to the 12th century)634
85. Jerinin Grad Prevet635
86. Gradac, Banja Koviljaa636
87. Kosanin grad, Cer637
88. Trojanov grad, Cer638
89. Jerinin grad, Brangovi (9th-10th centuries)639
622

623
624
625
626
627
628
629
630
631
632
633
634
635
636
637
638
639

. , ,
, 2003, 281-291 (= ,
); . ,
, B 2011, 8-11; 57-66.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291; Zaviajni muzej Jagodina.
Stalna izlobena postavka, Katalog, Jagodina 2001, 36.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
, , 281-291.
. , , 2 (1985) 131
(= , ).
, , 131.
, , 131.
. - . , .
(VI-X ),
37 (2004) 79-101.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

90. Gradutina, Beljin (10th-12th centuries)640

91. Grad, Lis641
92. Gradina, Vukovica642
93. Stojkovia gradina, Via643
94. Gradina, Jelica (7th-10th centuries)644
95. Sokolica, Ostra (10th-11th centuries)645
96. Lopa, site Grad646
97. Velika Gradina, Vrsenice (9th-10th centuries)647
98. Gradina, Tuzinje648
99. Jerinin grad, Trojan649
100. urevica, erekare (9th-11th centuries)650
640

641

642
643

644

645

646
647
648
649
650

. - . , .
,
I, , 1953, 16; , , 131. Ceramic findings,
dated to the period between the tenth and twelth centuries support the
hypothesis that Gradutina was used in the Middle Ages: I. Popovi, Notes
topographiques sur la rgion limitrophe entre la Pannonie Seconde et la
Msie Premire, Roman Limes on the iddle and Lower Danube,
1996, 138, note 7.
. , ,
16 (1986) 51-66; . ,
2002. 2006. , 36 (2006) 31-48;
. , . , 4 (..) (2008) 146-150.
. , . ,
, 16 (986) 75-80.
. , . , . ,
, 16 (1986)
67-74.
. , .
, 2010. For further information on the
medieval strata, see: . ,
, 50 (2004) 153-204.
. , ,
2, 1995, 53-58; . ,
X-XI , 19
(2003) 223-247.
, 2011, 39-40.
M. Popovi - V. Biki, Vrsenice. asnoantiko i srpsko ranosrednjovekovno
utvrenje, Beograd 2009 (= Popovi - Biki, Vrsenice).
. -,
, 6 (1982) 242-243.
. , , 13 (1989) 7-15.
. , ,
7 (1983) 29-37. We have established the medieval stratum ourselves,
based on the published supplemental table with the ceramics.

197

198

Dejan Buli

101. Gradina, Hum651

102. Gradina, Ramoevo652
103. arski kr, Duga Poljana653
104. Gradovi, aronje654
105. Gradina, Radalica655
106. Kulina, Rogatac656
107. Zlostup, Ostrovica657
108. Litice, Dobrinja658
109. Juac, Sopoani659
110. Gradina, aronje660
111. Pazarite Novi Pazar (9th- 11th, 11th-13th centuries)661
112. Izbeg, Tupi kr662
113. Kula, Kaludra663
114. Gaj, Babre664
115. Grad (Gradina), Nosoljin665
116. Gradina, Postenje (9th-12th centuries)666
117. Kr, Zlatni Kamen667
651
652
653
654
655
656
657
658
659
660
661
662
663
664
665
666

667

. , ,
12 (1988) 5-11.
. , , 11 (1987) 5-11.
. , ,
7 (1983) 5-14.
. ,
, 6 (1982) 131-140.
. . , , 9 (1985) 39-46.
. , , 11 (1987) 13-20.
. ,
, 9 (1985) 47-54.
. , . , 6 (1982) 238-239.
. Popovi, Juac kod Sopoana, AP (za 1986. godinu), Ljubljana 1987, 115-117.
. . , ,
3, 1988, 51-68
. Popovi, Tvrava Ras, Beograd 1999.
. ,
, 9 (1985) 47-54.
. , , 8 (1984) 11-18.
. -, , 13
(1989) 17-27.
. , . , , 7 (1983) 21-27.
. , -.
1994. , 11 (1996) 198-207; . , . a 1995. , 12 (1997) 121-129.
. ,
, 14 (1990) 7-17.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

118. Panojevii668
119. Matovii669
120. uprija, medieval Ravna (ruined in 1183)670
121. Slatina, near Brza Palanka (8th-10th centuries)671
122. Mokranje (Petres) (11th century)672
123. Mihajlovac Blato (necropolis, 10th century)673
124. Kula Mihajlovac (7th, 9th-10th centuries)674
125. Majur (Jagodina) (7th century)675
126. Kostol Trajanov most (Pontes) (10th-12th centuries)676
127. Korbovo (7th century; the entire Middle Ages)677
128. Gamzigrad (Romuliana) (11th century)678
129. Prahovo (Aquae - Akvis) (7th, 9th-11th centuries)679
668
669
670
671

672

673

674
675
676

677

678

679

Popovi - Biki, Vrsenice, 126.

Popovi - Biki, Vrsenice, 126.
. . , , 1990,
115 (= . . , ).
. , , II
(1984) 196-198; . , . , . , Lembouchure de la
rivire Slatinska reka, III (1986) 378-387; . . , ,
110.
. . , Mokranje kod Negotina. Kamenolom - vieslojni lokalitet,
AP 18 (1976) 22-24; . , .
, II (1984) 221-225; . . , , 103.
. - . , Mihajlovac. ntiko utvrenje, AP 6, 1964;
. , Mihajlovac Blato. Une forteresse de la basse antiquit,
III (1986) 404; . . , , 101.
. , Le site dhabitation mdival kula prs du village Mihajlovac,
III (1986) 443-446; . . , , 101-103.
. . , , 100.
. - . , . K Pontes, I (1980) 2324; . - . , Castrum Pontes, IV (1987) 81; .
- . -, . Castrum Pontes,
II (1984) 44-47; . -, Pontes. .
, IV (1987) 135-136; . -,

Pontes, IV (1987) 117-119.
. , VI VII
, 1981, 194 (= , ); . ,

IX-XI , 11 (1983) 101; . . , , 95.
Byzantine authorities renewed the town in the early eleventh century and
its population was resettled after the uprising of 1072: . . ,
, 87-89.
, , 43-45.

199

200

Dejan Buli

130. Saldum680
131. Bosman681
132. Kulina Medvednik682
133. Mora Vagei683
134. Borej684
135. Tekija (Transdierna?) (10th-11th centuries)685
136. Karata (Diana)686
137. Donje Butorke687
138. Glamija Rtkovo688
139. Vajuga Karaula (medieval necropolis)689
140. Milutinovac690
141. Ljubievac691
142. Radujevac Karamizar692
143. Site at the mouth of river Timok693

680
681
682
683

684
685
686

687
688
689

690
691
692

693

. , Saldum. o o
, 33-34 (1982/83) 319-331.
. , . , 33-34
(1982/83) 137-144
.
. - - . , La forteresse antique Mora
Vagei prs de Mihajlovac (Fouiles de 1981), 3 (1986) 453-466; P. pehar,
Materijalna kultura iz ranovizantijskih utvrenja u erdapu, Beograd 2010,
44-45 (= pehar, Materijalna kultura).
. -, . , . K
, 2 (1984) 217-220.
. Cermanovi-Kuzmanovi, A. Jovanovi, Tekija, Belgrade 2004; . .
, , 114.
. , .
, , ,
2006, 115-122, including the bibliography.
, , 35; pehar, Materijalna kultura, 30-31.
, , 39; pehar, Materijalna kultura, 32-34.
, , 41; . , . (
1980. ), 2 (1984) 109; pehar,
Materijalna kultura, 35.
, , 41; pehar, Materijalna kultura, 35-37 .
, , 41; pehar, Materijalna kultura, 38-39.
, , 45; . Kora, Late Roman and Early Byzantine
Fort of Ljubievac, Roman Limes on the Middle and Lower Danube (ed: P.
Petrovi) Belgrade 1996, 105-110; pehar, Materijalna kultura, 48.
, , 45; . - . ,
, 8 (1991) 144-151.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

144. Vinjica (Octavum)694

145. Jerinin Grad Gradac by Batoina (medieval necropolis)695
146. Vidrovgrad Vidrovac696
147. Gradina Veljkovo697
148. Tabakovako Brdo698
149. Gradite Gradskovo699
150. Gradina Grbice (10th-11th centuries)700
151. Gola Stena tubik701
152. Brza palanka (Egeta)702
153. Sokolica703
154. uka Podrka704
155. Miro705
156. Sip706
157. Trajanov Most 2 Kostol (12th century)707
158. Sirmium (the entire Middle Ages and the Ottoman period)708
159. Basiana709
694
695

696
697
698
699
700

701
702
703
704
705
706
707
708

709

M. Birtaevi, Vinjica - Castrum Octavum; Beograd. Vizantijsko utvrenje

i nekropola, AP 6 (1964) 109-111.
. , (
), 13-14, 1965, 275-290 ; . ,
, 1981, 56.
, , 49.
, , 49-50.
, , 51.
, , 51.
. , ,
1981, 57-8; . , ,
, 1985, 26.
, , 52.
. , - , II (1984) 153-166; P. Petrovi,
Brza Palanka - Egeta, III (1986) 369-377.
, , 54.
, , 54.
, , 54-56.
, , 56; pehar, Materijalna kultura, 26-27.
, , 56-58; . ,
1072. , 25 (1978) 52.
. , . (
), , 2003; . .
, , 114; , , 281284 (. ).
Arheoloki leksikon (ured. D. Srejovi), Beograd 1997, 112 (A. Jovanovi) (=
Arheoloki leksikon); M. orevi, Arheoloka nalazita rimskog perioda u
Vojvodini, Beograd 2007, 45-49.

201

202

Dejan Buli

160. Remesiana710
161. Beograd (Singidunum) (9th-15th centuries; Ottoman period)711
162. Dubravica (Margum) (10th-11th centuries)712
163. Ram (Lederata) (10th-11th centuries)713
164. Veliko Gradite (Pincum)714
165. Golubac (Cuppae)715
166. Boljetin (Smorna) (9th, 12th-15th centuries)716
167. Ravna (Campsa) (9th-11th centuries; necropolis, 14th-15th centuries)717
168. Poreka reka718
169. Sapaja (12th century; Turkish and Austrian period)719
710
711

712

713

714
715
716

717

718

719

. , , 1999, 101-110.
For now, the earliest traces of material culture in Belgrade came from the
slopes along the river Sava (the Lower Town and the Western suburb), and
date back to the ninth or, possibly, tenth century: . -,
, 25 (1978) 7-16; ,
, 31-43 (. ).
. , 1989.
. , 14, 73-75; . ,
1990. ,
15, 39-40; D. Spasi-uri, Die rmische Stadt-Margum, Margum,
Poarevac 2003, 11-24; Arheoloki leksikon, 630-631 (A. Jovanovi); .
, 1072. ,
25 (1978) 41-55 .
Arheoloki leksikon, 576-577 (A. Jovanovi); A. Jovanovi, The Problem of
the Location of Lederata, Roman Limes on the Middle and Lower Danube
(ed. P. Petrovi), Belgrade 1996, 69-72; . . ,
1072. , 25 (1978), 41-55.
M. Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi na Dunavu u Gornjoj Meziji, Beograd 1968,
101-103; Arheoloki leksikon, 811 (A. Jovanovi).
. , 1072.
, 25 (1978) 43; Arheoloki leksikon, 555-556 (A. Jovanovi).
. , (Smorna). ,
33-34 (1982/83) 211-225; . -, .
, 33-34 (1982/83) 227-230.
. , (Campsa). o o
33-34 (1982/83) 233-251; . -, .
, 33-34 (1982/83) 253-257.
. , .
, 33-34 (1982/83) 285-291; pehar, Materijalna
kultura, 20-22.
. , .
, 33-34 (1982/83) 29-62; . ,
,
1995.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

203

170. Veliki Gradac (Taliata) (7th, 11th-12th centuries)720

171. Hajduka Vodenica (11th-15th centuries)721
172. Malo Golubinje722
173. Veliko Golubinje723
174. ezava (Castrum Novae) (necropolis 11th-13th centuries; tomb 17th century)724
175. Ni (Naissus) (11th-15th centuries; Turkish period)725
176. Medijana (intermittent settling in the Middle Ages)726
177. Pajkovac Gradite727
178. Bedem Maskare728
179. Veliki Vetren729
180. Donji Dubi Gradite730
181. Puhovac Gradite731
182. Laisled Gradite732
183. Ukosa (Kuite) Stala (10th-11th centuries)733
720

721

722
723
724
725
726
727

728
729
730

731
732
733

. , - (Taliata).
, 33-34 (1982/83) 265-282; .
, -I ,
1981.
. , .
, 33-34 (1982/83) 319-331; . -,
. , 3334 (1982/83) 333-336.
. , . ,
33-34 (1982/83) 297-300 (= , ).
, , 297-300.
. , - Castrum Novae, 33-34 (1982/83) 319-331.
. , , 1999; . ,
, 31 (1984) 5-40.
. , , 2006.
. ,
, 13 (2008) 9-52 (= ,
).
, , 9-52.
, , 9-52.
. . , ,
18 (2002) 137-156 (= , ).
, , 150-152.
, , 153-154.
. , (), 3,
1988, 281-282; ,
2000, 18 (= ); . ,

, 3, 2005, 187-188.

204

Dejan Buli

184. Ljubinci Gradite (9th-11th centuries)734

185. Plonik Gradac735
186. Vitkovac Gradac736
187. Boljevac ukar737
188. Porodin Gradite738
189. Petina Gradac (13-14. centuries)739
190. Jablanica daje740
191. Zlatari Gradite741
192. Gradac erekari in Gornji Levii (9th-10th centuries)742
193. Dupci Gradite743
194. Brus Gobelja Gradite (9th-11th centuries)744
195. Gradite Trnavci745
196. Koznik746

734
735
736

737

738
739
740
741
742

743

744
745
746

. , . ,
9 (1993) 228-235; , 17.
, 17.
, 17; . - . ,
,
7, 2009, 188.
, 21; . ,
,
3, 2005, 185 -186.
, 21.
, 24.
, 25.
, 24.
, 28; . - . ,
,
44/1 (2007) 27 45; . ,
, 3,
2005, 189.
. - . ,
, 7,
2009, 186, 188, . 5/4 7/2; , 26.
. -, . ,
, 32 33 (2002) 99-120.
. - . ,
, 44/1 (2007) 38.
. , . , , 2, 1980, 307;
, , 218-222 (. ). We were told of the
existence of the Early Byzantine layer, from the unpublished excavations
undertaken by . Jankovi.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

197. Kaljaja Grgure near Blace747

198. Fortification in Pridvorica, Kurvingrad748
199. Gradina Dedinci749
200. Duvarine Via (the town of Toplica Milan) (Middle Ages)750
201. Jelika uka, Saganjevo751
202. Gradina Donja Rudnica, near Raka752
203. Viegrad (11th-12th centuries)753
204. Gradite Gee (9th-10th centuries)754
205. Radavac in the vicinity of Pe755
206. Jerinin grad Dolac (Late Middle Ages and Turkish period)756
207. Crmljani near akovica (Middle Ages)757
208. Ere758
209. Kusare759
210. Gradite Zatri760
211. ablanica near Pe761

747

748
749
750
751
752
753

754

755
756
757
758

759
760
761

. ,
,
, - 2002, 64.
Based on personal insight.
Based on personal insight.
Based on personal insight.
Based on personal insight.
. , ,
13 (1997) 147-158.
. , XI-XV , .
, - 1987, 371 (=
, ); . , . , 11 (1995)
208-223.
, , 371; Luan Przhita, Gezem Hoxha,
Fortifikime te sheujve IV-VI n Dardanin Perndimore, Tiran 2003, 143
(= Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime);
, 2002 (= ), 98.
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 145.
, , 375; Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 145-146.
, 93; Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 146.
This site was drawn on the map, among fortifications from the period
between the fourth and sixth centuries, but was not mentioned in the text:
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 66 .
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 146-147.
, 373; Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 147.
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 150-151.

205

206

Dejan Buli

212. Dobre Vode near Klina (Late Middle Ages)762

213. Kaljaja Orahovac763
214. Gradina Vrani (tombs bearing similarities to the Komani-Kruje culture)760
215. Hisar Kostrc near Suva reka (11th-15th centuries)765
216. Gradina Koria (Middle Ages)766
217. erinina kula Podgrae near Klina767
218. Gradina uti kamen (Guri i Kuq)768
219. ean (10th century; 14th century)769
220. Zvean (throughout Middle Ages)770
221. Gradina Gornji Streoci771
222. Gradina Crni vrh772
223. ilivode773
224. Ulpiana Lipljan (Iustiniana secunda)774
225. Gradina Drsnik775
762
763
764
765

766
767
768
769
770

771

772
773
774

775

, , 372.
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 74-79.
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 148-149.
S. Fidanovski, Kostrc. neolitsko naselje i ranovizantijsko utvrenje, AP
(1986), Ljubljana 1987, 48-49; , , 375; .
, ,
, 1998, 278
(= , ); . , ,

, 1998, 370; Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 149-150.
, , 372; Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 147-148.
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 151-152.
Przhita, Hoxha, Fortifikime, 152.
V. Ivanievi, P. pehar, Early Byzantine Finds from ean and Gornji
Streoc, 55 (2005) 133-159 (= Ivanievi, pehar, Early Byzantine).
. , ,
, 1950, 169-170; , , 373375; . ,
, , 1988, 35-36 (= , );
, , 112-115 (. ).
, , 371; V. Ivanievi, P. pehar, Early
Byzantine Finds from ean and Gornji Streoc, 55 (2005) 133159 (= Ivanievi, pehar, Early Byzantine).
, , 371; Ivanievi, pehar, Early Byzantine, 159.
Ivanievi, pehar, Early Byzantine, 159.
. -,
, 32 (1981) 57-75; ,
, 376; , , 342-344.
, 64.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

226. Veletin (10th-12th centuries; 14th-15th centuries)776

227. Zidanac near Gotovua777
228. Rimsko gradite-Brezovica778
229. Mali Petri (14th century)779
230. Veliki Petri (14th century)780
231. Kulina Tenedol (Late Middle Ages)781
232. Stanior Prekopite782
233. Gradina uaica in Guvnite783
234. Gradite Trpeza (Late Middle Ages)784
235. Gradite Grnar785
236. Kaljaja (Gradite) Bina (Late Middle Ages)786
237. Markov kamen Topilo (Middle Ages)787
238. Gradina Ariljaa (Middle Ages)788
239. Banjica Vuak (Middle Ages)789
240. Kaljaja Vrbovac (Middle Ages)790
241. Koretite Granarica791
242. Jerinin Grad Tolisavac792
776
777

778
779

780
781
782
783
784
785
786
787
788
789
790
791
792

E. Shukriu, Veletin, Multistrata Settlement, AP 29 (1988) 1990, 104-106; .

, , 53-54 (20003/2004) 139-161.
. , .
, 10 (1997)
31-35 (= , ).
, , 31-35.
. , - ( ), 1 (1950)
219-222; , , 368-369; ,
, 218-222 (. ). The Early Byzantine layer was established
to exist according to the information provided by . Jankovi.
According to . Jankovi, the existence of the Early Byzantine layer was confirmed.
H. Mehnetaj, Kulina a Vogl (Kulina Tenedol), Vendobanim
shumshtresor (Multistrata Settlement), AP 29 (1988) 1990, 96-99.
, , 278.
. - . ,
, 44/1 (2007) 39, 43.
, 384; , 142.
, 371; , 142.
, 371; , 142.
, 383; , 141.
, 367; , 141.
, 140.
, 140.
, 90.
. , -, 1998, 17 (= , ); .
, . , ,
I, , 1953, 48.

207

208

Dejan Buli

243. Kostajnik793
244. Gradac Dvorska794
245. Gradac Vrhpolje795
246. Gradina on the Orovika mountain796
247. Gradina Mikuljak797
248. Gradina Pridvorica798
249. Zasad Petrova799
250. Gradite Osladi800
251. Gradina engolj801
252. Gradina Drenik802
253. Gradina Ravni803
254. Gradina Mokra Gora804
255. Gradina Svrakovo805
256. Gradina Radobua806
257. Gradina Visoka (Golubinjak)807
258. Gradina Kruica808
259. Gradina Krstac809
793

794
795
796
797

798

799
800
801
802
803
804
805
806
807
808
809

, , 17; . , . , .
, I, ,
1953, 49.
, , 17.
, , 17; M. Vasiljevi, Arheoloko rekognosciranje Podrinja,
AP 18, 171.
, , 17; . , . ,
I, , 1953, 57-8.
, , 17; . , . ,
I, ,
1953, 58.
. ,
, 6 (1990) 208-9 (= ,
).
, , 211.
Based on personal insight.
. , (III-IV ), (
1918) I, 1989, 126-127.
Based on personally carried out reconnaissance.
Based on personally carried out reconnaissance.
Based on personally carried out reconnaissance.
Based on personally carried out reconnaissance.
Based on personally carried out reconnaissance.
Based on personally carried out reconnaissance.
Based on personally carried out reconnaissance.
. , ,
1, 2001, 35.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

209

Most of the afore-listed sites were registered by reconnaissance or

sondages and on fewest fortifications were conducted systematic
excavations. Some random information was obtained by the study of
material the material unearthed in the illegal excavations by looters
euphemistically called "amateur archaeologists".
According to the compiled list, 259 fortifications used in the
period ranging from the fifth to the early seventh century have been
registered in Serbia up to the present. But this number is only temporarily
correct, as it is constantly getting higher because of the fieldwork
dynamics in some parts of Serbia.
The majority of these fortifications is located on high altitudes,
often on locations difficult to reach. The wide area of the present-day
Mava was left almost entirely depopulated and without forts; first
fortified sites were erected on the mountain slopes of Rudnik, Cer and
Majevica. Lowland fortifications were primarily situated along the limes and
built mainly for military purposes; but they were now inhabited by both
soldiers and civilians. If this is the case, it is an example of either continuous
use of the fortifications or of their restoration. Only the crews in fortresses
and towns were made up of actual army, whereas fortified settlements were
defended by their own denizens. The supply was carried out with ships and
the presence of amphorae is a sure sign of military presence.
A large number of the examined Early Byzantine fortifications was
single-layered, that is to say that in most of the cases, they were re-built
during Justinians Restoration. In some areas, the restoration process was
predominant, as shown on the example of Dardania, which does not
necessarily mean that the rebuilt fortifications were built considerably
before the early sixth century. Several fortifications have never been
restored, after having suffered destruction in the first half of the sixth
century such as Kale in the village of Klinovce (13), destroyed during the
Kutrigur incursion.810
In Serbia, the lowland towns situated along the Danubian limes
and with urban tradition, were pillars of defence. On the other hand, the
newly-founded regional centres - of which the most researched are
Cariin grad (45) and Gradina on Jelica (94) - display the utmost potential
810

Money deposits could be related to the Kutrigurian incursion of 544: . , VI

, VII (1973)
25-37.

210

Dejan Buli

of the Early Byzantine construction and the urbanistic notions of the age,
in the Balkans. Some of these fortifications were built on lower, more
accessible grounds, on strategically important points that secured traffic
ways or supply routes or protecting ports as was the case with BedemMaskare (178). Among these are the fortifications, such as Gamzigrad
(128) and Mediana (176), of specific purpose or erected on the foundations
of ancient Roman palaces.
Churches existed at a large number of sites and other buildings, as
were multiple layers containing various movable findings. In most of the
high fortifications, the assortment of these findings indicates the presence
of a civilian population, refuting the hypothesis that these were refuges,
and indicating that these were more likely fortified villages involved in
mining and the communication-system control. Certainly, a smaller
number could have been refuges. These fortifications represented the basic
settlement-unit of the Illyrian provinces and could have been nothing
more than rural settlements, i.e. villages,811 until the circulation of money
finally ceased in 615, and with it monetary trade and presence of the
state.812 A long gap followed before these fortified sites would be used
again, apart from some rare exceptions.
Beside the Romaion population and other subjects of the Empire,
there were other ethnical groups living in the fortifications: Germanic
peoples primarily, but also individuals of nomadic and Slavic origin. In all
likelihood, they came there after the confrontation of the Avars and the
Langobards with the Gepids, in 567. The Empire was trying to solve the
chronic lack of manpower, caused by the Hunnic scourge in the fifth
century and the recurring Avaro-Slavic incursions of the sixth century. The
depopulation was exacerbated by a great plague epidemic and an earthquake.
With all the devastation and havoc caused by the permanent raids, the
ever-present danger and insecurity, the population fled their homes and
retreated towards the coastal towns and the safer provinces of the Empire.
The Slavs joined the ranks of the Byzantine army as individuals
and fought in wars in Italy and Asia Minor, where some of them were
promoted to officers (Hilwud). After the Avar conquests in 584 586,
some of the fortresses remained derelict and Byzantium left the defence of
811
812

. , .
, 2010, 228.
V. Popovi, Les temoins archologiques des invasions avaro-slaves dans
lIllyricum byzantin, MEFRA 87, Rome 1975, 494-496, 502-504.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

211

some fortresses to the Slavs, as was the case with Alicaniburgo. In spite of
its abandoned ramparts, a Slavic settlement Dunav (Slatina) (121) sprang
up just before the end of the sixth century.813 Archaeological findings from
Gamzigrad (128)814 and the rural settlement Reka Vina, near
Belgrade815 confirm a mutually consensual Slavic colonization. The
fortification situated on the hill Govedarnik above Majur, near Jagodina
(125) should be included among the Early Byzantine fortifications
containing Slavic findings. Accidental findings include a bronze fibula
dated to the early seventh century, a ring made of lead, and a small cross,
most probably from the seventh century.816
Findings of medieval pottery were rare in Early Byzantine
fortifications, but not as rare as was thought at first. But now, this view is
changing. Experience gained over time allowed for an easier distinction to
be made between potteries from the two epochs, which was not possible
initially. Because of this distinction, today we can, in some cases, speak of
a medieval presence and that the percentage of such sites keeps rising.
Rare seventh-century pottery fragments were discovered in a series of
fortifications: Veliki Gradac (170); ekija (135), Gradina-elica (94), Slatina
(121), Kula-Mihajlovac (124) and Velika Gradina at Miloaji (5). The tomb
discovered at Kamenovo near Petrovac on Mlava was also dated to the
early seventh century, while sporadic findings of fibulae unearthed in
Prahovo (129) and Korbovo (127) point toward the existence of tombs
containing female skeletons.817
It is assumed that with the fall of the limes, Byzantine hold did not
fully disappear, because some accidental findings indicate Byzantine
813
814

815

816
817

. . , , 18.
Within the Early Byzantine layer at Gamzigrad a house was discovered that
contained Slavic objects from the period ending with 584/6: . .
, , 87.
. . , , 82-84; . , , .
, 25 (1986), 61-63; . ,
( ) 27 (1985) 120; . ,
. VI , 36 (1990)
5-16. Four sunken huts were discovered, together with the artisnanal objects
and a grave, dated between the sixth and the early eleventh centuries. Dating
the settlement to the sixth century was carried out with the Byzantine
products, primarily pottery. The only grave, of a female person in a fetal
position, was also dated to the sixth century. The sunken hut with a stone
oven is from the early seventh century, i.e. from before the reign of Heraclius.
. . , , 100.
. . , , 25.

212

Dejan Buli

presence in the Danubian basin, which would match the assumed role of
the Serbs and the Croats as foederati. Buckles from the seventh century,
discovered in Prahovo (129), Kostol (126) and uprija (120), coins of
Constantine IV, unearthed near Jagodina and dated to 634/4, and the
Byzantine wheel-made pottery discovered in Dunav (121) and Kula (124)
- confirm that hypothesis.818 It would appear that in the seventh century
Byzantium still held strongholds along the Danube and along the road
Mitrovica-Belgrade-Ni-Sofia-Constantinople. This situation changed
only with the Bulgarian incursion in 680.819 The often disputed remark of
Constantine Porphyrogenitos that a Byzantine strategos was present in
Belgrade at the time of the Serb arrival, implies that Byzantium did
manage to preserve some form of authority over the northern Illyricum,
even after 614/5.820
After their arrival, the Slavs encountered two types of settlements.
For one, towns from the Antiquity underwent significant reconstructions
in the sixth century, accordant with the Byzantine construction policy.
The answer to the question whether the Slavs immediately occupied the
fortifications, is to be found in the ethnic attribution of fragments of handmade pottery discovered on the sites. The dilemma has not yet been solved
if the ceramics are Slavic, in that case present at the beginning of the
seventh century, or if it was made by the autochthonous population, who
had to rely on the local production of ware once the trade stopped.
Interpreting several forms that seem to replicate Early Byzantine pottery
forms, purports the latter hypothesis, especially since no recognizable
Slavic pottery of a later date has been found in the areas of the sites where
the above-mentioned pottery of Byzantine form was discovered. But
before any ethnic attribution is made, it should be well considered if these
vessels may have had a special function, such as metal-casting, which can
be confirmed by the analysis of the interior. Hand-made vessels made for
this function were discovered in Duklja (Doclea).821
The absence of storage ceramics and luxury objects corresponds
with commerce, craftsmanship and money circulation becoming defunct.
But pottery production, especially of cookware, is a local activity and a
818
819
820
821

. . , , 19.
. . , , 20.
- , , 180.
D. Drakovi - M. ivanovi, Keramika prostorije 3/IX. Prilog poznavanju
svakodnevnog ivota antike Duklje, Nova antika Duklja II, Podgorica
2011, 76-77.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

213

complete halt of its production would be unlikely. Remains of fire places

above the layer of destruction at the basilica D offer some insight. They
suggest the use of the church for habitation even after its demise in a fire
evident from many traces of soot. Many fragments of characteristic Early
Byzantine ceramics were discovered in the context of the fire places, giving
basis to the assumption that there was no significant time gap between the
creation of the fire places and the ruin of the church.822 This fact sets a good
example of how a local population, even after catastrophes, can continue to
use locally produced, but distinctive wheel-made ceramics, while the use of
hand-made ceramics can be attributed to another ethnos, and not explained
away with a simple early seventh-century ruralization. Also, considering
the disregard for the sacral place, we can assume that another ethnos used
the existing material culture, which can give us an answer of why there are
so few traces of Slavic material culture and this would not be an isolated
case, since findings of Romaion ceramics appear in the Slavic settlement of
Kula-Mihajlovac as well (124).
Setting this issue aside, no matter if the ceramics is Slavic or made
by the autochthonous populations, it is from the seventh century and after
it comes a hiatus until the ninth century on thee fortifications. The
exceptions are very rare and still unexplained. To be more precise, for now
we know of only one such high site in Serbia Gradina on Jelica (94).823
The shortcoming of researches conducted until now in Serbia is the lack of
reliable methods that would allow for precise chronological datings of the
discovered findings above all, the C14 method. A lay person might
conclude that maybe among the unearthed findings of pottery there are
some that could be dated further back into the past. Argumentation in
favour of this deliberation is reduced to pottery, since other types of
findings are quite rare. On the one hand, the characteristics of the
typology and style of the findings (tools, weapons) do not allow for precise
dating. Moreover, such findings are rarer than findings of pottery and
independent discoveries of such findings do not allow placing them into
specific epochs.824
822
823

824

, , 180.
. ,
, 50 (2004) 153-204. Slatina (121) is a lowland site,
which lasted in a continuum until the ninth century.
So an apsurd situation happens that from a great site that has been
systematically excavated for years, we have almost no object, weapon or
tool that we could unequivocally declare medieval except for the many
findings of pottery, and some buildings: , .

214

Dejan Buli

Traces of fire indicate that a certain number of these fortifications

perished in fires and show that life ended in a violent manner. This
destruction was caused by the Avaro-Slavic incursions after which began
the Slavic colonization of the areas south of the Sava and the Danube,
when civilized life was discontinued. The Serbs and the Croats, along with
other Slavic groups, would become in the centuries to follow the regions
prevailing population.
Life in Singidunum was abruptly brought to an end, or the town
had already been destroyed and ravaged. The new name of Belgrade speaks
clearly of the discontinuity. Belgrade was mentioned as a diocese in 878,
meaning it was an important centre, possibly since Krum brought the
middle-Danube lands under his rule.825
Is this case paradigmatic? Did towns such as Belgrade, vanguards
exposed to assaults on the Empires frontiers, face discontinuity because of
their disadvantageous geographic position? Arguments support this
hypothesis. The situation was similar in other Early Byzantine
fortifications on the Danube. The earliest agrarian settlements develop in
the ninth and tenth centuries, except on the sites of Slatina (121) and
Aquae (129).
In the territory of Serbia, the most northern fortifications such
as Brangovii (89), point to the ninth century as the earliest medieval
phase, thus reinforcing the hypothesis that other fortifications were not
occupied in the period between the arrival of the Slavs and the ninth
century. Current mental image has been based on the current level of
research, which is not quite exemplary, but which shows that the Slavs
most often settled by a river on flat or slightly hilly landscapes. The
question is posed where are the settlements and necropoles that should
exist? South of the Sava and the Danube, there were just a few of such
locations. The reasons are rather banal. Focussed research in this
direction and on these localities simply never took place. It has been
simpler to register Slavic presence by researching already existing
Byzantine fortifications, rather than to obtain these results by planned
research.826
825
826

. , , .
, 2006, 27-29.
Such an endeavour would demand systematic and organized reconnaissance
of the locations in the flatlands and river valleys, followed by systematic and
expensive excavations of these sites; and for something of that scale there
was never any money, nor political interest.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

215

The score of registered fortifications is high, and it is increasing

every day, because there are still areas in the present-day Serbia where
detailed reconnaissance was not conducted. Expressions for remains of
fortifications appear as toponyms and point to these fortifications, especially
if they are of a more recent date: Gradina, Gradite, Gradac, Gradaac,
Graica, Kula, Jerinin Grad. These are mainly pre-historic, Roman and Early
Byzantine fortifications that had been there, but also the ones that through
time lost their names, including the ones with a strong medieval phase.827
Slavic names gradina, gradite, etc. do not reveal a Slavic settlement, but
indicate a Slavic settlement nearby, a Slavic environment, so to speak. The
term gradina also designated a medieval town that lost its name in time for
whatever reason, even at a much later date.828
This loss of the name also shows that of the gradinas occupied in
the Middle Ages (which was not a small number), only those that were
occupied in the Late Middle Ages as well, preserved their name. Those
that were occupied until about the twelfth century, usually lost their
names. The discovered material points to temporary residences, without
major economic activity or some important functions, even for the local
people except in the need for haven. As places irrelevant in economic
sense, in times of peace they were quickly forgotten unless they gained a
more important role in the Late Middle Ages, when their names were
preserved. Frequent movements of population reduced the appellation to
a general term for such kind of structures, visited only by pastoral
populations. Also, many Late Medieval fortifications did not retain their
names, probably because they were used for a short time.
Considering the inter-relation of the terms Grad-Gradina-GraditeGradac, etc. (living settlement, abandoned fortification, large/small fortification, destroyed fortification), one should keep in mind the lack of a clear
distinction between the terms and that they are synonymous with an
occasional particular meaning in local dialects.
The nature of the contact with the autochthonous population can
only be speculated on; but the adoptions of the toponyms, of the local
sacral places and even of the objects from the material culture, confirm
that this contact took place. At Gradina on Jelica, the Slavic population
827
828

For the meaning of the mentioned terms, see: . ,

, . , 2006, 31.
. , , .
, 2006, 31-32.

216

Dejan Buli

adopted from the autochthonous population the way of food-preparation

on a hearth by using a shallow-bell lid (sa, vrnik), which mimicked the
Early Byzantine type of the cookware, but with a different decoration.829
Other linguistic events from the history of the Serbian language also
witness of the meeting between two different linguistic and cultural
environments.830 The adoption of some of the river names also speaks that
there were mutual contacts and a certain continuity. Indirectly, it also
points towards the spaces the Slavs settled at first, fertile river valleys. One
of the examples is the name of Ras. When Procopius of Caesarea portrayed
the construction activity of Emperor Justinian, he marked Arsa among the
fortifications in Dardania.831 Constantine Porphyrogenitos was the first to
mention the medieval Slavic form of this name: the form Rasa derived
from the pre-Slavic name Arsa, a change that could only have happened
as a product of metathesis of liquid consonants, a well-known and familiar
linguistic phenomenon in Europe. This phenomenon occurred during the
first years of life of the Slavic settlers in the new environment. In the
Balkans, this process concluded in the ninth century.832 Among known
analogies from the wider area of Slavic settlement are: Arsia-Raa, a river
in Istria, Arba-Rab, an island in Croatia, and Albona-Labin.833

* * *
We will attempt to shed light on the medieval events in certain
fortifications by looking at them through the historical context. If
Constantine Porphyrogenitos is to be believed, the Serbs began to settle
the Balkan Peninsula during the reign of emperor Heraclius.834 The Serbs
took the most of Dalmatia, i.e. the territories of the present-day Serbia, of
829
830
831
832
833
834

. ,
, 50 (2004) 153-204.
. , , 1971, 23-24;
I, 1981, 128-129, 131 (. ).
I, 61.
. , , . , 2006,
16-17.
P. Skok, Slavenstvo i romanstvo na Jadranskim otocima I, Zagreb 1950, 57.
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio I (ed. Gy.
Moravcsik R. J. H. Jenkins), Washington 1967, 32.7-12 (= DAI);
II (. . ),
1959, 47 (= II).

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

217

Pagania, Zachlumia, Travunia and Konavle,835 as Einhard mentioned in the

episode of Liudewitus escape.836 After the Croats and the Serbs had settled,
historical accounts made no further mention of Avar incursions.837
Conversion of the Serbs into Christianity took place during the reign of
Heraclian dynasty, but the decisive point happened in the mid-ninth
century, when Christian names were, for the first time, given to the
children of Serbian rulers.838 There are assumptions that earlier, individual
conversions to Christianity happened during the sixth century.839
Events in Serbia were closely intertwined with relations between
Byzantium and Bulgaria. The first Serbo-Bulgarian conflict happened in
848, during the reign of the Bulgarian khan Presiam and Serbian archont
Vlastimir, and it lasted for three years, until 851; soon after, in 853/4, the
second war broke out.840 In the mid-ninth century, the border area was
around Ras, be it a town or an area, which is why an entire string of
fortifications has medieval layers from this period. The prevailing opinion
holds that the Slavs, as an agrarian population, settled along river valleys,
in fields, beyond urban units. It was only during the first Serbo-Bulgarian
war that the fortified sites were used again, serving as refuges and
important military strongholds roles they would play in later conflicts
with the Bulgarians.841 Several fortifications might have been used in the
conflicts between members of the ruling family, as well.
835
836
837

838
839

840
841

DAI I, 32.21-25; II, 49.

Einhardi Annales (ed. G. Pertz), MGH SS I, Hannoverae 1826, 209.13-17.
According to ivkovi, the Serbs arrived as foederati between 630 and 634,
to prevent Avar incursions. For more extensive information on this issue,
including the relevant bibliography, see: , , 271291. However, the idea that, before the Serbs arrived to the Balkans with
the imperial concession and with the benefits coming from their status as
foederati, such a status (of foederati) had been bestowed upon certain
groups of the Slavs and the Antes since the reign of Justinian, was first put
forward by . orovi Ljubinkovi, Odnosi Slovena centralnih oblasti
Balkana i Vizantije od VII do II, Materijali 9 (1972) 81, 89.
, , 391, 395.
It has been assumed that the Slavic fibulae discovered in skeleton graves in
Velesnica, Prahovo and Korbovo could be attributed to Christians: ,
. 25. There are lead crosses from the late seventh century among
the accidental findings from Kostolac, from the vicinity of Jagodina, and
from Vina; these indicate that the population, dwelling along the Danube
valley, was most likely Christianized.
, , 388-392.
, 118. He made this conclusion on the basis of the
results of the excavations conducted in the region of Novi Pazar.

218

Dejan Buli

After a quarrel with his brothers, the reign of the Serbian archont
Mutimir (851-891) went on rather peacefully. Only after his death, at the
end of the ninth century, the struggle for power began, followed by
undisturbed reign of Peter that ended when Simeon captured him in 917,
in the aftermath of the battle of Anchialus.842 Simeon installed Paul
(Pavle), who ruled for the following six years (918924), and was followed
by Zacharius rise to power and the Bulgarian raid into Serbia, which
happened in 926, most likely.843 This was a year of great destruction,844 and
of an apparent gap in the reign of Serbian archonts. At this point,
fortifications were temporarily abandoned, until aslav took over the
power in Serbia (933-943).845 Belo, one of aslavs successors, was forced to
fight another war with the Syrmians and the Hungarians and won the
battle of Belina (Bellina).846 Although many toponyms bear that name,
there is a river crossing across the Sava in the present-day Mava that even
today has that name. Gradutina (hydroelectric power station Gradutina),
near Beljina (90) and Kupinovo were, in all likelihood, fortresses built on
the crossing point across the Sava, indicated by the toponym of the nearby
village Skela (meaning ferry). According to the Kanics sketch, the
bridge, whose remains are still visible, was on the road that passed through
a fort. Gradutina and Kupinovo are on the road connecting Bassianae
(Bassianae Donji Petrovci) (159) and Cusum (Cusum - Petrovaradin).847
Archaeological excavations confirmed the existence of layers dating until
the end of the twelfth century.848 But the dilemma remains whether the
lands around the Sava in Mava (Mavansko Posavlje) were part of Serbia
just like the lands around the Sava in Bosnia were (Bosansko Posavlje);
having in mind the account of the Priest of Duklja on the common struggle
of the Hungarians and the Syrmians.849

842
843
844
845
846
847

848
849

Ibid, 413.
Ibid, 421
DAI I, 32.119-126; II, 56.
On the years of the reign and the territory of the state, cf. . ,
, 55.
Moin, Ljetopis, 72.
I. Popovi, Notes topographiques sur la rgion limitrophe entre la Pannonie
Seconde et la Msie Premire, Roman Limes on the iddle and Lower
Danube, 1996, 137-142.
I, ,
1953, 16 (. - . ).
, , 432.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

219

In the chapter XXXII of his treatise De administrando imperio,

Porphyrogenitos mentions the following inhabited towns in Serbia:
Destinik, ernavusk, Meureje, Dresneik, Lesnik and Salines, and Kotor
and Desnik as inhabited towns of Bosnia.850 The differing locations of the
towns Porphyrogenitos mentions as Serbian indicate what an inaccurate
and fanciful thing it is. According to S. Novakovi, the first Serbian towns
were situated in the eastern and south-eastern parts of the land, towards
the Ibar river and Bulgaria, the source of danger for the country.851 The
events within the ruling dynasty and the flights of individuals in
neighbouring lands, primarily Croatia, indicate that the seats of the
archonts were located somewhere in the west. The location of the meeting
between Petar Gojnikovi and the strategos of Dra, that took place in the
lands of Arentani (Narentines), points to the same conclusion. It can be
assumed that the Serbs protected their eastern borders from the
Bulgarians, while the rulers continued to govern the land from the west of
the country.852 Although the locations of the mentioned towns were
proposed back in the nineteenthth century, most of these sites were not
archaeologically surveyed. The only assumptions are that Destinik could
be at Vrsenice (97),853 where there are layers of this period; and Lesnik,
which S. Novakovi considered to be at Ljenica by Vidojevica (46),854
where findings of tenth- to twelfth-century pottery were discovered.855
But by the beginning of the eleventh century, not one of these
towns was mentioned in the bulls issued to the Archdiocese of Ohrid by
Basil II, suggesting that these towns were either fortifications on rather
inaccessible terrain, unsuitable for permanent settling, or that they began
to lose their importance for reasons unknown to us. If these were part of a
chain of fortifications along the Serb-Bulgar border, they became obsolete
with Samuils conquests and fell into disuse.856
850
851
852
853
854
855

856

DAI I, 32.149-151; II, 58.

. , II , 48 (1880) 140-143.
, 121.
Popovi - Biki, Vrsenice, 134. The toponym Crni vrh is situated in the
nearest surroundings of this site.
. , X XII ,
(. . ), 2003, 203.
. Jankovi, Rekognosciranje srednjovekovnih nalazita u zapadnoj Srbiji i
na Peteru, AP 20 (1978) 186. For further information on the preserved
remains of the town, see:
I, , 1953, 45-46 (. - . ).
, 125.

220

Dejan Buli

Very soon after the Hungarians arrived to Pannonia, Great

Moravia was destroyed; masses of refugees fled to the neighbouring lands
from the Hungarian marauders. Typical Moravian findings confirm this
assumption: an axe, discovered close to Vrac857, a vessel from Poarevac,
jewellery from Ram (163) and from Karaburma, most probably brought by
the refugees,858 and the well-known finding from Trilj.859
The afore-mentioned Hungarian incursion instigated the
foundation of new towns in Bulgaria (unfortified Ram with accidental
findings, Veliko Gradite (164)?, Veliki Gradac (170), Tekija (135)?,
Trajanov Most?-Kladovo (126)?, Prahovo (129); several smaller fortresses
had been restored, like the one situated on a hill overlooking the Poreka
river (168), and a new tower was erected on the Early Byzantine fortress
near the Dunav resort (121).860
The Hungarians took advantage of the succession on the Bulgarian
throne after the death of Simeon (893-927) and penetrated into Bulgaria
all the way to Macedonia and to the Black Sea. As a result, several
settlements on the Danube were abandoned, such as Dunav-Slatina
(121), the settlement in Mihajlovac (123), the fortification above the
Poreka river, but also settlements that were located outside the forts, like
Fetislam. Most likely, the jewellery hoard from Boljetina (166) was cached
at this point.861 After the Hungarian arrival, many Slavic refugees were
welcomed in the neighbouring lands. Findings of the Belobrdo culture
have been discovered deep in the Balkan hinterland, even in Kosovo and
the coast, where refugees brought them.862 Around this time, aslav fought
the Hungarians in the west.
Byzantium made good use of the military weakening of Bulgaria
and managed to retake positions on the Danube, down the stream from
erdap, with the help of the Russians and the prince Svyatoslav (946-972).
The abandonment of an unfortified site near Grabovica, and the ending of
857
858
859
860
861
862

. , , 1977, 16-17.
. . , , 36.
P. Koroec, Kronoloka i kulturna ocjena triljskog nalaza, SP 21 (1991)
1995/96, 87-96
. . , , 42.
. . , , 37.
. ,
,
, 1988, 25.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

221

use at a necropolis by Trajans bridge near Kladovo, could be linked with

the Russian military campaign.863
In the early eleventh century the restoration of the Byzantine
power came about with the demise of Samuils empire. After the new
administrative order and ecclesiastical organization had been established,
some towns experienced revival and gained new functions. Military crews
retook strategically forefront positions, such as frontiers, roads and
administrative centres. Along with the new ecclesiastical organization, the
role of old episcopal towns became more important within the frame of
the Archdiocese of Ohrid that the emperor brought under his authority.
The Byzantine tradition took the ecclesiastical organization of the
Prefecture of Illyricum as a foundation when, through the bulls of Basil II
(976 - 1025), the authority of the Archbishop of Iustiniana Prima was
transferred onto the bishop, that is to say, the Archbishop of Ohrid.864 In
the already-mentioned bulls issued by Emperor Manuel to the
Archdiocese of Ohrid, transcriptions were included of the bulls of 1019,
May 1020 and from 1020-1025, issued by Basil II to the same church. The
bull of 1019 lists 17 dioceses in total, six of which were in Serbia: Ni,
Branievo, Beograd, Sirmium, Prizren and Lipljan. Next to every episcopal
see were listed towns in its demesne, with the number of clerics and
parishioners written down. In the second bull, another 14 dioceses were
attached to the Archdiocese of Ohrid, raising the total sum to 31, of which
only Ras was in the territory of the present-day Serbia.865
Here is the list of dioceses in the territory of the present-day Serbia
(including towns in their demesne):
Ni, with the following towns: Mokro (Bela Palanka), Kabl (lying
on the road Prokuplje-Ni), Toplica (Kurumlija), Sfeligovo (Svrljig);
Branievo, with the following towns: Moravisk (Morava),
Sfeneroman (Smederevo? or its surroundings), Grocka or Grua, Divisisk
(Leve or Temni), Stala, Brodarisk (uprija);
Prizren: Hosno (or the region Hvosno), Leskovac (at the location
where the Knina joins the Drim), Vret (Brut or Vrmnica, both lying southwest of Prizren);
863
864
865

. . , , 38.
, , 37.
For more details on this issue, including the map of the dioceses and the
towns within their jurisdiction, see: , ,
172-177.

222

Dejan Buli

Belgrade, with the following towns: Gradein (Gradac near

Valjevo?), Omcon (Uice?), Glavenica (?) and Bela Crkva (?);
In the demesnes of Dmitrovica, Lipljan and Ras, no towns.866
Without venturing into unreliable hypothetical locations, only the
towns in the list are mentioned, i.e. the towns with foundations in the
Antiquity, and of familiar positions: Ni (175), Morava (162), Branievo
(8), uprija (120), Prizren (225), Belgrade (161), Ras.
The throne of the Bishops of Ras is normally taken to have been in
the church of St. Apostles Peter and Paul (St. Peters church by Novi
Pazar), while the town of Ras was probably situated at Gradina-Postenje
(116)867, which corresponds to the discovered material, although locating it
at Gradina by Trgovite (111) is not without grounds.868
During Samuils reign, the Serbs were certainly not allowed to use
or maintain any fortified strongholds, but when Basil threatened him,
Samuil must have made some fortifications ready for defence. The reign of
Basil II had no use of the high fortifications, except those that served the
needs of Byzantine authorities. After the death of Basil II, the economic
situation became worse. The increasing taxes and the introduction of taxes
payable in money, led to an uprising in 1040, which spread across all Slavic
lands as far as Thessaly (Margum, Belgrade, Ni, Skoplje). The uprising was
quelled shortly after, in 1041.
Fortifications could also have been used during the uprisings in the
eleventh century in 1040, 1072, etc. The fortification of Belgrade was
mentioned in the historical sources recounting the Byzantine-Hungarian
war of 1071.869 It would be naive to think that the uprising which broke
out a year later had no correlation to these events. And except for
demonstrating the desire to get rid of the Byzantine rule, this uprising
shows that some fortifications were most likely used, at least those
overlooking the roads and suitable for organizing surprise attacks on
smaller Byzantine military units. After the uprising of 1071, the Byzantine
866

867
868
869

For further information on locating the positions of these towns, see: .

, XI .
II 1019. 1020. ,
(. . ), 2003, 61-102; I,
1983, 178 (. ); . , ,
160; , , 176.
. , -. , 36 (1997) 203-217.
. Popovi, Tvrava Ras, Beograd 1999.
. , I, 1951,
11-12.

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

223

authorities seem to have resettled the population from the fortified

Danubian towns since several excavated fortifications were abandoned at
the same time, around 1072. These were: Veliki Gradac, Tekija, Trajans
bridge, Prahovo and Gamzigrad. In Prahovo, additionally corroboration
comes from the absence of coins minted after this year. Traces of life
reappear only at Trajans bridge (Kladovo), but with a new population that
brought new pottery with them.870

Conclusions

In the Late Antiquity, fortifications sprang up all over the Roman

Empire. Beside the restoration of the fortifications on the Danubian limes,
which was the pinnacle of military architecture in the Antiquity, the focus
was on organizing defence in depth, to prevent or at least buffer barbarian
incursions into the interior of the Balkan Peninsula and soften the blow on
the great urban centres of the Mediterranean. The hill forts are not
particularly distinguishing for their fortifications; rather, their key
advantage, in a military and strategic sense, was the inaccessible and
naturally defensive terrain that did not require the construction of strong
and complex fortifications. And while the forts on the limes, the forts along
the traffic ways, and those in the mining districts were part of a singular
defensive system, a large number of the fortifications in the interior were
solely dedicated to securing local or regional defence.
One of the objectives of this work was to compile the lists and the
maps of the Late Antiquity/Early Byzantine fortifications that would
provide a sound basis for further research. But it was also our aim to reflect
on the wider historical context in which these fortifications came to be;
and to do so to the degree the current state of research of these sites allows
us, not to mention the specifics of particular fortifications, construction
technique, movable and immovable findings, the functions of fortifications,
their mutual relations and their role in the defensive system of the Empire.
Procopius gives us a total figure of 654 fortifications in the territory
of the Balkan Peninsula, but the figure of those known to us surpasses this
number by far.871 Approximately 500 fortifications were located in the
870
871

. . , , 40.
. , . , 2010, 226.

224

Dejan Buli

territory of Macedonia, 259 in Serbia, more than 300 in Bosnia and

Herzegovina, almost 100 in Croatia, and at least 17 in Montenegro,
without thorough survey or research, and without counting the multitude
of fortifications in Bulgaria, Greece, and Albania. That is to say, just in this
work, over a thousand fortifications have been encompassed, in a way.
With all the deficiencies of such a classification, the number of
classified fortifications still does not correspond to the actual figure,
because of the poor surveys in some areas. But it is getting closer to the
actual number. The empty zones are not there because they were
uninhabited in the Late Antiquity, but because of the insufficient research
that has been carried out. Also, in some areas, several gradinas were, with
inertia, designated as prehistoric. But in time, with the progress of research,
it should be expected that the empty zones will be filled out with new sites.
Observing one long period as economic crisis starting in the third
century, might not be the happiest of solutions, since such a long period
could be defined as a state, rather than as a crisis. Perpetual barbarian
attacks led to the gradual evacuation of the northern parts of Illyricum, i.e.
the most threatened regions. A point has already been raised, of two
directions of migrations vertical and horizontal. As the state lasted, the
transfer to the locations difficult to access was carried out completely and the
flatland expanses of Illyricum were abandoned, given the fact that the
settlements of the sixth century are unknown to have existed in the flatlands,
except for the fortifications. In contrast to this, an entire web of singlelayered fortifications sprang up in the high terrain. The horizontal migrations
led to migrations towards south the population withdrew to the coast and
to the islands, where the water provided the only traffic way possible. We
can assume that the wealthier kept on withdrawing deeper southwards, into
safety, while the poor remained most exposed to the attacks.
The issue of depopulation was certainly less of a problem on the
coast, because of the constant influx of refugees from the north. They
probably provided a cheap workforce, new craft skills and entrepreneurial
spirit. Some of them, of the wealthier kind, must have brought money and
provided a financial injection for the littoral belt. We are not about to say
that things were blossoming at the time, but generalisation of the urban
environments dying off is not entirely accurate either, as we have seen
from the process of creation of new settlement both on the coast and in the
interior. Maybe it would not be wrong to observe the process of castrization

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

225

as urbanisation, to a certain degree, because, aside from the populations

from the plains that came to the highlands, the pastoral population that
probably lived in scattered villages was now brought into a relatively cramped
space, which demanded a certain organisation and fulfilment with
different contents and buildings, most often churches and workshops.
The final objective of this work was to register the early medieval
and medieval strata at the existing fortifications, and to determine if there
was continuity and/or discontinuity in the medieval and Early Byzantine
period. Unlike the coastal towns of Dalmatia that continuously lasted,
there is almost not a single site in the interior that was settled immediately
after the arrival, except for short-term use. This situation shows
discontinuity of fortifications and it demonstrates that the re-use came
about as a consequence of new historic conditions.
In Bosnia, there are 41 Late Antique/Early Byzantine sites with
medieval traces. Considering there are in total 319 Late Antique/Early
Byzantine sites, this equals 12.81%. In Macedonia, the percentage is
slightly higher, where a medieval town or fortification arose on 16.4
percent of the fortification sites from the Antiquity. It can be deduced
from this that in medieval Macedonia newly-erected medieval stone
fortifications were quite scarce and were more of an exception than a rule.
We do not have a good insight in Croatia, but out of 89 fortifications, 16
were re-used, equalling 17.89%. In Montenegro, out of 17 sites, 11 have
later phases of occupation, or 64.7%. In Serbia, 259 sites have been
registered, out of which 84 re-used, amounting to 32.43%.
We hold this percentage to be much higher in reality, having in
mind the already mentioned flaws and scarcity of information that make
the isolation of the medieval layers impossible. The most accessible and
accurate information pertains to Serbia, considering the poor knowledge
of most sites and them being merely registered, in most of the cases. That
is why these data would be most faithful to the actual situation in the field.
Still, we expect that, with increased insight and research of the
fortifications, the percentage of those that had been reutilized will rise to
35%, and possibly even to 40%.
The architecture of the fortifications from the period of their
medieval re-use did not differ from the architecture in the Antiquity. In
the territory of Illyricum, the Slavs encountered a multitude of fortifications
that had much of their ramparts and towers in sound condition. Minimal

226

Dejan Buli

reconstruction works on the wall battlements can no longer be seen

today, since those parts of walls are gone. The wooden superstructures,
partitions and dwellings made of light materials have either not been
preserved or, rarely, have been preserved in traces. This is one of the
reasons for inability to recognize the architectural elements that could be
attributed to the Slavs. The only evidence of a sometime use are frequently
movable findings, of which a good part is impossible to chronologically
determine, such as tools. On the other hand, pottery was never given due
attention, or reliable differentiation by epochs. This will call, in the
foreseeable future, for a revision and re-dating of some pottery fragments
from certain sites.
After the temporary use of particular fortifications during the
seventh century, the previously defended space went desolate and
uninhabited for more than two centuries. The absence of findings speaks
of these forts lying vacant. The high-altitude terrain did not appeal to the
Slavic tribes, which is why the traces of their presence should be looked
for in valleys and river basins, until the ninth- and tenth- century phase of
re-use, caused by wars and the need of their use. The only exception, for
now, is Gradina on Jelica. The encountered fortifications were partly
reconstructed with minimal interventions. On the other hand, thorough
reconnaissance of flatland positions never took place, at least not in a way
that would enable identification of flatland settlements.
Throughout the historical epochs and challenges, well-tried
strategical positions were re-used in the Middle Ages, too. But then as seats
of nobles and lords, seats of upas (districts), or as important frontier forts.
During the Ottoman rule, very few of these points were used again, since
garrisons stationed in the borderline areas, along most important traffic
ways, and near economic centres, sufficed. The Turks maintained only the
most important fortifications after the conquest, while the others were
dismantled, preventing their later use.
Archaeological findings speak of the relationship the Slavs built for
their new environment, but the use of these sites is not a proof of the
newly-arrived population adjusting to the previous settlements, nor is it a
proof of the continuity of life. Rather, it is about the analogous factors
leading to their subsequent re-use, which is the state of immediate war
danger. Chosen with foresight and situated on important points, they
justified the decision to build them with the strategic role they played and

The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine Period

227

the importance they held down through the centuries. Only a few points
on the coast and the islands remained continuously inhabited, where the
continuity was upheld by the autochthonous population, which in time
included into their ethnic group the fresh blood from the Slavic hinterland.

228

T. 1 Roman Fortifications in Bosnia (by I. remonik, with the addition by D. Buli)

229

T. 2 Early Byzantine Fortifications in Croatia

230

T. 3 Early Byzantine Fortifications in Montenegro

T. 4/1 Early Byzantine Fortifications in Macedonia (by I. Mikuli)

231

T. 4/2 Medieval Towns and Other Forts in Macedonia (by I. Mikuli, with the addition by D. Buli)

232

233

T. 5 Early Byzantine Fortifications in Serbia

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and

the Early Middle Ages in the Western Part of the
Balkan Peninsula
VLADETA PETROVI

The Balkan Peninsula, the geographical and geological bond

between Europe and Asia, is a big landmass in the south-east of Europe. It
is characterized by two separate geographical units: the continental block
and the Aegean area. Its eastern, southern and western boundaries are
demarcated by the Black, Marmara, Aegean, Adriatic and Ionian Seas.
Running along the courses of the rivers Danube, Sava and Kupa, and
reaching Rijeka on the Adriatic in a straight line across the Dinarid mountains, its northern boundary has also been determined, especially in the
area after the mouth of the river Kupa, by the Austro-Ottoman border that
passed there for centuries.872
Since the most ancient times, the Balkan Peninsula was considered
inaccessible and difficult to pass. Its huge mountain massif stretching from
the Black Sea to the Alps, separated the civilized South from the cold and
barbarian North.873 This notion of the Balkans was preserved until the
872
873

. , . O ,
1966, 6, 10, 36. (= , )
According to Greek geographers, the mountain massif of Hemus stretched
along the Balkan Peninsula. Strabo was the first to stress its importance as
the boundary dividing the civilized South, Hellas and Thrace, from the barbarian and almost unknown North. Concepts of this unaccessible massif
remained unchanged for almost two millenia. In 1553, Italian humanist
Jobus Veratius was the first to mention the huge mountain massif Catena
Mundi, stretching from the Black Sea to the Pyrenees, with its eastern

236

Vladeta Petrovi

beginning of the nineteenth century; the Central ridge was drawn on geographical maps until 1870.874 It was only after the voyage of Ami Bou and
Viquesnel that Western Europe began meeting a new image of this area.
The region was intersected with a series of natural routes running vertically and transversely through passages and valleys, of which the valleys
of the rivers Morava and Vardar, connecting the Pannonian Plain with the
Aegean Sea, represented the most important ones.875
Along these natural communications, people, cultures and ideas have
traversed and encountered each other since the appearance of first human
communities until this very day. Adjoining the Pannonian Basin with a wide
stretch, the Balkan Peninsula lies entirely open on one side to the north and
to the influences of Central Europe, and on the other side to southern Russia
and the Western Asia.876 The convergence of these influences, one of the most

874

875

876

part passing through the Balkans. See: M. Todorova, Imagining the Balkans,
New York 2009, 25-26.
The Central ridge was simplified and presented in such a distinctive and
typical manner only on Sansons maps. It was preserved in this form in great
atlases of Bleu, Sanson and Homann. See: , , 3.
Ami Bou, according to many, the father of geology in the countries of the
Balkan Peninsula, went on a journey through Serbia, Bulgaria, Macedonia,
Albania, Greece, Bosnia and Turkey, from 1836 to 1838, together with geologists
A. Viquesnel and F. Montalembert, Friedrihstal, botanist, and Schwab,
zoologist. He published his accounts on geography, topography, geology,
botany and ethnography in the four volumes of La Turquie dEurope, in
1840. Viquesnel published geological diary from his journeys the same year,
entitled Esquisse gologique de la Turquie dEurope. Some time later, Ami
Bou published also his Recueil ditineraires dans la Turquie dEurope in
Vienna. See: V. Jovi, The Development of Geology in Serbia, Publications
of The Astronomical Observatory in Belgrade 85 (2008) 113-127; .
, Ami Boua ,
32 (2009) 119-125.
Archaeological material from various periods indicates that diverse cultures
and peoples interacted extensively in the Pannonian plain. Archaeological
material dating from the Early Middle Ages from the area of the Carpathian
basin confirms the interconnection between the Avar, Slavic, Germanic and
Roman populations, and the strong links between the area around the midDanube with the Byzantine towns of the Balkans and Italy on one side, and
with the Merovingian world on the other. For further information on this
issue, see: T. Vida, Conflict and Coexistence. The Local Population of the
Carpathian Basin under Avar Rule (Sixth to Seventh Century), The Other
Europe in the Middle Ages: Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans (ed. F.
Curta), Leiden 2008, 13-46; P. Stadler, Avar Chronology Revisited, and the
Question of Ethnicity in the Avar Qaganate, The Other Europe in the Middle
Ages: Avars, Bulgars, Khazars, and Cumans (ed. F. Curta), Leiden 2008, 47-82.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

237

important features of the central Balkans, did not stop at the boundaries of
seemingly impassable massifs of the Balkan Peninsula. The ethno-cultural
movements that caused profound upheavals in local cultures were carried out
in both directions through the valleys and basins that connect the areas along
the river Danube and the Dinara mountains with the Aegean regions.877
Although a plethora of archaeological sites speak about the wealth
of the earliest past of these areas, the earliest sources, written by Greek
authors, usually provide only descriptions of the Balkan littoral area. Being
a merchant and seafaring people, the Greeks forayed into and learned of
central Balkan regions from the coasts of the Black Sea and the Adriatic,
where they were founding their colonies.878 But, although fragmentary and
relatively modest, the familiarity of Greek geographers with the north of
the Balkan peninsula is hardly insignificant. Descriptions of particular lands,
peoples, rivers, mountains and settlements were put down already in
Herodotus writings. At the same time, central parts of the Peninsula were
entered into several maps that, like so many other Ancient Greek maps,
have not been preserved. Their possible partial reconstruction is based on
certain literary sources.879
With the fall of the Balkan Peninsula into the Roman sphere of influence, and with the later expansion of the Empire towards the east, Roman
writers and cartographers deepened their interest for central Balkan areas.
Quite detailed information on physical geography, with plenty of hydronyms
and oronyms, are provided to us by Strabo880 and Pliny the Elder.881
877

878
879
880

881

The influences of cultures from Central Europe, steppes of southern Russia,

and the Mediterranean on the development of societies in the Balkan
Peninsula are traceable ever since the Paleolithic. On the ethno-cultural
movements in the Balkan Peninsula in Prehistory, see texts by D. Srejovi
in I (. . ) 1994, 3-65.
On the shores of the eastern Adriatic in the works of Greek authors, see: M.
Kozlii, Historijska geografija istonog Jadrana u starom vijeku, Split 1990.
M. Markovi, Razvitak kartografskih upoznavanja dananjih jugoslavenskih
zemalja. Prvi dio: od najstarijih vremena do kraja 17 stoljea, Zagreb 1975, 4-5.
Strabos Geographica was translated into Latin for the first time in the second
half of the fifteenth century. The first Greek edition was printed in Venice, in
1516. A research project on the preparation of a new critical edition of this work
was initiated during the 1980s at the University of Groningen (Netherlands),
led by prof. Stefan L. Radt. For further information on Strabo and his work, see
also: D. Dueck, The Date and Method of Composition of Strabos Geography,
Hermes 127/4 (1999) 467-478; D. Dueck, Strabo of Amasia. Greek an of
Letters in Augustan Rome, London and New York 2000.
Plinys encyclopedic work in 37 books entitled Naturalis Historia was based
on 473 different texts of authors from the Antiquity. In order to compose

238

Vladeta Petrovi

Plinys information, primarily the ones relating distances

between larger settlements, were not reproduced from earlier sources,
but rely instead on the results of a survey carried out over the entire
Roman state, with the intention to gain precise information on the size
and appearance of the Empire. Reports on this survey from the time of
Emperor Augustus are recorded in multiple sources. The general Marcus
Vispanius Agrippa conducted it and had the original map carved in marble
and placed on the Field of Mars in Rome.882 This map, and later copies of
it, has regretfully not been preserved, but its reconstruction is possible
from the treaties Divisio orbis terrarum and Dimensuratio provinciarum883, as well as from the works of geographers Pomponius Mela884 and
Dionysius Periegetes.885

882

883

884

885

his geographic descriptions, Pliny used in equal measure the information of

his time and older travel writings. His sources included inscriptions,
administrative lists, and of Roman writers he uses mainly Cornelius Nepos
and Agrippa. Four of the books dealt with geography (books 3 6). The
third and the fourth book are particularly relevant to our topic, as they
contain descriptions of the provinces of Dalmatia, Pannonia, Moesia,
Macedonia, Dacia, Thrace and Greece, among others. This treatise was
printed for the first time in Venice, in 1469. See: O. A. W. Dilke, Itineraries
and Geographical Maps in the Early and Late Roman Empires, The History
of Cartography I (edd. J. B. Harley, D. Woodward), Chicago and London
1987, 242-243. (= Dilke, Itineraries); A. Domi Kuni, Literarni izvori za
ilirike provincije (Dalmaciju i osobito Panoniju) u Naturalis historia Plinija
Starijeg, Vjesnik Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu 37 (2004) 120.
Pliny the Elder was the first author to rely on Agrippas map as his source.
For further information on this map, see: O. A. W. Dilke, Maps in the
Service of the State. Roman Cartography to the End of the Augustian Era,
The History of Cartography I (edd. J. B. Harley, D. Woodward), Chicago
and London 1987, 207-208; K. Brodersen, Mapping (in) the Ancient World,
Journal of Roman Studies 94 (2004) 185.
Divisio orbis terrarum was written in the fourth century, and was preserved
in Dicuils geographic treatise from the ninth century. Dimensuratio
provinciarum was written in the fourth or fifth century. Both of these two
writings directly or indirectly relied on the geo-political map compiled by
M. Vipsanius Agrippa in the first century AD. See: A. H. Merrills, History
and Geography in Late Antiquity, New York 2005, 70. (= Merrills, History)
Pomponius Mela was one of the few Roman geographers of the Early
Empire. In his three-volume Chorografia he described the then-known
world as a landmass divided in two parts, surrounded by sea: Asia in the east
and Europe and Africa in the west. The first printed edition of this work
appeared in Milan, in 1477. See: Dilke, Itineraries, 242.
Dionysius Periegetes wrote a description of the world known in the time of
Hadrian, entitled Oikoumens Perigsis. This treatise, written in Greek
hexameters, was extraordinarily popular, especially in schools. It was translated

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

239

The appearance of the Balkan peninsula, which is depicted in

Melas map as a narrow and stretched landmass, is considerably different
from all the previous ones. The way this part of Europe had been portrayed
persisted in the Late Roman works of Ammianus Marcellinus,886 Iulius
Honorius,887 Orosius888 and Isidorus Hispalensis (Isidore of Seville).889

886

887

888

889

into Latin by Rufius Festius Avienius in the fourth century, while Eustathius
of Thessalonica wrote a commentary on it in the twelfth century. See: G. Aujac,
Greek Cartography in the Early Roman World, The History of Cartography
I (edd. J. B. Harley, D. Woodward), Chicago and London 1987, 171-173.
Ammianus Marcellinus gives a series of geographic and ethnographic information in his work entitled Res Gestae, in the form of digressions, especially in the sections concerning the Emperor Julian. The purpose of these
digressions was, apart from enhancing its narrative function, to expand the
scope of the sections dedicated to the enumeration of Emperor Julians deeds,
and emphasising the importance of the countries in which Ammianus took
part in military campaign himself. He provided geographic information
based on written sources, but also on his personal experience. The first thirteen
books of this comprehensive treatise are lost. The first printed edition was
published in Rome, in 1474, and the first critical edition in Paris, in 1681 (ed.
Henricus Valesius). In the nineteenth century, Eyssenhardt (1871) and
Gardthausen (1874-75) wrote critical editions of this work. The most recent
editions in English were published by W. Seyfarth (1978) and W. Hamilton
(1986). See: D. Rohrbacher, The Historians of Late Antiquity, London and
New York 2002, 14-41. (= Rohrbacher, The Historians).
Cosmographia by Iulius Honorius represents a compilation made in the fifth
century AD. A segment of this text, preserved in fragments, pertains to the
province of Dalmatia, which is of the utmost importance for this study. See:
Dilke, Itineraries, 244.
Orosius used writings entitled Divisio orbis terrarum and Dimensuratio
provinciarum as sources for the geographic section of his Historiam adversum
paganos. A critical edition of Orosius Historiam adversum paganos libri VII
was published in 1882, in Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum.
The most recent English edition was printed in 2010, edited by the Liverpool
University Press. For further information on Orosius, see: Rohrbacher, The
Historians, 135-149; Merrills, History, 35-99; E. Edson, Maps in Context.
Isidore, Orosius, and the Medieval Image of the World, Cartography in
Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Fresh Perspectives, New Methods (edd. R. J.
A. Talbert, R. W. Unger), Leiden and Boston 2008, 219-236. (= Edson, Maps)
The works of Isidore of Seville, like Orosius, have been almost entirely preserved and are easily accessible, which is why they served as the base for the
majority of medieval geographic texts and maps. In the period ranging from
1470 to 1529, ten editions of the principal Isidore of Sevilles work were
published, entitled Etymologiae or Origines. The world map from his work
Etymologiae was the first map to be printed in Europe (1472). Stephen A.
Barney prepared the most recent English edition of Etymologiae, in 2006.
For further information on Isidore of Seville, see: Merrills, History, 170-228;
Edson, Maps.

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Vladeta Petrovi

The standard sources for reconstruction of the network of

settlements and communications between the sixth and eleventh
centuries, belong mainly to the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine
period; the exception is Geographia by Ptolomy. Written in the second
century and preserved in transcripts from later periods, this
comprehensive geographical treatise had a decisive influence on the
development of European cartography.890 The first seven books deal with
the general principles of cartography, while the eighth contains an atlas
with a world map and 26 regional maps. Of special interest to our topic
are the tables showing the provinces in the Balkan peninsula.891 It is
important to emphasize that due to the use of old and unverified
sources, many cities that had existed in Ptolemys time are missing, while
other cities, long gone before his time, appear, especially in Dalmatia.
Despite all these shortcomings, the objective to set the cities and the
river sources into a coordinate grid had a decisive influence on the
further development of cartography, i.e. determining the geographical
positions, longitude and latitude. Thus, regardless of a sequence of
incorrect topographical data, one portion of the towns was precisely
located (72 out of 117, according to Miller), and in most cases the latitude
was correctly established.892
Besides the remains of settlements, roads and milestones, epigraphic material, to determine particular travel routes, itineraries such as
Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini and Itinerarium
Burdigalense are of high value. At the same time, information on the geographical location of a sequence of cities in the Late Antiquity can be
found in Cosmographii by the Anonymous of Ravenna, Ethnici by
Stephanus Byzantinus, Synecdemos by Hierocles, Procopius De aedificiis and the Notitia dignitatum. Unlike the maps that were included within the comprehensive Geography of Ptolemy, whose initial purpose was
to achieve a realistic presentation of the then-known world and to place
the physico-geographical elements into a coordinate system, Tabula
890

891

892

Ptolomeus Geography was translated into Latin in the fifteenth century

and from then on numerous editions appeared. See: W. Eames, A List of
Editions of Ptolemys Geography 1475-1730, New York 1886.
Except for Ptolomeus Geography, detailed information on the western part
of the Balkan Peninsula can be found in: A. -,
, Monumenta cartographica
Jugoslaviae I: (. . ), 1974, 11-30. (=
-, ).
-, , 14.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

241

Peutengeriana is a pictorial itinerary (tabula picta). The original was

probably created between 355 and 366, while to us today reached a copy
from the twelfth or early thirteenth century. The specific purpose
determined the appearance of this, in all things exceptional, map of the
then-known world. The parchment scroll is 6.75 m long and 0.34 m wide,
and depicts areas between the British Isles in the west and India in the
east. The primary intent of the author to place all the main roads of the
Roman Empire gave it a specific, elongated deformity, making the
examination of orographic and hydrographic elements difficult. At the
same time, the cartographic solutions for the roads are practical, noticeable
and allow easy and reliable use of the map.893
Itinerarium Antonini is the most important written itinerary preserved. The first part, titled Itinerarium provinciarum Antonini Augusti,
describes the terrestrial communications in the Empire. The sea routes are the
topic of the second part, bearing the title Imperatoris provinciarum Antonini
Augusti itinerarium maritimum. Probably created during the reign of
Emperor Caracalla, this itinerary covers the road network in most provinces
of the Empire. Descriptions of each travel route start off with a reference to
the first and the terminal station on the road, the distance between the two,
and it continues with a listing of other stations on the way.894
Itinerarium Burdigalense, also known as Itinerarium Hieroslymitanum,
is the oldest Christian itinerary. It describes the voyage of an anonymous
pilgrim in 333, from Burdigala (the present-day Bordeaux) to the Holy Land.
Especially important to us are the parts of the itinerary that list settlements
and stations on the road segment from northern Italy, down the rivers
Danube and Velika Morava, all the way to Constantinople, and on the way
893

894

This map was discovered by Conrad Celtes, who gave it as a gift to Conrad
Peutinger in 1508. Today, it is in the National Library in Vienna (Codex
Vindobonensis 324). The first entire edition was printed in 1598 in
Antwerp. For further information on this map, see: Dilke, Itineraries, 238;
E. Albu, Rethinking the Peutinger Map, Cartography in Antiquity and the
Middle Ages: Fresh Perspectives, New Methods (edd. R. J. A. Talbert, R. W.
Unger), Leiden and Boston 2008, 111-120. Following authors wrote more
extensively on the western part of the Balkan Peninsula, as represented in
Peutingers tabula: . ,
, Monumenta cartographica Jugoslaviae I: (. .
), 1974, 33-60. (= , )
Dilke, Itineraries, 235-236; B. Salway, Travel, Itineraria and Tabellaria,
Traveland Geography in the Roman Empire (edd. C. Adams, R. Laurence),
London and New York 2001, 39-43. (= Salway, Travel)

242

Vladeta Petrovi

back through Macedonia and Otranto, mentioning their rank (civitas,

mansio or mutatio).895
Cosmographia by the Anonymous of Ravenna represents a
compilation of different maps, from which a list of about 5000 place names
was compiled, most probably in the seventh century. Porcheron, the first
publisher of Cosmographia, in 1688, divided its content in three parts. The
first book provides an explanation of the shape of the Earth and the way it
can be represented. The second, third, and fourth books provide descriptions
of many different countries with lists of towns and rivers, while the
subject of the fifth book is the Mediterranean, with a list of coastal towns
and descriptions of islands. For the greatest part, the content is made of
lists of towns along a certain road. Cosmographia mentions quite a lot of
road stations, whose names (most often corrupted) indicate the names of
towns and settlements from the Late Antiquity.896
Ethnica by Stephanus Byzantinus, most probably written in the
sixth century, has not been preserved in the original form, but in the
abridged one, attributed to one Hermolaus. Parts of the original have been
preserved in the treatises of Constantine Porphyrogenitos De administrando
imperio and De tematibus.897
Together with Ethnica, an important source for Constantine
Porphyrogenitos De tematibus was also the Synekdemos, a list of towns in
the Eastern Roman Empire, compiled in the late fifth century from administrative documents. The towns are indexed according to their geographical position within a particular province. The document was most likely
preserved thanks to its similarity with episcopal notices.898
De aedificiis is a six-volume treatise by Procopius, listing and
describing all that was built during the reign of Emperor Justinian: new
895

896

897
898

For further information on this source, see: L. Douglass, A New Look at the
Itinerarium Burdigalense, Journal of Early Christian Studies 4/3 (1996) 313333; J. Elsner, The Itinerarium Burdigalense. Politics and Salvation in the
Geography of Constantines Empire, The Journal of Roman Studies 90
(2000) 181-195; Salway, Travel, 26, 34-36, 59.
I. Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem cesta u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji,
Sarajevo 1974, 21-22. (= Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem); O. A. W. Dilke,
Cartography in the Byzantine Empire, The History of Cartography I (edd. J.
B. Harley, D. Woodward), Chicago and London 1987, 260; S. ae, Civitates
Dalmatiae u Kozmografiji Anonima Ravenjanina, Diadora 15 (1993) 347349, 353.
The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, New York and Oxford 1991, 1953-1954.
The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, New York and Oxford 1991, 930.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

243

towns, fortifications, palaces, churches, etc. The high degree of veracity of

geographical and toponymic information comes from the use of contemporary,
official documents, travel guides (Mirabilia) and notes (Periplus), as well as
from using the proper literature from the Antiquity.899
Notitia Dignitatum is one of the few preserved sources that pertains to the administrative organisation of the Roman Empire. Most likely
it represented an official list of several thousand civilians and military officials, compiled between 386 and 394.900
* * *
The Roman encroachment into the interior of the Balkan
Peninsula began in the third century BC. They were moving in from two
directions: from the west they moved from the Adriatic, and from the east
through Macedonia. Founded in the second century BC as a defensive
colony to check the Illirian and Celtic tribes, Aquileia became the starting
point for Roman expansion from the west.901 After decades of warfare, the
western part of the Balkan Peninsula finally submitted to Augustus.902
Alongside their advancement from the west, the Romans were moving in
from the south as well. Having conquered Macedonia in the mid-second
century BC, they started defending its northern borders, gradually making
advances into the north, only to reach the river Danube in the 70s BC.
However, it took another 90 years of warfare to make the river Danube a
Roman frontier.903
With the expansion of Roman control, different parts of the
Balkan Peninsula were gradually incorporated into the military and
899
900

901

902
903

. , ,
I (. . ), 1955, 20.
On the administrative division of the Balkan Peninsula, as noted in
Notitium Dignitatum, see: . Kulikowski, The Notitia Dignitatum As a
Historical Source, Zeitschrift fr Alte Geschichte 49/3 (2000) 358-377.
Founding of a string of colonies in northern Italy in the second century BC
would culminate with the foundation of Aquileia, that was to become a
rigional centre from which Roman political, military and economic influence spread. See: D. Dzino, Illyricum in Roman Politics 229 BC AD 68,
Cambridge 2010, 29, 58.
For further information on the conquest of Illyricum, see: M. ael Kos,
Appian and Illyricum, Ljubljana 2005.
. , ,
I (. . ), 1994, 66.

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Vladeta Petrovi

economic system of the Empire, through the construction of new

terrestrial communications. This network of traffic ways, the construction
of which lasted throughout Roman mastery of the Balkan Peninsula, was
somewhat expanded and restored at the time of Justinian and was to be
used throughout the entire Middle Ages.904
To more easily construct and maintain the road network vital for
military expansion and economic organisation, and for everyday life in the
empire, Roman roads were classified into several groups, according to their
importance. According to the Roman jurist Ulpianus, Roman roads where
divided into viae publicae, viae privatae and viae vicinales. Viae publicae
were constructed on public land and were available to everybody. Viae
vicinales connected viae publicae with settlements. These two types of
roads were maintained by the central, more often local, authority, while viae
privatae were constructed and maintained by landowners.905
For the sake of postal services efficiency and travelers comfort,
two kinds of stations were built along the roads: mansiones and mutationes. Mansiones were inns where one could spend the night, while
mutationes were daily stations for the change of horses. Mansiones were
mainly linked to the state-run postal service (cursus publicus).906 Inside
them were built settlements with residential and economy buildings,
warehouses and stables. At least ten persons of different occupations, who
904

905
906

Some of these traffic ways have been preserved and are used to this day as
local village roads, recognizable for their adaptation to the terrain, moderate
bends and sometimes steep ascents, as well as for their straight-line
directions in the plains. They were frequently delimited with old hedges
and boundary landmarks; in some places, cobblestone road sections and the
curbstones have been partially preserved, while their routes circumwent
narrow canyons and river valleys, and they are between 3 and 4 meters
wide. See: Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 30, 35.
C. Tilburg, Trafic and Congestion in the Roman Empire, London and New
York 2007, 9. (= Tilburg, Trafic)
Praeposites or mancipes were in charge of these stations, the postal service
and the passanger traffic. Only passangers with special permits, issued by
the emperor, had the right to use their services. These were official messengers,
in the first place: agentes in rebus, who transmitted emperors messages to
military and provincial authorities, domestici et protectores, sent by the
emperor on particularly sensitive missions, and mittendarii, couriers of
pretorial praefectus and comes of the imperial treasury. Except for the
messengers that transmitted emperors messages, permits could also be
obtained by bishops, court personnel, high officials and military
commanders. See: M. Vasi, G. Miloevi, Mansio Idimum, Beograd 2000,
129-139 (= Vasi, Mansio).

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

245

were permanent residents, took care of travelers animals and the postal
system.907 Judging by written sources and archaeological excavation, three
different types of mansiones can be established. Those of the urban type
were within urban settlements and were composed of a single large
building, dispersed in a block of buildings. The other type were mansions
beside forts, most often on the adjacent road, next to the fort entrance.
These were composed of a single large building with a courtyard in the
middle. In their vicinity, down the road, vici gradually developed. The
third type of stations were built next to the vici. Some of them had
ramparts which protected them and at the same time separated them from
the facilities of the vici. People on the road, travelling the empire for
various purposes, trade, pilgrimage908 could spend the night and use other
services provided in the settlements along the road stations. In certain
places by the road, inns and wells were to be found, while the security was
provided by numerous watchtowers, towers and forts, as well as by
military camps and fortified towns. Although the structure, in great
measure, depended on the climate, available material, and the season in
which the construction and repair took place, some essential
characteristics were common for all Roman roads. One of the most
obvious traits of Roman roads were short and straight segments, which
often changed directions suddenly. The goal was to conquer space in as
easier and shorter direction as possible. Roman surveyors avoided ravines
and mounds, adapting route to the terrain. They chose the most suitable
directions, probably using the local populations experience. A road was
delimitated with two parallel ditches, between which foundations were
layered on a firm, levelled roadbed. The layering of the roadbed was
carried out through several layers of different thickness in order to provide
drainage, which was essential for the maintenance of the roads
compactness and solidity. The width of a road depended on its function
and importance, as well as on the quality of the soil. Roads with firm
foundations allowing for vehicle traffic (so-called viae munitae), were
mainly macadam roads in Dalmatia (viae glareatae), 3.5 4 m wide, paved
with stone blocks only in the vicinity of major settlements or when
crossing swamplands. At the same time, the most important Roman roads
(decumani maximi), such as Via Apia or Via Flavia, were up to 12 m wide.
907
908

. , . ,
2007, 70 (= , ); Tilburg, Trafic, 46, 56.
Vasi, Mansio, 80, 138-139.

246

Vladeta Petrovi

Next to the main roads, massive cylindrical columns of marble or granite

(so-called milestones) were placed, most often at an interval of 1 Roman
mile (1480 m), with carved-in information on distances between stations,
and about rulers and officials which were in charge of constructing and
maintaining the road, and of construction of individual segments.909
Although a systematic archaeological research of Roman roads in
the Balkan Peninsula has not been conducted yet, we can assume with
great certainty that some of them followed old, pre-Roman ways. Recently
discovered prehistoric settlements in the vicinity of the sections of Via
militaris (the most important Roman road in the Balkans that connected
the Pannonian Basin with the eastern Mediterranean) confirm this as
well.910 Results of archaeological excavations conducted in Srem, area next
to the northernmost border of the Peninsula, support this assumption by
indicating that there was a continuity of communications and settlements
in this part of Pannonia. Pre-Roman settlements such as vici and pagi are
given the function of way stations in Roman times. Smaller settlements
such as aedificias lasted up to the middle of the first century AD when, as
if by a rule, they ceased to exist, replaced by agricultural estates, villae rusticae.911 A great number of preserved cart tracks corroborates that there
909
910

911

Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 27, 31; , , 26-27, 30, 3637; Tilburg, Trafic, 15-28.
In the vicinity of the Roman settlement Praesidium Pompei, adjacent to the
present-day Aleksinac, a Bronze Age necropolis containing cremated skeletons
was discovered on the site of kolska gradina. Fragments of Iron Age ceramics
were also discovered, as well as a Celtic sword dated to the second/first century
BC. Not far from kolska gradina, a waste pit containing Late La Tene material
was discovered. Due to the fact that this pit contained waste material
discharged from settlements or households, it was assumed that this settlement
represented remains of a Celtic settlement. Prehistoric settlements dating from
the Early Neolithic period and Bronze Age were discovered in the vicinity of
the present-day Dimitrovgrad, in the course of a research undertaken on the
Roman road section. See: . , Praesidium Pompei.
, : 5,
2007, 206-208 (= , e); . ,
Via militaris , XXXIV
, 2011, 54 (= , ).
O. , ,
, 1995, 91-136; . ,
, ,
1995, 137-174; A. Jovanovi, Arheoloke beleke iz antike
prolosti Panonije, Balkan i Panonija kroz istoriju, Novi Sad Sremska
Mitrovica 2005, 11-12.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

247

was a continuity of some terrestrial communications in the Roman

province of Dalmatia. This kind of vehicle-made furrows points to Celtic and
Illirian beginnings of the basic road network, but is insufficiently researched
to come to any final conclusions, unlike in Noricum, Raetia or Gaul.912
In the first couple of centuries after Roman conquest, new roads
gradually outlined and crisscrossed the entire Balkan Peninsula, allowing
for military and economic settling of the Empire, and its defence. Along
the northern, eastern and western frontier of the Peninsula, by following
the rim of the Pannonian Plain, the Pontic, Aegean, Ionic and Adriatic
coastline, roads were constructed that defined the frame within which all
important, main and local communications would spring up. Along the
southern rim of the Pannonian Plain, roads lay, following the course of the
rivers Sava, Drava and Danube, connecting Aquileia on the Adriatic, via
Singidunum, with the northern Pontus. In the south, one of the most
important and oldest Roman roads in the Balkans was an extension of the
Italic Via Appia, connecting the Adriatic ports Appolonia and Dyrrachium,
via Thessalonica, with Byzantium. South of this route, communications
lay between ancient Greek towns, while the central Balkan area in the
north was crisscrossed with a road network connecting the Adriatic coast
with the rivers Sava and Danube and the roads leading from the Danubian
lands towards the Aegean and the Propontis.
Aquileia was the starting point of the main communications connecting Italy with Noricum and Pannonia, across the Alps and further on
to the river Danube via the river Sava and Drava, and also with the interior of Dalmatia by the eastern coast of Adriatic. The construction of these
communications commenced already in the days of Augustus, when the
Appenine Peninsula was connected with Pannonia and Noricum with the
Aquileia Emona route, across the Alps.913 This track overlapped with the
ancient Amber Road that connected the Mediterranean and the Baltic.914
This road, known as Via Gemina, led up to Emona along the stations
912
913
914

E. Paali, Antika naselja i komunikacije u Bosni i Hercegovina, Sarajevo

1960, 103-104. (= Paali, Antika naselja)
Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 15.
The old merchant road began at Aquileia on the Adriatic coast, followed the
direction Emona Celeia Poetovio Sala Savaria Scarbantia, and
reached Carnuntum, situated on the Danube limes, from where it passed
into Germania. In Poetovio, a traffic way heading to the south of the Drava
valley branched off. See: S. Andri, Juna Panonija u doba velike seobe
naroda, Scrinia Slavica 2 (2002) 120, 123. (= Andri, Juna Panonija)

248

Vladeta Petrovi

Ponte Sonti, In Alpe Iulia, Longatico and Nauporto.915 The junction in the
Ljubljana basin separated into two roads, one along the river Drava, the
other along the river Sava, both leading to Sirmium and then, rejoined, to
Singidunum and Viminatium.916 The northern road passed the stations
Sauo Fl., Ad Publicanos, Adrante, Celeia, Ragandone, Petauione, Remista,
Aqua Uiua, Populos, Botiuo, Sonista, Piretis, Luntulis, Iouia, Sirotis, Bolentio,
Marmianis, Seronis, Berebis, Iouallio and Mursa Minor to the present-day
Osijek (Mursa Maior), where was an important road knot.917 From the west
915

916

917

Ponte Sonti (Pons Sonti) was probably located at Rubi, on the river Soa.
The station In Alpe Iulia was, according to G. krivani, in Kruka gora, and
Longatico in Logatac. P. Petrus opinion was that the station In Alpe Iulia
was located at the ancient fortification at Lanie near ogatac, which occupied a central position in the middle section of the Alpine passages defence.
Nauporto (Nauportus) was a military camp in the Late Antiquity, at the site
of the present-day village of Vrhnike. See: ,
, 39; P. Petru, Najnovija istraivanja Julijskih Alpa, Osjeki zbornik 12
(1969) 6-9, 12. (= Petru, Najnovija istraivanja).
These two main communications were interconnected by numerous side
roads. Remains of the local roads passing through the gorge of Poega have
been recently uncovered at the localities of Radovanci and Velika. See: K.
Minichreiter, Arheoloki lokaliteti na trasama cesta Poeke kotline, Ann.
Inst. archaeol. 1 (2005) 80-81.
Stations Sauo Fl. and Ad Publicanos were located at the sites of the presentday villages of Laza and Vaa, situated on the river Sava. Adrante is the
present-day village of Trojane. Celeia is the present-day town of Celje, from
where the road stretched to Virnum (Maria Saal/Gospa Sveta) in Austria.
From there, the Pannonian road joined the numerous roads leading from
western parts of the Empire. Station Ragandone was located at the site Belo
Mesto, in the vicinity of the village of adram. Petauione is the present-day
town of Ptuj. Station Remista was situated at the site of the present-day
village of Formin. Ubication of the station Aqua Viva has not been established
with certainty. According to the majority of researchers, this station was
located near the present-day village of Petrijanec. Populos was situated on
the river of Plitvica, south-east of Varadin. The settlement Iovia-Botivo
was situated at the site of the village of Ludbreg, and the station of Sonista
near Kunovec. Piretis was located at the site of the village of Vlajislava.
Luntulis is the present-day town of urevac. Station Iouia was situated at
the site of the present-day village of Klotar, while Sirotis was located at the
village of Oraac and Gaite. Bolentio was situated near Sopja, Marmianis
at the site of Donji Miholjevac. Station Seronis was situated at the site of the
present-day village of Viljevo, and Berebis at the site of the present-day
village of Podravski Podgajci. Station Iouallio stood at the site of the
present-day town of Valpovo, while Mursa Minor was at the site of the
village of Petrijevci, on the river Drava. See: ,
, 39-40; B. Viki-Belani, Tipovi naselja u severozapadnoj Hrvatskoj,
Antiki gradovi i naselja u junoj Panoniji i graninim podrujima, Beograd

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

249

led another traffic way, along the Drava road, that cut across the land
between the rivers Sava and Drava, by the Siscia Varianae Aquae
Balissae Incerum Stravianae Mursa Maior route.918 Communications to
Pecs (Sopianae), and Nemetin (Ad Labores) on the limes, and to Aquinicum,
commenced from Osijek.919 The eastward road from Osijek passed by the
stations Ad Labores, Pont Ulcae, Cibalae, Cansilena, Ulmo and Spaneta to
Sirmium, the capital of Pannonia, beside which was a large station of
beneficiarii consularis with a shrine to Jupiter.920 From Sirmium, the road
passsed by the stations Bassianis and Idimino to Taurunum (the present-day
Zemun), where it joined the Danubian road coming in from Aquinicum.921

918

919

920

921

1977, 42-44; I. ari, Antiko naselje u Petrijancu, Antiki gradovi i naselja

u junoj Panoniji i graninim podrujima, Beograd 1977, 49-62; M. Bulat,
Stanje istraivanja antikih naselja u Slavoniji, Antiki gradovi i naselja u
junoj Panoniji i graninim podrujima, Beograd 1977, 63-87 (= Bulat,
Stanje istraivanja).
Stations lying on this road have not been localized with certainty. Its route
could have followed the direction northwards of Slavonsko gorje or passed
between Psunj and Ravna gora. See: Andri, Juna Panonija, 122.
Sections of the road Mursa Aquinicum were discovered at Bilje. See: D.
Pinterovi, Problemi u istraivanju limesa na sektoru Batina Skela Ilok,
Osjeki zbornik 12 (1969) 57 (= Pinterovi, Problemi istraivanja limesa);
M. Bulat, Topografska istraivanja limesa u Slavoniji i Baranji, Osjeki
zbornik 12 (1969) 45.
The route of the Roman road passing through Srem, from Tovarnik to
Zemun, was reconstructed in its entirety, and its length was 115 km. The
station Ulmo was located at Oraje, between Tovarnik and id, while mutatio Spaneta was near the village of Kukujevac. See: D. Popovi, Glavna
antika komunikacija u Sremu u svetlu arheolokih istraivanja, Putevi i
komunikacije u antici, Materijali 17, Beograd 1980, 101-105.
The remains of the beneficiarii station at Sirmium were discovered in 1988,
outside Roman ramparts, in the vicinity of the western gate, located on the
border-line of the big necropolis. A surface area of approximately 25 000 m2
was researched, with the most important segment of the construction complex. Its size downgraded the well-known station of Osterburken in Germany
to a second place. For further information on this station, see: M. Mirkovi,
M. Jeremi, P. Miloevi, Sirmium. Beneficijarna stanica, Arheoloki pregled 1988, Ljubljana 1990, 157-160; . , Sirmium.
, 2003, 187-197.
According to Tabula Peutingeriana, stations Bassianis (Donji Petrovci) and
Idimino (Ugrinovci) were located along the road Sirmium-Singidunum.
According to Itinerarium Burdigalense, mutatio Noviciana and mutatio
Altina were on the same route. These stations could correspond to Roman
archaeological sites around the villages of Vojka and Ugrinovci, as well as to
those in Zemun Polje. A section of the Roman road stretching 8 km westwards
was discovered in the area of Batajnica in 1958. See: ,

250

Vladeta Petrovi

This limes-trailing road passed by the forts of Teutoburgium, Cornacum,

Cuccuium, Malata or Bononia, Cusum, Acumincum, Rittium, Burgenaema
and Taurunum, before reaching Singidunum.922
The southern road, going along the Sava, started in Emona and
passed through the stations of Aceruone, Ad Protorium, Crucio,
Nouiodum, Romula, Quadrata, Ad Fines reached Siscia, from where the
road forked toward Osijek, Ptuj and Senj.923 The road to Sirmium, after
passing the river Kupa, turned southward to the Motanica village, where
it turned east, toward Bain and Dubica. The road continued south of the
Sava, by the way station Ad Praetorium, until the crossing between
Servitia and Urbata. Further on, the road kept on following the river Sava,
passing the stations Marsonie, Saldis and Drinum. The road crossed the
river Sava three times: in the Priaci village, between Gunja and Rainovci,
and in Sirmium.924 Beside this southern Siscia - Sirmium connection that

922

923

924

, 41; D. Dimitrijevi, Istraivanje rimskog limesa u istonom Sremu s

posebnim osvrtom na pitanje komunikacija, Osjeki zbornik 12 (1969) 84-85.
Teutoburgium is the present-day Dalj. Remains of the road connecting
Sirmium with Teutoburgium, joining the main road trailing the Danubian
limes, were found between Ilok and Tovarnik. Cornacum was situated at
the site of the present-day Sotin, while Cuccuium was at the present-day
Ilok. Malata or Bononia is the present-day Banotor, where a harbour used
to be, that was connected to Sirmium across the Fruka gora mountain. The
stations Cusum, Acumincum, Rittium and Burgenaem were located on the
sites of the present-day settlements of Petrovaradin, Stari Slankamen,
Surduk and Banovci. See: Pinterovi, Problemi istraivanja limesa, 56;
Bulat, Stanje istraivanja, 77-80; Andri, Juna Panonija, 127-128; K.
Minichreiter, Arheoloki lokaliteti na trasi Iloke transverzale, brze ceste od
Iloka do Lipovca, Ann. Inst. archaeol. 3 (2007) 90-91.
Aceruone was at the site of the present-day Vinja Gora. The station Ad
Protorium was at the site of the present-day village of Trebnje, near Novo
Mesto. The station Crucio stood at the site of the present-day Novo Mesto.
Nouiodum was located at the site of the present-day village of Ozalj.
Romula stood at the site of the present-day village of Dubovac, whereas
Quadrata was located at the site of the present-day village of Vojni. Ad
Fines was situated at the site of the present-day town of Glina. Siscia was
located at the present-day Sisak. A big road junction was in Siscia, from
where the roads towards Osijek, Ptuj, Ljubljana and Senj led. See: ,
, 42-43; I. Bojanovski, Prilozi za topografiju rimskih i
predrimskih komunikacija i naselja u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji IV.
Rimska cesta Siscia Sirmium (Tab. Peut.) i njena topografija, Godinjak
Centra za balkanoloka istraivanja 22/20 (1984) 155. (= Bojanovski, Prilozi IV)
The station Ad Praetorium was located at the present-day village of Gornji
Bain. Servitium, an important road junction and the seat of the praefectus
of the river flotilla, was located at the present-day Bosanska Gradika, at the site

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

251

went along the river Sava, there was an alternative direction north of the
river Sava, between the rivers Sava and Drava, passing the stations Varianae,
Menneianae, Incerum, Picentinum, Leuconum and Certissa all the way to
Cibalae.925 A segment of this road starting in Certissa, connected the southern
road by the river Sava with the road by the river Drava. The same segment
connected the present day Slavonski Brod (Marsonie) and Vinkovci (Cibalae).926
Along the old way that led through the Morava valley, that chief
natural connection between the Pannonian Plain and the Mediterranean,
the Romans constructed a new way, Via militaris, along the route of an old
one. Via militaris is one of the most important terrestrial communications
between the East and the West, connecting Singindunum with Byzantium
(Constantinopolis). Several great junctions lay on this road, 624 Roman
miles long (about 924 km), at Viminatium, Naissus, Serdica, Philippopolis
and Hadrianopolis, which forked into roads to different parts of the Balkan
Peninsula and the Empire.
From Singidunum, Via militaris trailed right of the river Danube
until Viminatium, passing the stations Tricornio, Monte Aureo and the
municipium of Margum.927 Viminatium, the greatest urban settlement in

925

926

927

of the Turkish fortress of Berbir. The station Urbate was most probably
located in Srpce, at the site of Cagangrad. Marsonia was the present-day
town of Slavonski Brod. Stations Ad Basantem, Saldis and Drinum fl. were
situated at upanja, Posavski Podgajci and Brodac. See: Bojanovski, Prilozi
IV, 161-222.
Itinerarium Antonini contains information about the road Siscia Certissa.
The station Varianae was most likely located in the vicinity of Kutina, and
Menneianae at the foothill of Psunj. According to S. Andris hypothesis,
the station Incerum was located near Poega, while M. Bulat identified it as
gradina, near Teki. Andri suggested Ruevo and Levanjska Varo as possible locations of the stations Picentinum and Leuconum. Certissa was situated at the site of trbinci, near akovo. See: M. Bulat, Stanje istraivanja, 8183; Andri, Juna Panonija, 122.
Plentiful archaeological sites have been discovered south of the village of
Gundinci, representing remains of a bigger settlement (vicus), located on
the road Siscia Sirmium. See: M. Dizdar, Terenski pregled dela trase vienamjenskoga kanala Dunav - Sava, Ann. Inst. archaeol. 4 (2008) 104.
From Singidunum, the Roman road led to the hill Bajdina, where the station Ad Sextum, attested in Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum, most likely
stood. The road continued further on towards the Mlakovaki stream, then
followed the course of the Danube and reached Ritopek, where the station
Tricornio was located. The road stretched from Ritopek, passed by Provalije
and Plavinci, and reached the area between the bank of the river Danube, the
hill called Careva glavica, and the present-day Grocka, the Roman station Ad
sextum miliare. Monte Aureo has not been precisely located. It was most probably

252

Vladeta Petrovi

Moesia Superior, developed near the confluence of the Mlava and Danube,
an important fork of three roads.928 The first one was an extension of Via
militaris towards south, the second one led along the river Danube toward
the Black Sea, and the third one went through Laderata toward north.929
After Viminatium, Via militaris was suddenly turning southwards to reach
the town of Horreum Margi (the present-day uprija, at the meeting of
the rivers Ravanica and Morava) by passing the route Municipium Iovis
Pagum Bao Idimum Ad Octavum.930
A local road commenced at the site of a bridge, of which remains
were still visible in the nineteenth century, and led to the mining areas in

928

929
930

situated at the site of the present-day village of Brestovik, south-east of

Grocka. Municipium Margum was situated on the right bank of the river
Morava, near its confluence with Danube, in the vicinity of the present-day
village of Oraje. On this location, a settlement of the pre-Roman era was
confirmed. In the first century AD, Margum was one of the most important
settlements lying in the western part of the Moesian limes, and represented a
significant strategic point defendng passage from the valley of Morava to the
south. It has not been confirmed whether this settlement had the status of
colony, like Singidunum and Viminatium. In the sources dating from the
fourth to the sixth century, it was mentioned as civitas. Further information
on this settlement in the aftermath of the Hunnic invasion of the fifth century
remain uncertain. See: M. Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi na Dunavu u Gornjoj Meziji,
Beograd 1968, 49-55. (= Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi); ,
, 44; D. Bojovi, Rimski put Singidunum Castra Tricornia Ad Sextum
miliare, Putevi i komunikacije u antici, Materijali 17, Beograd 1980, 86-88.
For further information on Viminatium, see: . , . ,
Viminacium. , 1990; M. Kora,
Slikarstvo grobnica u Viminacijumu, Beograd 2000; . -,
: ,
2002; M. Kora, Slikarstvo Viminacijuma, Beograd 2007; M.
Kora, Viminacium. Vie grobalja 2, Beograd 2007.
Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi, 56.
The road stretched southwards, parallel to the course of the river Velika Morava,
along the valley of Mlava, and reached the present-day uprija (Horeum
Margi) from the north, after having crossed the river Resava. Mansio
Municipium was located at the Plateau of Gradac, near the village of Kalite,
where a fortification dating from the fourth century was discovered.
Archaeological research of the vicus that was located in the proximity of this
station confirms the continuity of this settlements existence, encompassing
the period from the second to the sixth century. The remains of the settlement
Iovis Pagus were found not far from Gradina on Busur, whereas mutatio Bao
most likely stood in the vicinity of the present-day ovdin. The remains of
Idimum were confirmed in the proximity of the present-day village of Medvea,
on the river Resava. Ad Octavium was situated in the area of the present-day
village of Glogovac. See: Vasi, Idimum, 139-158; , , 67-75.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

253

umadija; somewhat more to the south, through the valley of the Western
Morava, led a road to the river Drina and the mining district of DomaviaArgentaria.931 Two important junctions on this road were at the mouth of
the river Ibar and at the ancient settlement on the site of the present-day
aak, with a beneficiarii consularis station. The main traffic road towards
south stretched along the Ibar valley, as confirmed by a string of sites from the
Antiquity,932 while the Roman route leading northwards stretched along the
Grua valley, up to the rich mining districts and the mount Rudnik, from
where it followed the course of the rivers Ljig and Kolubara, through the
present-day villages of Stojnik, Guberevac and Barajevo, finally reaching
Singidunum.933 A traffic road going towards south from the present-day aak,
across the mountain Jelica, led to Novi Pazar, while another road towards north
passed through Trbuani, Prijevor, Drueti and Vlajkovci, reaching Valjevo
and the road that followed the course of the rivers Jadar and Kolubara.934
From Horreum Margi, Via militaris went through Sarmatae,
Praesidium Dasmini, Cametae, Praesidium Pompei and Gramrianae (Rapiana),
all along the rivers of Velika Morava and Juna Morava, and reached
Naissus, the next important junction of the Balkans.935 One of the oldest
931

932

933

934

935

. , , 2
(1973) 29; . , ,
, - 2001,
230. (= , )
These include the necropolis Lanite in the village Korlae, dating from the
Late Antiquity, a constructed tomb in Baljevac, and several fortification and
settlement types. See: , , 231.
The confluence of Grua at Kraljevo opens the passage to a fertile valley
leading northwards, towards the mountain of Rudnik. Precisely at that location there was a settlement with a brickworks at its rim. See: . ,
, 1974, 103, 104; ,
, 227.
Even though the description of this road dates back to the eighteenth century, the two sites at the village of Prijevor, dating from the Late Antiquity,
attest that its route at least partly followed the route of the communication
line from the Antiquity. See: . ,
, 1989, 70, 72; . ,
, ,
1993, 10-11, 15; . ,
, , 1993, 2324; . , .
, 53 (2006) 69.
Mutatio Sarmate was the first station on the territory of Naissus. Of the following
ones, only the station Praesidium Pompei, located in the area of the villages
of Rutevac and iin, was precisely localized. From there a local road led

254

Vladeta Petrovi

and most important traffic ways in the Balkan Peninsula went through the
valleys of Timok and Salaka rivers; from Naissus, it connected the central
Balkan regions with Ratiaria on the river Danube. The stations on this 91
mile (about 130 km) long road were: Timacum Maius, Timacum Minus
and Combustica.936 The northern section of the Timok road led along the
shores of the river Beli Timok towards the basin of Zajear, from where
it branched off into three ways leading to Taliata, Bononia and Aqua.
The roads leading to the present-day Pirot (Turres), Morava valley and
the mining areas between the rivers Beli Timok and Crni Timok joined
the road Naissus Ratiaria at a natural junction between the rivers

936

towards the valley of Timok. The second auxilliary road led towards the
river Juna Morava, and crossed it near the village of Bobovite. Farmers found
its remains while digging through this terrain at the end of the nineteenth
century. From the passage on the Morava, this road passed through the
lower ranges of Mojsinje mountains, stretched towards the valley of
Zapadna Morava and further west. According to D. Rakovi, the main road
Via militaris probably crossed the river Juna Morava and continued southwards
via Prilovica and Teica; from Supovac, the road followed the right river bank.
See: . ,
, 14 (1998)
185; , , 67-75; , , 214.
Judging by archaeological excavations, Timacum Maius was probably located
close to the village of Niavac, at the site of a big settlement, primarily situated on the left bank of the river Timok; it was only during the third and
the fourth centuries, that it expanded onto the right bank as well. The
Roman road most probably led from Naissus, via the villages of Mlane and
Vrela to the Pass of Gramada, from where it stretched towards north-west
and the village of Pluine. From Pluine, it led to Nievac and Svrljig Fort.
The Roman military camp Timacum Minus was situated at the present-day
village of Ravno, in the vicinity of Knjaevac. It was the oldest Roman fortification in the region of Timok. Today, it is under protection, and archaeological excavations are being carried out. Combustica was located at the
site of the present-day Kladorup. See: V. P. Petrovi, V. Filipovi, Newlydiscovered Traces of the Roman Naissus. Ratiaria Road and the Problem of
Locating Two Timacum Stations, Balcanica 38 (2007) 40; V. P. Petrovi, V.
Filipovi, Locating the Timacum Maius Station on the Roman Road Lissus Naissus - Ratiaria. New Archeological Research, Balcanica 39 (2008) 56-57; V.
P. Petrovi, V. Filipovi, The Roman Station Timacum Maius (?) Evidence of
Urbanization and Communications, Balcanica 40 (2009) 26-29; . , . , . ,
Timacus Minus
, 33
(2009) 101-108; , , 82-83, 87; . . , .
, Timacum Maius Lissus
Naissus - Ratiaria, 34 (2010) 63-67.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

255

Svrljiki Timok and Trgoviki Timok. The mineral wealth of the

surrounding mountains had a significant effect on the development of the
relatively spread out road network in the area of Gornji Timok, in addition
to the favourable geographic position. Because of this natural wealth, roads
were constructed, connecting forts with the mining districts on Tupinica
and Stara Planina.937
From Naissus, a road trailed through the valley of the river Niava
and reached the Sofia Valley, across the watershed that was the borderline
between Moesia and Thrace. Along this segment of road there were the
stations Radices, Ulmus, Remesiana, Latina, Turres and Meldia.938 From
Serdica, Via militaris passed through Sparata, Egirica, Zirmis and Lissae
and reached Philippopolis, from where the roads leading to valley of the
Danube and the Adriatic Sea branched off.939 Hadrianopolis was the next
937

938

939

The road passed along the valley of Trgoviki Timok and followed direction
of Turres. The road stretching along the valleys of river Grezanska and
Moravica led towards the station Praesedium Pompei. At the village of
Balevac, a communication line branched off this road, leading towards the
valley of Crni Timok. See: . , ,
, 1997, 119-121; . , , 14
(1998) 41-55.
Remesiana was an ancient settlement situated at the site of the present-day
Bela Palanka. Its status has not been precisely determined, and was probably
changing through time. The vicinity of a rich mining area greatly contributed
to the development of the settlement. Two local roads led to this area: the first
stretched towards Vlasina and Pautala, and the second along the river Svrljiki
Timok. Mansio Turres was located at the site of the present-day Pirot. Local
roads most likely spread from this site towards Timacum Maius, as well as
towards the souht-west and the present-day Babunica. The exact sites where
the remaining stations stood have not been accurately determined. Radices
was located in the vicinity of the present-day Prosek or Jelanica, Ulmust at the
site of Medena stena, Latina near Crnoklite and Stanienje, or at the mouth of
the river Temniica, while Meldia was situated between the present-day
Dragoman and Slivnica. See: . ,
h , 2/4
(1929) 49 (= , ); , , 75-81. For the first time
in Serbia, a Roman road, preserved nearly in its entirety, was excavated
between the stations of Turres and Meldia, during the archaeological excavations undertaken in 2010. The researched section is 38.70 meters long. The road
is 7.50 meters wide, composed of uneven trimmed pieces of limestone. The road
followed the right bank of the river Niava, near Gojinodolski kale, from where
it continued towards the Bulgarian border. See: , , 54.
Sparata was located at the site of the present-day Vakarel, Egerica at the site
of the present-day Ihtiman, while Lissae was situated at the site of the presentday Vetren. From Philippopolis, in the vicinity of the present-day Plovdiv, two

256

Vladeta Petrovi

important junction. The road to it passed by the stations Syrnota,

Parembole, Ranilum (Cellae), Carasura, Pizus, Arzus, Subzupara and
Ramae.940 In Hadrianopolis three rivers merged: the Hebros (Marica),
Artiskos (Arda) and Tonzus (Tunda), and the roads leading to the
Propontis, Pontus and Aegean joined there as well. The road to Byzantium
stretched towards south-east, via Ostudizus (Nike), Burtudizus, Bergule
(Virgolis), Narcum, Drusipara, Tipsum, Tzurullum, Beoduzum and reached
Perinthos (Heraclea).941 The roads leading to Anchialus on the Black Sea
branched off at the stations Ostudizus and Drusipara, while Via militaris
joined up in Perinthos with Via Egnatia that was starting in Dyrrachium.942
There were two ways from Perinthos to Byzantium: the sea route,
along the shores of the bay, and the hill road, passing through the hinterland.
The older Roman road, Eutropius strata verus, registered in Tabula
Peutingeriana and Itinerarium Antonini, led from Perinthos into the interior

940

941

942

important routes stretched: the first northwards, towards Oecus on the

Danube, and the second towards the Adriatic Sea, via Nicopolis ad Nestum.
See: , , 53, 59; . ,
, I (. . ),
1959, 94 (= , ); . ,
, 1995, 65 (= , ).
Syrnota (Sernota) was positioned at approximately 10 miles from Philippopolis,
at the bridge crossing the Sermius (the present-day Stanimaka river). The
fortification Parembole was situated in the vicinity of the village of Papazli.
The fortification Carasura was located at the present-day village of
Karasarly, from where the road stretching towards Augusta Traiana
branched off. The Fortification Opizus or Pizus was positioned between
Almali and Haskej. The remains of the fortification lying between Mali
Irendik and Uzundova might be the remains of Arzus. The town of
Subzupara (Castra Jarba, Castozbra) was probably located in the vicinity of
the present-day Harmanli, at the estuary of Uzunda. A borderline between
the province of Thrace and Hemimont passed by mutatio Ramae. See:
, , 56-57; . , ,
I (. . ), 1959, 104106. (= , ).
Ostudizus (Nike) was situated at the present-day Hafsa. The fortified mansio
Burtudizus secured passage across Teka Deresi, which was a borderline
between the province of Hemimont and Europe in the Late Roman era. Town
Bergule (Virgolis), renamed Arcadiopolis during the Emperor Arcadius reign,
was located at the site of the present-day Lile Burgas. Mansio Drusipara
(Drysiporo, Drizupara, Drusipera, Drizipera) was situated on a small hill, in
the proximity of the present-day Karitiran. Perinthus (Heraclea) was an
ancient Samian colony, founded c. 600 BC. See: , , 107-109.
The road stretching from Ostudizus towards Anhiala was noted in Tabula
Peutingeriana. See: , , 107.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

257

and the Caenophrurium fort. The road intersected the one coming from
Bizya at the site of the present-day Indigis. Melanthias was the last station on the road before Byzantium. The sea route led from Perinthus via
Braunnae, Selymbria, Callum and Athyra.943
In the immediate vicinity of Byzantium, the roads leading from
Dyrrachium and the Adriatic Sea, those from Viminatium, the Danube
valley and the Black Sea, all joined the branches of Via militaris. Although
Via militaris was the shortest way from Viminatium to Byzantium, a
traveler in the Antiquity could also reach the city on the Bosphorus by the
road that followed the Danubian limes and the Black Sea coast.944 This road
was divided into two segments. The first passed along the right bank of the
Danube, up to its mouth in the Black Sea and the station Ad Stoma, while
the second road stretched along the western coast of the Black Sea, from
Ad Stoma to Byzantium on the south.
Road construction on the limes in Upper Moesia began in the first
century AD. It carried an exceptional strategic significance and was one of
the most important construction projects of the Roman world. The works
undertaken during the first stage of construction were mainly committed
to the construction of a terrestrial road through the nearly impassable erdap
gorge, and to improving navigation, which in the Antiquity could be done
on this section of the Danube only by hauling.945 This traffic road, finished
in Emperor Trajans time, conected forts on the Danube, and, after joining
the roads in Pannonia, enabled connection with Italy.946 Troops from one
part of the Empire travelled to another by using this road. Although the
road linking Italy to the eastern provinces was longer, the Roman
emperors frequently traveled on it while journeying east, since important military camps lay along it. The economic significance of the road
considerably grew after the conquest of Dacia and after peaceful trade
and traffic of goods were secured.947 Roads leading to Dacia and further
943
944

945
946
947

, , 109-112.
Construction of the road passing along the Danubian limes, representing a
terrestrial communication link between the river Inn and the Black Sea,
was completed by the end of the second century AD. For further
information on the Danube in the Roman period, see: J. J. Wilkes, The Roman
Danube. An Archeological Survey, The Journal of Roman Studies 95 (2005)
124-225.
. , , 37 (1986) 41.
For further information regarding this section of the limes, see: Roman
Limes on the Middle and Lower Danube, Belgrade 1996.
Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi, 31-32.

258

Vladeta Petrovi

north set out from it, at Viminatium, Faliatis and Egeta. Its first section
passed by many stations located along it, among which Vicus Cuppae,
Taliata, Egeta, Bononia, Ratiaria, Oescus, Ad Novas, Durostorum, Sucidava,
Axiopolis, Noviodunum, Aegyssus and Ad Stoma were of particular importance.948
The other section of the Viminatium Byzantium road started off
in the Danube Delta and reached Byzantium after passing through the
important Pontic ports of Tomis, Odessos and Ancialis. The overall length
of this section was approximately 1045 miles (1547 km).949
Parallel to the Danubian route of the Viminatium Byzantium,
another two routes existed: : Melta Nicopolis ad Istrum Marcianopolis
948

949

Vicus Cuppae was positioned at the present-day town of Golubac. Taliata

was located in the vicinity of the present-day Donji Milanovac, at the curve
of the river Danube, where a wide passage to the south opened. Numerous
fortifications defended the passage towards the hinterland of Moesia. Egeta
was positioned at the site of the present-day Brza Palanka. The two roads
stretching from Taliate joined at that location: the longer one, leading along
the Danube valley, and the shorter, terrestrial road via Miro. Bononia was
located at Vidin. Ratiaria, the only Trajans colony in Upper Moesia, was situated
at the present-day Arar. It gained the status of a colony thanks to its
position; it was situated at the shortest communication line leading from the
river Danube to the Adriatic Sea, via Naissus. The colony of Oescus, at the
present-day town of Gigen, was situated in the vicinity of the estuary of the
river Isker at the Danube. Built at the beginning of the first century in the
proximity of the ancient Thracian settlement, it became the second most
important settlement in Upper Moesia. Ad Novas and its important military
camp were positioned in the vicinity of the present-day Svitovo, at the site
of Stklen. Durostero, the present-day Silistria, had the status of civitas and
municipium since Marcus Aurelius time. It represented, together with the
military camp, a significant junction on the road stretching along the valley
of Danube. Sucidava was located at the village of Rasovo. Axiopolis was
positioned in the vicinity of erna Voda. Noviodunum had, most probably,
the status of civitas. It was located in the proximity of the Danube delta.
Aegyssus was located at the present-day Tulcea. Ad Stoma was probably
situated at the present-day Sulina. See: , , 60-63; Mirkovi,
Rimski gradovi, 103, 108, 114; G. krivani, Roman Roads and Settlements in
the Balkans, An Historical Geography of the Balkans (ed. F. W. Carter),
London and New York and San Francisco 1977, 126-128 (= krivani, Roman
Roads); , , 70, 78; , , 87; .
Tomis was located at the present-day Konstanca. Odessos, old Greek colony,
was positioned at the present-day town of Varna. It was an important
economic and political center during the Roman rule. It reached its
pinnacle in the Early Byzantine period. Ancialis was the most important
Roman centre lying on the Black Sea coast, from where several roads
towards the hinterland of the Peninsula stretched. See: krivani, Roman
Roads, 128-129; , , 99-100.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

259

Odesa, and more to the south Ranilum Cabyle Ancialis. The roads
connecting the Danubian road with Via militaris, by crossing the Hemus
mountain, started off from Oecus, Ad Novas and Durostorum, on the
shores of the Danube.950 The most important of them commenced in Oecus
and reached Philippopolis, passing by eleven stations.951 The other road led
from Oecus through the valley of river Iskar to Serdica. From Serdica, it
went on along the upper river Struma, passing through Pautalia, then
across the Osogov mountains and the Bregalnica valley, reaching the
junction with Via Axios at Stobi, ultimately reaching Heraclea and Via
Egnatia.952 From Novae, one road ran southwards, reaching Augusta
Traiana across the ipka pass and Nicopolis ad Istrum.953
Via Egnatia, one of the oldest Roman roads in the Balkan
Peninsula, was constructed in the second half of the second century BC
over the earlier Macedonian road, Via regia. It was an extension of Via
Appia that led from Rome towards Italian south and it reached Egnatia,
a place situated on the Adriatic coast between Bari and Brindisi.
Depending upon the place of departure, i.e. whether it was Bari or
Brindisi, the starting points on Via Egnatia were Dyrrachium or Aulona.
The lenght of the road section from Dyrrachium to Byzantium was 754
miles (1117 km), with Thessalonica in the middle. Up to there, the road
went through the valley of the river kumba, passing through Clodiana
(Coladina), Scampis (Scampu), Genesis Fl., Ad Dianam, In Canabia
(Candauia), Pons Seruili, Lychnidus, Nicea, Heraclea, Cellis (Celae), Edessa
and Pella.954 On the section from Thessalonica to Byzantium, there were
950
951
952

953

954

, , 65-66.
. , ,
1959, 170 (= , ).
The road from Serdica to Stobi was 152 miles long (224,9 km) and it passed
the stations Aelea (the present-day Palanka), Pautalia (the present-day
ustendil), Tranupara (the present-day village Orizari) and Astibo (the
present-day tip). The extension of the road, from Stobi to Heraclea, was 47
miles long (69,5 km), passing the stations Euristus (the present-day Varo,
by Prilep) and Ceranus (the present-day Drenovo). See: , , 51;
, , 55.
In Nicopolis ad Istrum the roads leading from Novae, Oecus, Melta,
Philippopolis, Hadrianopolis and Marcianopolis met. See: , ,
63-64.
Clodiana (Coladina) is the present-day town of Peqini in Albania. Scampis
(Scampa) is the present-day Elbasan, situated at the middle course of the
river kumba. Genesis Fl. was situated at the site of the village of Polisi. Ad
Dianam is the present-day village of Bablja, located north-east of Elbasan.
In Canabia (Candauia) was positioned at the site of the present-day village

260

Vladeta Petrovi

many stations, the most important being Appollonia, Philippis, Neapolis,

Topiro, Porsulis and Traianopolis.955 At Traianopolis, Via Egnatia forked
into two branches. The first one led towards Hadrianopolis, where it
joined Via Militaris, while the second stretched along the coast and
reached Byzantium after passing through Cypsele, Syracella, Risista,
Perinthos, Caenofruri and Melantiada. Except for the main traffic way,
there were several side roads.956
A road system connecting ancient Greek towns started at Apollonia,
and it had several important road junctions: Actium Nicopolis, Larissa,
Argus, Corinthus, Athenae and Megara. Two routes led from Actium
Nicopolis northwards and towards Apollonia: the terrestrial road via
Hadrianopolis and Amatria, and the coastal one via Rutharotum and
Aulona. The road for Larissa stretched towards the east and the Aegean Sea
and passed through Epirus and Thessaly, while another terrestrial traffic
way followed the Ionian coast and the Bay of Corinth, leading to Megara.
From Megara, the road crossed the Isthmus of Corinth and the eponymous
town and went along the coast of Peloponnese, connecting the important
centers of the peninsula. Along its eastern part, a traffic way ran and passed
through Argus, Megalopolis, Lacedemone, Gythium and Boas; on the east,
the road led from Corinth through Lech, Sisione, Pathras, Dyme, Cyllene,
Netide, Olimpia, Samoco and Messene. Towards north and Thessalonica, the
road began at the Athenian port of Piraeus and passed through Athens,
Eleusina, Plataeae, Thermopylas, Pharsalus, Larissa, Olympus, Stenas,
Sabatium, Dium and Beroe, connecting ancient Greek towns with the
valleys of Morava and Vardar, as well as with the river Danube.957

955

956
957

of Kukesi, east of Elbasan. Pons Seruili is the present-day village of Uraka,

west of Ohrid. Lychnidus was located at the present-day Ohrid. Niceu was
most probably situated in the vicinity of the present-day village of Davato,
at the saddle of Davato. Heraclea was situated 2 km south of the presentday town of Bitolj. Cellis (Celae) is the present-day Ostrovska Banja. Edessa
is the present-day town of Voden in Greece. The Ancient town of Pella was
positioned at the site of the present-day village bearing the same name, near
Jenida in northern Greece. See: , , 53.
Appollonia was situated south-east of the lake Bolbo, at the present-day
Polina. Philippis had the status of colony. Neapolis, medieval Hristopoli,
was the most important harbour lying between the mouths of Strimon and
Mesta. Topeiros was located in the vicinity of the Nesta mouth. Porsulis
stood at the site of the present-day town of Mesinkalesi. Trianopolis was an
important harbour town, situated at the estuary of the river Hebrus. See:
krivani, Roman Roads, 125.
krivani, Roman Roads, 126.
krivani, Roman Roads, 129-133.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

261

The foundations of the road network in Dalmatia that enveloped

the western part of the Balkan Peninsula were placed in the first years of
Tiberius reign, while its construction began at the time of his successors
that of Claudius, especially. The preparatory work began most likely
already during the reign of Augustus, but the construction works began
soon after the emperors death. The weak connection between Pannonia
and Dalmatia became apparent when an uprising took place in Dalmatia
and Pannonia (6 9 AD). Therefore, the first concern of the Roman
military command in the aftermath of the military operations was to
connect the unstable and insecure territories with the headquarters in
Salona, and with the supply sources. In less than seven years, between 14
and 20 AD, the imperial governor Publius Cornelius Dolabella built more
than 550 miles of roads. A series of inscriptions speak for Dolabellas
productive and multifarious work, and the so-called Inscriptions of
Solinus, carved into four plates and subsequently embedded in the steeple
of the cathedral of Split, offer the most relevant information regarding the
road construction works. These epigraphic monuments proved to be of the
utmost significance for the study of topography and network of the first
Roman communications built in the Dalmatian hinterland in the Antiquity.
They revealed that Roman legions constructed five roads connecting
Salona with the interior of the Balkan Peninsula, by reaching the river
Sava radially at Sisak, Gradika, near the mouth of the river Bosna and at
Mitrovica. Soon after the construction of these roads, the communications
along the Adriatic coast were built to connect Salona with Aquileia in the
north and Narona, Scodra and Dyrrachium in the south. That is how the
road network was systematized at a rapid pace; first and foremost for the
needs of the state apparatus and the military, and later on for the needs of
civilians.958
All traffic ways of Dalmatia composed a unique system, connected
via Aquileia with Italy and other territories of the Empire. The four major
traffic ways began at Aquileia, and connected Illyricum and the valley of
Danube with Rome: Aquileia Lauriacum; Aquilea Carnuntum; Aquliea
Emona Sirmium Viminatium; Aquileia Salona Dyrrachium.959
As it was already mentioned, five traffic ways of different length
and importance led from Salona, the centre of the province, into its hinterland. Up to Klis, they followed the same route, and passed through the
958
959

Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 15-17, 183, 245.

Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 248-249.

262

Vladeta Petrovi

only natural entrance into the hinterland, the so-called gorge or ravine of
Klis, and then branched off into three directions at Klis and the Plateau of
Dugopoljska.960
The road from Salona to Servitium, 154 Roman miles long, passed
through Livanjsko polje, Glamoko polje and Podrako polje, reached
Banja Luka and continued along the valley of Vrbas towards Bosanska
Gradika. It was the most important connection of Salona with the valleys
of Sava and Danube.961 It linked the maritime regions of Dalmatia and Italy
to the fertile lands of Pannonia, and was at the same time contributing to
the defence of the imperial frontier, which Augustus had already shifted
onto the Danube. According to Itinerarium Antonini, this traffic way
stretched from Klis towards Aequo, Pelva, Salviae, Sarnade, Leusaba,
Aemate, Ad Ladios and Servitio.962 As the Tabula Peutingeriana states, the
960
961
962

Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 52.

Paali, Antika naselja, 18-19.
Colonia Claudia Aequum represented, after Salona, Narona and Jader, the
most important Roman urban agglomeration in the province of Dalmatia. It
stood at the site of the present-day itluk, near Sinj. It was mentioned in the
decisions of the Ecclesiastical Council of Salona under the name of municipium
Equitinum in 533. At that time, it was assigned to the new diocese of
Ludrum. It was devastated during the Avar incursion at the end of the sixth
century. A local road most likely began from this location, connecting the
settlements along the river Cetina. According to Bojanovski, Kiepert,
Tomaschek and Ballif, Pelva should be localized at the village of Litane in
Livanjsko polje. According to Paali, this settlement had the status of
municipium, and was situated at Livno. Mansio Salviae was positioned at
Halapi, in Glamoko polje. The aforementioned station could also be identified as municipium Salvium. The station of Sarandae was situated at Pecka
and Leusaba at the present-day Mrkonji Grad or Jovana. From Lausaba, the
routes of Itinerarium Antonini and Tabula Peutingeriana have been identical. The station Aemate or Lamatis is to be localized at Gradina, near the
spring of the river Krupa, or 3 km southward, at the spring of Begovac.
Castra was positioned at the site of the Roman settlement in Banja Luka.
The road probably passed along the main street, along which Banja Luka
was gradually formed as a settlement erected on a passage-way. Up to
Laktai, it followed the natural route, via the river valley, between Potkozarje
and Vrbas, and passed through the present-day settlements of Budak, Trn
and Klaince. Nowadays, a smaller section of the Roman road can be seen at
Trn, where the station Ad Ladios once stood. According to Bojanovski, the
station Ad Fines marked the pre-Roman borderline between the tribes of
Oseriats and Mezei. But according to Paali, this station is to be located in
Mahovljani near Laktai, as well as the borderline between Pannonia and
Dalmatia. The majority of the authors locates Ad Fines at Laktai. See:
Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 44-45, 51-103. Regarding different localization, see: Paali, Antika naselja, 25-30.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

263

stations Aequo, In Alperio, Bariduo, Ionnaria, Saritte, Indenea, Baloie,

Leusaba, Lamatis, Castra, Ad Fines and Servitio followed after Salona.963
The road Salona - ad fines provinciae Illyrici, mentioned in the inscription
of Salona CIL III 3198a = 10156, could have followed the route of the
Itinerarium Antonini or the one mentioned in Tabula Peutingeriana, but
it may have followed, at least partially, another direction as well.964
The road Salona Andeterium, the so-called Via Gabiana, was
constructed in 16/17 AD by the legionaries of the VII legion, stationed at
Trilje on Cetina (Tilurium) as a connection with Burnum on the Krka
(Ivoevci, Kistanje), which was where the XI legion was stationed. The
roads purpose was to ease the operational contact between these two
legions, and to conduct a more efficient oversight over the recently conquered Dalmates.965 This traffic road followed the route of an older road
built by native populations that passed by the oldest Dalmate forts and settlements in the valleys of the rivers Vrba, ikola and Krka, connecting
Drniko polje with Sinjsko polje. The road was 24 km long and was a part
of a traffic way under construction. By 17 AD, the section up to Andetrium

963

964

965

According to Bojanovski, the section from Aequum to Leusabe, inscribed

into Tabula Peutingeriana, followed the direction itluk Prolog Livno
ujica Lupreko polje Janj ipovo Jezero on Pliva Majdan
Mrkonji Grad. Additionally, he placed Baloie at ipovo, Indenaea at
Mujdie, Saritte at Strojice, Ionnaria at Blagaj, Bariduum at Livno and In
Alperio at Vaganj, on Dinara. In one section, from G. Malovina in Kupreko
polje to Vagani in Janj, this road corresponded to Solarski road. In ujica,
the road Salona Servitium intersected another Dolabellas road, coming
from the direction of Duvno. See: Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 103-125.
For further information regarding another proposed ubication, see: Paali,
Antika naselja, 31-32.
According to Bojanovski, the route of Dolabellas old communication line
corresponded to the route described in Tabula Peutingeriana. In his opinion,
a road segment of Itinerarium Antonini not corresponding to the route of
Tabula Peutingeriana was built in a later period. On the other hand,
according to Paali, Dolabellas road followed the direction Salona Prolog
Livno Podgradina (Kamen) Pecka ipovo Majdan Podraniko
polje ljivovo Banja Luka Mahovljani (Ad Fines). See: Bojanovski,
Dolabelin sistem, 125-127.
A beneficiarii consularis station stood in Burnum. Incidentally, Burnum
gained the status of municipium upon the deaprture of the legions. As an
important traffic knot, situated at the only possible crossing over the Krka,
Burnum survived until the sixth century and the invasion of the Goths. See:
M. Zaninovi, Beneficiarii consularis na podruju Delmata, Prilozi Instituta
za arheologiju u Zagrebu 24 (2007) 182.

264

Vladeta Petrovi

(the present-day Gornji Mu) was completed, and three years later it was
extended up to Promina and the valley of Krka.966
According to the inscriptions of Salona, the third traffic way was
the road a Salonis ad Hedum castellum Daesitiatium per millia passum
CLVI (CIL III 3201 = 10159 + 3198, b = 10156, b). A string of prehistoric
gradinas this way passes by indicates this roads antiquity and the possibility
that it was a route travelled in the pre-Roman period that was merely
adapted by the Romans. Initially, the roads principal purpose was to secure
control over the subjugated Dezidiat tribe because it led to their tribal
capital, Hedum castellum Daesitiatium.967 After Dolabella, this main road
was extended to Argentaria, i.e. to the mining area lying in the area of the
middle river Drina. Since it passed through three mining basins (Gornji
Vakuf, Fojnica and Srebrenica), in time it gained economic importance. It
was placed in Tabula Peutingeriana as the traffic way Salona Argentaria
that led from Duvanjsko polje to Kupreko polje, via the valley of ujica,
and towards the valley of Vrbas, via Velika kupreka vrata. It followed the
only existing natural passage that led from Dalmatia and the karst fields of
south-western Bosnia to central Bosnia.968 The stations Tilurio, Ad Libros,
In monte Bulsinio, Bistue Vetus, Ad Matricem, Bistue Nova, Stanecli and
Argentaria, all lay on the mentioned route.969 Without taking into
consideration the distance between the last two stations, which was not
entered, the length of the road was approximately 183 km.970
966
967

968

969

970

Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 130-132.

Hedum castellum Daesitiatium should be located in the surroundings of
Breza, where the following inscription was discovered: ...Valens princeps
Daesitiatium. See: Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 183-184.
Bojanovski claims that Paali and other archaeologists had localized the
route of the communication line Salona Argentaria in the most
unaccessible areas of the Central Bosnia, misled by Patschas authority and
his ubication of the town of Delminium and the stations Bistua Vetus and
Bistua Nova. See: Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 150-151.
According to Paali, the station Ad Libros was situated at Zidine, on the
southern rim of Buko blato; nevertheless, Bojanovski locates it slightly
northwards, at Gradina in Bukova Gora. The station In monte Bulsinio was
situated at banica on Privala, where the only road stretching from the
coastal regions towards the hinterland stands even today. According to
Bojanovski, Bistue Vetus should be localized at Duvno, whereas Paali, like
Patsch, suggested the ubication at Varvara. According to Bojanovski, the
station Ad Matricem is to be positioned in the area of Otinovci Vrila,
while Paali proposed the surroundings of Gornji Vakuf. See: Paali,
Antika naselja, 47-48; Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 151-174.
Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 133.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

265

Since the location of the ancient Argentaria at the site of the presentday Srebrenica has not been confirmed, the tracing of this route should be
taken into consideration with reserve.971 Now, only its main route that led
from Salona eastwards, to Trilj on Cetina (Tilurium), and towards northeast and central parts of the present-day Bosnia, has been established as
certain. Therefore, discovery of the location of the municipium Bist is of
the utmost importance for tracing the extension of the traffic road leading
from the station Bistue Nova to Argentaria.972 According to Bojanovski,
who locates this settlement in Bugojno, the traffic road continued through
Bugojnsko polje to Mali Mounj, where he positioned the station
Stanecli...973 The extension of the road into the Travnik region followed the
route that linked the upper Bosna valley with the valley of Lava, passing
through Busovaa and Kiseljak to eventually join the traffic road Narona
Sarajevsko polje Romanija Drina in Sarajevsko polje, which was the
principal route leading to the valley of Drina.974 Paali located Bistue Nova
in Mali Mounj and thought that the extension of the Salona Argentaria
road had to follow the route Kiseljak Visoki Breza and further on, towards
north-eastern Bosnia, via Olovo, Kladanj and the valley of Drinjaa, up to the
river Drina, where was the mining district of Argentaria.975
We are familiar with the commencing points and the lengths of
the traffic roads ad Ba[thinum flu]men and ad imum montem Ditionum
971

972

973

974

975

According to S. Duani, municipium Domavianorum, the later Domavia

colony, coexisted with vicus metalli, most probably called Argentaria. See:
S. Duani, The Princeps mvnicipii Dardanorvm and the metalla mvnicipii
Dardanorvm, iva antika 54 (2004) 31 (= S. Duani, The Princeps).
On the ubication of the municipium Bistue Nova, see: A. kegro, The
Bestoen Bishopric in the Light of Prior Research, Arheoloki vestnik 56
(2005) 369-389.
In ujica, this route intersected the road Salonae Servitium, and from
there it overlapped, up to Riliko polje, with the section described in Tabula
Peutingeriana. Further on, the road passed through Velika vrata and
reached ipuljii at Bugojno, where, according to the author, Bistue Nova
was situated. See: Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 168-174.
Bojanovski suggests the ubication of the antique Argentaria in the rich silver
mining district of Fojnica and Lepenica, where an important ancient
settlement was located, at the site of the present-day Vinjica and Gromiljak.
At the same time, he emphasizes the assumption that the old Argentaria was
in the area of Srebrenica and the Drina valley, with its center at Domavia,
the mining centre of the provinces Pannonia and Dalmatia, and the center
for silver extraction. See: Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 179-182, 186-187.
The author locates the station Stanecli at Kiseljak. See: Paali, Antika
naselja, 50-51.

266

Vladeta Petrovi

Ulcirum from the inscriptions of Salona, but we lack information on their

routes and terminal stations. The road ad Bathinum flumen, 158 miles or
approximately 235 km long, connected Salona with the lower course of the
river Bosna, but its route has not been traced so far.976 Unlike this traffic
road, the road ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum fits partly to the data
provided by the Tabula Peutingeriana, and the remains of its route can be
traced in the field as well. Several construction stages were undertaken in
order to connect Salona with Burnum and Tilurium, two important
military strongholds. It extends Via Gabinia, which was expanded up to the
Sana valley in the time of Claudius. In the valley of Motanica, it joined the
traffic road passing along the river Sava, that led from Siscia to Sirmium,
and was, in all likelihood, the shortest possible way from Salona to Pannonia.977
The aforementioned main roads that connected Salona with the
Sava valley, Central Bosnia and the valley of Drina, were intertwined
with a network of side roads, built in time through the entire province
of Dalmatia, enabling communication between the interior and the
coastal centres. The importance of this branched road network is even
more evident in terms of maritime transport that connected Dalmatia
with Italy and the entire Roman world. At the same time, the naval
transport to Greece and Asia Minor went directly, without passing by
Italy. Only a few naval routes were mentioned in the Itinerarium
Antonini: a Pola Iader, ab Ancona Iader, ab Aterno Salonas and a
976

977

If the opinion presented by the majority of the authors is accepted, according

to which Ba[thinum flu]men is the present-day river Bosna, then the possible route of this communication line could be traced, since it connected
Salona with the lower course of the river Bosna. According to Bojanovski,
the four routes are traceable: Salona Livno Kupreko polje ipovo
Jajce Turbe Travnik Zenica epe, Salona Livno Kupreko polje
Bugojno Mounj Zenica epe, Salona Trilj Duvno Kupres
Bugojno Mounj Zenica epe and Salona Trilj Duvno Varvara
Gornji Vakuf Mounj Zenica epe. All this routes reached Travniko
polje and overlapped, in one section, the road a Salonis ad Hedum castellum
Daesitiatium.
From Salona, this road followed the valley of Vrba and ikola up to
Burnum, from where it stretched along the river Krka and reached Knin
and Strmice in the valley of Bunica. From the hill named Ulcir, the present-day Ilica, it stretched towards the Sana valley. In the valley of
Motanica, it joined the road that passed along the Sava valley. Important
local centers Andetrium, Synodion, Promona and Burnum were located on
this important traffic way. The starting points of the important traffic roads
leading to Zadar, Sisak and Senj were located at Burnum. See: Bojanovski,
Dolabelin sistem, 203-219.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

267

Salonas Sipunte, insulae Absoros Brattia Solentia Issa Lissa and a Melta
Epidauros. Following the Adriatic coast, the main longitudinal traffic way
led from Aquileia to Dalmatia, passing alternately into the hinterland and
along the coast, towards Dyrrachium, where it joined Via Egnatia.978 On
the road section leading to Salona, there were the following stations: Fonte
Timaui, Tergeste, Parentino, Pola, Portus Planticus, Arsia, Aulona,
Tarsatica, Senia, Auendone, Arypio, Epidotio, Ancus, Ausancatione,
Clambrtis, Havre ab Havre, Burnomilia, Burno, Promona, Magno and
Andretio.979 From Salona, this main traffic way led to the passage over
Cetina in Trilj, partially overlapping with the routes Salona Servitium
and Salona Argentaria. From Trilj, the road passed through Cista Velika,
Lovre, Imotsko and Ljubuko polje to Narona.980 Parallel to this route, a
coastal branch passed through the stations Epetio and Oneo.981 From
978
979

980

981

Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 221-232, 248-249.

Fonte Timaui is the source of the small river of Timava, lying north-west of
Trieste. Tergeste, Parentio and Pola are the present-day towns of Trst, Pore
and Pula. Portus Planticus, Arsa and Aulona were located in eastern Istria, at
the site of the present-day Plomin, Raa and Labin. Tarsatica is the presentday Rijeka, and Senia the present-day Senj. Auendone was located at the site
of the present-day village of Brlog. Arypio was positioned at the site of Vitalj,
near Otoac, and Epidotio at the site of Kvarte, near Perui. Ancus was the
present-day village of Kula. Ausancatione was probably located at the village
of Medak, near Gospi. Clambrtis was the present-day town of Obrovac.
Havre ab Havre was probably the present-day village of Medvea. Burnomilia has
not been located. On the section from Burnum to Salona, the route overlapped
with the road ad imum montem Ditionum Ulcirum. See: ,
, 46-47; Bojanovski, Dolabelin sistem, 206-212.
According to Tabula Peutingeriana, the following stations were located on
this section of the road: Tilurio, Billubio, ad Novas, ad Fusciana, and
Bigeste, whereas according to Itinerarium Antonini these included the
following: Ponte Tiluri, Trono, Bilubio and Aufustianis. Pons Tiluri was
located at the site of the present-day Trilj. The station Tronum was
positioned at the site of Cista Velika, and the station Bilubium at
Lokviii. Novae was the most important settlement on this road. It was
located at the site of Kamenje in Runovii, on the rim of Imotsko polje.
The station Ad Novas was situated in the vicinity of the junction not far
from the present-day abii, from where a road leading for Duvanjsko
polje began. The station Ad Fusciana was located at Tkanica, and Bigeste
at Radiii, near Ljubuki. See: Paali, Antika naselja, 55-56; I.
Bojanovski, Prilozi za topografiju rimskih i predrimskih komunikacija i
naselja u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji, Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka
istraivanja 15/13 (1977) 91, 97, 123-127.
Epetio was the present-day Stobe in the vicinity of Split, Oneo was the
present-day Omi. See: , , 49.

268

Vladeta Petrovi

Narona, the main route went further on, via the stations Ad Turres,
Dilunto, Pardua, Ad Zizio, Leusino, Sallunto, Sanderua, Varis, Sallunto,
Hallata, Bersumno, Sinna, Scobre, Lissum, Pistum and reached Dyrrachium,
where it joined Via Egnatia.982
The road leading to the coast via Grahovo branched off at the Sallunto
station in Rijeani, where remains of an old road were established.983
According to a tradition, noted down by Evans in Krivoije, these were the
remains of Savas road (Savin put), which indicates that this was, most
likely, an important communication line, leading from Boka Kotorska to
982

983

Different opinions exist regarding the route and the ubication of the
mentioned stations. According to some, the road followed the natural
passage Stolac Ubosko Gradac Krtinje Ljubomir, and had been used
since the prehistoric times. On the basis of that hypothesis, Bojanovski
located the station Ad Turres at the village of Tasovii, the station Dilunto
at Stolac, Pardue at the village of Gornji Gradac and Ad Zizia at the village
of Mosko. Leusino (Leusinium) was most likely located at the village of
Panik, north-east of Trebinje. The station Sallunto (Salluntum) was
positioned at the site of Suntuli in Rijeani. Possible locations of Sanderu
(Anderba, Andaraba) are the fort of Niki and the sites of Ogradice in
Ozrinii and Motanica in tedim. Ubication of the station Varis has not
been confirmed yet. Nevertheless, it can be assumed that the road stretched
along the left bank of the Zeta. Sallunto (Salluntum) was located between
Spu and Povije. According to some, Hallatu (Alata) was situated in the
vicinity of the surroundings of Spu, but it might also be localized at the
confluence of the rivers Ribnica and Moraa, where the remains of a Roman
road 6 m wide were uncovered. Depending on the ubication of Alata, the
stations Bersumno (Bersuminum) and Sinna (Cinna) were localized at
Podgorica and in the surroundings of Vuksan-Lekii or at the gradinas of
Samobor and Kodra-Marenjt. According to Pulji and kegro, Diluntium
was not localized at Stoce, but Sarsenterum, the seat of the Sarsenter
diocese. See: I. Bojanovski, Rimska cesta Narona Leusinum kao primjer
saobraajnog kontinuiteta, Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka istraivanja
10/8 (1973) 139-166; , , 50-52; I. Pulji, A.
kegro, Sarsenterska biskupija, Povjesni prilozi 30 (2006) 27-28; D.
Gazivoda, Antike komunikacije na tlu Crne Gore (magistarski rad u
rukopisu), Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Beograd 2008, 28-33
(= Gazivoda, Antike komunikacije).
It is assumed that three local roads passed through the hinterland of Risan.
The first connected Risan with Rijeane via Poljice, Maja stopa, Jovina
voda, the Plateau of Krnja jela, Orijen, Cerovo drijelo and Grahovo. The
second one stretched from Risan and passed via Smokvice, Gornje Ledenice,
Markov dol, Dragalj and Grahovo. The third road branched off from the
second one at Grkavci and led towards Trenjevo. See: Gazivoda, Antike
komunikacije, 68.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

269

Pljevlja and Prijepolje.984 From Anderba, it most probably followed the

modern route Niki Pljevlja, via avnik.985
Another junction was at the station Ad Zizio, which was probably
in the vicinity of the present-day village of Mosko, from where a coastal
road led to Skadar and passed through the stations Asamo, Epitauro,
Resinum, Batua and Vicinium.986
Two important traffic roads began at Narona and Epidaurus,
connecting them with the valley of Drina and the interior of the Balkan
Peninsula. Although not comparable to the main imperial roads, cirulationwise, the two roads, along with a number of smaller ones, did form a
network of mining, pastoral and merchant roads that had an economic
significance, primarily. There are no information about these roads in
either itineraries or other written sources, and the only traces of their
existance in the Antiquity are the remains of the roads themselves, and of
the settlements in their vicinity, with plentiful milestones.987
984

985

986

987

Although this route cannot be traced with certainty, it probably passed

through avnik and Jezera, the mountain of Tara and reached Komine. See:
I. O XII ,
1967, 173, 177
Gazivoda, Antike komunikacije, 68; . -,
,
, 2009, 54.
Epidaurus is the present-day Cavtat. Different opinions regarding Resinum
were voiced. This station was located in the vicinity of Rose and Risan. If
the hypothetical ubication of Resinum at Rose is accepted, the ancient road
most likely reached Herceg Novi via Sveti Ivan and Sutorina. The exact
location of the passage to the other coast has not been established yet. The
road stretched further on across the Peninsula of Lutice and Grbalj and
reached Batua, the present-day Budva. From Budva, this communication
line most probably followed the route of the modern road to Ulcinj
(Vicinium), from where it branched off towards Bojana and Skadar
(Scobre). Lissum is the present-day Lje, while Pistum, the last station
before the road reached Dyrrachium, was located at the site of the presentday village of Imi. See: , , 51; Gazivoda,
Antike komunikacije, 39-43.
I. Bojanovski, Prilozi za topografiju rimskih i predrimskih komunikacija i
naselja u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji. II Prethistorijska i rimska cesta
Narona Sarajevsko polje s limitrofnim naseljima, Godinjak Centra za
balkanoloka istraivanja 17/15 (1978) 52 (= Bojanovski, Prilozi II); I.
Bojanovski, Prilozi za topografiju rimskih i predrimskih komunikacija i
naselja u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji. V Gornje Podrinje u sistemu
rimskih komunikacija, Godinjak Centra za balkanoloka istraivanja 25/23
(1987) 66 (= Bojanovski, Prilozi V).

270

Vladeta Petrovi

The road that began at Narona was a traffic road attached to the
great Roman communication line Aquileia Salona Narona Dyrrachium
Byzantium. Trailing the material sources in the field, it is possible to partially
reconstruct the route of this main road that began at Narona and overlapped, on the section up to Dubrave of Stolac, with the continental road
leading to Skadar. From there, it proceded further north, towards
Nevsinjsko polje, Zaboran, Lipet, Borako polje, Konjic and Ivan-sedlo up
to Ilida near Sarajevo. From the Roman spa in Ilida, the road went
onwards to Praa, Rogatica and Viegrad on the river Drina. From
Viegrad, one road led northwards towards Sirmium, while the other
stretched towards Dobrun. From Dobrun, a communication line passed
through Varite and Mokra gora and along the river etinja, leading to
Uice and Poega, to ultimately reach the valley of Zapadna Morava, while
the road known as Bosanski drum continued along the Uvce valley and
further, towards the Plateau of Sjenica.988
A communication line began at Epidaurus, and passed through
Trebinje Bilea Gacko Foa Pljevlja Prijepolje Sjenica Novi Pazar.
A medieval Dubrovaki drum (Via Drina) followed this route, too, and
was, until recently, the only existing passageway from western to eastern
Balkans. Mines of nonferrous metals lay on the very road, near Foa,
Pljevlja and Prijepolje. In Foa, a traffic way leading to Skelani on the river
Drina and further north towards Argentaria and Sirmium branched off,989
while Dubrovaki drum stretched onwards to the mining districts around
Pljevlja and Prijepolje, where existed important urban centers, mun.
S(plonum),990 at the present-day Komine, and the settlement in the presentday Kolovrat. A junction of the several significant communications going
988
989

990

Bojanovski, Prilozi II, 51-59, 65; Bojanovski, Prilozi V, 134-135.

According to one recently conducted research, Municipium Malvesiatium
was located at Skelani. For further information on different opinions regarding the ubication of this municipium and its ager, see: F. Papazoglu, Le
municipium Maluesatium et son territoire, iva antika 7 (1957) 114-122; .
, . , Municipium Malvesiatum ,
12 (1983) 19-55; I. Bojanovski, Bosna i Hercegovina u antiko doba,
Sarajevo 1988, 177-192; . ,
, 17 (1988) 79-90;
Municipium Malvesiatum, Sreberenica 2009.
The appelation municipium S... has been accepted to designate this Roman
settlement. Thanks to a recently discovered epigraphic monument, it is
almost certain that the full name of this municipium was Splonum. See: .
, S.
, 53-54 (2003-2004) 36.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

271

back to the Early Metal Age was in mun. S(plonum). The road connection
to Kolovrat passed across the saddle of Jabuka, where A. Evans uncovered
remains of a milestone. The road towards the upper course of the river Lim
and the present-day Bijelo Polje stretched along the ehotina and across
Kamena Gora.991 Just like mun. S(plonum), the settlement at Kolovrat was
an important road junction. The road along the valley of Lim passed by
that site, as did the roads leading towards Peter and Novi Pazar.992
On the Plateau of Peter, somewhere around Sjenica, Dubrovaki
drum and Bosanski drum joined, and from that point continued
downwards towards the valley of Raka.993 The road section stretching
across the Plateau of Peter passed, most likely, by the site of Velika
Gradina, at the village of Vrsenica, where remains of a fortification built
in the early fourth century to offer protection on this important traffic
road are still visible.994 After Sjeniko polje, the road proceded further on
towards Novi Pazar, where a beneficiarius consularis station was built to
secure communications with the neighbouring mining areas.995 A traffic
991

992
993
994

995

It is probable that a road stretched from the valley of Lim towards northern
Metohija. See: E. erkov, Rimljani na Kosovu i Metohiji, Beograd 1969, 48
(= erkov, Rimljani).
For further information regarding the route connecting Epidauros with the
valley of Raka, see: Bojanovski, Prilozi V, 91, 96, 99, 108, 111, 113.
Bojanovski, Prilozi V, 96, 115, 119, 142.
For further information on this fortification, see: M. Popovi, V. Biki,
Vrsenice. Kasnoantiko i srpsko ranosrednjovekovno utvrenje, Beograd
2009. (= Popovi, Vrsenice)
There are two different opinions on the route of the road that led from
Sjeniko polje to Novi Pazar. According to one, the road turned towards
arski kr and went on across the slopes of Golija. On this road, known as
Stari Kraljev put (The old kings road), remains of fortifications in arski kr
(the fifth-sixth century), and at Gradina in the village of Radalica (sixth century) were discovered. Its route changed to a certain extent during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it led southwards via Duga Poljana, along
Pastrmac and reached the valley of the river Ljudska. According to recent
findings, the main communication line that led from the Plateau of Peter
to Novi Pazar stretched along late antique fortifications in Tuzinj, Trojan
and Ramoevo, then passed through Kotam polje and, above Sopoani,
descended into the Raka valley. See: . ,
, 21/1 (1971) 265, 269. (= ,
); . , ,
23 (1984) 95-105; . -,

, 15 (1991) 40, 42 (= , ); Popovi, Vrsenice, 124-125.

272

Vladeta Petrovi

road led towards the rich mining district of Golija, following the valley of
the river Deevska, and went along the valley of Moravice towards Arilje
and Poega. The road from Novopazarska Banja led towards the mines of
Rogozina, and onwards to Municipium DD (at the site of the present-day
Soanica), via Vuja Lokva, Zminjak, Plakaonica, and along the valley of
the river Grkajska.996 The road leading towards the east began at the valley
of Ibar, and reached Naissus across Kopaonik and the valley of the river
Toplica.997
From Municipium DD an extension of one of the most important
vertical main roads in the Balkan Peninsula stretched along the river Ibar
and connected the Adriatic coast and central Bosnia with the south of the
Balkan Peninsula. Coming in from the north-west, it cut through the plain
of Kosovo and led to the colony of Scupi in the valley of the river Vardar,
via Slatina, Kosovska Mitrovica, Vuitrn and Kaanik.998 The rich mines
around Soanica were connected with the valley of Vardar and
Thessalonica, which is why we may even call it via metallica.999 From Scupi
(the present-day Skoplje), the major section of the road passed through the
valley of Vardar, via the stations Presidio, Ad Cephalon, Gurbita, Stopis,
996

997

998

999

According to E. erkov, the road connecting Novi Pazar with Kosovska

Mitrovica passed via Rogozna and along the river Banjska. Cf: E. erkov,
Rimljani, 46; , , 265-266; , , 44.
From the valley of river Ibar, the road passed close to the present-day
village of ipaina, then led across the mountain range of Kopaonik and
descended into the villages of erekare and Sudimlje. The sites Gradina Lisina, Gradina Konuli, Gradina Kaznovie and the fortification of
erekari confirm the existence of this road. More extensively on this issue:
. ,
, 54 (2007) 43-62; . ,
. ,
55 (2007) 45-62; . , ,
57 (2008) 29-58.
This road led down the valley of Ibar towards a smaller settlement from the
Antiquity situated in the vicinity of Kosovska Mitrovica and the station
Vicianum, from where it passed through the gorge of Kaanik onto Scupi.
Along this route, there were beneficiarii consularis stations at Slatina, near
Soanica, at Kosovska Mitrovica, Vuitrn and Kaanik. In the vicinity of
Kaanik, an inscription was discovered that confirms the existence of a
beneficiarii station, which protected the entrance to the gorge of Kaanik,
and of a customs station at the present-day Runjevo. See: erkov, Rimljani,
46-47; , , 265-266, 268; . ,
, 1999, 225.
S. Duani, The Princeps, 11.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

273

Antigona (Asigonia), Stenae, Idomenia, Tauriana, Gallicuma and finally

reached Thessalonica.1000
A great number of local roads stretching from settlements and
mines far from the main communication system, flowed into this main
communication line.1001 An important side road stretched along the left
bank of the river Beli Drim, connecting the settlements lying in the northern part of Metohija with the settlements in Prizrensko polje. At
Zlokuani and Klina, it joined the road leading along the northern rim of
Metohija and mainly followed the route of the modern road Kosovska
Mitrovica Pe.1002
The most important junction in Kosovo was at the station
Vicianum where the aforementioned route Municipium DD Scupi Thessalonica intersected the communication way Naissus Lissus, which
was the shortest possible connection from the Imperial capital with the
central Balkans and the Danubian valley. According to Tabula
Peutingeriana, the road linking Naissus and Kosovo stretched along the
valley of the river Toplica and passed by the stations Ad Herculem,
Hammeum, Ad Fines and Vindenis. From Vicianum, this traffic road
reached the Adriatic coast via Theranda, Gabuleum, Creveni and Ad
Picarias.1003 The same source indicated that in the vicinity of the present-day
1000
1001

1002
1003

. , , 1957, 82 (=
, ).
Roads that led from Ulpiana and the settlements in the vicinity of the
present-day Pritina joined this route as well. See: ,
, 268.
erkov, Rimljani, 47-48.
Ad Herculem was located at the site of Glavinska uka, in the vicinity of
the present-day itoraa; archaeological excavations have confirmed the
existence of a fortification lying on this location. Hammeum (Acmeon)
was situated at the foothill of Hisar, at the site Latinska crkva, in Prokuplje.
Ad Fines was situated in the vicinity of the present-day Kurumlija, where
remains of Roman structures and a necropolis with constructed tombs,
dating from the Late Antiquity, were researched. The station Vindenae
was located in the vicinity of Podujevo, in the surroundings of the village
of Glavnik, where the remains of a settlement, villas and an antique
necropolis from the third or the fourth century were discovered.
Vicianum was probably situated in the vicinity of Ulpiana, near Ugljar or
aglavica. Most of the researchers decided that the route of the following
section of the road should be based on the geo-physical features of the
terrain; so, the stations Theranda and Gabuleum have not been localized up
to the present. The first station was on the territory of Metohija, around
Suva Reka or Ljubida. The road most likely passed through Prizren, where

274

Vladeta Petrovi

Prokuplje, at Hammeum, a road branched off southwards, towards Scupi

and the Aegean Sea.1004 This traffic road passed close to Iustiniana Prima, at
the present-day Leban, across the mountain of Goljak and close to the
riversource of the Juna Morava, and at Runjevo, it joined the road coming from Vicianum, or maybe the road reached Scupi via Bujanovac,
Ristovac and Kumanovo. Most probably, several routes stretched towards
south from Naissus, which is why it is not possible to establish with certainty, at this time, which of these routes did the compiler of Tabula
Peutingeriana have in mind.1005
* * *
The branched road system played an important role in the
expansion of Roman domination, but would turn out to be one of the
weakest points in the defence of the Empire upon the arrival of Huns on
the eastern frontiers of Europe in the second half of the fourth century.
Barbarian tribes used this dense and well-maintained road network lying
along natural communication ways for their rapid incursions into the
Balkan provinces and further into the west. Built as a solid logistical base
to facilitate the military expansion and secure peace in the conquered and
pacified areas, Roman roads (at least, the most important ones) became in
the centuries that followed arteries through which travelled not only
marauders, but different bands of immigrants.

1004

1005

a Roman inscription was discovered. The road crossed the river Beli Drim
at the village of koze, where a beneficiarii station stood. Gabuleum was
most probably located in the province of Dalmatia, just like Creveni and Ad
Picarias. Creveni was at the site of the present-day Spa, while Ad Picarias
stood at the site of the present-day Puka. See: erkov, Rimljani, 43-46;
, , 269; , , 87-95.
According to M. Mirkovi, due to the limited space, the branching of the
road to the Vardar valley was incorrectly mapped out in Tabula
Peutingeriana: instead of the station Viciano, the station Hammeo was
marked. According to the number and sequence of stations on the direction
Scupi Stobi, established by F. Papazoglu, M. Mirkovi reconstructed the
section Naissus Scupi. In her opinion, it was not in the station Hammeum,
but in Viciano, that the road branched off and led to Scupi, via Kaanik and
the stations Anausaro, Ad Fines and Ad Hercule. See: ,
, 82; . , Naissus-Scupi
Ad Fines, iva antika 10 (1960) 252-253.
erkov, Rimljani, 48-49; , , 100.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

275

A time of centuries-long insecurity set upon the Balkan provinces,

and on the roads that traversed and connected them, when the first bands
of the Goths and Alans crossed into the Empires territory in 376.
With the help of the roadguides, of the miners from the Thracian
tribe Bessi, and of the Germanic turncoats from the Roman mercenary
army, the barbarian hosts ravaged almost the entire diocese of Thrace,
except for towns and fortifications. Two years later, after the Roman army
had suffered defeat at Hadrianopolis, the Empire fell into an almost insurmountable crisis. The Gothic bands had reached Perinthus and
Constantinople, and then effortlessly penetrated into Illyricum, upon the
retreat of the Roman forces from the gorge of Succi, the most important
strategic point on Via Militaris, and then proceded to ravage almost every
Balkan province.1006 Many roads and road stations that had been reconstructed during the reign of Theodosius I were damaged then.1007
In the decades that followed, incursions across the lower Danube
continued, which, among other things, caused complete insecurity on the
terrestrial communications in the Balkan Peninsula.1008 In their forays,
which reached the Julian Alps and the Pannonian regions, the Goths
moved along the main Roman roads in the lands between the valleys of
Sava, Drava and Danube.1009 The Ostrogoths would use the same routes to
move in 488, as would the Langobards a century after them on their way
to Italy, together with other peoples from Pannonia.1010
Unlike the Gothic forays that harmed mostly smaller settlements
and road stations, the Balkan provinces fared far worse in the Hunnic
onslaught. The Hunnic units captured a series of towns and fortifications
on their campaign in the years 441/442 and 447, while advancing along
Via Militaris and the Danubian limes. Viminatium was first to fall, followed by Singidunum and Sirmium. Having continued their incursions
along the valley of Morava, the Hunnic host captured Margum and
Naissus. Ratiaria and Aecus on the limes and on the road trailing along the
Danube towards the Black Sea, were razed the following year.1011 An even
1006
1007
1008

1009
1010
1011

Jireek, Vojna cesta, 112.

, , 37.
Because of the complete insecurity in Thrace, the envoys from the Eastern
Roman Empire to the Huns left Constantinople and reached Aquileia by sea,
and from Aquileia they arrived to Pannonia via the old Roman road. See: H.
Graanin, Huni i juna Panonija, Scrinia Slavica 5 (2005) 23 (= Graanin, Huni).
Graanin, Huni, 9-13.
Anti, Juna Panonija, 140, 163.
Graanin, Huni, 32.

276

Vladeta Petrovi

more devastating ravage happened in 447, when the Huns entered Thrace
using the aforementioned traffic road, stopping only at Thermopilae in
Thessaly.1012 At least seventy towns were seized then, among which the
colonies on the Danube, Serdica, Filippopolis, and Arkadiopolis (Bergule)
situated on Via Militaris. About the horrendous wasteland the Hunnic
troops left in their wake, we may read in the report of Priscus on the
Byzantine diplomatic mission to Attila in 448. The envoys traveled along
Via Militaris, without a single remaining road station, and Serdica and
Naissus in ruins.1013
Since the barbaric incursions took place along the main roads, it
was essential for the Empire to, besides fortifying the limes, preserve and
protect the main road junctions. That is the reason why Justinian was
particulary active in his construction endeavours around Ni, where the
two main directions of barbarian forays met, one being the valley of
Morava and the other the valley of Timok. Thirty two new forts were built
and seven restored in the vicinity of this important Balkan junction.1014
Such measures reflected the official state strategy to consolidate the state
authority in the northern Illyricum and its limes,1015 which played a key
role in Justinians defence system of the Balkan Peninsula. Already in the
early 530s, a significant number of borderline fortifications was restored or
built, while the first signs of building activity can be noticed in the
Illyricums interior. The beginning of construction activity in this area was
marked by the foundation of Iustiniana Prima, significant not only for its
military role, but also as a symbol of novelties introduced into the
organization of governance in the prefecture of Illyricum.
The main phase of the comprehensive and lengthy fortification
works in the northern and central Balkans was the extension of limesfortifying efforts, which was finished by 554. But the construction works
1012
1013
1014

1015

H. Graanin, Ilirik u Marcelinovoj Kronici, Ekonomska i ekohistorija 1/1

(2004) 17-18.
Jireek, Vojna cesta, 113-114.
The area around Naissus is distinct, since it was only in that area that the
number of newly-erected fortifications was greater than that of restored
ones. See: . , , 2008, 43. (=
, )
On the right bank of the Danube, between the confluence of the Poreka
river and the Timok, more than 20 fortifications dating from the Early
Byzantine period have been archaeologically examined. More extensively
on this issue: P. pehar, Materijalna kultura iz ranovizantijskih utvrenja u
erdapu, Beograd 2010.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

277

came too late and were undertaken either as a reaction to the assaults they
should have preceded, or were conducted simultaneously with those
attacks.1016
The multitude of fortifications did not prevent the Slavic tribes
from invading or settling the Balkans in the first half of the seventh century. Their forces posed a threat to the Empire during Justinians reign,
with almost every part of eastern Illyricum being in their way.1017 By the
time the Avars took over the Pannonian basin, these assaults were carried
out in equal measure by the Pannonian and the "Valachian" Slavs. The
first of these raids were mostly for pillaging.1018 On their campaigns into
Thrace, the Slavic forces crossed the lower Danube, but they flooded the
traffic ways in the valleys of Morava and Timok when raiding eastern
parts of Illyricum.1019 During their campaign of 548, the Slavs advanced all
the way to Dyrrachium. But the pinnacle of this campaign into Thrace
happened two years after, when the town of Topeiros, on the Aegean
coast, was seized. An exceptionally massive incursion was undertaken in
the second half of the year 550/51 throughout the wide area from
Adrianople to Bosnia, during which the Slavs, for the first time, overwintered in the Balkans.1020
With the arrival of the Avars in Pannonia in 567/68, the Pannonian
Slavs lost their independence, but continued participating in the military
campaigns against Byzantium, now within the Avar army. Unlike the
Pannonian Slavs, the "Valachian" Slavs1021 kept their independence and were
1016
1017

1018
1019

1020
1021

, , 27-28, 41-44.
For further information on the relations between the Slavs and the Avars,
see: . , - 559578. , 42/43 (1997) 227-236; T. ivkovi,
Forging Unity. The South Slavs between East and West 550-1150, Belgrade
2008, 7-29 (= ivkovi, Forging Unity).
. , , 2000, 49-50 (= ,
).
According to Lj. Maksimovi, the campaigns of 548 and 550/51 were undertaken by the "Valachian" Slavs, who, after having crossed the Danube at the
borderline with Illyricum, proceded with their penetration via the valley of
Timok on their way to Naissus. Yet another opinion was presented by T.
ivkovi, who claims that the Slavs from Pannonia participated in the
aforementioned military campaigns, and reached Naissus by Via militaris.
Cf: , , 50-51; , , 38.
, , 37-38.
More extensively on the "Valachian" Slavs, see: ivkovi, Forging Unity,
45-70.

278

Vladeta Petrovi

crossing the river Danube either as Avar confederates or on their own

accord until 586, and starting from 588 in a wholly independent manner.1022
After the downfall of the Gepid Kingdom and the fall of Sirmium to
the Avars in 582, commences an uninterrupted Slavic penetration into the
Balkan Peninsula and the wider area around the river Danube. During the
ninth decade of the sixth century, the Slavic troops besieged Thessalonica
twice, and the Avars razed a considerable number of towns on the limes and
along the river Danube.1023 To the west, the Slavic hosts moved along the
valleys of rivers Sava and Drava, heading towards Dalmatia and what used
to be the province of Noricum, up to the very frontier of the Apennine
Peninsula. They pushed towards Italy in directions east west and north
south, moving along the courses of the rivers Sava, Drava and Mura; into the
Dalmatian hinterland they descended by moving along the tributaries of the
Sava. Using the old Roman traffic road that overlapped with the ancient
Amber Road, they captured Petovion, Celeia and Emona in 587.1024 From the
Ljubljana valley, the Slavs advanced further into Friuli, passing through the
mountain pass of Postojna Gate.1025 The question regarding the route the
Avars took during their incursion into Dalmatia in 597 still remains open.
The prevailing opinion holds that the Avar and Slavic forces advanced along
the ancient Roman traffic road that connected Sirmium with Salona, but
there is an opinion that they used the road stretching along the river Sava,
and then the road Servitium Salona.
The devastation of towns in Illyricum and the displacement of the
Romaion population opened space for Slavic colonization of the Balkans,
which began during the Emperor Heraclius reign (610-641).1026 The
"Valachian" Slavs inundate the territory from the lower Danube towards
south-west, all the way to southern Albania. A decade later, the Pannonian
Slavs settled the valleys of Timok, Morava and Vardar, gradually descending towards Scupi. It is impossible to determine the names of all the Slavic
tribes that settled the central and western areas of the Balkan Peninsula,
but the two paramount ones, whose arrival marked the end of centurieslong Slavic migrations, were the Serbs and the Croats. As imperial
1022
1023
1024
1025
1026

, , 57.
. , , 2002,
177-182 (= , ).
H. Graanin, Slaveni u ranosrednjovjekovnoj junoj Panoniji, Scrinia
Slavica 8 (2008) 24-26.
I. Goldstain, Bizant na Jadranu, Zagreb 1992, 81 (= Goldstain, Bizant).
, , 50-51, 57.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

279

foederati, they crossed into the imperial territories to prevent further Avar
incursions. At the same time, the area north of the line Dyrrachium
Thessalonica Hadrianopolis came under the control of these two and
several other, smaller Slavic tribes.1027
At the time of Slavic colonization, the great centers of the Late
Antiquity were already deserted, and the mining centers of central Bosnia
died out in the mid-fifth century during the destructive Hunnic campaign.1028 This discontinuity of the urban life is one of the most prominent
features of the Balkan hinterland, but the duration of the discontinuity
differs from place to place. In the central parts of the Peninsula, which
were intersected by the most important communication lines stretching
along the valleys of Morava and Vardar, a number of Roman settlements
continued to exist throughout the Middle Ages: Singidunum in Belgrade,
Viminatium in Branievo, Naissus in Ni, Ulpiana in Lipljan, Scupi in
Skoplje. By restoring its authority over this area in the eleventh century,
the Empire endeavoured to revive these urban centres, which it organized
as hubs of its administrative system and political and cultural influence.1029
Unlike in the Peninsulas interior, the Romaion population
managed to survive in smaller towns and settlements on the Adriatic coast.
With the marginalization of the traffic ways in the Western Balkan interior,
taken or jeopardized by the barbarians, the sea lane along the Adriatic
coast, the so-called limes maritimus, became crucial.1030 At the same time,
the breakdown of the terrestrial communication system condemned
Salona, the capital of the province, to the loss of its economic importance,
while Split and Trogir rose to pre-eminence, due to their considerably
more favourable position on the maritime route stretching along the
eastern Adriatic coast. A string of settlements of a new kind emerged along
the route, specific for their strategic and defensive function. Besides the
ancient ports, the "emporia", such as Split, Trogir and Zadar, and besides
the newly-built settlements with harbours and harbour buildings within
their walls, a series of new fortifications were built away from the sea, in
the places allowed for the surveillance of the transport carried out on the
1027
1028
1029
1030

Extensively on the settling of the Serbs and the Croats, including relevant
bibliography: , , 274-314.
, , 266.
. , , , .
, 1997, 259-260.
For more detailed information regarding this road, see: Goldstain, Bizant,
29-59.

280

Vladeta Petrovi

main maritime road.1031 This sea lane functioned in the tenth century as
well, when Constantine Porphyrogenitos wrote about it and the
Dalmatian towns inhabited by the Romaion population.1032
Besides the information on maritime settlements and the
"Romaioi", the Emperors treatise De administrando imperio mentions
many towns situated in the areas inhabited by the Serbs and the Croats.
Quite a lot of these towns were located, such as those in the maritime Serb
regions in Travunia1033 (Terbounia,1034 Ormos,1035 Rhisena,1036 Loukabetai,1037
Zetlibi 1038), in Zachlumia/Zahumlje 1039 (Stagnon, 1040 Mokriskik, 1041
1031
1032

1033

1034

1035

1036

1037

1038

1039
1040
1041

Goldstein, Bizant, 31, 58, 91.

The following towns were mentioned as the inhabited Romaion towns:
Kotor, Raguza, Split, Trogir and Zadar, as well as Arba (Rab), Vekla (Krk)
and Opsara (Cres), lying on the eponymous islands. See:
II, 1959, 13 (=
II).
Chapter XXXIV in the treatise De Administrando Imperio focuses on
Travunia. See: Constantine Porphyrogenitus De administrando imperio
(edd. G. Moravcsik, R. J. H. Jankins), Washington 1967, c. 34 (= DAI).
Terbounia is the present-day town of Trebinje in Herzegovina. See:
II, 63; T. ivkovi, Constantine Porphyrogenituss
kastra oikoumena, Istorijski asopis 57 (2008) 12 (= ivkovi, Kastra
oikoumena).
Ormos was the medieval town of Vrm in Herzegovina. See:
II, 63; . ,
, 37 (1998)
15 (= , ); A. Loma, Serbisches und
Kroatisches sprachgut bei Konstantin Porphyrogennetos, 38 (2000)
114 (= Loma, Sprachgut); ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 12.
Rhisena is the present-day town of Risan, lying in the bay of Boka Kotorska.
See: II, 63; , , 15;
Loma, Sprachgut, 115; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 12.
Loukabetai has not been localized with certainty. It was either at the
location of Luka, in the vicinity of Trebinje, or on the hill of Lukavac, lying
between Bilea and Nevesinje. See: II, 63; Loma,
Sprachgut, 113; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 12.
Zetlibi has not been localized with certainty. Its possible locations are: the
village Necvijee in Herzegovina, Stolivo in the bay of Boka Kotorska, or the
village etoljubi in eastern Herzegovina. See: II, 63;
Loma, Sprachgut, 110; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 12.
Chapter XXXIII of De administrando imperio speaks of Zahumlje. See: DAI,
c. 33.
Stagnon is the present-day town of Ston. See: II, 61;
ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
Mokriskik was most likely located in the vicinity of Mokro, near Mostar. See:
II, 61; Loma, Sprachgut, 114; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

281

Iosli,1042 Galoumainik,1043 Dobriskik1044) and in Pagania (Mokron,1045 Beroullia,1046

Ostrok1047 and Lavinetza1048), Doclea/Duklja (Gradetai,1049 Nougrade,1050
Lontodokla1051) as well as Croatia1052 (Nona,1053 Belegradon,1054 Belitzin,1055

1042

1043

1044
1045

1046

1047

1048

1049

1050

1051

1052
1053
1054
1055

Iosli was located at the site of the present-day village of Olje, near Ston.
II, 61; Loma, Sprachgut, 110-111; ivkovi, Kastra
oikoumena, 11.
Galoumainik was located at the site of the present-day village of Glumin or
Golubnica. See: II, 61; Loma, Sprachgut, 105-106;
ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
Dobriskik most likely represented the medieval Dabar. See:
II, 61; Loma, Sprachgut, 110; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
Mokron was located at the site of the present-day town of Makarska. See:
II, 65 , , 16; ivkovi,
Kastra oikoumena, 13.
Beroullia was most likely situated in the vicinity of Vrulja, although certain
authors consider it was located in the proximity of the present-day
settlement of Brelo. See: II, 65; ,
, 16; Loma, Sprachgut, 107; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 13.
Ostrok was most probably located at the site of Zaostroga, in the vicinity of
Makarska. See: II, 65; ,
, 16; Loma, Sprachgut, 114; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 13.
Lavinetza or Slavinetza has not been localized with certainty. This town
might have been located at the site of Gradac, just outside the delta of the
Neretva, but also at the site of Lobane, Lapanj. See:
II, 65; , , 16; Loma, Sprachgut, 116;
ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 13.
Gradetai has not been localized, but was most probably situated at Grblje, in
the bay of Boka Kotorska. See: II, 64; ,
, 22; Loma, Sprachgut, 108; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 12.
Nougrade has not been definitely localized. It was probably located near
Gradac and the village Prevlaka, or in the surroundings of the present-day
town of Budva. See: II, 64; ,
, 22; Loma, Sprachgut, 114; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 12.
The town Lontodokla has not been localized. However, there is a possibility
that it was situated in the vicinity of the antique Dioclea. See:
II, 64; , , 23; Loma, Sprachgut, 113;
ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 12.
Chapters XXX and XXXI of De administrando imperio speak of the Croats.
See: DAI, cc. 30, 31.
Nona is the present-day Nin. See: Loma, Sprachgut, 114; ivkovi, Kastra
oikoumena, 10.
Belgradon is the present-day town of Biograd. See: II,
44; Loma, Sprachgut, 106; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 10.
Belitzin has not been localized. See: II, 44; Loma,
Sprachgut, 107; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 10.

282

Vladeta Petrovi

Skordona,1056 Hlebena,1057 Stolpon,1058 Tenin,1059 Kori,1060 Klaboka1061). The

only town in the interior that was indentified is Salines (the present-day
Tuzla), whereas the localities of Destinikon, Tzernabouskei, Megyretous,
Dresneik, Lesnik, Katera and Desnik still remain unknown.1062
Writing about the areas settled by the Serbs and the Croats,
Constantine Porphyrogenitos probably used an unknown Latin source
regarding the ecclesiastical organization in the western Balkans. Relying
on this source, Porphyrogenitos included into his treatise lists of settled
towns that means lists of towns with ecclesiastical organization and
belonging to the Christian oikoumene.1063 Additionally, the towns Bona,
Hum, Ras and Duklja were mentioned specifically when certain events are
described. These towns obviously existed at the time when this work was
written, but were not part of the ecclesiastical organization spoken of by
the unknown author.1064
As the the list of towns of Croatia, Zachlumia, Pagania and
Travunia opens with the mention of the episcopal centers Nin, Ston,
Mokro and Trebinje, we can claim, with great certainty, that Gradetai and
Destinikon were the ecclesiastical centres of Doclea and Serbia.1065
After the new settlers arrived and the terrestrial traffic between
the East and the West ceased, most of the Balkan Peninsula fell out of sight
for the contemporaries in other parts of Europe.

Via Egnatia, "Via militaris" and the road through Corinth, the
three main routes that connected the eastern capital of the Empire with
1056
1057
1058
1059
1060
1061
1062
1063
1064
1065

Skordona is the present-day Skradin. See: II, 44; Loma,

Sprachgut, 115; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
Hlebena is the present-day Livno. See: II, 44; Loma,
Sprachgut, 117; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
Stolpon might be the present-day Stupin. See: II, 44;
Loma, Sprachgut, 116; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
Tenin is the present-day Knin. See: II, 44; ivkovi,
Kastra oikoumena, 10.
Kori is the present-day town of Karin. See: II, 44;
Loma, Sprachgut, 112; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
The town of Klaboka has not been localized. See: II,
44; Loma, Sprachgut, 111; ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 11.
II, 58; Loma, Sprachgut, 109-113, 115-116; ivkovi,
Kastra oikoumena, 11.
ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 18-19.
DAI, c. 32.50, c. 33.10, c. 35.10.
ivkovi, Kastra oikoumena, 25-26.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

283

the West, fell out of use in that time; in the period between 700 and 866,
Italy was connected with Constantinople exclusively by sea. In the middle
of the ninth century, regular traffic was re-established on these roads. The
ancient Roman road Via Militaris, now connected Constantinople with
Great Moravia and became known as the Moravian way, which is its name
in the Pannonian legend, too.1066 Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos
provided information on this road, too; probably relying on an anonymous
itinerary from the tenth century, according to which the journey from
Thessalonica to Belgrade lasted eight days, from Belgrade to Trajans bridge
three days, and from Belgrade to Sirmium two days.1067 However, after only
thirty years, wars with Bulgaria and the arrival of the Hungarians once again
brought an end to the re-established circulation of people and goods.1068
As the travelers on the Balkan roads did not travel great distances,
or journeyed from one part of Europe to another, during this long time of unrest
and uncertainty, reports on the condition of the terrestrial communications
in the areas recently settled by the Slavic tribes are scarce. However,
certain directions of the roads built in the Antiquity were used later on,
during the late medieval ages and after the Ottoman conquest. It leads to
the conclusion that the new populations must have maintained the roads
they had found, at least to a measure.1069 As the important Roman traffic ways
stretched along the routes of the most favourable natural communications,
a considerable part of the ancient road network remained preserved.1070
On the other hand, the local population kept using the benefits
of the already existing roads that connected regions and settlements. In
1066

1067
1068
1069

1070

, , 125; M. McCormick, Origins of the European

Economy. Communications and Commerce AD 300-900, Cambridge 2001,
68-69 (= McCormick, Origins); M. McCormick, Byzantium on the Move,
Travel in the Byzantine World, Aldershot and Burlington 2002, 27-28 (=
McCormick, Byzantium); . , . ,
2006, 309 (= , ).
See: DAI, 40.30, 42.15; , , 40.
McCormick, Origins, 68-69; McCormick, Byzantium, 27-28.
That way, the routes of the medieval Bosanski drum and Dubrovaki drum
corresponded, for the best part, to the routes of the ancient Roman roads.
The situation is similar regarding the majority of the routes that intersected
the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. More extensively on this issue:
, , 62-75, 103-109, 123-128, 128-131.
Archaeological findings recently uncovered underneath the road stones of the
road section near the present-day Dimitrovgrad yield further information
about Via militaris in the Middle Ages. See: , , 54.

284

Vladeta Petrovi

certain cases, the new population took hold of Antique or Early Byzantine
forts that controlled the roads and settled them. In a later period, these
traffic roads were called ancient roads, long roads or imperial roads in
Serbian sources, while documents in Latin and Italian designate them as
via regis and la via antica.1071
Still, the ancient road network began gradually dilapidating, for
the lack of systematic maintanance. This led to a reorganization of the
terrestrial traffic that underwent changes in scope, means of transport,
transported goods, distances, etc. The disappearance of the well-organized
state postal system reflected upon the quality and safety of both goods
transportation and human travel.1072 The most important change was
transition from carriages, used on well-maintained and paved Roman
roads, to draft animals, convenient for transportation of goods on shorter
relations and by roads of poorer quality.1073 This transition took place
already during the sixth century in the southern and eastern regions of the
former Roman Empire. That is how caravan transport became the
predominant form of traffic between the Adriatic coast and the Balkan
hinterland throughout the Middle Ages. However, carriage transport was
in use in the interior, especially in the plains and the less hilly terrains - in
the valleys of Morava and Lim, in Hvosno and in Kosovo; that is also
evident from the expressions such as kolnik, voznik and kolovoz, attested
in the Late Medieval documents.1074
One of the roads still suitable for carriage transport was the
ancient Roman Via militaris, used by Hungarian and German merchants
to transport craft goods, luxury fabrics and Oriental spices.1075
The consolidation of the Byzantine rule in the Balkan Peninsula in
the early eleventh century, and the spread of Christianity in Hungary, led to
a more intensive use of the road connecting Belgrade with Constantinople,
which became the Road of Pilgrims, the shortest possible connection
between Europe and the Holy Land. Groups of pilgrims traveling this road
were becoming bigger and bigger, and were soon followed by the Crusader
armies in 1096, 1147 and 1189. After having left Belgrade, these travelers
reached the thick "Bulgarian forests" and swampy areas lying between
1071
1072
1073
1074
1075

, , 18.
The Byzantine Empire preserved, in a certain form, the state postal system
as late as the eleventh century. See: McCormick, Origins, 75.
McCormick, Origins, 76, 402.
, , 14-17.
, , 309.

Terrestrial Communications in the Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages

285

Branievo and Ravno that slowed down their movement, partly because of
the bad condition of particular road sections, and partly because of the reoccurring conflicts with the local population.1076 The pilgrimages to the
Holy Land were undertaken more and more from the mid-eleventh
century and onwards.1077 At the same time, the forces of the Pechenegs
ravaged the valley of Velika Morava, and the areas lying between the
rivers Danube and the Hemus, through which led the shortest road to
Constantinople. St. Lietbertus, bishop of Cambrai, encountered the
Pecheneg forces on his pilgrimage in 1054.1078 Ten years later, German
prelates led several thousand pilgrims on the so-called Great German
Pilgrimage. After having crossed the river Morava, they found themselves
in constant danger of thieves and bandits throughout their entire journey,
all the way until Constantinople.1079
Equally unfavourable were the conditions on the roads in the hinterland of the Adriatic coast. In his description of the campaign of the
count Raymond IV of Toulouse, Raymond dAgil wrote of a 40-day long,
onerous journey through Slavonia. According to his words, Slavonia was a
deserted mountainous land deprived of roads. The savage population did
not engage in contact with the Crusader army, but fled their villages and
fortifications, and attacked the exhausted travelers who followed the
army. It was particularly difficult to undertake a counter-assault on the
mountainous terrain covered with dense forests.1080
In their negotiations with the Crusader leaders, the Byzantine
rulers tried to prevent the pillage and the conflict with local population in
1076

1077
1078

1079

1080

K. Belke, Roads and Travel in Macedonia and Thrace in the Middle and Late
Byzantine Period, Travel in the Byzantine World, Aldershot and Burlington
2002, 79-81 (= Belke, Roads).
S. Runciman, The Pilgrimages to Palestina Before 1095, A History of
Crusades (ed. K. Setton), London 1969, 76 (= Runciman, Pilgrimages).
More extensively on this pilgrimage: . ,
.
XI , 59 (2010) 59-75.
These were: Sigfridus archiepiscopus Moguntiacensis, Wilelmus episcopus
Traiectensis, Otto episcopus Ratibonensis and Guntherius praesul
Babenpergensis. See: Annales Altahenses Maiores, Scriptores Rerum
Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum ex Monumentis Germaniae Historicis
recusi, Hannoverae 1890, 66-67.
A. C. Krey, The First Crusade. The Accounts of Eyewitnesses and
Participants, Princeton 1921, 64-67; . ,
. O
, (
13-15. 1995), 1996, 118-119.

286

Vladeta Petrovi

the areas these armies had to pass through, as well as the conflict with the
local population, by promising to allow the free passage and to provide
undisturbed supply.1081 But such conflicts would unavoidably follow each
in every campaign. Multitudes of crusaders had been passing through the
Balkan Peninsula for more than a century, frequently leaving devastation
in their wake; it was only in 1204 that they directed all their forces
towards the splendour of Constantinople, which they would be despoiling
throughout the decades that were to follow.
With the fall of Constantinople in the Fourth Crusade, the
centralized state that had succeeded, after centuries of efforts, to regain
control over the most significant communication routes of the Balkans over Via Egnatia and Via Militaris - ceased to exist.1082 Even after the
Reconquista of Michael VIII, these traffic ways did not come entirely under
the Byzantine control, as much of the lands they passed through were by
then within the realm of the Serbian and the Bulgarian medieval states.

1081

1082

To stop that, the emissaries of the Emperor Isaac II Angelos signed an agreement with Friedrich I Barbarossa in Nurnberg in 1188. Friedrich I
Barbarossa arrived with his troops in Belgrade on the 29th of June, 1189. See:
, , 314.
Belke, Roads, 82.

287

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in

Bohemia, Poland and Russia
IRENA CVIJANOVI

Development of settlements on the territory of Bohemia, Slovakia,

Poland and Russia in the arly Middle Ages was shaped by different political, historical and economical conditions.1083 Comparison between written
sources and archaeological finds on the territory of Bohemia, Slovakia and
Poland shows that the Slavs were primarily bearers of Prague-type culture.1084
In Slovakia the Presov-type culture appeared, with close analogies in
1083

1084

A. Gieyzstor, Aux origines de la ville slave: ville de grands, et ville dEtat aux
IXe-XIe sicles, I Miedzynarodowy kongres archeologii sowiaskiej,
Wrocaw - Warszawa - Krakw 1968, 129; . ,

, IV
, 1980, 5-19; . . ,
,
, 1987, 12-31; D. aplovi, New Facts
About the Development of Medieval Rural House in East Slovakia,
Slovenska archeologia XXXV-1, Bratislava 1987; . . ,
,
I, 1987, 7077; . . , ,
II,
1987, 5-12; W. Hensel, Archaeology on the Origins of Polish Towns,
Slovenska archeologia XXXVI-1, Bratislava 1988, 77-84.
H. Brachmann, Slawische Stmme an Elbe und Saale, Zu ihrer Geschichte
und Kultur im 6. bis 10. Jahrhundert-auf Grund archologischer Quellen,
Berlin 1978, 7-20.

290

Irena Cvijanovi

Poland.1085 Based on research of a great number of towns and villages in

ancient Russia, five cultures can be determined: East Slavic culture,
Prague-Korchak, Penkovka, Ipotesti-Candesti and Volincevo culture.1086 In
the forest-steppe areas of Ukraine the widespread cultures are Prague-type,
Penkovka, Zhitomir and Raikovets.1087
The main problem in the research of Early Medieval settlements is
dating them. Relative chronology is mainly based on typological classification of ceramics.1088 The most common type of dwelling were sunken huts
and in addition to them, in Ukraine and South Russia, village huts were
also present. Izba, a form of a rural log cabin, is characteristic of the forest
areas around Novgorod and Moscow.1089 Pile dwellings were built on the
lakes and rivers in Poland. Other than these simple forms of dwellings
were strongholds (gradishta), towns surrounded with walls. As the population expanded, first towns came to be in the open spaces around courts
or within walls.

1085

1086
1087

1088

1089

V. Budinsk-Krika, Nlez staroslovanskej polozemunice v Preove,

Archeologick rozhledy VII, Praha 1955, 494-496, 505-509, 561, 566; V.
Budinsk-Krika, Prspevok k poznaniu vasnostredovekej dediny na
vchodnom Slovensku, Slovenska archeolgia XVIII (1970) 167-188.
. . , - XXIII ., ( ), 1983, 6-15.
. . , ,
I .., 1985, 85-93; . . ,
,
I .., 1985, 85-93; . . , - (
, ),
, 1987, 52-57.
V. Hruby, Zur Typologie der Siedlungsagglomeratione in der
gromrischen Epoche, Miedzynarodowy kongres archeologii sowiaskiej,
Wrocaw-Warszawa-Krakw 1970, 174; . . ,
,
I, 1987, 12-31.
. . , IX-X .
( ).
2 (12). 1984, 3-38.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

291

Types of dwellings
Sunken huts in the forest steppes

Already at the end of the first millennium, sunken huts were widespread throughout the Slavic territories.1090 They were of circular or square
shape - a primitive dwelling, which was essentially a dug-in room with a
hearth in the middle. Its cover was a pitched thatch roof, placed on low
walls made of timber logs and branches, pasted with white clay. The diameter
of pits ranged from 2 m to more than 4 m with vestibule in front. Stairs
dug in the ground were used as entryway.
All the dwellings archaeologists excavated in Moravia (e.g.
Mutjenice or Najdek) and in Kiev area, were small shelters at first, dug in
the ground.1091 Later appeared a kind of rectangular hut - pit house, with
sunken ground. Families no longer lived in spacious, common houses, but
in separate houses built one next to another, as the excavations of the
seventh to ninth century period in the villages of Motomel and
Malocharnia showed.1092
Village houses (huts) in the steppe

Apart from sunken huts, village house (hut) was used in Ukraine
and southern Russia. It was built of unbaked brick and tree branches or
woven reed, and placed directly on the ground. Huts are most often found
in steppes.1093

1090
1091
1092

1093

V. Budinsk-Krika, Nlez staroslovanskej polozemunice v Preove,

Archeologick rozhledy VII, Praha 1955, 494-496.
S. Beebz, D. Buckton, Zd. Klanica, Great Moravia, The Archaeology of
Ninth Century Moravia, London 1982, 17-25.
N. apov, Bolaja i malaja semi na Rusi, VIII-XIII v., Stanovleniea
rannefeodalnix gosudarstv, Kijev 1972, 180-193; I. Ja. Frojanov, Semja i
vervv kievskoj Rusi, Sovetskaja Etnografija 3, 1973.
. . , -
( , ),
,
1987, 52-57; F. Kont, Sloveni. Nastanak i razvoj slovenskih civilizacija u Evropi (VI-XIII vek) I, Beograd 1989, 117.

292

Irena Cvijanovi
Forest izbas

Izba, a rural log cabin, is characteristic in woodland areas in Slavic

lands. Around Novgorod and Moscow, Izba was built immediately on the
ground, or on the columns. It was built of cordwood with beams stacked
one over another in layers.1094 Cold vestibule served as both entrance and
pantry while a masonry stove was in the inner warmed part.
Pile dwellings

Pile dwellings are huts built on timber logs, driven into the bottom
of lakes or rivers. There are many remains of pile dwellings that were discovered in Poland.1095
Courts of princes (knezi)

The construction of wooden walls and ceilings was built on the

foundations made of stone without mortar. A court was a large building
with one main hall and small halls adjacent to it, with many rooms around.
Wealthier Slavic rulers employed foreign masons and artisans. The appearances of the courts can be partially ascertained through the excavations in
the area around Kiev.1096 The court in Prague was reconstructed.1097
Of all the courts, only one was preserved, in Aboba-Pliska.1098 It
was built for a foreign dynasty that ruled the Slavs. The court was fortified
with walls, within which were preserved parts of a stone palace, smaller
buildings also made of stone and remains of a basilican temple.
1094
1095

1096

1097

1098

B. Kerblay, LIsba dhier et daujourdhui, Lozana 1973, 28.

Z. Kurnatowska, A. Losiska, Stan i potrzeby bada nad wczesnym redniowieczem w Wielkopolsce, Stan i potrzeby bada nad wczesnym redniowieczem w Wielkopolsce. Materialy z konferenciji, Pozna 14-16 grudnia 1987 roku, Pozna - Wroclaw - Warszawa 1992, 105-153.
V. I. Mezentsev, The Territorial and Demographic Development of
Medieval Kiev and Other Major Cities of Rus: A Comparative Analyses
Based on Recent Archeological Research, Russian Review 48, No. 2 (Apr.,
1989), 145-154.
M. Goliski, K rekonstrukcji pierwotnych funkcji tyskiego dworu w Pradze,
Wratislavia antiqua 2, redniowieczny lsk i czechy centrum redniowiecznego
miasta Wrocaw a Europa rodkowa, Wrocaw 2000, 126-138.
. ,
, - 10, 2004, 244-252; . ,

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

293

Types of settlements
Gradishta

Other than the previously described simple residences, the Slavs

built circular, oval, quadrangular and triangular forts surrounded by walls
called gradishta.1099 The interior was a suburb divided by transversal ramparts.
On the highest terrace were a court, a shrine and defensive towers. In the
suburb were settlements of the population from the town and the surrounding
area. Sometimes gradishta have long lines of simple embankments and
cuts, so-called snake ramparts, which have been particularly researched in
Bohemia, Poland and Russia.1100
First towns were a type of settlement in transition from rural to
urban. In the first phase, the urban population practiced agriculture and
other professions. They gathered in the open settlements around courts or
within ramparts. Excavations in many parts of Poland, Bohemia and Russia
unearthed so much new material that we may speak of the formation of
towns, accepting the definition of a town as a settlement with independent
economy, compact structure, defensive character, specific position in the
military and administrative system, and existence of law. Towns that served
for permanent and reinforced protection of a large settlement, that is, a
princes seat and a trade centre, had stronger and better built ramparts. The

1099
1100

,
- 10, 2004, 62., . 1.0.
S. Vencl, K problematice fortifikac v archjeologicke, Archeologick
rozhledy XXXV-3, Praha 1983, 284- 315.
. ,
, Slavia Antiqua, Pozna 1962, 113-137;
J. Bhm, B. Havrnek, J. Kolejka, J. Poulk, V. Vanek, Velk Morava,
Tiscilet tradice sttu a kultury, Praha 1963, 56-68; V. Hruby, Zur
Typologie der Siedlungsagglomeratione in der gromrischen Epoche,
Miedzynarodowy kongres archeologii sowiaskiej, Wrocaw - Warszawa Krakw 1970, 174; W. Losiski, J. Olczak i K. Siuchniski, rdla
archeologiczne do studiw nad wczenoredniowiecznym osadnictwem
grodowym na terene wojwdztwa Koszaliskiego IV, Pozna 1971, 158262. . . , , 1995, 284-288.
M. Kuna, N. Profantov, Potky ranho stedovku v echch (The Onset
of the Early Middle Ages in Bohemia), Praha 2005, 319.

294

Irena Cvijanovi

strongest construction of a Slavic town from the end of the tenth century
was discovered during the excavations of Bielgorod on the river Irpen,
west of Kiev.1101 It was built by Vladimir the Great as his court on the trade
route from Kiev through Zhitomir and Galicia, which is why it was
strongly fortified. It is possible to establish the chronology of early towns.
At first they appeared on the territory of Great Moravia, then among Serb
tribes, then around the river Vistula, then among the north-western Slavs,
then in Ruthenia, Bohemia, and at the end among central and northern
Polish tribes.
Rural settlements

Rural settlements are divided in three types: scattered, round or

closely packed. The basic type is scattered, with houses detached from
each other. The closely packed one has village houses adjacent to each
other. Shape of the round type resembles a closed horseshoe with a narrow entrance and a market square in the middle.
Beside the houses were grain pits - barns, holes in the ground with
burnt walls, which were used for preserving food grain. Sometimes they
were dug next to refuse pits.

Habitation among the Slavic peoples

Moravia

A great number of villages, gradishta, and especially towns was

explored in Moravia. Most of the time, gradishta were built on top of
ancient settlements. In the period between the reigns of Mojmir and
Rastislav appeared the following towns: Mikulice, Le, Star Zmky at
Brno-Le, Znojmo, Star Msto, Pohansko u Beclav,1102 Pobedim,
Ducov, Nitra, Devn, Bratislava, Ba. By 874, Moravia expanded and
1101

1102

V. I. Mezentsev, The Territorial and Demographic Development of

Medieval Kiev and Other Major Cities of Rus: A Comparative Analysis
Based on Recent Archaeological Research, Russian Review 48, No. 2 (Apr.,
1989), 165-170.
F. Kalousek, Beclav-Pohansko I, Brno 1971, 103-104; . ,
,
, 1987, 79-85.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

295

took control on the north-west over the towns of L. Hradec, Praha, Stare
Kouim; while on the north-east fell the towns of Krakow, Zemplin and
Feldebr. During the reign of Svatopluk (882-892), Moravia expanded to
the south and gained the towns: Savria, Ostrihom, Omuntesprech, Blatnohrad,
Ptikostolie, Solnik, Uherskho Hradite.1103 Early towns of Stare Kourim,
Levi Hradec and Libice in old Bohemia appeared in the second quarter of
the tenth century.1104 Towns Hradecin and Visehrad were probably separate
fortified centres with urban settlements around them that formed the early
Prague through a merger. Archaeological excavations point to a parallel
existence of two centres in the second quarter of the tenth century.1105
Ibn Rosteh mentioned the town of Djervab, i.e. Djradista/Gradiste,
as the seat of the Moravian ruler Svatopluk.1106 Idrisi refers to Gradishte
(Agridiska) as an important, populated town on the confluence of Morava
into Danube: On the shores of the river Morava are water mils, vineyards
and gardens. Gradishte is a rich merchant town, situated on tilled, fertile
and well-irrigated land with grain. It takes two and a half days to travel
from Gradishte to the town of Neokastro, going down the Danube.
Gradishte is 75 miles away from Belgrade (Belgradun) by land and two
days by river. The two fortified towns of Ravna and Gradishte are also two
days apart by river and 100 miles by land.1107
Mikulice at Hodmine was a very important centre for trade and
craftsmanship.1108 The early urban centre developed in the eighth century
on the foundations of an earlier settlement. Throughout the ninth century it grew to become a large settlement with a surface area of 200 ha. It is
surmised that the centre was comprised of one large fortification with a
surface area of 6 ha and a few smaller ramparts around the suburb settlement populated with warriors, craftsmen, merchants and peasants.1109
1103
1104

1105
1106

1107
1108
1109

J. Dekan, Velka Morava, Bratislava 1976, 71-74.

J. Bhm, B. Havrnek, J. Kolejka, J. Poulk, V. Vanek, Velk Morava,
Tiscilet tradice sttu a kultury, Praha 1963, 56-68; R. Turek, Libice, le
bourgwall princier du Xe sicle, Prague 1966-71, 7-26.
J. Klpt, Z. Smetnka, Z. Dragoun, Stedovke Prahy, Archeologick
rozhledy XXXV-4, Praha 1983, 387-419.
Ibn Rosteh, Kitab al-alk An-Nafisa VII, BGA (ed. De Goeje), LugduniBatavorum (Leiden) 1892, 144; . ,
(IX-XII ) ( ), 2010, 156-157.
Idrisi, Kitab Nuzhat al-Muqat fi Ihtiraq al-Afaq, Bejrut 1989, 882-903.
J. Bhm, B. Havrnek, J. Kolejka, J. Poulk, V. Vanek, Velk Morava,
Tiscilet tradice sttu a kultury, Praha 1963, 56-68.
B. Kavnov, Pozustatky orbz v Mikulich, Archeologick rozhledy XXXVI -4,
Praha 1984, 423-429.

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During the excavations in the suburb more than one hundred log cabins
with clay floors and clay-coated ovens were discovered.1110 Residential
buildings ranged in size from ten to seventy square meters. The town was
built of stone and had ten stone churches of which the basilica with baptistery was the most distinguished one. At the highest point of the fortress
was discovered a rectangular building, possibly a princes court. Remains
of plaster and ornamented stone indicate that the interior of the fortification was elaborately decorated and there are indications that material from
older buildings was reused. Despite the great area the town of Mikulice
seems to have covered, preliminary research make place to estimate the
population below two thousand inhabitants. The size of Mikulice is comparable to most town centres in central Europe and some parts of western
Europe in the eleventh and twelfth century.
Another important trade centre was Star Msto where remains of
stone churches were discovered as well.1111 During the excavations, A.
Zelentiem and L. Niderle discovered at the site named Velehrad a church
with graves beside it, with many movable finds that provided the basis for
dating the site from the second half of the ninth to the first half of the
tenth century. The church was single-naved with a horse-shoe apse, separated
by a triumphal arch. North-west of the church a medieval gradishte with
remains of house foundations made of stone and lime can be seen. V. Hrubi
proposed that a wooden construction was erected on stone foundations.1112
In the place Modr only a ninth century church with rectangular
apse, built on foundations of older church, has been preserved.1113
The whole architecture of the settlement Sadech can be dated to
two phases.1114 The church had an apse on the western side that leant on a
narthex with a crypt, with an adjacent baptistery. Around the church were
1110
1111

1112

1113

1114

. . , , 1995, 284-288.
L. Hrdlika, Centrum ran stedovk Prahy, Wratislavia antiqua 2, redniowieczny lsk i czechy centrum redniowiecznego miasta Wrocaw a
Europa rodkowa, Wrocaw 2000, 191-214.
V. Hruby, Star Msto - Velehrad, stedi z dobz Velikomoravsk ie,
Praha 1964, 7-28; V. Hruby, Stare Mesto - Velkomoravsky Velehrad, Praha
1965, 350-356.
J. Bhm, B. Havrnek, J. Kolejka, J. Poulk, V. Vanek, Velk Morava,
Tiscilet tradice sttu a kultury, Praha 1963, 51-53; J. Lichardus, Zklady
staroslovanskho kostola v Modrej, Slovenska archeolgia LI, Praha 2003,
15-19; I. Richardus, Grundriss einer altslawischen holzkirche von Modra,
Slovenska archeolgia LI, Praha 2003, 109-110.
J. Bhm, B. Havrnek, J. Kolejka, J. Poulk, V. Vanek, Velk Morava,
Tiscilet tradice sttu a kultury, Praha 1963, 54-56.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

297

graves and grave chapel in which a prominent person was buried. The
church was destroyed in a fire at the beginning of the tenth century.
According to V. Hrubeh the new necropolis was established in the latter
half of the eleventh century.
Another well-researched gradishte is Pohansko u Beclav, placed
on the confluence of the river Duje into the Morava.1115 Its surface area is
27 ha. Under the ruins of the gradishte was discovered a single-naved
church 18.6 m long and 7.2 m wide, with painted walls, horse-shoe apse,
narthex and sacristy. Around the church was a necropolis.
In Devin a settlement was discovered that was situated on the confluence of the Morava into the Danube, where today stands Bratislava.1116
According to J. Dekan it was built at the same time as Zvr, in the second
half of the ninth century.1117
At the site of Mikov dvor there are three horizons of occupation
that show Nitra was built in the sixth-seventh century.1118 During the excavations it was ascertained that three construction phases were executed in
the eleventh century: the court, wooden palisade and stone rampart.
Remains of churches were discovered in the town.1119
The town of Libice is situated in the basin of Elba, in central
Bohemia. During the arhaeological excavations remains of a settlement
were dicovered that existed from the eight to the twelfth century on the
location of present-day village, which bears the same name. The town was
the seat of the noble Slavnik family from the ninth to the tenth century.1120
During the excavations of the settlement Bna two horizons were
discovered.1121 In the first horizon, four small village huts from the tenth1115

1116
1117
1118

1119
1120
1121

F. Kalousek, Beclav-Pohansko I, Brno 1971, 103-104; . ,

,
, 1987, 79-85; . . ,
, 1995, 292-294.
V. Plach, Rmerzeitliche besiedlung von Bratislava-Devin, Archeologick
rozhledy XXXVIII-4, Praha 1986, 339.
J. Dekan, Devin a Velk Morava, priroda a spolonost, Praha 1961, 25-29.
G. Fusek, Vasnoslovansk sidlisko v Nitre na Mikovom dvoru, Slovenska
archeolgia XXXIX-1-2, Praha 1991, 281-315. P. Bednar - M. Samuel,
Entwicklung der befeswigung der Nitraer burg im 11. jahrhundert,
Slovenska archeolgia XLIX, Praha 2001, 301-345.
B. Chropovsk, The Situation Archeological of Nitra in the Light of Find,
Historica VIII, Praha 1964, 5-34.
R. Turek, Libice, le bourgwll princier du Xe sicle, Prague 1966-71, 7-50.
M. Ruttkaz - I. Cheben, Vasnostredovek sdlisko a pohrebisko v Bni,
Slovenska archeolgia XL-1, Praha 1992, 109-117.

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Irena Cvijanovi

eleventh century were discovered dug into the ground. In the second horizon remains of huts were discovered, spread widely on a large area, about
200 m long. One of the houses was dug into the ground and it is assumed
that the others were built on the ground.
The early medieval settlement of Baj-Medzi Kanlmi, on a peninsula
in the valley of the river Zhltava, occupied the surface area of 3.5 ha.1122
More than five hundred houses was discovered in the settlement that was
developing from the sixth to thirteenth century.1123 Houses had an underground room, jars for storage, separated ovens, pottery for baking, and a
channel. Next to the settlement, a necropolis was in use from the ninth to
tenth century, with graves of warriors.
Remains of settlement in Bielovciach, on the lower stream of the
river Ipel, are dated to the tenth or eleventh century. Among the remains
of sunken huts were discovered a well and a house destroyed in fire, which
preserved the ovens and ceramics.1124
The town of Pobedim was built in the first third of the ninth century between the rivers Dudvah and Duboveja in the Trencin area. The
complex consisted of the town, suburb and ramparts.1125
Bohemia

Al-Bakri described Prague: The town of Prague was built with

stone and lime, on the shores of a river.1126 It is the biggest centre of
trade.1127 Russians and Slavs come to it for trade from the town of Krakw.
Merchants from the Turkish lands, Muslims, Jews and Turks go to it as
well. Deliverers are scattered and they bring their fine spices, tin and
Arabic coinage.
1122
1123
1124
1125
1126

1127

M. Ruttkay, Mittelalterliche siedlung und grberfeld in Baj-Medzi

Kanlmi, Slovenska archeolgia L-2, Praha 2002, 245-322.
M. Ruttkay, Stredovek sidlisko a pohrebisko v Baji-Medzi Kanlmi,
Slovenska archeolgia LI, Praha 2003, 317-322.
G. Fusek, Torzo stredovekho sdliska v Bielovciach, Slovenska archeolgia
XLVIII-1, Praha 2000, 101-158.
D. Bialekov, Poptrava ivoineho pvodu v Pobedimskej sdliskovej
ekumne v 9. storoi, Slovenska archeolgia XL-3, Praha 1988, 296-305.
Al-Bakri, Al-Maslik wal-Mamalik, Bejrut 2003, 252-253; . ,
(IX-XII ) ( ),
2010, 208.
. ,
IX XII , 2,
2009, 231.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

299

They make saddles for horses, reins and leather shields in the town
of Prague. In the majority of the many researched villages prevail sunken
huts. The earliest town of Prague was a three-part gradishte with an acropolis in
the middle.1128 It appeared in the middle of the ninth century.1129
The settlements of the Prague-type culture are spread throughout
Bohemia.1130 They appeared at the time of Slavic expansion, consisting of
groups of three to six houses. About 150-156 sites with typical the Praguetype culture material have been identified; on 18 locations several settlements
were researched, most of all were at the sites Prague-Hradany (5),
Prague-Bohnice (4), and Most (3). Sites with two settlements are PragueBubene, Prague-Hornich, Poernice, Prague-Michle, Prague-Dejvice,
Lovosice and Kanin. The most important excavations were carried out on
the sites Libice, Lovosice, Prague-imice, Prague-Bubene, Jeniv,
Ujezd, Turnov, Brezno and Rozotky, but most of the findings have not
been published.1131
An extraordinarily high number of early medieval houses of the
the Prague-type culture was discovered in Rozotky.1132 About 122 residential
houses were explored, 35 storage pits and it was estimated that the settlement
had 500 houses, which is a number exceeding the number of huts from the
same period on the other sites in Bohemia.1133 Other settlements had a
small number of houses, indicating small early medieval communities. The
settlement Rozotky had existed for about 150 years and it is estimated that
the houses were used for a period of seven to twenty-five years. They built
1128

1129
1130

1131
1132

1133

. , -
XI-XII .,
, 1987, 121-123; L. Hrdlika, K vypovdistratigrafickh
vyvoje Praskho hradu, Archeologick rozhledy XLIX-4, Praha 1997, 649658; L. Hrdlika, Centrum ran stedovk Prahy, Wratislavia antiqua 2,
redniowieczny lsk i czechy centrum redniowiecznego miasta Wrocaw
a Europa rodkowa, Wrocaw 2000, 191-214.
I. Bohov - J. Froulk, Nov archeologick prameny a potky praskho
hradu, Archeologick rozhledy XLIII-4, Praha 1991, 562-576.
H. Brachmann, Slawische Stmme an Elbe und Saale, Zu ihrer Geschichte
und Kultur im 6. bis 10. Jahrhundert-auf Grund archologischer Quellen,
Berlin 1978, 7-20.
M. Kuna, N. Profantov, Potky ranho stedovku v echch (The Onset
of the Early Middle Ages in Bohemia), Praha 2005, 120-123.
M. Gojda - M. Kuna, asn slovansk sdeln arel v rozotkch (okr. Praha zapad) - stav vzkumu a jeho perspektivy, Archeologick rozhledy XXXVII2, Praha 1985, 152-169.
M. Kuna, N. Profantov, Potky ranho stedovku v echch (The Onset
of the Early Middle Ages in Bohemia), Praha 2005, 25-30.

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Irena Cvijanovi

only single-room quadrangle huts with a stone oven. Such houses are typical
of the Prague-type culture and are found throughout the Central Laba/Elba
area, in western Ukraine and around lower Danube.1134 This type of hut is
characteristic for early medieval houses in wide area of Central, East and
South-ast Europe. It is assumed that this type of house originated from the
steppes of western Ukraine. In the first half of the first millennium, there
were other types of houses that were characteristic for the cultures of
western Ukraine and neighboring areas (Prezvorsk, Zarubnecka, Cernikov
culture), but the houses that would become fundamental to the Praguetype culture appeared in the fifth century.1135 In contrast with the earlier
types, the huts of the Prague-type culture are sunken huts with a typical
quadrangle base, rectangular or trapezoidal. In the corner of the room was
always a stone oven on a square base with sides forty to sixty centimeters
in length. The ovens were built of large stone blocks and usually parallel
with one side of the house. Next to the oven was a vessel dug into the
ground. The houses were made of wood and covered with roof made of
straw or branches. Early medieval houses sometimes had a dug-in storage
and on the site Rozotky seven findings of that feature were discovered. The
entrance is most of the time a narrow, dug-out passage. Houses sometimes
had a storage dug on the sides or into the floor. This space was used as a small
cellar with vessels for storage of grain foods. In Rozotky the houses were
sometimes arranged one next to another, in line but this is not a rule. Very
rarely were they arranged in a semicircle, like on the sites of Breclav-Pohansko
and Dunaujvaros. It is assumed that the settlement was inhabited by several
groups, communities of different origins, which is indicated by the position of
ovens and the sporadic presence of dug-in storage jars.
Settlement Brezno was discovered in Bohemia, north-west of
Prague and it deserves special attention.1136 The explored area contains
thirty-two houses. In contrast with other early medieval villages in which
all the quadrangle sunken houses were of the same type, in the settlement
Brezno, twenty-two houses were typically Slavic while the others were
1134

1135

1136

H. Brachmann, Slawische Atmme an Elbe und Saale, Zu ihrer Geschichte

und Kultur im 6. bis 10. Jahrhundert-auf Grund archologischer Quellen,
Berlin 1978, 7-20, 161-167.
. , .
XI-XII .,
, 1987, 118-126.
J. Bhm, B. Havrnek, J. Kolejka, J. Poulk, V. Vanek, Velk Morava,
Tiscilet tradice sttu a kultury, Praha 1963, 53-55.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

301

elongated, rectangular, with three holes for spikes in each corner. Slavic
and German ceramics was found. The ceramics mostly belongs to several
phases of the Prague-type culture, the last one correlated with the fortification on the hill. Germanic people had lived in this settlement before the
arrival of the Slavs. Pleinerova dated the early Slavic settlement of Brezno
to the sixth century and the phase with the fortifications on the hill to the
eight century.
An important centre was gradishte Budeci, 20 km west of Prague.1137
It was built on a round hill and has the surface area of twenty-two
hectares. It was divided into two parts, town, round in shape with the surface
area of six hectares, and suburb. Excavations showed that the fortification
was built at the end of the eight and the beginning of ninth century. In the
construction of fortification ramparts, which is six meters wide, a stone
rampart from the Bronze Age period was used. It shaped the external
contours of the walls, and its internal part was made of wood. At the end
of the ninth and the beginning of tenth century a new, ten-meter wide wall
was built on the ruins of the old one. Its outer side was made of sandstone
and inner of logs. At the same time a suburb was built surrounded by a
stone wall. On the inner side, the suburb rampart was made of lattice
construction with clay filling. These structures in the fortress were later
restored several times. The excavations proved that starting from the ninth
and tenth century, the gradishta were solidly built.
The houses of the ninth and tenth century were partially dug-in
sunken huts with a square base and houses on the ground with a pillar
construction. In the eleventh and twelfth century, overground hut were
widespread and some of them had stone foundations. Pits for grain storage
were discovered around many houses. One pit from the ninth century
contained a rich finding of grains, wheat and rye. Many finds point to
development of handcrafts.
The legends of St. Vaclav mentioned that a Czech prince Spitignev
(891-916) founded c. 900 the temple of St. Peter. Its remains were
discovered in town. The foundations are in the shape of rotunda with inner
columns and an apse. On the south part of gradishte a homestead with huts
on stone foundations and a road covered with stones were discovered. The
temple was fenced with a palisade. The homestead was established in the
tenth century, but prior to that, the site had been inhabited for two centuries.
1137

J. Bhm, B. Havrnek, J. Kolejka, J. Poulk, V. Vanek, Velk Morava,

Tiscilet tradice sttu a kultury, Praha 1963, 56-57.

302

Irena Cvijanovi

Gradishte Libice nad Cidline is situated on the river Cidlina not far
from the confluence in the Vltava. Multiple archaeological remains were
discovered of one of the fortified settlements of the Zlichani.1138 The
settlement in Libice existed in the Bronze Age, early Slavic period, in the
sixth century, and the Slavic fortification dates to a period between the
eight and twelfth century.1139 It is assumed that in the second half of the
tenth century it was the residence of the noble family Slavnikovic. The
Pemyslids took over the control of the gradishte in 995 and the settlement
became a court-town. The inner fortification of the settlement had the
surface area of ten hectares. Slavic settlers moved into that area in the sixth
century. During the excavations there were discovered partially dug-in
sunken huts with stone ovens and hearths. The first structures in the
fortress were built at the end of the eighth century. First, a wall was built
with foundations of logs filed with clay and stone. Ditches were dug out on
both the inner and outer side of the wall. There was an internal passage that
led from the gradishte to the suburb. The first doors burnt in the middle of
the ninth century and they were restored as a light construction on pillars.
In the second half of the tenth century stone doors were built with a tower
above. During the reign of the Pemyslids, the gradishte was theirs and it
consisted of overground structures constructied on pillars or logs. Other
than houses, there are remains of auxiliary rooms, tannery, fish pond, and
storage-pits for preserving grain foods. At the end of the eight century, the
suburb of Libica was there as well. In the Zlicin period there were three
kinds of buildings existed here: partially dug-in sunken huts, overground
houses with construction of pillars, and log cabins. In the north part of that
suburb there were forges and smithies. In the middle of the tenth century,
a court of Mother of God was built in the suburb, the remains of which
were not discovered during the excavations. On the south part of the
suburb was a log cabin with several rooms on a layer of stone. Under the
wooden floor, a water drainage channel was found discovered. Among the
finds linked to that log cabin, a vessel for ritual water pouring was found.
In the middle of the tenth century, when the noble family Slavnikovic was
established at the gradishte, a single-floor stone court and a two-storey
1138

1139

J. Justov, Archeologick vzkum na predhrad slovanskho hradit v

Libici nad Cidlinou a v jeho zzem v letech 1985-1989, Archeologick
rozhledy XLII-6, Praha 1990, 661-673.
J. Justov, Archeologick vzkum na predhrad slovanskho hradit v
Libici nad Cidlinou a v jeho zzem v letech 1980-1984, Archeologick
rozhledy XXXVII-3, Praha 1985, 661-673.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

303

wooden court were built and connected by a bridge. South of the court
was a mint workshop, and among its remains were discovered three systems for casting and craftsman smelters inventory with traces of silver and
copper. When the Pemyslids conquered Libice, most of the settlement
was destroyed and burned. Most of the inhabitants moved into neighboring villages. From the eleventh century, new buildings were being built on
the ruins of the old gradishte while the suburb was deserted.
Important data on the culture of the Czech state were acquired
during the excavations on the gradishte of Stara Kourim, from the middle
of the eighth to the middle of the ninth century; then gradishta Lensi in
the region Litomerzice, the settlement Gradec near Stod in the south-west
of the Czech valley.1140 The power of the Pemyslids was based upon a
network of fortified points situatted in strategically important places,
within the country and on the borderlands. This network of gradishta was
already built in the ninth century. Starting from the late ninth century and
throughout the tenth century, new constuction takes place, towards the
suburb. First fenced-off homesteads appeared, and first Christian church
buildings, as well. In the second half of the tenth century, any new
gradishta were built, probably connected with the rise of centralized
administration. Village settlements from this epoch have been left
archaeologicaly unresearched.
During excavations of several villages, only a few objects and
ceramics were found. From those at the settlement Kounich, it was
established that some rural settlements from the eighth and ninth century
were fortified with clay or wooden walls.1141
The oldest Slavic settlement, Prag-Hradcani appeared in the sixth
century. The settlement developed rapidly in the period from the ninth to
tenth century and by then, it expanded on the entire area of Hradani.1142
In the settlement Prague-Hornich were discovered remains of partially
dug-in sunken huts and lots of ceramics, originating from two phases. The
oldest Slavic ceramics were dated to the sixth century.1143
1140

1141
1142
1143

. , -
XI-XII .,
, 1987, 118-126.
J. Kudrn, Slovansk vyinn sdlit v Kounich ve vztahu k osidlen v
Poembech, Archeologick rozhledy XXXVI-3, Praha 1984, 279-287.
J. Frolk, Osdlen zpadnho pedpol Praskho hradu ped vznikem msta
Hradan, Archeologick rozhledy XXXVIII-1, Praha 1986, 73-84.
S. Vencl - J. Zadak, asn slovanska polozemnice z Praha - Hornich
Poernic, Archeologick rozhledy XXXVII-3, Praha 1985, 297-306.

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Irena Cvijanovi

Idrisi named all known towns in Bohemia: Basu, Akra, Bits,

Sinulaus.1144 Two rivers in Bohemia originate from the mountain Balavat,
first separating, then connecting and meeting the Danube. On the shores
of these rivers are towns Akra and Bits. From Bits to Nitra, are forty miles
north-westerly. Bits is a very important town with five churches and people live around town. From Akra to Arini, a small town on the eastern
side, lie eighty-nine miles. From Akra to Basu, a town in Bohemia, lie
eighty miles towards south-west. From Basu to Massala or Masla, town
nice for living, surrounded with fertile soil and defensive ramparts, there
are hundred-and-fifty miles. From the same town to Sinulaus, an oriental
town, and to Ifrankbila, there are eighty miles.
The Serbo-Lusatian culture appeared in the seventh century around
the middle course of the Oder and in the basin of the ShpreHavel.1145 The
new culture was named tornovska after one of the excavators, Torno. The
Slavs of the Sukow-Dziedzice culture on the south-western part and Slavs
of the presko-korcakska culture, settled in this territory during the migrations
in the sixth century. Small gradishta with strong defensive constructions
were being built and one such was discovered completely dug out in Tornovo.
During the excavations, the gradishta were classified into two types.
Type A gradishte had a round base. Ring-shaped rampart ninemeters high had a wooden latticed construction within it.
On the outer side, a ditch was dug out, with auxiliary rooms on the
inside, made of logs ten to fifteen centimeters in diameter. A five by twopoint-two meter room had walls built of pillars. A well was discovered and
a storage pit for grain foods. In the pit were found remains of a great quantity
of grains, rye and barley.
Type B gradishte rose on the ruins of a earlier village in Tornovo,
where a new gradishte was built. Protected with a strong ring rampart ten
to fourteen meters wide and with a ditch from five to eight meters wide.
On the occasion of construction, parts of older constructions inside the
ramparts were used. Additional objects were built with the construction of
vertical pillars. The older and younger gradishte had a corridor from 1.5 to
1.6 meters wide, and nearby was built a nineteen-part building. It was
built of logs combined with vertical pillars.
Housing objects included three parts of the gradishte while others
served as barns for preserving food reserves, as charred cereals were
1144
1145

Al-Idrisi, Kitab Nuzhat al-Muqat fi Ihtiraq al-Afaq, Bejrut 1989, 882-885.

L. Veliaik, Hradisk luickej kultury na slovensku, Archeologick rozhledy
XXXV-1, Praha 1983, 14-22.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

305

therein discovered that were burnt with the settlement. The dimensions
of the barn were from 0.8 - 0.6 to 1.05 with 0.98 meters, with the height
from 9.5 to 17 cm. In the middle of the settlement was a structure
consisting of two main rooms. Size of one room was 4 0.7 to 1.2 m, and
it was built of horizontal beams fastened by supporters, with floor made of
leveled clay. Another room was made of beams, dimensions 2 1.2 m. The
same type of building was discovered in gradishte B in Forberg. In contrast
with the gradishte Tornovo which was burnt in the ninth century, this
one was used in the tenth century as well. Behind the ramparts on the hill
was an unfortified part of the settlement, dimensions 100 90 m. During
the excavations, many pillar pits were discovered. The inhabitants of the
Tornovo group were primarily farmers, so cereal grains were found in the
gradishte. It was established that the main crop was rye but that they grew
other crops as well. Handcraft workshops existed from the eighth to ninth
century in the settlements of the Turnovo area that were connected with
the neighbouring and farther areas. It was established that the tribes of the
Tornovo culture were in fact Lusatians who settled in the eastern area of
Lusatia. In the valley of the Lusitian stream, in the Kadansk region, the
mining area of north Bohemia, development of settlements can be traced
from paleolithic through mesolithic, Halstatt, La Tene and Roman period.
Slavic settlements appeared in the second half of the sixth century.1146
Slovakia

Development of settlements on the territory of Slovakia during the

seventh and the eighth century was instigated by different political,
historical and economic conditions. Slavic settlements developed on the
north, behind the Small and the White Carpathians, in north-eastern and
north-western Slovakia. The southern part of west and central Slovakia,
and the Koice basin was a part of the Avar Khaganate. It is surmised that
the Avars broke into the territory of Slovakia in the mid-seventh century
and settled down in two phases. Based on archaeological material, a clear
line can be defined which separates the settlements of the Avars from the
settlements of the Prague-type culture.1147 The south-western part of Slovakia
was settled by bearers of the Prague type culture.
1146
1147

Z. Smr, Vvoj a struktura osdleni v mikroregionu Luickho potoka na

Kadansku, Archeologick rozhledy XXXIX-6, Praha 1987, 601-621.
J. Zbojnk, On the Problem of Settlements of the Avar Khaganate Period in
Slovakia, Archeologick rozhledy XL-4, Praha 1988, 401-435; On the basis

306

Irena Cvijanovi

The Preov type of culture which has close analogies in Poland

appeared in eastern Slovakia. This culture was developing in the area
which encompassed Germanic (Vandal) and Slavic ethnic groups. East of
Koice in Preov, Early Slavic settlements were excavated. Most of the
material from these sites belongs to the Prezvorsk type culture, but handmade ceramics typical for Ukraine and Moldavia and supposedly belonging to the Prague type of culture appear as well. Excavations of the settlements of the Preov type culture confirmed that the inhabitants practiced
animal husbandry and agriculture. Budinsk Krika, researcher of the settlements of the Preov type culture made the conclusion that the material
from these sites points towards continuity of one language group,
undoubtedly Slavic.1148
In western Slovakia about twenty settlements from Early Slavic
period were excavated.1149 The settlements were concentrated around
rivers Morava, Vah (Vag), Dudavah, Nitra, Gran and Eipel.1150 Some settlements were discovered immediately above the abandoned settlements
from the Roman period. Slavic villages were not fortified and consisted of
small, dispersed, halfway dug-in houses, like in the place Korchak.
Halfway dug-in houses on the site of Nitrinski Hradok near Nitra were
very small, dimensions 2 2.5 to 5.5 3.8 m. Stone ovens were not discovered, nor spike holes, but the ceramics point to Slavic origin. Near the
houses were found round barns. On the well explored site Sidalice on the
river Vah, four houses of similar dimensions were discovered. Stone ovens
were placed in the north-eastern or north-western corner.
During the systematic research in eastern Slovakia, large scale
excavations were performed in the area of the village Svinica in the region

1148

1149

1150

of the ceramic material there can be separated 10 settlements in Slovakia

which have belonged to the Avar khaganat: Bratislava-Devinska, Nov Ves,
Bratislava-Rusovce, Cifer-Pac, turovo-Obid, Ulany on itavoy.
V. Budinsk-Krika, Nlez staroslovanskej polozemunice v Preove,
Archeologick rozhledy VII, Praha 1955, 494-496, 505-509, 561, 566; V.
Budinsk-Krika, Prspevok k poznaniu vasnostredovekej dediny na
vchodnom Slovensku, Slovenska archeolgia XVIII (1970) 167-188.
. , ,
t ,
III, 1987,
101-106.
. , ,
I, 1987, 126132.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

307

Koice and on the deserted medieval hill settlement of Krigov, in the

cadastre of the village Pavlany, district of Spisk Nov Ves, which contributed to a better understanding of development and visual appearance
of the houses.1151
The houses were mostly halfway dug-in huts, with a regular plan,
one room, stone hearth and domed oven placed in the corner opposite the
entrance. Traces of spike holes indicate there was a porch above the
entrance on the site Preov-Nin ebastov.1152 Huts with a regular
ground plan existed in Slovakia from tenth to thirteenth century. This
type of settlement was well researched in the places Zemplin, Trebiov,1153
Preov-Nin ebastov,1154 ariskch Michalan,1155 Preov destrict,1156
Svinica, district of Koice-environs,1157 Velk Slavkov, district of Poprad,1158
Pavlany-Krigov, district of Spisk Nov Ves,1159 Hnojn, district of
Michalovce.1160
1151
1152
1153
1154
1155

1156

1157
1158
1159

1160

D. apalovi, New Facts About the Development of Medieval Rural House

in East Slovakia, Slovenska archeolgia XXXV-1, Bratislava 1987, 7-14.
V. Budinsk-Krika, Prspevok k poznaniu vasnostredovekej dediny na
vchodnom Slovensku, Slovenska archeolgia XVIII (1970) 167-188.
D. apalovi, Slovansk a stredovek osada v Trebiove, Nov obzory 21,
Preov - Koice 1979, 147-169.
V. Budinsk-Krika, Prspevok k poznaniu vasnostredovekej dediny na
vchodnom Slovensku, Slovenska archeolgia XVIII (1970) 167-188.
S. ika, E. Hajnalova, Stredovek obydlie a depot semien konopy siatej zo
ariskch Michalian, tud. Zvesti Archeol. St. SAV v Nitre 20, Nitra 1983,
303-317.
V. Budinsk-Krika, Nlez staroslovanskej polozemunice v Preove,
Archeologick rozhledy VII, Praha 1955, 494-496, 505-509, 561, 566; V.
Budinsk-Krika, Prspevok k poznaniu vasnostredovekej dediny na
vchodnom Slovensku, Slovenska archeolgia XVIII (1970) 167-188.
D. apalovi, Archeologick vskum zaniknutej stredovekej dediny v Svinici,
okr. Koice-vidiek, Archaeologia historica 3, Brno - Nitra 1978, 19-29.
A. Ruttkay, Vasnostredovek prbytok z Velkho Slavkova, okr. Poprad,
Nov obzor 11, Preov - Koice 1969, 271-283.
F. Javorsk, Vskumy a prieskumy Vskumnej expedcie Spi Archeologickho
stavu SAV, Archeologick vskumy a nlezy na Slovensku v roku 1980, Nitra
1981, 108-126; D. apalovi - F. Javorsk, Zchrann vskum zaniknutej stredovekej dediny Krigov, Archeologick vskumy a nlezy na Slovensku v roku
1981, Nitra 1982, 66-70; D. apalovi - F. Javorsk, Archeologick vskum
profnnej stredovekej architektry v Pavlanoch, Archeologick vskumy a
nlezy na Slovensku v roku 1982, Nitra 1983, 70-72; D. apalovi - F. Javorsk,
Pokraovanie vskumu zaniknutej stredovekej dediny Krigov v Pavlanoch,
Archeologick vskumy a nlezy na Slovensku v roku 1983, Nitra 1984, 65-66.
S. ika, Slovansk sdliskov objekty v Hnojnom, okres Michalovce,
Archeologick rozhledy XVI (1984) 379-395, 407-408.

308

Irena Cvijanovi

In the period from tenth to thirteenth century in eastern Slovakia

another type of houses appeared, of irregular elongated ground plan with
hearths of ovens out of the dug-in part, sometimes without the domeshaped oven. Huts with irregular ground plan were found on the hill
Smotor, in the village Smotor, district of Trebiov, and they appear very
often on the best explored Slavic settlements in the period from the eighth
to ninth century, in the place Blatn Remety, region Michalovce,
Nemcovce, district of Preov and Dvorianky, district of Trebiov.1161
Poland

At the beginning of the Middle Ages, two Slavic groups had been
settling in Poland: Sukow-Dziedzice and Prague-Korchak.1162 During the
migrations they inhabited two zones. In the first zone lived the native
population of Pshevorsk culture. After the Slavs of Sukow-Dziedzice
culture re-conquered the land in Polish Pomerania, another zone was
formed. Research has shown that the first fortified settlements in the land
of the Vislans belonged to small principalities.
North of the Danube many new settlements came to be between
the seventh and tenth century as tribal centres, fortified religious centres,
and princely seats (knezi) always placed in favorable strategic places.1163
The towns were palisaded with spikes fortified with earth. Inhabited
quarters with handcraft workshops and often with a stone church were in
the town. By the end of the ninth century, the most important towns
dominated large areas of land and were often episcopal centres with princely
courts. Courts of rulers and artisanal-handcraft quarters were separated by
1161

1162

1163

Vznamn slovansk nlezisk na slovensku (VSNS), Bratislava 1978, 26-27,

131-132; V. Budinsk-Krika, Nov nlezy na vchodnom Slovensku,
Archeologick vskumy a nlezy na Slovensku v roku 1982, Nitra 1983, 5765; D. apalovi, New Facts About the Development of Medieval Rural
House in East Slovakia, Slovenska archeolgia XXXV-1, Bratislava 1987, 8.
M. Parczewski, Pocztki kukltury wczesnosowiaskiej w Polsce. Krytyka i
datowanie rdel archeologicznych, Wroclaw - Warszawa - Krakw Gdask - Ld 1988, 15-63; Idem., Najstarsza faza kultury wczesnosowiaskiej w Polsce, Krakw 1988, 31-68; . . ,
, 1995, 7-68.
W. Dzieduszycki, Socjotopograficzne przemianz miast polskich,
II,
1987, 74-78; W. Hensel, Archaeology on the Origins of Polish Towns,
Slovenska archeolgia XXXVI-1, Bratislava 1988, 77-84; . . ,
, 1995, 341-344.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

309

the eleventh century. Then artists, craftsman and merchants started to live
surrounded with another fence beyond the court ramparts. This type of
Slavic towns appeared north of the Danube by the twelfth century and was
built the traditional way, most of the time, with certain foreign influences
through the church and small groups of Germanic merchants.1164 The towns
depended on each another and were closely connected by trade routes.
The main centre was Krakow, town on the river Vistula.1165 Idrisi
described Polish town, and Al-Bakri separated Krakow as an important
centre of trade.1166 The king of Krakow lived in Mashak, which according
to Al-Bakris opinion, was their largest town, 30000 cubits long.1167 There
is a lot of food, cattle, honey and fields. People get wages as labourers every
month. Krakow is good example of an Early Slavic town.1168 Archaeological
research showed that the early medieval settlement of Vislani existed from
the sixth century onwards. The earliest history of the town is behind a veil
of mystery and legends but it is supposed that the settlement on the hill
Vavel was built in the middle of the ninth century. This supposition is supported by the concentration of settlements in the Early Middle Ages and a
huge tombstone of Kraka, the legendary founder of the town. The Vislani
had settled along the entire lower and, in part, middle Vistula in the tenth
century, focusing afterwards on Krakow. During the eleventh century
Krakow became the residential centre of Polish kings, which contributed
to a faster development of the town.
After coming to power in 929, Moravian ruler Boleslaus I wrestled
away the territories of Slezani, Dadosezani, Bobrani, Opolini and Golens
from the tribes in the valley of upper Odra, and from Vislani with their
main centre Krakow.1169 Mieszko I (963-992) became the first ruler and the
founder of the Piast dynasty. Marrying Bobrava (Dubravka), daughter of
1164

1165
1166
1167

1168
1169

. , .
XI-XII .,
, 1987, 118-126.
K. Radwanski, Krakw przedlokacyjny. Ryciny, Krakow 1970, Ryc. 1, 11, 16, 19.
. .
IX XII , 2, 2009, 231.
Al-Bakri, Al-Maslik wal-Mamalik, Bejrut 2003, 252; . ,
(IX-XII ) ( ),
2010, 207.
J. Piekalski, Od kolonii do Krakowa. Przemiana topografii wczesnzch miast,
Wrocaw 1999, 82-83, 116-118.
B. Leitgeber, Multi-Ethnic Glimpses of Old Poland, The Slavonic and East
European Review 67/3, London 1989, 435-441.

310

Irena Cvijanovi

Boleslaus I, in 965, Mieszko established closer connections between the

two Slavic countries, and converted to Christianity in 966. After that the
Christianity spread faster through the kingdom and in 969 Krakow became
an episcopal see, one year later than Pozna. Mieszko I has consolidated
his power between 967 and 990, expanding territory towards south and
connecting the Polish church to Rome. Formally he recognized the Holy
See in 990, thus avoiding the authority of the German church. This diplomatic act helped him to set himself free of Bohemian dependance. From
989 to 992, he successfully waged war and put Silesia and Krakw under
his power. According to the Bohemian sources from the twelfth century,
Boleslav II (967-99) kept the eastern regions, and Bohemia held onto the
province of Krakw until 999.1170 This contradicts the Polish sources,
although Krakw probably remained a part of Bohemia at least throughout the 970s and the 980s.1171 Mieszkos heir, Boleslaus I the Brave (9921025) quickly united Polish provinces, after Mieszkos sons devided them
up in 992.1172 Boleslaus I continued his fathers expansionistic policy and
increased the state beyond the borders of Polish tribes. Otto III and papal
legates visited the new Polish state and established a new ecclesiastical
province in Gniezno. The archbishopric in Gniezno was to have under its
jurisdiction the episcopal sees in Krakw, Wrocaw and Koobrzeg.1173
At the beginning of the eleventh century, Krakow was part of one
of the largest countries in Europe, in size, military and political organization. Geographically, Poland at that time encompassed the whole basin of
Odra and Vistula. During the reign of Boleslaus I, the country prospered
in both trade and army. New towns were built and trade thrived in the
centres like Krakw. Arrival of foreign merchants was encouraged.

1170
1171
1172
1173

R. Hotzmann, Bhmen und Polen im 10. Jh, Zeitschrift der vereins fr

Geschichte Schlesiens 52, Bereslau 1918, 25-32.
S. Ktrzynsk, The Introduction of Christianity and the Early Kings of
Poland, The Cambridge History of Poland, Cambridge 1950, 21.
H. J. Lang, The Fall of the Monarchy of Mieszko II Lambert, Speculum 49/4
(1974) 623-639.
W. Hensel, Koobrzeg we wczesnym redniowieczu, Wrocaw 1961, 9-35,
96-109; P. Grecki, Parishes, Tithes, and Society in Earlier Medieval Poland
c. 1100 - c. 1250, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 83/2
(1993) 1-146; L. Leciejewicza, M. Rbkowski, Pocztki i rozwj miasta lokacyjnego w Koobrzegu. wiadectwo archeologii, Salsa Cholobergensis,
Koobrzeg 2000, 147-161.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

311

Great number of Polish towns was explored and among them are
Krakw,1174 Gniezno,1175 Kruszwic,1176 Nowej-Huty,1177 Pozna,1178 Opole,1179
Sczecin,1180 Gdask1181 and Wolin,1182 Wrocaw,1183 Putusk.1184 It was
1174
1175
1176

1177

1178

1179

1180

1181
1182

1183

1184

J. Piekalski, Od kolonii do Krakowa. Przemiana topografii wczesnych miast,

Wroclaw 1999, 81- 82, 117.
G. Mikolajczyk, Pocztki Gniezna, Warszawa - Pozna 1973, 24-107.
J. Piekalski, Od kolonii do Krakowa. Przemiana topografii wczesnych miast,
Wroclaw 1999, 91-92; B. Dzieduszycka, W. Dziedusycki, Prezimiany
urbanistyczne centrum malych miast w wietle bada nad redniowieczn
Kruszewic, Wratislavia antiqua 2, redniowieczny lsk i czechy centrum
redniowiecznego miasta Wrocaw a Europa rodkowa, Wrocaw 2000, 97-100.
R. Hachulska-Ledwos, Wczesnoredniowieczna osada w Nowej HucieMogile, Materialy Archeologiczne Nowej Huty III, Krakw 1971, 205; J.
Piaskowski, Metaloznawce badania przedmiotw elaznych i ula z wczesnoredniowiecznej osady w Nowej Hucia-Mogile, Materiay archeologiczne
Nowej Huty V, Krakw 1971, 181-199.
S. Zajchowska, Rozwj sieci osadniczej Poznania i njubliszego zaplecza w redniowieczu, Pocztki i rozwj Starego Miasta w Poznaniu w wietle bada archeologicznych i urbanistycznych - architektonicznych, Materiay z oglnopolskiego
sympozjum 18-19 padziernika 1973 (ed. W. Baszczyk), Warszawa - Pozna
1977, 37-50; J. Piekalski, Od kolonii do Krakowa. Przemiana topografii wczesnych miast, Wroclaw 1999, 83, 85, 124, 189; H. Kka-Krenz, Pozna w dobie
Zjazdu Gnienieniekiego w wietle najnowszych odkry archeologicznych,
Trakt cesarski, Iawa - Gniezno -Magdeburg, Pozna 2002, 103-119.
A. Nasz, Opole, osada staropolska w Opolu w wietle dotzchczasowych prac
wykopaliskowych, Wroclaw 1948, 5-53; R. Jamka, Szczegowe sprawozdanie
z prac wykopaliskowych w Opolu za okres 1948-1949 r.,Warszawa 1951, 1-26.
R. Kiersnowski, Wolin i Sczecin jako gwne orodki pomorza zachodniego
we wczesnym redniowieczu, Sczecin i Wolin we wczesnym redniowieczu
(ed. W. Brodzki), Wrocaw 1954; T. Wieczorowski, Sczecin w wietle wykopalisk,
Sczecin i Wolin we wczesnym redniowieczu (ed. W. Brodzki), Wrocaw
1954, 45-64; L. Leciejewicz, M. Rulewicz, S. Wesoowski, T. Wieczorowski,
La ville de Szczecin des IXe-XIIIe sicles, Archeologia Urbium, fascicule 2e,
Wroclaw - Warszawa - Krakw - Gdask 1972, Pl. I-XX.
K. Jadewski, Gdask, wczesnoredniowieczny w wietle wykopalisk,
Gdynia 1961, 5-34.
K. August Wilde, Die bedeutung der grabung Wollin 1934, Hamburg 1953,
5-98; W. Filipowiak, Wolin w wietle wykopalisk, Sczecin i Wolin we
wczesnym redniowieczu (ed. W. Brodzki), Wrocaw 1954, 5-30, 31-44.
J. Piekalski, Struktura osadnicza i drogi Wroclawia przed wytyczeniem regularnej sieci ulic, Ulice redniowiecznego Wrocawia, Wrocaw 2010, 47-51; M.
Mynarska-Kaletynowa, Wrocaw w XII-XIII wieku, przemiany spoeczne i
osadnicze, Wrocaw - Warszawa - Krakw - Gdask - d 1986, 7-80; J.
Piekalski, Od kolonii do Krakowa. Przemiana topografii wczesnych miast,
Wroclaw 1999, 120, 154-155.
A. Goembnik, W. Pole, The Beginnings and the Development of Putusk in
the Middle Ages in the Light of Archaeological Sources (Up to the End of the 15th c.),

312

Irena Cvijanovi

explored great number of fortified settlements and towns in the region of

Sudetach,1185 Koszali dukedom1186 and the Dukedom of Greater Poland.1187
A good sample of early Polish towns are the remains of the settlements discovered in the earliest layers in Gniezno, Pozna, Opole, Wrocaw and
Wolin, Putusk. Among them Gniezno, Pozna and Wrocaw have common characteristics, settlements concentrated next to a strongly fortified
court.1188 Each of these settlements has scattered buildings that show many
rural characteristics. Archaeological excavations showed that Gniezno was
an open settlement at its beginning, founded on the mountain Leha at the
end of the eighth century.1189 In the following century, the settlement had
a three-part structure, a town fortified several times, a suburb protected
with ramparts and an open settlement. In the mid-ninth century, Gniezno
became a well-fortified town, probably the centre of the great tribal principality of Polyane. In the mid-tenth century, the rampart of the town was
reconstructed and strengthened. The suburb was protected with ramparts
as well. Within the town, open settlements developed with some having

1185
1186

1187

1188

1189

IV,
1987, 44-57.
K. Jaworski, Grody w Sudetach (VIII-X w.), Wrocaw 2005, 101-240.
W. Losiski, J. Olczak, K. Siuchiski, rdla archeologiczne do studiw nad
wczenoredniowiecznym osadnictwem grodowym na terene wojwdztwa
Koszaliskiego IV, Pozna 1971, 9-136, 158-262.
Z. Kurnatowska, A. Losiska, Stan i potrzeby bada nad wczesnym
redniowieczem w Wielkopolsce, Stan i potrzeby bada nad wczesnym
redniowieczem w Wielkopolsce. Materialy z konferenciji, Pozna 14-16
grudnia 1987 roku, Pozna - Wroclaw - Warszawa 1992, 105-153; M. Kara,
M. Krapiec, Wyniki bada archeo-dendrochronologicznzch z terenu
historycznej Wielkopolski, przeprowadzonych w roku 2003, Fontes
archaeologici posnanienses 41, Pozna 2005, 95-101; M. Kara, M. Krapiec,
G. Teske, Winiki bada archeo-dendrochronoogicznych wybranych
grodzisk wczesnoredniowiecznych z terenu historycznej Wielkopolski,
przeprowadzonych w 2005 roku, Fontes archaeologici posnanienses 42,
Pozna 2006, 53-76; A. Krzyszovski, Nowe materialy wczesnoredniowieczne z Chludowa, stan. 62, suchy Las, w woj, wielkopolskim,
Fontes archaeologici posnanienses 42, Pozna 2006, 76-83; A. Krzyszowski,
Chludowa, stan. 62, suchy Las, w woj, wielkopolskim, Fontes archaeologici
posnanienses 42, Pozna 2006, 80-91.
. , .
XI-XII .,
, 1987, 121-122.
G. Mikolajczyk, Pocztki Gniezna, Warszawa - Pozna 1973, 24-107; J.
Piekalski, Od kolonii do Krakwa. Przemiana topografii wczesnych miast,
Wrocaw 1999, 80-81.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

313

merchant characteristics. Obviously, the early medieval town was being

formed at that time. Construction of the tenth century ramparts of
Gniezno is particularly interesting, with foundations made of multi-layered logs. Lower logs were stacked along the ramparts and the upper ones
across. Row of logs was fastened to logs with hooked beams. Residential
buildings in Gniezno, and in settlements of Greater Poland were overground huts, rare residential constructions that kept the local tradition of
building houses. In the land of Polyane there were two more centres other
than Gniezno: Kruszwic and Pozna. Besides them, a great number of
small town with purely defensive function was known in the land of
Polyane. Some of them were small administrative centres, and others were
pagan holds.
Opole was founded in the eighth century on the small island in the
river Odra.1190 It is supposed that the original settlement was surrounded
with common ramparts, within which the administrative centre was in
the middle, later on separated by a particular rampart. In the tenth century Opole was already a well-fortified settlement surrounded with a high
rampart. The excavations showed that it was a densely populated town.
Houses were being built outside the ramparts. At the beginning of the
tenth century, streets of Opole were paved with wood. It was established
that craftsmen lived and worked in the settlement. In Polish Pomerania,
two principalities were formed, the western principality centred in
Sczecin, and the eastern one in Gdask.1191 Early Medieval settlement in
Sczecin was founded in the eighth century on the location of an earlier
settlement of the Lusatian culture. In the first half of the ninth century,
defensive ramparts were built and in the tenth century an unfortified suburb sprung next to the town. In the second half of the tenth century Wolin
became an important merchant and cultural centre on the Baltic Sea.1192
1190

1191

1192

A. Nasz, Opole, osada staropolska w Opolu w wietle dotzchczasowych prac

wykopaliskowych, Wrocaw 1948, 5-53; R. Jamka, Szczegowe sprawozdanie
z prac wykopaliskowych w Opolu za okres 1948-1949., Warszawa 1951, 1-26.
J. Kamiske, A. Zbierski, Ville de Gdansk du haut Moyen Age la lumire
des recherches archologiques, Archaeologia Polona IV, Warszawa 1960,
148-168; W. Hensel, Le Gdask des Xe-XIIIe sicles, Warszawa 1966, 9-12.
W. Filipowiak, Wolin w wietle wykopalisk, Sczecin i Wolin we wczesnym
redniowieczu (ed. W. Brodzki), Wrocaw 1954, 5-30, 31-44; K. August
Wilde, Die bedeutung der grabung Wollin 1934, Hamburg 1953, 5-98; D.
Jankowska, Settlement in the Baltic Costal Zone in Prehistory and the
Middle Ages, Journal of Coastal Research 22. Polish Coast: Past, Present and
Future (Autumn 1995), Coconut Creek, Florida 1995, 73-79.

314

Irena Cvijanovi

Zbszin is a mid-sized town in the Obnizenie Obrazinskie

(Bruzda/Zbaszinska) area in the western part of Greater Poland; on the
river Obra on the north-eastern shores of the lake Zbszinski, also known
as lake Bledno.1193 In the course of the excavations, remains of settlements
from Paleolithic to the Early Middle Ages were discovered. The area is
rich in archaeological sites, and the early medieval fortified settlements of
Prziprostina and Zbszin were particularly important for its history, as was
the small fort Nadinia, which became a town in the thirteenth century.
The early medieval complex was discovered during the excavations on Slava site in the region Wschovski.1194 Remains of the fortifications were discovered, dated to the ninth and tenth century, based on
ceramics. Parts of an older settlement were destroyed when the fortification was being built. Beside the fortification were found traces of another
settlement. The early medieval complex at the Slawia site ceased to exist
at the end of the tenth century.
In the Koszali dukedom a great number of early medieval settlements and towns was discovered:1195
Bardy 7th-9th/10th c.
Bogucino 10th-11th c.
Budzistowo 9th-13th / 14th c.
Vedzice 10th-11th c.
Vlosciborz 7th-9th c.
Goscino 7th-12th c.
Grzybowo 9th c.
Dargocice 10th c.
Drzonowo 11th-12th c.
Dygowo 10th-11th c.
Zielenievo 11th c.
Kamica 9th-10th c.

1193

1194

1195

Macznik 7th-9th c.
Miechecino 7th-9th c.
Piotrowice 7th-10th c.
Plawecino 9th-10th c.
Polomino 9th-10th c.
Pustary 11th-14th c.
Ryman 7th / 8th c.
Rosciecino-Kopydlowko 8th-9th c.
Rusowo 10th-11th c.
Swielubie 9th-12th c.
Siemysl 11th c.
Skronie 8th-9th c.

A. Wyrwa, Stan bada nad przemianami osadniczo kulturowymi w

Zbsziniu i jego najbliskej okolicy, Fontes archaeologici posnanienses 44,
Pozna 2008, 37-49.
D. Nowakowski, Wczesnosredniowieczny zespl osadniczy w Slawie (stan.
21), pow. Wschowski, w wietle bada archeologiczny ch 2004 roku, Fontes
archaeologici posnanienses 44, Pozna 2008, 128-135.
W. Losiski, J. Olczak i K. Siuchniski, rdla archeologiczne do studiw
nad wczenoredniowiecznym osadnictwem grodowym na terene wojwdztwa
Koszaliskiego IV, Pozna 1971, 9-136.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

Kedrzyno 8th/9th c.
Klopotowo 9th-10th c.
Kolobrzeg 6th/7th, 11th-13th c.
Lejkowo 11th-12th c.

315

Stare Miasto 10th-12th c.

Stojkowo 11th c.
Trzynik 7th-8th c.

Gradishta in the Koszali dukedom:1196

Bialecino 9th-11th c.
Boryszewo 9th-10th c.
Warszkowo 12th c.
Wrzesnica 8th-9th c.
Darlowo 9th/10th-11th c.
Zieleniewo
Zydowo 10th-12th c.
Jezyczki 8th-9th c.
Kwasovo 11th c.

Kopan 9th-11th c.
Malechowo 8th-9th c.
Ostrowiec 8th-10th c.
Polanow 10th-12th c.
Porzecze 9th-10th c.
Slawno 8th-9th c.
Slawsko 10th-12th c.
Stary Krakow 10th c.
Cisowo 11th-12th c.

Idrisi described Poland as a land covered with towns and

settlements.1197 The land is fertile, crisscrossed with river streams, covered
in vineyards, orchards, surrounded with mountains that separate it from
Buania (Bohemia), Sasunia (Saxony) and Russia. Main rivers in Poland are
Butent (Maros) and Tesia (Theis) that get water from the springs on the
mountains that separate Poland from Russia north by south. They flow
westwards, merge and meet the Danube west of Kavurza (Karlovac). Main
towns are Krakal (Krakw), Djenazia (Gnesen), Aiklaia, Serdava, Nehgrada
i Sitiu. Krakw is one of the most important towns, famous for its numerous
churches, markets, vineyards and gardens. When you go westwards from
there is Masla (Preslav?), an inhabited town 130 miles away. From Masla,
five days southwards is Bitsa. From Krakw to Djanazia, a flourishing town,
there are 100 miles eastwards. From Djenazia to Benkalje (Dukla?) there are
sixty miles. From Benkalia to Sermelia, a town in the province Subara
(Sievierz), there are 100 miles. From Krakw to Hala, a town in Saxony,
very important and densely populated, there are 100 miles. From Krakow
to Nirburk (Nizburk), another Saxon town, there are 100 miles. Idrisi writes
1196

1197

W. Losiski, J. Olczak i K. Siuchniski, rdla archeologiczne do studiw

nad wczenoredniowiecznym osadnictwem grodowym na terene wojwdztwa
Koszaliskiego IV, Pozna 1971, 158-262.
Idrisi, Kitab Nuzhat al-Muqat fi Ihtiraq al-Afaq, Bejrut 1989, 882-903.

316

Irena Cvijanovi

that all towns are beautiful, flourishing and famous, particularly those in
which people familiar with Greek science and religion live and are welcoming to intellectuals. Poland is land known for numerous educated people. Many Greeks, amateur scientists, were coming to them from different
lands. He mentions that from the town Zaka to Bernovo there are 180
miles, and from Bernove to Galisia 200. Those are the last countries when
going towards Russia.
Russia

A great number of towns and villages from the period of ancient

Russia were explored.1198 In Russian principalities, the towns Kiev,
Novgorod and Smolensk distinguish themselves.1199 Among the better
explored gradishta are Zimno, Hotemlj, Bila.1200 Ibn Rosteh, Ibn
Khordadhb and Ibn Fadlan portrayed Russia.
Al-Bakri said: "The Russians had three kingship tribes and the king
of one of them had his seat in the town of Kujaba (Kiev).1201 They were
closest to Bulkars." Ibn Rosteh cited: "The Slavs were in the town named
Vatib/Vabit at first and that to reach it, one needs to travel through desert
and two impassable countries, without water or trees. It is assumed that
this town is Kujaba (Kiev)."1202
Russian land consisted of principalities formed in the ninth century.1203
The country is situated in the valley of the middle Dnieper with the seat
1198

1199
1200

1201
1202
1203

. . ,
, o
I, 1987, 70-77; . ,
. ,
II, 1987,
27-34; V. I. Mezentsev, The Territorial and Demographic Development of
Medieval Kiev and Other Major Cities of Rus: A Comparative Analyses
Based on Recent Archeological Research, Russian Review 48/2 (1989)
145-170.
. . , ,
, 1987, 80-83, 86-93.
. . , ,
II,
1987, 55-12.
Al-Bakri, Al-Maslik wal-Mamalik, Bejrut 2003, 58.
Ibn Rosteh, Kitab al-alk An-Nafisa VII, BGA (ed. De Goeje), LugduniBatavorum (Leiden) 1892, 143.
. . , XII-XIII .,
1982, 423.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

317

of the principality in the town of Kiev.1204 There are two theories on the
development of Kiev from the ninth to eleventh century. Most authors
consider that Kiev was the leading urban centre at the time of the Kiev
state, when it was the capital of Russia.1205 After the flourishing period,
came political disintegration, culminating in 1240, when the Tatars took
Kiev. The valley of Dnieper had completely lost its importance and
became a part of the great medieval Polish-Lithuanian state in the fourteenth century. After the fall of Kiev, the state fell apart into independent
principalities that grew stronger during the twelfth and thirteenth century. From the twelfth century onwards, Kiev lost its importance as an intermediary in the trade between Byzantium, Muslim Orient and Western
Europe because the main trade route that used to connect East and West
moved from Russia to Mediterranean. However, the same authors consider that in the twelfth and thirteenth century Kiev reached the zenith in
crafts, domestic and foreign trade, construction and culture. Despite the
political disintegration of the Kiev state and the raids, Kiev remained the
greatest, wealthiest and politically, most influential Russian town until the
Mongol invasion.1206 According to Tolochko, who conducted the excavations in Kiev from 1970s to 1980s, the town continued to expand in territory and demographically throughout the whole pre-Mongol period, and
reached its greatest size in the twelfth and thirteenth century.1207
The urban area of medieval Kiev consisted of two main parts: the
upper town and the lower town.1208 The upper town was situated on the
hill above the right shore of Dnieper, on Kievs hills or Hills as they
1204

1205

1206
1207

1208

. . , . , 1980, 31-47; .
,
, 54, 2012, 124.
. ,
IX XII , 2,
2009, 231-232.
. . , ,
, 1987, 92-100.
P. P. Tolochko, Drevnii Kiev, Kiev 1983, 268-70, 302-304; V. I. Mezentsev,
The Territorial and Demographic of Medieval Kiev and Other Major Cities
of Rus: A Comparative Analyses Based on Recent Archeological Research,
Russian Review 48/2 (1989) 145-154.
. . , ,
,
1987, 92-100; . . , ,
I, 1987, 18.

318

Irena Cvijanovi

were mentioned in chronicles.1209 At the bottom of the hills, on the lower

part of the right shore of the river, the lower town was situated, known
since the Middle Ages as Podil or Podol. The town developed when
several early Slavic settlements merged. This complex included four forts
on the hills near the upper town, known as Old Kiev hill (surface area 2
hectares), Kyselivka hill fort (surface area 10 ha), Shchekavytsia hill and
Lysa hill, as well as the unfortified villages on Dytynka hill and in Podil.
In the ninth and tenth century, number of inhabitants grew and
the building activities in Podil and in the upper town increased, particularly on Starokyivska plateau. At the end of the tenth century, Kievs
Prince Volodimir the Great (980-1015) built a fort spanning ten hectares,
on the promontory of Starokyivska Hill.1210 This fort is known as
Volodimirs town and was the first urban socio-political centre of Kiev,
where were the residences of rulers and nobles, administration centres,
and the most important churches of the town.1211 South of Volodimirs
town, prince Yaroslav the Wise founded in 1037 a new, more spacious
seat, known as Yaroslavs town. Prince Izyaslav Yaroslavich expanded
the seat in 1060, founding the monastery of St. Mihail which had its own
fortifications and was known as Izyaslavich-Svyatopolks town, east of
Yaroslavs town. Yaroslavs and Izyaslav-Svyatopolks town jointly covered the surface area of seventy hectares.
According to Tolochko, the part for merchants and craftsmen
spread gradually and was fortified later than the central part of nobles.1212
It was called Kopyrevs End and on the west, it bordered Yaroslavs town.
This region was fortified in the twelfth century and had the surface area
of forty hectares. Podil, or the lower town, was also fortified in the twelfth
century and took up the surface of 180-200 hectares.1213 From the eleventh
1209
1210

1211

1212
1213

The Russian Primary Chronicle (trans. and ed. Samuel H. Cross),

Cambridge, MA 1930, 164-65.
V. I. Mezentsev, The Territorial and Demographic Development of Medieval
Kiev and Other Major Cities of Rus: A Comparative Analyses Based on Recent
Archeological Research, Russian Review 48/2 (1989) 151-159.
. . ,
X- XII .,
VI, 1987,
169-177; . . , ,
3, 1998, 158-173.
P. P. Tolochko, Istorychna topografiia starodavnoho Kyieva, Kiev 1970,
174, 190, 196.
. . , ,
, 1987, 83.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

319

to the twelfth century, the hills of Kyselivka, Shchekavytsia and Lysa, covered altogether the surface area of 30 hectares, and were expanding just
like the settlements, monasteries and villas of the nobles in the suburbs of
Kiev such as Dorohozhytsi, Cyril and Klov monasteries, Uhorske,
Berestove, Caves Monastery, Vydubychi and others. The settlements in
the suburb covered around thirty to fifty hectares. The surface area of the
centre and the suburb was 360-380 hectares in the twelfth and at the
beginning of the thirteenth century. According to the research of Stefania
Kilievych, the upper town, which encompassed the nobles and the merchant-craftsmen part, developed at the end of the ninth and during the
tenth century, and took its final shape within the ramparts in the mideleventh century.1214 The core of Volodimirs town on the Old Kiev hill
was inhabited throughout the ninth and tenth century. Excavations of
Yaroslav Borovsyki in 1970 showed that Kopirevs End was expanded and
fortified in the tenth century. The ramparts of Kopirevs End were probably built by prince Volodimir. Konstantyn Gupalo excavated in Podil in
1970s and in the early 1980s and published data on this settlement.1215
Remains of sixty wooden huts built from the ninth to twelfth century
were discovered. Thirty huts were well preserved, which enabled precise
dendrochronological dating, with a deviation of one year. Based on these
data, Gupalo claimed that the core of Podil could not have been inhabited
before the ninth century and that it developed by the end of the ninth
century. According to the dendrohronological analysis, the oldest hut in
Podil was dated to 887.
Volodimir Vezentsev believes that the dating of the oldest huts
does not show the right time of this regions settling and thinks that the
higher areas west of Podil were inhabited by the end of the ninth century
while the lower, central regions at the beginning of the tenth century.1216
Based on excavations and the dendrochronological method, twelve sites in
Podil are dated to the period between the ninth and eleventh century. On
the highest, western parts of Podil, close to the foothill of the upper town,
1214
1215

1216

S. R. Kilievych, Detinets Kieva IX - pervoi poloviny XIII vekov, Kiev 1982,

48-49.
K. N. Gupalo, Do pytannia pro formuvannia posadu davnoho Kieva,
Arkheolohichni doslidzhenna starodavnoho Kyieva, Kiev 1976, pp. 12-18;
Idem, Podol v drevnem Kieve, Kiev 1982, 15, 28-33.
V. I. Mezentsev, The Territorial and Demographic Development of Medieval
Kiev and Other Major Cities of Rus: A Comparative Analysis Based on
Recent Arhaeological Research, Russian Review 48/2 (1989), 145-170.

320

Irena Cvijanovi

on Zhitnica, the oldest huts are dated to 887. It is considered that this part
of Podil was first to be inhabited. In the lower, central part of Podil, were
excavated the oldest huts: in Verkhnii Val street dated by dendrochronological method to 900, in the street Nizni Val to 901 and in Podil Red
Square to 913. Excavations between Heroiv, Tripil and Horeva street in the
same central part of Podil showed that the oldest traces of settlement are
dated to the tenth century, based on ceramics and coins found.1217 The excavations in the eastern part of Podil, on the shores of Dnieper, in Voloska
street showed that the earliest settlements were formed in the tenth century and traces from the eleventh century were also discovered. In the north,
in Yaroslav street, the oldest huts were dated to the twelfth century.
On the perifery of Podil, the earliest traces of settlements were dated
to the tenth and eleventh century. On the southern part of Podil, in the Zdanov
street wooden huts were discovered dated with the dendrochronological
method to 1054. On the north-western edge of Podil, in Obolenska street, there
are the oldest traces of settlement, dated to the tenth century, in Gupalos
oppinion, and to the eleventh century according to Tolock.1218 Farther to the
south, in Yaroslav street, the oldest settlement remains are dated to the
eleventh century, and in Sekavits street between the tenth and eleventh
century.1219 Archaeologists consider that the north-western part of Podil was
first inhabited during the reign of Volodimir the Great (980-1015).
All the above mentioned datings confirm Gupalos conclusion that
the core of Podil was settled by the end of the tenth century, and that it
reached its greatest surface area of 180-200 hectares in the eleventh, and
not in the twelfth or thirteenth century as Tolocko believed. Podil was
situated at the foothill below the upper town, so it certainly had a row of
fortifications that connected both ends of the defensive walls of the upper
town, protecting Podil from the south-west. It is supposed that the
fortifications of Podil and the upper town were built at the same time, as an
integral part of the towns singular defensive system. Podil was probably
fortified with ramparts during the reign of Volodimir the Great, when
Volodimirs town, Kopirs End and the upper town were fortified as well,
and the central part of Podil was already populated. The ramparts around
1217
1218
1219

P. P. Tolochko, Drevnii Kiev, Kiev 1983, 268-70, 302-304.

K. M. Gupalo, Podo v drevnem Kieve, Kiev 1982, 29; P. P. Toloko, Drevnii
Kiev, Kiev 1983, 29.
G. Iu. Ivakin and L. Ia. Stepaneno, Raskopki v severo-zapadnoi chasti
Podola v 1980-1982 gg., Arkheologicheskie issledovaniia Kieva 1978-1983.
gg., Kiev 1985, 94, 105.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

321

Podil were probably built during the reign of Yaroslav the Wise (died in
1054), when in 1037 a unique defensive system of Yaroslavs town, Kopirs
End, Sekavitsia hill, was built and the territory of Podil was already densely populated. The construction during the reign of Yaroslav the Wise was
connected with the construction of the defensive system covering the
entire urban territory of Kiev, including Podil. That includes lower town,
and integral parts of the upper town, except for the monasterial complex
of St. Michael, which was built later.
The seat of the Early Medieval state of East Slavs was moved from
the middle Dnieper to the region between Volga and Oka, suitable for
developing agriculture.1220 The region around Moscow and in Volga-Oka
region is less attractive, but still similar to the region around Kiev on the
middle Dnieper. The centre of power shifted to the principality of Moscow
that imposed its might in the end.1221 Later on, when the seat of power
shifted to it, the region between the Volga and the Don, which was mostly
a land of hunters, developed. Early Slavic settlements probably developed
under the influence of the Finns.
The decline of Kiev and the rise of Moscow are in part the
consequence of the rule inheritance among the dukes and princes in the
region around Kiev, which led to the rise of several smaller feudal lands
whose rulers were associated to Kiev. Besides, Kiev state weakened because
of the Tartar invasion and of the other peoples of the steppe, and the road
that lead along the Black Sea to Kiev lost its importance. The position on
the main east-west road from Smolensk to Klazmja to the Volga and the
importance of the Volga basin added to the rise of Moscow. The position of
Moscow on this road was particularly important because of the intersection
on the north-south road from Novgorod to Volga and Oka.1222 By the end of
the twelfth and thirteenth century, Kiev was still one of the greatest towns
in Russia but others towns in southern Russia, such as Halich and
1220

1221
1222

A. S. Morris, The Medieval Emergence of the Volga-Oka Rgion, Annals of

the Association of American Geographers 61/ 4 (1971), 697-710; .
, (IX-XII )
( ), 2010, 221-227; . ,
, ,
2012, 120-125.
. . , ,
4, 1997, 79-93.
. . , ,
IV, 1987,
35-40.

322

Irena Cvijanovi

Chernichov, were gaining a more important role. The town of Halich

reached the surface area as large as Kiev and Chernichov even surpassed it.
It appears that the size and the population density in Russian towns were
connected with the level of socio-economic and political development,
and the growth of administration, government, cultural and religious
institutions. In the pre-Mongol period the concentration of towns around
the Dnieper was high. In the region around the middle Dnieper, from the
eleventh to the twelfth century developed the towns of Bilhorod,
Vishorod and Torsesk. On the north-west of Russia, the greatest towns
were Smolensk and Polotsk, while Suzdal and Riazan occupied an area
twice as small. Archaeological research was conducted in Kiev,1223
Novgorod,1224 Smolensk, Osovik,1225 Pskov,1226 Ladoga,1227 Staraia Russia,
1223
1224

1225
1226

1227

. . , ,
, 1987, 80-86.
. . , . . ,
, 4, 1970, 54-73; .
. , . ,
2, 1972, 127-138; . . , :
X-XI ..,
, 1987, 8693; . . , IX-XI . (
),
I, 1987, 5-14.
. . , . . , ,
1, 1973, 200-216.
. . , X-XV .
,
, 1987, 129-136; . . ,
,
, 1987, 31-36; . . ,

, 4,
1991, 216-224.
. . , VIII-XIII .,
,
1987, 101-111; . . , . , ,
,
, 1987, 138-146; . .
, ,
II,
1987, 71; . . , . . ,

, 1, 1988, 85-9.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

323

Polotsk,1228 Minsk,1229 Bereste,1230 Suzdal,1231 Beloozero1232 and Stari Riazan,1233

Druck,1234 Pendizken,1235 Gnezdov,1236 Saraj,1237 Bogojavlenskoj,1238 and
Dedilovo, Serensko, Mcensk, Kromu, Tesilov, Deviatogorsk,1239 Lavov.1240
In the twelfth century the towns of Zvenihorod, Chernihiv,1241 Novgorod1228

1229

1230
1231

1232
1233
1234

1235
1236
1237

1238
1239
1240

1241

. . , (
),
I, 1987, 148-154; . . ,
,
II, 1987, 5-12.
. . , (
),
I, 1987, 148-154.
. . , ,
IV, 1987, 14-19.
. . , X-XIII . (, ),
III,
1987, 100-110.
. . , ,
4, 1970, 239-244.
. . , . . , ,
1995, 23-130.
. . ,
, 3, 1972,
355-357.
. , ,
1, 1982, 143-155.
. . , ,
3, 1970, 102-109.
. . , ,
3, 1971, 281-284; . . ,
, , 1,
1973, 217-224.
. . , VIII-IX .. . ,
2, 1971, 258-265.
. . , ,
4, 1972, 158-170.
. . ,
(1975-1985 .),
III, 1987,
20-24.
. . , ,
. , 1953, 98; . . ,
- X-XIII .
, 1984, 72; . . ,
- ,
,
1987, 122-128.

324

Irena Cvijanovi

Siversk, Vir, Bilhorod, Vishorod, Putivl, Ciurnaiv and Periaslav1242

developed. Some of Kievs residents moved to the northern Russian towns.
Riazan was a political and cultural centre and one of the greatest
and richest Russian towns in the twelfth century.1243 Archaeological
research was conducted in Old Riazan, situated on the river Oka. The
gradishte was surrounded with high ramparts and deep trenches, which
have been well-preserved. The architecture of the Riazan complex consisted of wooden buildings. Through evolving from a small town on the
shores of Oka to a capital of a powerful principality, Riazans urban plan
was becoming more perfect. Archaeological excavations allowed for a
reconstruction of the town through different phases of its construction.
The north promontory is the oldest part of the town situated on the confluence of Srebjanka and Oka. At first, the promontory was used as a fort
and its position enabled further expansion of the town. There were three
towns with a similar reef structure: Pskov, Krom and Novgorod. The north
promontory of Riazan has not been thoroughly explored, because of the
seventeenth-century cemetery established above it.1244
By the end of the first and the beginning of the second millennium, the Slavs were gladly settling the forest-steppe area between the rivers
Dnieper and Don, which offered best conditions for agriculture.1245 The
settlements were often built in the region of small villages around Tula,
the river Upa and its tributaries, especially around upper Upa and the Shat.
The most explored settlements in the valley of Upa are Supruti, Torhovo
and Utkino. In all three habitation layers, sunken huts with ovens were
discovered, with a rectangular basis, recesses with ovens and apparent orientation to cardinal points. Surface areas of the houses ranged from 3 x 3m
to 5 x 5m. In the settlement Torhovo, the surface of only two buildings can
be determined, and it was less than 8 m2. Houses in the settlement Utkino
had a surface of 11 to 11.5 m2. The houses were made of planks and clay

1242

1243

1244
1245

. . , ,
VI, 1987,
163-169.
. . , (
1970-1979 .),
III, 1987, 63-70.
. . , . . , ,
1995, 23-38.
. . ,
I - II . .., 2005, 23-25.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

325

with pillars in corners and the middle, or no pillars in the construction.

Sunken huts with two or four pillars were widespread in the ninth century on the left shores of Dnieper. Stone ovens were in one of the corners,
usually in the northern part.
The great Gornaljsko gradishte is mentioned in the chronicles of
Severans as the gradishte of the Romenska culture but in the course of further excavations this opinion changed.1246 In the tenth-century residential
buildings were ovens while pits almost make no appearance. Research of
the village Suljinka showed that the buildings do not belong to the typical
Romenska-culture architecture. Log cabins were built overground. Similar
structures were found in the Volincevo settlement and around it. The
material culture of the Severans sustained considerable changes in the
period from the seventh to the first half of the eleventh century.
Gradishte is the main settlement type in the Romenska culture. In
the settlement near the village of Gorbovo, tenth-century log cabins were
discovered with traditional Russian stone ovens and those made of clay.
Complete absence of pillar pits is very peculiar. The village of Gorbovo was
destroyed at the end of the tenth century.1247
Towns provide information on economy and trade because they
are connected with other parts of land. Towns produced goods that were
needed in rural, agricultural regions. Some towns were on the river banks
with fertile soil, indicating the importance of agriculture. Archaeological
exploration and the written sources give information about urban life.
Urban centres had defensive or military role. From the ninth century,
towns in Russia were being fortified with wooden palisades and they were
administrative, military and trade centres. Volodimir founded towns along
the rivers Desna, Ostra, Trubez, Sula and Stugna in 988 so that he could
protect the approach to Kiev from the south and from eastern border with
the steppe. Archaeological excavations showed that these towns were fortified and merchant centres. Yaroslav the Wise brought Polish captives
who built new fortifications in 1031. The towns of Ladoga, Beloozero,
Izyaslav, Belgorod, Suzdal and others were built the similar way but they
grew into towns with other purposes.1248 Military centres remained only in
1246
1247
1248

. . , VIII - XI
, 2000, 13-21.
. . , VIII - XI
, 2000, 52-54.
. . , X-XIII . (, ),
III, 1987, 100-110.

326

Irena Cvijanovi

the steppes on the south-east. Some gradishta were built before the rise of
Kiev, and became towns later, which points to their defensive role
although they had an important role in trade, as well. A few towns were
discovered that were primarily religious centres, and that later on expanded their purpose. The main centres of trade were Kiev, situated on the
river banks of Dnieper; Nizhni Novgorod on the confluence of Volga and
Oka; and the Great Novgorod, well connected with other towns. The old
merchant towns were Novgorod,1249 Staraja Ladoga,1250 Kostroma, Ustjug
and Volkolamsk. Many important settlements in the country were built on
small rivers or streams which were unsuitable for agriculture. The northeastern part of the land, including Moscow, had the best conditions for the
development of agriculture. Rostov and Suzdal, important, old towns on
the north-east, were not built on a river but were surrounded with forest,
on a very fertile soil.1251 Then, Tihomirov, which was a trade centre, too.
Five regions with fertile soil and plenty of towns can be named: the region
surrounding Kiev, Galih-Volhynia, Polotsk-Smolensk, Rostov-Suzdal and
Riazan. Handcraft was very developed in the towns of Kiev Russia. Goods
were mostly very crude and produced for local needs, and were not
exported to other lands. In the area of the early medieval Russi, we can
speak of several cultures that developed around the urban centres.1252
East-Slavic culture underwent great changes, mostly under the
influence of the Saltovo culture to which Khazars, Bulgars and Alans used
to belong.1253 It seems that the constant Khazar raids induced the Slavs to
fortify their settlements. It is supposed that the Khazars pushed the Slavs
1249

1250

1251

1252
1253

. . , , 4, 1985, 90-106, .
, . , .
, , 1985, 8-16; . . , .
. , ,
4, 1991, 413-425.
. . ,
( 1949. .),
4, 1973, 262-269.
. . , .
,
II, 1987, 151-158.
. . , - XXIII , ( ), 1983, 6-15.
. . ,
, Rapports du IIIe Congrs International dArchologie Slave,
Bratislava 1980, 359-360.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

327

north, towards Baltic.1254 The Radimich tribe settled around the lower Soz
river and along the rivers Iput and Beseda. There was no Slavic material in
this region before the tenth century. The Dragovichi expanded from
Pripeta northwards to the Baltic lands, before the ninth century. Other
tribes on the territory of Belorussia and north Russia, such as the Krivichi,
came from West-Slavic lands. In the eleventh and the twelfth century the
Krivichi dispersed throughout the area between the upper flow of Nemun
and west to Kostrom on the upper Volga on the east, and from the lake
Pskov on the north to upper Soz and river Desna on the south. The earliest finds from Krivichi date from the sixth to ninth century. In the region
of Smolensk, where later settlements of the Krivichi were discovered,
there were no Slavic finds before the eighth century. The influence of the
Balts and of the Finno-Ugric people played an important role in the formation of the Krivichi culture.1255
Modern Belarus, area in which East Slavic languages are spoken
today, was populated with East Balts (ancestors of Lithuanians) up to the
tenth century and the Baltic ethnicities did survive even after the Slavic
expansion.1256 The Baltic tribe Goliad (Galinidianus) lived in the basin of
upper Oka, sout-west of Moscow up to the twelfth century. Archaeological
finds show that the Balts assimilated slowly into Slavic tribes. It is assumed
that the Slavs made it so far the north across eastern Poland and the basin
of upper Nemuan. The Slavic expansion in Russia did not end before the
ninth/tenth century.
Early settlements in Russia were small agricultural communities
without territorial organisation until the end of eighth century.1257 These
early settlements with scattered houses were without defensive ramparts,
or fortified with soil ramparts and canals, or situated in naturally protected areas on a hill surrounded by a river.1258 The settlement on the hill in
1254

1255
1256

1257
1258

. . , ,
I,
1987, 86-92.
. . , ,
I, 1987, 22-31.
. . , -
( ),
II, 1987, 147-151.
. . , ,
2, 1990, 62-75.
. , (IX-XII )
( ), 2010, 140, 190, 214-215.

328

Irena Cvijanovi

Novotroitski, east of mid-Dnieper, completely explored by I. I. Ljapuskin in

the 1950s, is an example of a naturally protected settlement.1259 Ramparts
around villages enabled these communities to connect and to gain firm
hold. In the late eighth and the ninth century, settlements are typically
better fortified and well-fortified settlements on hills, castra, surrounded by
open settlements, make appearance. These open settlements were not very
distant from each other and they were the smallest units in territorial
organization. On the upper and middle Odra, these settlements covered
from twenty to seventy km2, and sometimes 150 km2. Forts on the hills had
massive earthen ramparts with inbuilt wooden gate, a so-called boxconstruction, known from the excavations of the fort on the Bonikovo hill
and in Bruszcevo in western Poland. The core of the inner and outer
rampart was built of stone. Forts on hills were residences of the upper
classes, who ran the government. Merger of a few small settlements into
one court was the next phase of the territorial and social organization.
Countries developed when one competent leader subjugated other tribe
leaders to his power and became a prince of a larger territory. In this period,
from the seventh to ninth century, the population concentrated in large
settlements that became administrative centres. At that time in Russia,
great towns of Kiev, Staraja Ladoga, Pskov and Novgorod came to be.
The settlements of Prague-Korchak culture were, as a rule, placed
on rivers, near water sources.1260 Unfortified settlements are typical, mainly small, with eight to twenty households with courtyards.1261 Settlements
of both low and high number of houses are known. In the settlement
Raskov 3, ninety-two houses were discovered, but some buildings were
destroyed when the river banks of Dniester slid. A very small number of
houses has been excavated completely, so it is not possible to determine
their size. Explorers did notice that in many regions of Prague-Korchak
culture, the settlements were formed in the shape of a nest. In Pripjatsko
1259

1260

1261

. ,
,
I, 1987, 109-113.
H. Brachmann, Slawische Atmme an Elbe und Saale, Zu ihrer Geschichte
und Kultur im 6. bis 10. Jahrhundert auf Grund archologischer Quellen,
Berlin 1978, 7-20, 161-167.
. . , . . , - X-XIII .
. , 1984, 23-28; . . ,
- ( ,
), , 1987, 52.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

329

Plesje settlements were found in the shape of a nest that consisted of three
to four villages only 300-500 m away from each other, with the distance
between them of 3-5 km.1262 Similar concentration of settlements was discovered close to Desan-Mozikane on the Elbe.1263 On the terrace/plateau
above the valley of the river were five settlements, each consisting of six
to eleven houses. Two types of settlements are distinguished:
- The most widespread type was built without a plan and buildings
are in irregular groups. In the open space between them, pits were
discovered that were used by a few families.
- The second type of settlements are those that were planned and
constructed on the river banks or other water surfaces.
In the village Desan-Mozikan, there is another type of construction. About ten houses are distributed in a circle, with no buildings in the
centre of the village. Gradishta are familiar among the settlements of
Prague-Korchak culture. The best known gradishte is in the village Zimno
on Volhynia.1264 It was built on the promontory above the bank of river
Lug, a right tributary of the Western Bug.1265
Gradishte was situated on the central part of the prominence surrounded with deep ditches. The dimensions of gradishte are 100 x 40 m.
The excavation showed that the south-western part was fastened with
supporting pillars fastened with horizontal logs and a wooden palisade. On
the sides were steep slopes, inaccessible for an enemy. In the south-westen part of the site, thirteen clay hearths were discovered. On the Zimovsko
gradishte, findings included many metal objects, tools for labour, pieces of
clothes and jewelry. These sites indicate that the gradishte was a crafts
centre with blacksmiths, goldsmiths and stonecutters living in it.
The residential buildings of Prague-Korchak culture were primarily sunken huts with square base, dimensions 8 - 20 m2.1266 The depth of the
digs in the ground could be 0.3 - 1 m and deeper, with a usual depth of 0.5
- 1 m. A variety of construction techniques was used for walls. Some were
made of stacked logs, rarely of cordwood, and other walls were made of
1262
1263
1264
1265
1266

. . , , 1972, 25-32.
B. Krger, Dessau-Mosigkau, ein frhslawischer Siedlungsplatz im mittleren
Elbgebeit, Berlin 1967, 36-48.
. . , - VI-VII . ..
, 1972, 35-46.
. . , VI-IX .
, 1973, 43-56.
. . , , 1995, 7-39.

330

Irena Cvijanovi

horizontally placed cordwood that intersected or was fastened to spikes

covered with earth. Floors were of earth, sometimes greased with clay or
paneled in planks. In one of the houses walls entrance was made with
wooden doors. At the entrance, wooden ladders for going downstairs were
placed. It is assumed that the total height of the residential building was
two meters. Pitched roofs had a wooden frame which was covered with
planks or straw. In the western part of a house of Prague-Korchak culture
were ovens of small dimensions, made of stone and clay. Position of the
hearth in one corner of the residential house represents an ethnographical
characteristic of Slavic house interior. In the interior of the house, benches carved out of wood or of material covered in wood were placed along
the walls. They served as beds or as benches. In the earthen floor of some
of these houses, pits full of charred wood were found. Traces of furniture
legs can be seen on the floor. Small pits with large clay vessels containing
household supplies were also found. P. Donat described the construction
of Slavic houses in the Early Middle Ages. In his works he showed the
main differences between Slavic and Germanic houses.1267
He differentiated two types of Slavic houses:
1. Half-earthen houses, widespread in the central and southern
parts of the Slavic world in the Early Middle Ages.
2. Sunken huts characteristic for Prague-Korchak culture and
clearly different from the houses of the North Slavs at the beginning of the
Middle Ages. Similar houses were widespread on the settlements of
Penkovka and Ipotesti-Candesti culture.
The Sukow-Dziedzice (lehit) culture grew in the Odra basin, the
lands of the middle Povislenje, and on the west between the rivers Odra
and Elba.1268 The culture has got name according to two well explored sites,
gradishte Sukow in Mecklenburg, and village Dziedzice in the Polish
Pomerania.1269 In the literature in German it is usually called Sukow-Seligi.
The unique element of the Sukow-Dziedzice culture was the building construction of houses, which clearly limits the area of that culture from the
1267
1268

1269

P. Donat, Haus, Hof und Dorf in Mitteleuropa vom 7.-12. Jahrhundert,

Berlin 1980, 9-31.
J. Herrmann, J. Siedlung, Wirtschaft und gesellschaftliche verhltnisse der
slawischen Stmme zwischen Oder/Neisse und Elbe, Berlin 1968, 53-71;
Idem, Die Slawen in Deutschland, Berlin 1985, 21-32.
. -, .
, II, 1987, 67-74.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

331

area of the Prague-Korchak culture.1270 In contrast with the sunken huts of

the Prague-Korchak culture, Sukow-Dziedzice built overground houses
made of cordwood. In the course of excavations, they are hard to discover,
with their base having empty, oval and irregular pits. Their dimensions
vary, from 2.5-2 x 1.5 m 3.1 x 1.9 m, and 0.4 m deep. During the
excavations pits of houses and auxiliary buildings were found. They are
usually of small dimensions and buried under earth with refuse. Beside
hearths were pits. The hearths were built of stone in one or two levels, or
they were recesses filled with a layer of coal. Average dimensions of
hearths were 1.5 x 1.2 m. Near the hearth, remains of a stone oven were
found. In this area several settlements with lattice support construction
were found, which bears semblance to Germanic houses. They probably
took it up from the Germanic tribes that inhabited the region during the
Roman period. However, the archaeological material found in those
houses was made of carved wood, which indicates a Slavic settlement.
The basic type of the Penkovka culture settlement was an open
village on river terraces and near water sources.1271 Settlements were built on
sites naturally protected by rivers, forests, swamps, which is why they were
not fortified with ramparts. Fertile land and pastures for cattle grazing were
usually in the vicinity of the settlements. The surface area of a village did not
exceed one to two hectares and most of them covered half a hectare, at most.
Most of the settlements contained from seven to fifteen households. Thus in
the village Semenki, eleven households were excavated. Unplanned
construction was the rule, and houses were 14-15 m away from each other.
On great, well explored settlements concentration of houses into groups was
noticed. Unplanned construction is also characteristic for the settlements in
Moldavia (Huc) and Poddniprya (Stecovka).
The basic type of the Penkovka culture was a sunken square hut,
with the surface area of 12-20 m2.1272 In its basic characteristics, it is
identical to the houses or the Prague-Korchak type. The depth of digs at
the site was 0.4-1 m. Walls of these houses were made of beams or posts,
1270
1271

1272

. . , , 1995, 40-68.
. . , ,
I .., 1985, 85-93; .
. , -
( , ),
,
1987, 52-57.
. . , , 1995, 68-95.

332

Irena Cvijanovi

mainly of beams. In the area between the Dnieper and the Dniester, houses
take 75%, on the left bank of Dnieper 79%, and in Prut-Dniester region more
than 80 %.1273 Huts had a circular base. It is estimated that the overground
part was 1.5 - 2 m high. As a part of the post construction, cordwood was
placed horizontally and fastened with spikes or by crossing ends. Roofs had
wooden frame covered with straw or reed. In the village Berebikovci, the
houses had pitched roofs of baulks covered with clay. Most of the houses of
the Penkovska culture had a stone hearth and few clay ovens. In the second
phase, clay ovens prevailed, and in few houses were stone hearths.
Sunken huts in Dnieper-Dniester area mostly had stone ovens.
Stone ovens with hearths were discovered only on the periphery of the
Penkovka culture region.
Throughout the Middle Ages, it was customary to place ovens in
one of the corners of the sunken huts. In most of the Penkovka culture
huts, ovens were built of stone immediately on the floor or, rarely, slightly
dug into the ground or raised above it. In the early phases, ovens were made
of small stones, and were discovered demolished, their construction
unknown. Later, foundations of ovens were built of crisscrossed stone
plates, covered with a stone plate. Dimensions of ovens hearths were 0.50.6 m, and 0.3-0.5 m in height. Very rarely were they made of clay. In the
villages Hanska in Moldavia, clay ovens with oval base were discovered,
with radius between 0.5 to 0.7 m. In contrast with the houses from the
earlier period, it was distinctive that they were placed in one of the corners
beside the northern wall of the house, because in that time, entrances were
on the southern side. Later, the arrangement would change. The interior of
the Penkovka huts was bare, equipped only with benches beside the wall.
The floor was mostly made of rammed earth, and occasionally of wooden
beams, although it is assumed unverified by excavations. At the entrance,
one would climb down the hut by a wooden ladder. Sometimes stairs were
dug in the ground itself. In most of the houses, rectangular or oval pits 0.5
m wide were dug opposite the oven. Sunken huts of Penkovka villages
Hitci, Skribinci, Seliste, Kocobevka I, Dauceni were of the second type.
They had a central support post that probably held up the construction. All
1273

. . , ( ),
II, 1987, 4349; . . ,
XIXII ., V
I, 1987, 164-170.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

333

huts of this type belong to the earliest horizon of Penkovka villages. Such
buildings do not exist among the houses of the next phase. Incoming
emigrants from the lands around upper Dnieper brought with them the
construction of huts with the central support post, which were widespread
in those lands in the first quarter of the first millennium. The huts of the
upper Dnieper lands were of the Kiev and Kolochin cultures. In time, the
upper Dnieper population assimilated into Penkovka population, and the
huts with the central post disappeared. In the southern areas of Poddniprya,
the population of Penkovka culture completely assimilated into TurkicYazig nomads. Many Yazig villages were discovered: Osipovka, Sepovka,
Lug II, Budisce, Cernescina. Remains of houses with oval and round bases
with indents were excavated, which resemble the nomadic yurtas. In the
village of Stecovki, an oval building was discovered, with base dimensions
6 x 7.2 m and a 0.5 m deep indent, around which a canal was dug, 0.3-0.4
m in diameter and 10-15 cm deep. The floor was covered with straw in
Budisce, where a rectangular hut with thickened corners was found. A
stone hearth was in the centre. It is assumed that those houses belonged to
nomads that commenced practicing agriculture. Huts found in the village
of Zovnin, with recesses, walls of clay and floors of mudbrick and clay, did
not belong to Slavs; neither did the buildings with stone foundations in the
small village of Zvonecka. It is obvious that in the Penkovka culture, there
were houses different in plan from the buildings of the Saltov culture,
which points to Alano-Bulgar infiltration into Slavic territory. The
auxiliary rooms set them apart from the huts of Penkovka culture.
Sometimes these were overground huts or seemingly residential buildings
on posts, with more frequently cylindrical, bell-like or barrel-shaped pits,
of a 0.3 - 2 m radius. In the pits and auxiliary rooms beside the house, grain
and other food supplies had been preserved. In the village of Semenki,
there were twenty-five houses, 0.5-2.5 m apart, surrounded with seven
pits. The pits were discovered in the village Kocebevka, too. The villages
in which auxiliary rooms, pits and pantries formed a singular complex
together with the residential area, belong to the period of the initial
development of a familial aggregation when the production was collective.
In other villages, such as Budisce and Hitci, pits and auxiliary rooms
belonging to a household were on the periphery of the village, and the
sunken huts took the largest area, indicating that the produce was
communal property. In the area of the Penkovka culture a few fortified
villages are known, such as a completely explored settlement in Moldavia.

334

Irena Cvijanovi

A fortified village was built on the plateau at the confluence of the rivers
Vatica and Reut. At the approachable side, it was protected with a rampart
and a deep canyon. The dimensions of gradishte were 130 x 60 m. In the
village sixteen sunken huts and eighty-one pits were excavated. Finds in
the sunken huts point to handcrafts related to goldsmithing. Researchers
of monuments consider that Gradishte was one of the administrative centres of the Penkovska population.
Ipotesti-Candesti culture developed on the remains of the Roman
period in the area between the Prut and lower Danube.1274 The population
was consisted of Romanized descendants of Daco-Getic, Germanic, and
Slavic tribes.1275 The Ipotesti-Candesti culture developed in the mid-sixth
century by merging elements of Prague-Penkovka with local ones.1276
A specificity are unfortified settlements, situated on the river terraces. Several dozens of settlements were explored. Residential buildings
were rectangular in plan, with ovens made of stone or clay. Ovens were
often made in the walls of sunken huts pits, which were regularly in one
of the corners of the house. Walls of the houses were made of logs or had
a support post construction. In all characteristics, the houses of IpotestiCandesti culture were identical with Slavic huts of the Prague-Korchak
and Penkovka range, and it is obvious that the Slavic settlers brought them
in the lower Danube region. In the village Ben Jasa near Bukurest, more
than ten huts belonging to the third phase were explored. More than thirty sunken huts with stone ovens in their corners were excavated in the village Botosan-Suceava. Some ovens were well preserved, enabling detailed
reconstruction. Most of the houses had walls constructed posts, but huts
made of logs can also be encountered. The houses were modestly equipped
and covered with a pitched roof.
Volincevo culture - Slavs on the southeast of the Russian plains. In
the seventh and the eighth century two cultural groups appeared on the
south bank of Dnieper.1277 The forest-steppe lands belonged to the population of the Penkovka culture, Sahnov phase, while the northern regions,
1274

1275
1276
1277

. , -
VI-VII ..., Interaktionen der mitteleuropischen Slawen und anderen
Ethnika im 6.-10. Jahrhundert, Nitra 1984, 261-265; . . ,
, 1995, 95-109.
O. Torpu, Romanitatea tirizie i strromnii in Dacia Traian sudearpatic,
Craiova 1976, 119-144.
S. Dolinescu-Ferche, La cultur "Ipoteti-Ciurel-Cindeti" (V-VII sicles). La
situation en Valoachie, Dacia 28, Bucureti 1984, 117-147.
. . , , 1995, 186-209.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

335

around the rivers Seim and Podesenia, was inhabited by the tribes of
Kolocin culture. At the end of the seventh and the beginning of eighth
century, development of these cultures was interrupted by an arrival of
relatively great masses of a new population. The migration took in a small
part of Prague-Korchak area in which the Luki-Raikovets culture stood in
the seventh century. On a part of the right bank of the Kiev region around
Dnieper, local population accepted the culture of newcomers and threw in
their own elements. In that process, a new archaeological culture called
Volincevo culture appeared on the left bank of the Dnieper forest-steppe
region, named after the complex of monuments discovered around the village Volincevo of the Putivlj area in the Sumska region.1278 Volincevo settlements were not fortified. According to the topographic characteristics
and shape they are similar to the Slavic settlements from the previous period. They were formed on the terraces and plateaus between river valleys.
In the last phase, settlements were built on hills. Settlements tended to be
of smaller dimensions but bigger settlements are also known, with a surface area 6-7.5 ha. Little data are known about the plan and character of
the settlement. A good example are the remains of Volincevo settlement,
surface area of 4800 m2 in which fifty-one structure and auxiliary structures from different periods of construction were explored. Structures are
arranged in four compact groups within which the houses were built
unplanned. Fortifications were not built in Volincevo settlements, but the
influence of this culture is obvious in Bitic and Oposnji gradishte. Remains
of the monuments on Bitic are related to skivska time, and the fortifications in Oposnji have connections to Romenska period. The basic type of
Volincevo culture settlement has, as its characteristic, square or rectangular structures of sunken huts type of a surface area 20-25 m2. Most of them
were dug into the ground at a depth of 1-1.2 m, with a rare occurrence of
deeper digs of 1.2-1.6 m depth. Most of the structures had walls with latticed support construction with horizontally placed beams or wattle. A
few log cabins were discovered. Roofs of the houses were pitched and
approximately 1.2 m high. A thin layer of earth mixed with clay was
applied to the wooden roof. Entrance to the houses was by wooden stairs.
They often had pits as house storages dug into the ground or wall. Besides
that, outside the residential buildings were overground or underground
storage room. Clay ovens were in the houses, usually built with the same
1278

. . , , 1975, 3-10.

336

Irena Cvijanovi

material or specially rammed clay at the time of the entire construction. In

addition, in the Biticki and Oposnji settlements, open hearths were also
found. The topography of the settlement and the structures indicate an
agricultural character of Volincevo settlements.
Ukraine

Raikovets culture stretched between the Dnieper in the east and

the Carpathian mountains in the west, from Pripyat in the north to the
lower Danube on the south.1279 Most of the settlements were unfortified,
situated in naturally protected areas, near waterways. Settlements of
Raikovets culture often existed synchronously with the settlements of the
Prague and Penkovka type, situated in the same topographic conditions, as
settlements that existed side by side, grouped in the same territory.1280
They were built above Iron Age settlements and fortified with
wooden walls. Most of the houses of Raikovets culture had square foundations and one room. They are classified in two types: sunken and overground houses. Each house had an oven, usually made of stone, and sometimes from wattle and mud.
Sunken houses are divided in two types, according to the manner,
wood was used in the construction of walls: houses made of wooden spikes
and rough cordwood. Overground houses were made exclusively of
cordwood and consisted of a living room and an underground workroom.
Between the eighth and tenth century, between the Dnieper and the
Carpathians, a type of a sunken hut was prevalent, made of spikes, which
represented a continuation of the local building tradition from the previous
period and existed on this territory until the eleventh century, with an
occasional appearance in the twelfth century. The houses made of
cordwood were rare and this type only began being adopted from the
eighth to ninth century. Overground houses with a cellar appeared in the
tenth century and belonged to the upper class of society.
Archaeological research and written sources confirm great changes
in the first millennium when it comes to the development of houses
among the East Slavic communities that formed the economic basis of the
1279
1280

. , ` VIII - X . ,
2007, 75-105, 282-285.
. . , ,
I .., 1985, 83.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

337

Kiev state. Animal husbandry was the main occupation of the East Slavic
population between the Dnieper and Carpathians between the eighth and
tenth century, like in the period before. Discovery of the grain seeds
together with grass (weeds) is of great significance, and this is typical for
winter wheat in the settlement of Revinianski. Development of metallurgy
was of special importance, as it provided a sufficient amount of quality
iron tools. The introduction of potters wheel developed the production of
high quality ceramics fast, thanks to the ovens. Settlements of the
Raikovets culture appeared at the time of rise of the Kiev state. The
development of handcrafts and agriculture brought to the flourishing of
import and export trade. New trade routes, foreign products, Byzantine
and Kufa coins in the area of the Raikovets culture, all point to stable
mercantile, economic connections between the Slavic tribes and the
neighboring peoples. The East Slavic tribal communities were divided into
tribes led by princes (knez), ruled by the grand prince. From the area of
the Raikovets culture, we know of princes of Poljani, Drevljani, Ulici,
Volinjani and Croats. Locations of the Raikovets culture shrines were not
pinpointed by archaeological research.
The expansion of Slavic settlements was limited by the foreststeppe zone in the western Ukraine. The Slavs avoided the steppes and settled in the areas suitable for agriculture. The earliest Slavic material in
Ukraine was classified into the western and eastern group, Zhitomir and
Penkovka. The settlements of Zhitomir culture were situated west of
Dnieper in the basin of the river Teterev, around the town of Zhitomir in
Volhynia, and they spanned westwards until south-eastern Poland.1281 The
settlements of Penkovka culture were grouped in the valley of Dnieper
and scattered between Dnieper and the middle Prut in Moldavia.1282 From
this space, Slavs expanded north, south and westwards.
The Zhitomir group is known for the settlements situated on the
river terraces and sand dunes close to a river. Villages were connected
with a small hill fortification built for defence. A barely noticeable cultural layer of habitation on this site indicates to a short period of occupation.
Houses were very small and lightly constructed.
One of the settlements of this culture is Korchak, situated on the
bank of the river Tetrev near Zhitomir in West Ukraine. The settlement
consisted of sunken square huts scattered in an area 100 m long and 30-50
1281
1282

M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, London 1971, 80-85.

M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, London 1971, 86-90.

338

Irena Cvijanovi

m wide. Twelve houses were excavated, about 10 to 15 m apart, dug into

the ground to a depth of one meter or more. Hearth made of large stones
were built in the north-eastern corner of each house. On the floors of the
huts traces were found of post holes that had supported the roofs. Some
huts had an entrance with stairs.
The settlements in the area of Zhitomir have close analogies in the
areas around the upper Dnieper and Western Bug in Volhynia and southeastern Poland. Good examples are the systematically surveyed villages in
Ripnjevo in the region of Lvov on the Western Bug, and in Nezviski on the
upper Dniester. On both sites, small sunken square huts with a clay or
stone hearth were found. Analogies exist in Moldavia, Bohemia, Slovakia
and central Germany. A few huts in the settlement of Ripnjev were excavated right above a layer of the earlier Chernyakhov culture, dated after
the fibulas to the fourth and fifth century. One of the Early Medieval
Slavic buildings was a small fort on the Zimno hill in the Volin region.
Early Medieval complex Luka-Raikovetskya, dated to the eighth
and ninth century, was discovered after a few open settlements and forts
on a hill in the area of Zhitomir.1283 The Slavic settlements on the hill started making appearance from the eighth century and existed later on in the
Slavic lands as well as throughout the Balkans and central Europe.
Fortifications were situated on the river banks, in quite inaccessible areas,
and covered surface areas between 1000 and 3000 m2. It is assumed that
they were seats of tribal leaders and connected with the open settlements.
One of the best explored fortifications is in Kotomel, in the valley of the
river Gorin in the area Brest. The fort was round and fortified with double ramparts, and canals on the side toward the river.
The building complexes of the Zhitomir culture expanded from its
core to south, west and north. When some groups separated, in the area of
Zhitomir culture, the tribes of Poljani, Drevljani and Dragovici united. In
the ninth century they moved farther north of the river Pripet and settled
in the Baltic lands in the north, while in the west they arrived to the Dvina
(Dugava).
The settlements of the Penkovka group are well explored in the
area around the Dnieper: around Cerkasi, north-west of Kremenchug,
between Dnepropetrovska and Zaprozhe and around the middle flow of
1283

. . , ,
II,
1987, 5-12.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

339

the Southern Bug.1284 Penkovka culture got its name after a village in the
area around Kirovgrad, west of the Dnieper. D. T. Berzovets conducted
excavations in the 1950s, on five sites with remains of the settlement in
Penkovka. Since then, more than sixty settlements of Penkovka culture
were discovered. The settlements were always situated on the river banks.
A thin cultural layer points to a short duration of settlements existence,
just like with the Zhitomir culture. At one site, only ten sunken huts were
discovered, and it is assumed that only five or six existed at the same time.
In Penkovka settlement, small houses were discovered, rarely more than
three meters in width, with a stone oven in one corner, usually. Remains
of wooden planks used for the support of earthen walls were preserved in
some houses. Vertical spikes were also used for construction of walls. A
special study of the Early Slavic sunken huts, and those that are still being
made in Ukraine, showed that they did not exist for a long time. During
the reconstruction of an Early Medieval settlement Berzovets, it was
established that the huts were in a good condition without repairs for only
six to seven years, and that they could be used for fifteen to twenty years
at most. Six to seven people could live in each house, but if family grew, a
new hut would have to be built. Zhitomir and Penkovka cultures are just
regional variations of one culture with a practically same economic and
social structure. The sites of Penkovka culture probably constitute the core
of the East Slavs, maybe Antes. Tribes Ulichi and Tiveri were also traced
in this territory.
The expansion of Penkovka culture in the region east of the
Dnieper is confirmed on the sites such as Volincevo from the sixth and
seventh century, and from the eighth and ninth century hill forts of the
Romny group, in the area inhabited by Severani.1285 The Volincevo site, in
the valley of the river Sejm near Putivil in the Sumi region, delivered basic
information about the Early Slavic culture in this area. The remains of the
settlement were discovered in the valley, on the river bank. The village
was naturally protected with an almost impassable swamp on three sides.
Sunken huts, with a surface area of 6 m2, were built in three rows. In the
middle of the settlement was a big building with three ovens, possibly a
1284
1285

. . , ,
I .., 1985, 85-93.
. . , -
( , ),
,
1987, 52-57.

340

Irena Cvijanovi

workshop. Houses were divided in two groups: houses built with

horizontally placed cordwood and houses made with vertical spikes
covered with wattle and daub. One house in this settlement is burnt,
although parts are quite well preserved. The cordwood walls were still
standing and fragments of a flat roof without a chimney, made of logs,
were found. The floor was made of clay with a dug-out pit for storage. In
the north-eastern corner was a place for an oven made of local porous clay.
The part around the oven was separated with a partition wall. Workshops
and barns were in a separate building, and some workshops had three
ovens. In the fortified settlement Vishneva Gora a big workshop was
discovered with wooden vessel full of yellowish matter. Chemical analyses
confirmed that it was honey and wax.
Larger villages fortified with ramparts with canals dug all around
are typical for the early ninth century. The architecture and economy of
the Volincevo phase held out longer, and the sites of this culture have
been discovered along the rivers Desna, Sejm, Psel, Sula and Vorskla; and
Romny type named after a fortified settlement was excavated near the
town of Romny in 1901. The inhabitants were surely of the Severani tribe.
In the areas of Early Medieval Bohemia, Slovakia, Poland and
Russia, several types of dwellings can be distinguished. The most widespread were sunken huts. Early sunken huts had one round or square base,
with a roof made of straw, stairs dug into the ground or ladders, and a
hearth. Later, a form of a square sunken hut appeared, halfway dug into
the ground. Families no longer lived in common houses, but in houses
adjacent to each other.
Besides these huts, in Ukraine and southern Russia, a peasant
house a hut made of mudbrick was built, which is typical of the steppe.
Isba, a peasant house - log cabin, built of cordwood and beams, is characteristic of lands around Moscow and Novgorod. In Poland, many pile
dwellings were discovered, placed on wooden spikes, driven into the bottom of a lake or a river. Slavic rulers built princely courts, with one main
hall and smaller halls next to it, with many rooms around them. A court
in the vicinity of Kiev is well-known.
Rural settlements were built first, and are classified in three types:
scattered, round or the closely packed type. The basic type is scattered,
with houses apart from each other. The closely packed one has village
houses adjacent to each other. And the round type resembles a closed
horseshoe with a narrow entrance and a square in the centre. Along with

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

341

the simple settlements, gradishta were built: circular, oval, square or

triangle strongholds, fortified with ramparts. The interior was divided by
transversal ramparts, and on the highest terrace would be a shrine and
defensive towers. First towns were a type of settlement in transition from
rural to urban.
In Moravia, a great number of villages, gradishta, and towns in particular, was explored. From the time of Mojmir by the reign of Rastislav,
appeared the towns of: Mikulcica, Lisen, Stare Zamki at Lisen in Brno,
Znojmo, Stare mesto, Pohansko at Breclav, Pobedim, Ducove, Nitra,
Devin, Bratislava, Bina. By 874, Moravia expanded to and encompassed on
the north-west the towns of L. Hradec, Praha, Stare Kourim; while on the
north-east the towns of Krakow, Zemplin and Feldebro were taken.
During the reign of Svatopluk (882-892), Moravia extended southwards to
include the towns: Savaria, Ostrihom, Omuntesprech, Blatnohrod,
Patikostolie, Solnik, Uherske Hradiste. Early towns of Bohemia such as
Stare Kourim, Levi Hradec and Libice appeared in the second quarter of
the tenth century. The towns of Hradecin and Visehrad were probably
fortified centres separated from each other, but with urban settlements
around them, which then merged to create the early Prague.
Archaeological excavations point to a parallel existence of two centres in
the second quarter of the tenth century.
The settlements of the Prague-type culture are widespread in
Bohemia, south-western Slovakia and Poland. They consisted of groups
with three to six houses, and appear in many areas of Central and Southeast Europe. It is assumed that this type of house originated in the steppes
of the western Ukraine and that it appeared in the fifth century. Huts of
the Prague-type culture are mostly sunken huts with characteristic square,
rectangular or trapezoid basis. Sometimes they had storages dug beside the
sides or in the floor. In the corner of the room always stood a stone oven
with a square base, with dimensions 40-60 cm. Ovens were made of big
stone blocks and usually oriented parallel to one side of the house. They
usually placed a dish in the ground next to the oven. Huts were made of
wood and covered with a roof made of straw or branches. Most settlements
were discovered on the sites of Prague-Hradcani (5), Prague-Bohnice (4),
and Most (3). The sites with two settlements are Prague-Bubench, PragueHorni, Pocernice, Prague-Mihle, Prague-Dejvice, Lovosice and Kanin. The
most important excavations were on the site Libice, Lovosice, PragueCimice, Prague-Bubenc, Jenisuv, Ujezd, Turnov, Brezno and Rozotki.

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Irena Cvijanovi

The south-western part of Slovakia was settled by bearers of the

Prague-type of culture. The Presov type of culture, with close analogies in
Poland, appeared in eastern Slovakia. The space in which this culture was
developing included Germanic, barbarian and Slavic ethnic groups. Two
Early Slavic settlements were excavated east of Koice in Preov. In western
Slovakia, about twenty settlements from the Early Slavic period were excavated,
concentrated around the rivers Morava, Vah (Vag), Dudvah, Nitra, Gran and Eipel.
Two Slavic groups lived in Poland at the beginning of the Middle
Ages: Sukow-Dziedzice and Prague-Korchak. The main centre was
Krakow, town on the river Vistula. A great number of Polish towns was
researched, such as Kruszwica, Pozna, Opole, Sczecin, Gdask and
Wolin. A great number of early medieval settlements and towns was discovered in the Koszalin dukedom.
In ancient Russia, research was conducted in a great number of
towns and villages. Early settlements in Russia were small agricultural
communities without a territorial organization until the end of the eighth
century. These early settlements with scattered houses were either without defensive ramparts, or fortified with earthen ramparts and canals, or
situated in naturally protected areas on a hill surrounded with rivers. Ramparts
around villages allowed these communities to connect and consolidate.
Characteristic of the late eighth and ninth century are better fortified settlements and the appearance of well-fortified settlements on hills,
castra, surrounded with open settlements. These open settlements were
only mildly distant and represented the smallest units of territorial organization. On the middle and upper Odra, those settlements had a surface
between twenty and seventy square kilometers, sometimes even 150 km2.
Hillforts had massive earthen ramparts with inbuilt wooden gate, a socalled box-construction, known from the excavations of the fort on the
Bonikovo hill and in Bruszcevo in western Poland. The core of the inner
and outer rampart were built of stone. Forts on hills were residences of the
upper class, who ran the government. Merger of a few small settlements
into one court was the next phase of the territorial and social organization.
Countries developed when one competent leader subjugated other tribe
leaders to his power and became a prince of a larger territory. In this period
from the seventh to ninth century, the population concentrated in large
settlements that became administrative centres. In Russia of that time,
great towns of Kiev, Staraja Ladoga, Pskov and Novgorod came to be.
Among the best explored gradishta are Zimno, Hotemlj Bila.

The Typology of Early Medieval Settlements in Bohemia, Poland and Russia

343

Five cultures are distinguished in Russia: East Slavic culture, PragueKorchak, Penkovka, Ipotesti-Candesti and Volincevo. Cultures in the foreststeppe zones of Ukraine were the Prague-type, Penkovka, Zhitomir and
Raikovets. The East Slavic culture was under the influence of Saltovo culture
of Khazars, Bulgars and Alans. Early settlements had scattered houses
without defensive ramparts but the constant attacks of Khazars forced the
Slavs to move northwards, to Baltic and fortify their settlements. Houses of
Prague-Korchak and Penkovka cultures are similar. Sunken square huts
made of beams and with a thatched roof were the most widespread. During
the Early Middle Ages ovens were placed customarily in one of the corners
on the hut. In the Penkovka settlement huts with a round base appeared.
Ipotesti-Candesti culture developed in the mid-sixth century, merging local
Germanic elements with those of the Prague-Korchak. Characteristic
settlements were unfortified, with sunken square huts and stone or clay ovens.
The houses of Ipotesti-Candesti culture were identical in all aspects with the
Slavic huts of Prague-Korchak and Penkovka areas, considering their features,
so it is obvious that they were brought to the Danube valley by Slavic settlers.
On the south-east of the Russian plains, Volincevo culture emerged, named
after the archaeological complex discovered around the village of Volincevo.
In their topographic characteristics and in their shape, they resemble the
unfortified settlements of the previous period. There are sunken square huts
with walls built of posts in a grid-construction with horizontally placed logs
or wattle. The area of Sukow-Dziedzice culture is clearly demarked from
others by the characteristic overground houses made of cordwood and
auxiliary rooms. Stone hearths had one or two storeys, and beside the hearth
remains of stone ovens were found.
Expansion of the Early Slavic settlements was limited by the
forest-steppe zone in western Ukraine. Slavs avoided the steppes and were
settling in the areas suitable for agriculture. The earliest Slavic material in
Ukraine was assorted into the western and eastern group, Zhitomir and
Penkovka. Settlements of Zhitomir culture were situated west of Dnieper
in the basin of the river Teterev around the town of Zhitomir in Vohyinia,
and extended westwards to south-eastern Poland. Settlements of
Penkovska culture were grouped in the valley of Dnieper and scattered
between the Dnieper and the Middle Prut in Moldavia. From this area the
Slavs expanded towarda north, south and west.
In Ukraine, Raikovets culture developed between the Dnieper in
the east and the Carpathians in the west, from Pripyat in the north to the

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Irena Cvijanovi

lower Danube in the south. Most widespread are unfortified settlements,

with sunken or overground huts. Most of the Raikovets culture houses had
a square base and one room. According to the type of the wooden wall
construction sunken huts are divided in two groups: houses of wooden
spikes or rough cordwood. Overground houses were built exclusively with
cordwood and consisted of a living room and an underground workroom.
From the eighth to tenth century, a type of a sunken hut made of spikes was prevailing between the Dnieper and the Carpathians, a form which continued the
local building tradition of the previous period and would exist on this territory until the eleventh century, with an occasional appearance in the twelfth.
Cordwood houses are seldomly encountered and this type begun to spread
from the eighth/ninth century. Overground houses with a cellar emerged in
the tenth century and used to belong to the upper classes of society.

The Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe

in the Middle Ages
According to Latin Sources (8th 12th Centuries)
BOJANA RADOVANOVI

...civitas, quae nihil est aliud quam hominum multitudo aliquo

societatis vinculo conligata (St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, XV, 8)

The aim of this chapter is to delineate the typological patterns of

West Slavic settlements in medieval central Europe (8th - 12th centuries).
Emphasis will be put on analysis of the most frequently encountered terms,
such as civitas, urbs, metropolis, castrum, oppidum, castellum and villa.1286
1286

The recent literature on this topic is the following: L. Lepszy, Cracow. The
Royal Capital of Ancient Poland, Berkeley 2008, 1-19 (= Lepszy, Cracow);
P. Charvt, Zrod eskho sttu, 568-1055, Vyehrad - Praha 2007, 133-142
(= Charvt, Zrod); J. Henning, Early European Towns: The Way of the
Economy in the Frankish Area Between Dynamism and Deceleration 500
1000 AD, Post-Roman Towns, Trade and Settlement in Europe and
Byzantium: The Heirs of the Roman West, Berlin 2007, 3-41; A. Buko,
"Tribal" Societies and the Rise of Early Medieval Trade: Archaeological
Evidence from Polish Territories (Eight-Tenth Centuries), Post-Roman
Towns, Trade and Settlement in Europe and Byzantium: The Heirs of the
Roman West, Berlin 2007, 431-451; L. Polek, Ninth Century Mikulice.
The "Market of the Moravians"? The Archaeological Evidence of Trade in
Great Moravia, Post-Roman Towns, Trade and Settlement in Europe and
Byzantium: The Heirs of the Roman West, Berlin 2007, 499-525 (=
Polek, Mikulice); N. Pounds, The Medieval City, Westport 2005,
Preface (= Pounds, Medieval City); G. Ripoll, J. Arce, The Transformation
and End of Roman Villae in the West (Fourth Seventh Centuries: Problems

346

Bojana Radovanovi

The rich material for the study of the afore-mentioned topics is

given by the Latin chronicles, predominantly written in the Frankish
Empire, as well as in the areas situated in the present-day Poland, Czech
Republic and Germany. Regardless of the considerable chronological distance,
the information on Slavic settlements (and their typology in particular),
and Perspectives), Towns and Their Territories Between Late Antiquity and
the Early Middle Ages, Leiden Boston Kln 2000, 63-115 (Ripoll, Arce,
Roman Villae); P. Charvt, Bohemia, Moravia and Long Distance Trade in
the Tenth Eleventh Centuries, Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae 5 (2000)
255-266 (= Charvt, Bohemia); A. Verhulst, The Rise of Cities in North
West Europe, Cambridge 1999, 1-24 (= Verhulst, Rise of the Cities); J. Sedlar,
East Central Europe in the Middle Ages 1000 1500, Washington 1994, 109
-165 (= Sedlar, East Central Europe); A. Verhulst, The Origins and Early
Development of Medieval Towns in Northern Europe, The Economic
History Review, New Series 47 (1994) 362-373; M. Thompson, The Rise of
the Castle, Cambridge 1991, 13-28 (= Thompson, Castle); J. Kenyon,
Medieval Fortifications, London 1990, 3-39; R. Hodges, The Rebirth of
Towns in the Early Middle Ages, The Rebirth of Towns in the West AD 700
1050, Council for British Academy Research Report 68 (1988) 1-7; M.
Postan, The Cambridge Economic History of Europe II: Trade and Industry
in the Middle Ages, Cambridge 1987, 492-502 (= Postan, Trade); M.
Thompson, The Decline of the Castle, Cambridge 1987, 1-9 (= Thompson,
Decline); H. Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages c. 1050 1200,
Cambridge 1986, 140-167 (= Fuhrmann, Germany); I. Gabriel, Imitatio
Imperii am Slawischen Frstenhof zu Starigrad / Oldenburg (Holstein): Zur
Bedeutung Karolingischer Knigspfalzen fr den Aufstieg einer Civitas
Magna Slavorum, Archologisches Korrespondenzblatt 16 (1986) 357-367 (=
Gabriel, Oldenburg); J. Herrmann, Die Slawen in Deutschland, Berlin 1985,
127-150, 237-244, 356-379 (= Herrmann, Die Slawen); H. J. Brachmann,
Research into the Early History of the Slav Populations in the Territory of
the German Democratic Republic, Medieval Archaeology 11 (1983) 89-106
(= Brachmann, Slav Populations); F. Carter, Cracows Early Development,
The Slavonic and East European Review 61 (1983) 197-225 (= Carter,
Cracow); Ph. Leveau, La ville antique et lorganisation de lespace rural:
villa, ville, village, Annales 38 (1983), 2, 920-941; R. Marsina, Pour
lHistoire des villes en Slovaquie au Moyen ge, Studia Historica Slovaca 8
(1975) 21-75 (= Marsina, Slovaquie); M. Hammond, The Emergence of
Mediaeval Towns: Independence or Continuity?, Harvard Studies in
Classical Philology 78 (1974) 1-33 (= Hammond, Mediaeval Towns); F.
Rrig, The Medieval Town, Berkeley - Los Angeles - London 1971, 22-75 (=
Rrig, Town); H. Schledermann, The Idea of the Town: Typology, Definitions
and Approaches to the Study of the Medieval Town in Northern Europe,
World Archaeology II (1970) 115-127 (= Schledermann, Town); W. Hensel,
The Origin of Western and Eastern Slav Towns, World Archaeology I
(1969) 51-60 (= Hensel, Slav Towns); A. Gieysztor, Les Territoires de la Pologne
au IX et X sicles, Godinjak Drutva istoriara Bosne i Hercegovine 15

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

347

contained in these chronicles, turned out to be of crucial significance, since

they offer insight into the development trends of specific phenomena that
had already existed even before these written sources were composed.
Furthermore, the information yielded by this written material is
turned out to be rather abundant, especially for the period ranging from
the 11th to the 12th centuries; it is significantly rich and various in nature,
due to the fact that these chronicles relate to the vast territory stretching
from the present-day Czech Republic to the Baltic coast. These sources
(1966) 7-24 (= Gieysztor, Pologne); M. Dobrowolska, The Morphogenesis of
the Agrarian Landscape of Southern Poland, Geografiska Annaler, Papers of
the Vadstena Symposium at the 19th International Geographical Congress 43, 1
2 (1961) 26-45 (= Dobrowolska, Agrarian Landscape); R. Dickinson, Rural
Settlements in the German Lands, Annals of the Association of American
Geographers 39, 4 (1949) 239-263 (= Dickinson, Rural Settlements); H.
Rothfels, Frontiers of Mass Migrations in Eastern Central Europe, The Review
of Politics 8, 1 (1946) 37-67 (= Rothfels, Mass Migrations); S. Cross, Primitive
Civilization of the Eastern Slavs, American Slavic and East European Review
5, 1 2 (1946) 51-87 (= Cross, Eastern Slavs); R. Dickinson, The Morphology
of the Medieval German Town, Geographical Review 35 (1945) 74-97 (=
Dickinson, Morphology); R. Dickinson, Mitteldeutschland: The Middle Elbe
Basin as Geographical Unit, The Geographical Journal 103, 5 (1944) 211-225 (=
Dickinson, Mitteldeutschland); F. Carsten, Slavs in the North-Eastern
Germany, The Economic History Review 11, 1 (1941) 61-76 (= Carsten, Slavs);
H. Pirenne, Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe, New York 1937,
39-44 (= Pirenne, Medieval Europe); V. Polyakov, The Valley of the Vistula,
The Slavonic and East European Review 12, 34 (1933) 36-62 (= Polyakov,
Vistula); J. Bidlo, The Slavs in Medieval History, The Slavonic and East
European Review 9, 25 (1930) 34-55 (= Bidlo, Slavs); D. Munro, The Middle
Ages 395 1500, New York London 1928, 6-14 (= Munro, Middle Ages); J.
Thompson, Medieval German Expansion in Bohemia, The Slavonic Review
4, 12 (1926) 605-628 (= Thompson, Bohemia); J. Thompson, German
Medieval Expansion and Making of Austria, The Slavonic Review 2, 5 (1923)
263-288 (= Thompson, Expansion); J. Thompson, Early Trade Relations
Between the Germans and the Slavs, The Journal of Political Economy 30, 4
(1922) 543-558 (= Thompson, Trade); J. Thompson, Church and State in
Mediaeval Germany II, The American Journal of Theology 22, 2 (1918) 199232 (= Thompson, Church and State); L. Thorndike, The History of Medieval
Europe, Cambridge, USA 1917, 327-341 (= Thorndike, Medieval Europe); J.
Thompson, The German Church and the Conversion of the Baltic Slavs, The
American Journal of Theology 20 (1916) 205-230 (= Thompson, Church); J.
Thompson, The German Church and the Conversion of the Baltic Slavs:
Concluded, The American Journal of Theology 20, 3 (1916) 372-389 (=
Thompson, Church, 2); E. Semple, The Development of the Hanse Towns in
Relation to Their Geographical Environment, Journal of the American
Geographical Society of New York 31, 3 (1899) 236-255 (= Semple, Hanse
Towns).

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Bojana Radovanovi

offer a basis for a more minutely conducted and detailed analysis of the
already mentioned topic, regardless of the fact that the testimonies they
contain have often been defined as diversified, regarding their quality, and
the number of the information they contain.
Various reasons have led to this diversity of the information relevant
to a typology of West-Slavic settlements in medieval central Europe. Factors
that allow detection of these causes range from the time and place of composition of the given chronicles, to the objective a particular information on
the typology of Slavic settlements had. Therefore, the pivotal question concerns the perspective of the author and his ecclesiastical or secular orientation, and most specifically whether the aim of his writing was to represent
certain Slavic territories, rulers or states, or just to mention them only
briefly in his narration of a more ample and different objective. For example, the testimonies of Thietmar of Merseburg,1287 Helmold1288 and Adam of
Bremen1289 contain more elaborated passages devoted to the Slavs (including
their territories, and their pagan cults); these should be compared with
other, non-Frankish chroniclers. The Bohemian chronicle composed by
Cosmas of Prague, for example, portrays Slavic populations dwelling on the
territory of the present-day Czech Republic in an expressively panegyrical
tone.1290 Generally speaking, Latin chronicles have prevailingly presented
the Slavs through the prism of war-related or religious events.
Frankish chronicles contain mainly source material relevant
for the study of medieval Slavic territories in Central Europe,
namely the chronicles of Fredegar,1291 Annales regni Francorum,1292
1287

1288

1289
1290
1291

1292

Thietmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon, MGH, Scriptores rerum

Germanicarum nova series IX (ed. R. Holtzmann), Berolini 1935. (= Thiet.
Chron.).
Helmolds Slavenchronik, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum
scholarum separatim editi XXXII (ed. B. Schmeidler), Hannover 1937. (=
Helm. Chron.).
Magistri Adam Bremensis gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, MGH
SS rer. Germ. II (ed. B. Schmeidler), Hannoverae et Lipsiae 1917. (= Ad. Brem.).
Cosmae Pragensis Chronica Boemorum, MGH SS rer. Germ. nova II (ed. B.
Bretholz), Berolini 1923. (= Chron. Boem.).
Chronicarum quae dicuntur Fredegarii Scholastici libri IV cum Continuationibus,
MGH SS rerum Merovingicarum II (ed. B. Krusch), Hannoverae 1888 (= Fred.
Chron.); Gesta Dagoberti I regis Francorum, MGH SS rerum Merovingicarum
II (ed. B. Krusch), Hannoverae 1888 (= Gesta Dag.).
Annales regni Francorum inde a. 741 usque ad 829, qui dicuntur Annales
Laurissenses maiores et Einhardi, MGH SS rer. Germ. VI (ed. F. Kurze),
Hannoverae 1895. (= ARF).

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

349

Widukind,1293 Saxo Annaliticus,1294 Thietmar, Helmold, Herbord,1295 Saxo

Grammaticus,1296 the Norse Knytlingasaga1297 and Adam of Bremen.
Generally, these chronicles mention Slavic populations only sporadically,
whereas the leitmotif of their narration is focused, in the vast majority of
cases, upon representation of Frankish rulers and their aspirations to
impose their military superiority and Christian values on other nations,
including the Slavs. Contrary to these information, the source material for
the study of the territories of the present-day Poland, Czech Republic and
Germany, is generally contained in Bohemian and Polish chronicles.1298
Unlike the chronicles composed by West-European authors, the explicit
aim these chronicles had was to present certain nations and rulers, not
rarely in a panegyrical tone.

The Baltic Region1299

The earliest account on the West Slavs contained in Frankish

chronicles comes from the chronicle of Fredegar, in the passage describing
the conflicts between the Franks and the Slavs in the first half of the 7th
century.1300 In ARF (ca. 770 840), the West Slavs were said to have been
1293
1294
1295
1296
1297
1298

1299

1300

Widukindi monachi Corbeiensis gestarum Saxonicarum libri tres, MGH SS

rer. Germ. LX (ed. P. Hirsch), Hannoverae 1935. (= Wid. Gestae).
Annalista Saxo, MGH SS VI (ed. G. Waitz), Hannoverae 1844 (= Ann. Saxo).
Herbordi Dialogus De Vita Ottonis episcopi Babenbergensis, MGH SS rer.
Germ. XXXIII (ed. G. Pertz), Hannoverae 1868 (= Herb. Dial.).
Ex Saxonis Gestis Danorum, MGH SS XXIX (ed. G. Waitz), Hannoverae
1892 (= Saxo Gram.).
Ex historia regum Danorum dicta Knytlingasaga, MGH SS XXIX (ed. F.
Jonsson), Hannoverae 1892 (= Knytl. saga).
Chron. Boem., Annales Gradicenses, MGH SS XVII (ed. W. Wattenbach),
Hannoverae 1861 (= Ann. Grad.); Chronicon Polonorum, MGH SS IX (ed. G.
Pertz), Hannoverae 1851 (= Chron. Pol.); Ex rerum Polonicarum scriptoribus
saec. XII et XIII: Annalium Polonicorum suplementa (= Ann. Pol. Sup.);
Annales capituli Posnaniensis (= Ann. Posn.); Ex magistri Vincentii Chronica
Polonorum (= Mag. Vinc.); Ex Vitis et Miraculis S. Stanislai episcopi
Cracoviensis (= Stanislai), MGH SS XXIX (ed. M. Perlback), Hannoverae 1892.
Literature relevant for the study of this area in the medieval period encompasses the following works: G. Fehring, Origins and Development of Slavic
and German Lbeck, From the Baltic to the Black Sea: Studies in Medieval
Archaeology, London 1990, 251-267; A. Buko, The Archaeology of Early
Medieval Poland: Discoveries Hypotheses Interpretations, Leiden
Boston 2007, 206-214.
Fred. Chron., 144, 154, 155; Gesta Dag., 410.

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Bojana Radovanovi

present at the Council of Frankfurt in 822, whereupon the representatives of orientalium Sclavorum, id est Abodritorum, Soraborum,
Wiltzorum, Beheimorum, Marvanorum, Praedenecentorum1301 were
enumerated among the participants as well.
As it has already been mentioned, the Frankish authors have yielded numerous information on the Polabian Slavs and the West-Slavic tribes
dwelling in the valley of the Laba river, in the region delimited by the
Baltic Sea in the north; Saxony in the south, Frankish Empire in the west
and Poland in the east. Slavic tribes that populated the coastal Baltic
regions included the tribes of Leutici (Wilzi, Welatabi), Obodriti and
Pomerani.1302 The medieval rural areas they occupied represented their primal form of settlement, grouped around fortified centres.1303
Numerous Frankish chroniclers have spoken of Oldenburg,1304 the
ancient settlement of the Wends. A chronicle composed by an anonymous
author, named Annalista Saxo, encompassing the period from 741 to 1142,
included a mention of Aldinburh civitas1305 in the second half of the 10th
century. This locality was also described by Adam of Bremen (died ca.
1081), whose chronicles are dated to the second half of the 11th century, as
civitas Aldinburg maritima.1306 In his chronicle dating from the second half
of the 12th century, Helmold (ca. 1120 1177) defined this settlement as
Aldenburg, or in Slavic language Starigard, hoc est antiqua civitas, situated
in terra Wagirorum... in fronte totius Sclaviae posita.1307 The same author
also mentioned that this town had been endowed with episcopal function,
Aldenburg sextus episcopatus Sclavaniae.1308 Helmold referred to this
locality as civitas sive provincia.1309

1301
1302
1303

1304
1305
1306
1307
1308
1309

ARF, 159.
Cf. Thompson, Church.
Brachmann, Slav Populations, 98-99, 102; for further information on Leutici
and Obodriti, see: Herrmann, Die Slawen, 356-379; for further information
on geographical and political structure of this area in the Early Middle Ages,
see: Dickinson, Mitteldeutschland, 213-220.
For further information on Oldenbourg, see: Gabriel, Oldenburg, 357-367;
Thompson, Trade, 549-550.
Ann. Saxo, 630.
Ad. Brem., 76.
Helm. Chron., 23.
Ibid.
Ibid.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

351

Annalista Saxo mentioned Magnopolis, civitas Abodritorum,1310

Adam of Bremen defined this locality as civitas Obodritorum,1311 while
Helmold described the same town as Magnopolis, id est Mikelenburg1312 Obodritorum civitas,1313 but also as sedes episcopalis.1314
Razisburg1315 was mentioned by Annalista Saxo;1316 in the chronicle
of Adam of Bremen this locality was defined as civitas Razispurg.1317
Helmold represented Racisburg as civitas Polaborum.1318
Civitas Dimine1319 was described as terminus Hammaburgensis
parrochie by Annalista Saxo;1320 for Adam of Bremen, the present-day Demmin
was identified as civitas Dimine,1321 whereas Helmold referred to it as the civitas,
but also as urbs representing the limes Hammemburgensis parrochie.1322
Saxo Grammaticus (ca. 1150 1220) mentioned this town as Demina
urbs,1323 as well as Diminum1324 in the second half of the 12th century. For
Herbord (died in 1168), it was Timina civitas,1325 and for Knytlingasaga
(composed in the middle of the 13th century) oppidum Dimin.1326
In his chronicle, Annalista Saxo offered detailed and elaborate
descriptions of Rethra,1327 the nucleus of pagan beliefs and cultic practices:
civitas Rethariorum vulgatissima, sedes idolatrie.1328 This town was also
mentioned by Adam of Bremen as civitas, but also as metropolis
Sclavorum,1329 just like in the chronicle of Helmold.1330
1310
1311
1312
1313
1314
1315
1316
1317
1318
1319
1320
1321
1322
1323
1324
1325
1326
1327
1328
1329
1330

This locality was situated south of the present-day village of Dorf

Mecklenburg, in the region of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern; Ann. Saxo, 631.
Ad. Brem., 77.
Helm. Chron., 46.
Helm. Chron., 27.
Helm. Chron., 130.
The present-day Ratzeburg.
Ann. Saxo, 631.
Ad. Brem., 77.
Helm. Chron., 8.
The present-day Demmin.
Ann. Saxo, 631.
Ad. Brem., 77.
Helm. Chron., 130, 15.
Saxo Gram., 116.
Saxo Gram., 147.
Herb. Dial., 745.
Knytl. saga, 312.
The ubication of this locality has not been precisely determined.
Ann. Saxo, 631.
Ad. Brem., 78, 194.
Helm. Chron., 46.

352

Bojana Radovanovi

In the chronicle of Annalista Saxo, Metropolis Lubic1331 is portrayed

as a villa,1332 whereas Helmold described this settlement as Lubeke portus
et civitas,1333 sedes Lubicensis,1334 but also as a castrum.1335 In the chronicle of
Saxo Grammaticus, it was defined as oppidum,1336 as well as urbs Lubeke.1337
Civitas, and urbs Budusin1338 was mentioned by Analista Saxo,1339
while Thietmar (975 1018) referred to it as civitas1340 and urbs1341 in his
10th century chronicle.
Thietmar mentioned Stethu urbs,1342 identified by Helmold as civitas
Stadensi,1343 as well as castrum Stadhen,1344 contrary to Herbord, who
described it as totius Pomeraniae metropolis.1345 Saxo Grammaticus spoke
of Stitinum, veterrimum Pomeraniae oppidum, defined also as urbs,1346
whereas Knytlingasaga denominated this town as Stetinborgum.1347
Magdeburg1348 was another important Slavic centre, described by
Helmold as urbs inclita super ripas Albiae, built by Otto the Great to be
metropolis Sclavis.1349 This chronicle also reveals information regarding the
diocese of Magdeburg: it encompassed five smaller dioceses and Slavic
territories up to the river Pene.1350
Arkona, situated on the island of Rgen,1351 was one of the centres
of pagan Slavic religion. It was mentioned by Helmold as urbs principalis
1331
1332
1333
1334
1335
1336
1337
1338
1339
1340
1341
1342
1343
1344
1345
1346
1347
1348
1349
1350
1351

The present-day Lbeck; Semple, Hanse Towns, 237-243; Thompson, Trade,

543, 555; Rrig, Town, 31-36; Fuhrmann, Germany, 151-152.
Ann. Saxo, 629, 747.
Helm. Chron., 112.
Helm. Chron., 187.
Helm. Chron., 169.
Saxo Gram., 151.
Saxo Gram., 159.
The present-day Bautzen.
Ann. Saxo, 657.
Thiet. Chron., 230.
Thiet. Chron., 292.
The present-day Stettin (Szczecin); Thiet. Chron., 160; Semple, Hanse
Towns, 237-243; Thompson, Church, 2, 377; Thompson, Trade, 549-550.
Helm. Chron., 190.
Helm. Chron., 150.
Herb. Dial., 727.
Saxo Gram., 136.
Knytl. saga., 320.
The present-day Magdeburg.
Helm. Chron., 23.
Ibid.
The present-day Kap Arkona; Thompson, Church, 2, 372-374.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

353

terrae Rugianorum;1352 by Saxo Grammaticus as urbs,1353 and oppidum,1354

and by Knytlingasaga as oppidum likewise.1355
The locality of Ylowe,1356 situated in the the region of Mecklenburg,
encompassing the South Baltic coast, stretching between the Jutland
Peninsula in the west and Pomerania in the east, was described by
Helmold as castrum, and urbs;1357 Zverin1358 as a castrum,1359 while Cuscin1360
was designated as a castrum, but also as an urbs.1361
Helmold spoke of another big town, called Iumenta, nobilissima
civitas, or urbs,1362 which, according to his words, represented the civitas
opinatissima Sclavorum.1363
Iulinum1364 of Pomerania was described by Adam of Bremen as
1365
urbs, while Saxo Grammaticus perceived it as nobilissimum oppidum.1366
Walogustum1367 was defined by Saxo Grammaticus as a castellum,1368
but also as the Walogostum oppidum,1369 whereas Knytlingasaga denominated it as the Walagustum castrum.1370
According to the these examples, the Frankish authors have
frequently resorted to diverse terms designating Slavic localities. One of
the objectives of Helmolds chronicle was to discribe the Christianization
of the Polabian Slavs, in the period ranging from the years marked by
Charlemagnes reign to the year of 1171. Furthermore, he was eager to
demonstrate the gradual expansion of Christianity and Germanic colonization throughout Slavic territories. Hence, at the very beginning of his
1352
1353
1354
1355
1356
1357
1358
1359
1360
1361
1362
1363
1364
1365
1366
1367
1368
1369
1370

Helm. Chron., 214.

Saxo Gram., 85.
Saxo Gram., 98.
Knytl. saga., 301.
The present-day Ylowe.
Helm. Chron., 172, 192.
The present-day Schwerin.
Helm. Chron., 172.
The present-day Cuscin.
Helm. Chron., 172, 194.
The ubication of this locality has not been precisely determined; Helm.
Chron., 8.
Helm. Chron., 32.
The present-day Wollin.
Ad. Brem., 79.
Saxo Gram., 62.
The present-day Wolgast; Semple, Hanse Towns, 237-243.
Saxo Gram., 110.
Saxo Gram., 152.
Knytl. saga., 311.

354

Bojana Radovanovi

composition, the author enumerated Slavic lands and their capitals by

employing the term civitas: civitas (Redariorum) vulgatissima Rethre, civitas
Dimine, civitas (Obodritorum) Mikilinburg, civitas (Polaborum) Racisburg,
civitas (Wagirensis provinciae) Aldenburg maritima.
In the Antiquity, the term civitas designated the territory under
the authority of a capital. From the 5th century, civitates have encompassed
one or several smaller towns, but they also included rural settlements as
well.1371 Medieval towns have often originated in the localities of former
Roman municipia. In this process, numerous settlements from the Roman
period have vanished, and were replaced by new ones, that spread in areas
surrounding fortifications, castles or monasteries, or in other locations
convenient for the development of economy and craftsmanship.1372
Town, acccording to Hensel, represents an inhabited place
characterized by autonomous economy, a well-delimited spatial structure,
defense function and a precisely defined position in the state military,
administrative and legislative system. The process that has led to the creation
of towns occurred in the Early Middle Ages.1373
Unlike civitas, that was established and later expanded from the
original nucleus (a fortified location surrounded by ramparts), oppidum
might be observed as a type of unfortified inhabited locality that could be
classified into a sub-category between the rural and the urban settlement.
The rural settlement represented a group of farms in which population occupied with agriculture dwelled and which did not have the privileged status
regarding administration and political issues like oppidum did. Oppidum
was later to become an artisanal and trading centre, but has, nevertheless,
preserved its agricultural character.1374
Urbs represented a basic-type of a fortified locality that would
later develop into urban settlement. This fortified nucleus was a centre
of ecclesiastical and secular administration. Urban settlements first
appeared in medieval German territories: these fortified locations were
later to become centres of ecclesiastical and political administration.1375
In these areas, urban settlements expanded from the original fortified
sites, built primarily around centres of ecclesiastical and political
1371
1372
1373
1374
1375

Munro, Middle Ages, 6-14; Pounds, Medieval City, Preface.

Thorndike, Medieval Europe, 328-330.
Hensel, Slav Towns, 51-53.
Hammond, Mediaeval Towns, 4-7; Sedlar, East Central Europe, 110-113.
Hensel, Slav Towns, 51-53; Hammond, Mediaeval Towns, 4-7.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

355

organization.1376 Namely, by the Early Middle Ages Slavic settlements have

become rather numerous on the eastern side of the rivers Elbe and Sala.
Germanic colonization that began during the reign of Charlemagne and
spread towards the regions lying east from the rivers Elbe and Sala, introduced new settlement types in the areas inhabited by Slavic population.
Nonetheless, these older rural Slavic settlements frequently became
deserted in the areas in which the new medieval Germanic-type villages
were founded. This original Slavic-type settlement usually contained several
farms and was endowed primarily with defense function.1377

Bohemia1378

Slavic tribes began to inhabit Bohemia in the 6th century AD.1379 This
region was part of the realm of Moravia until the 9th century. From Moravia,
missionaries were sent to Bohemia, as well as to other Slavic lands. Nevertheless,
Moravia fell under the rule of Bohemia in the 10th and 11th centuries.1380
1376
1377

1378

1379
1380

Dickinson, Morphology, 78-80.

Dickinson, Rural Settlements, 252-257; For further information on urban
settlements in the areas that underwent Germanic colonization, see:
Dickinson, Morphology, 89-95.
Literature relevant for the study of these regions in the medieval period
includes the following works: J. Klpt, Z. Smetnka, The Archaeology of
Medieval Villages in Bohemia and Moravia (Czech Republic), Ruralia 1 (1995)
331-338; K. Novek, P. Vaeka et al., Archaeological Research of Present-Day
Villages of Medieval Origin in Bohemia, Ruralia 1 (1995) 314-325; J. Klpt,
Studies of Structural Change in Medieval Settlement in Bohemia, Antiquity 65
(1991) 396-405; P. Meduna, E. ern, Settlement Structure of the Early Middle
Ages in Northwest Bohemia: Investigations of the Ptipsy Basin Area,
Antiquity 65 (1991) 388-395; M. Gojda, The Study of Settlement History in
Czechoslovakia, From the Baltic to the Black Sea: Studies in Medieval
Archaeology, London 1990, 97-103; M. Stloukal, The Palaeodemography of
Medieval Populations in Czechoslovakia, From the Baltic to the Black Sea:
Studies in Medieval Archaeology, London 1990, 209-214; M. Gojda, The
Lower Vltava Basin: An Attempt at a Regional Approach to the Settlement
History of the Early Middle Ages, From the Baltic to the Black Sea: Studies in
Medieval Archaeology, London 1990, 219-236; V. Huml, Research in Prague.
An Historical and Archaeological View of the Development of Prague from
the 9th Century to the Middle of the 14th Century, From the Baltic to the Black
Sea: Studies in Medieval Archaeology, London 1990, 267-285.
W. Dzicio, The Origins of Poland, London 1963, 32 (= Dzicio, Poland).
For further information on the history of Bohemia and Moravia in the 10th
and 11th centuries, see: Bidlo, Slavs, 36-40; Marsina, Slovaquie; Charvt,
Bohemia, 255-266; Polek, Mikulice, 515.

356

Bojana Radovanovi

Annalista Saxo denominated Praga1381 as urbs,1382 but also as civitas,1383

as well as metropolis,1384 whereas Widukind (born ca. 925), referred to
Prague as a Boemiorum urbs,1385 in the middle of the 10th century. In his
chronicles, dating from the early 12th century, Cosmas of Prague (1045 1125),
the earliest historian of his people, mentioned the locality named Praga,
which he terminologically defined as urbs,1386 civitas,1387 regia urbs1388 and
metropolis.1389 In Annales Gradicenses, Prague was denominated as civitas.1390
Cosmas designated Wissegrad 1391 as urbs,1392 metropolis Bohemiae
urbs,1393 civitas,1394 but also as oppidum.1395 In Polish chronicles dating from
the early 12th century, Wysegrad was denominated as castellum and castrum.1396
By citing only these examples, the imprecisions the chroniclers resorted to
while employing the terms of urbs, civitas, oppidum, metropolis are
noticeable, as is the insufficient distinction they made between them.
Levigradec1397 was designated as an oppidum and castrum,1398
whereas Satec1399 was denominated as an urbs,1400 and civitas.1401
The locality of Bolezlav was defined as oppidum1402 and civitas.1403
The chronicle of Cosmas mentioned also Bolezlau urbs,1404 while Annales
Gradicenses called it Bolezlau castellum.1405
1381
1382
1383
1384
1385
1386
1387
1388
1389
1390
1391
1392
1393
1394
1395
1396
1397
1398
1399
1400
1401
1402
1403
1404
1405

The present-day Praha; For further information on Prague in the Middle

Ages, see: Charvt, Zrod, 133-142.
Ann. Saxo, 596.
Ann. Saxo, 619.
Ann. Saxo, 724.
Wid. Gestae, 50.
Chron. Boem., 19.
Chron. Boem., 48.
Chron. Boem., 43.
Chron. Boem., 37, 38.
Ann. Grad., 647.
The present-day Wissegrad.
Chron. Boem., 39.
Chron. Boem., 83.
Chron. Boem., 116.
Chron. Boem., 117.
Chron. Pol., 478.
The present-day Lew Hrdec.
Chron. Boem., 23, 26.
The present-day Saaz.
Chron. Boem., 23.
Chron. Boem., 176.
Chron. Boem., 38.
Chron. Boem., 40.
Chron. Boem., 36.
Ann. Grad., 645.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

357

Olomuc1406 was terminologically determined as urbs,1407 while

Helmold spoke of the diocese that existed on that location as Olomucensis
episcopatus.1408
Hlumec 1409 was identified by Saxo Annalista as Lumec oppidum,1410
and by Cosmas as castrum;1411 nevertheless, another expression, oppidum
Chlumec, was also employed in his chronicle.1412
In Bohemian chronicles, Gradec1413 was described as an urbs,1414 castrum,1415
or provincia,1416 whereas Polish chronicles designated it as a castrum.1417
Castrum Trencin1418 in Bohemian chronicles1419 was also called
Trencinopoli,1420 while Recen1421 was invoked as castrum1422 and oppidum1423
in Annalista Saxos writings, as well as in Bohemian chronicles.
Annalista Saxo mentioned Nemzi urbs,1424 but also Nemzi civitas;1425
Thietmar called this locality Nemzi urbs,1426 and Herbord Nemecia urbs.1427
In Bohemian chronicles, Nemci oppidum was also defined as a castrum.1428
Donin1429 was denominated by Annalista Saxo as a castellum1430 and
castrum,1431 whereas the Bohemian chronicles designated it as a castrum,1432
oppidum1433 and castellum.1434
1406
1407
1408
1409
1410
1411
1412
1413
1414
1415
1416
1417
1418
1419
1420
1421
1422
1423
1424
1425
1426
1427
1428
1429
1430
1431
1432
1433
1434

The present-day Olmtz.

Chron. Boem., 106, 120.
Helm. Chron., 7.
The present-day Kulm.
Ann. Saxo, 746.
Chron. Boem., 95.
Chron. Boem., 186.
The present-day Kniggrtz.
Chron. Boem., 153.
Chron. Boem., 199.
Ann. Grad., 648.
Chron. Pol., 439.
The present-day Trencin.
Chron. Boem., 155.
Chron. Boem., 194.
The present-day Rtzen.
Ann. Saxo, 747; Chron. Boem., 161.
Ann. Saxo, 738; Chron. Boem., 195.
The present-day Nimptsch.
Ann. Saxo, 672.
Thiet. Chron., 472.
Herb. Dial., 59.
Chron. Boem., 195, 161.
The present-day Dohna.
Ann. Saxo, 746.
Ann. Saxo, 750.
Chron. Boem., 211.
Chron. Boem., 220.
Chron. Boem., 186.

358

Bojana Radovanovi

Lubossin1435 was identified as an urbs1436 as well as castrum Lubosin.1437

These examples undoubtedly accentuate the insufficient precision
by which these authors used terms for designating a given locality, or the
frequently encountered synonymous usage of these terms.
While speaking of civitas Bolezlav, Cosmas described the high
ramparts that surrounded this locality.1438 Analogously, Cosmas also mentioned the ramparts of Wissegrad, urbis Wissegrad moenia.1439 Thus, the
hypothesis could be made that both of these locations represented a fortified place. This hypothesis might be confirmed by the terms murus and
moenia, due to the fact that they designated a wall, and consequently the
city walls and ramparts.
The term castrum had a twofold function. It could have indicated
a military camp, frequently erected in the vicinity of other locality; in this
sense, this term would be related to castellum and munitio. Furthermore,
it could have designated the locality itself, usually analogous to the terms
urbs, civitas, oppidum, or used as the synonym.
The examples which accentuate the employment of the term castrum
to represent a military camp are the following: metati sunt castra oppidum
Opocen et infra,1440 castra metatus est supra duos colles iuxta oppidum
Malin,1441 castra metati sunt iuxta oppidum Recen,1442 or in sua castra iam ad
radicem urbis Wissegrad posita,1443 as well as metati sunt castra ultra
oppidum Guozdec.1444 Military camps could have been erected not only in
the vicinity of town, but in another locality as well (for example, a bridge:
iuxta pontem Criucy sunt castra metati).1445
Nevertheless, as it has already been stated, the term castrum
could have been used as a synonym for an inhabited place, as it has been
shown above. Cladzco castellum was mentioned by Annalista Saxo,1446
whereas castrum Kladsco, representing a fortified locality with ramparts
1435
1436
1437
1438
1439
1440
1441
1442
1443
1444
1445
1446

The present-day Libossjn.

Chron. Boem., 11.
Ann. Grad., 644.
Chron. Boem., 38.
Chron. Boem., 199.
Chron. Boem., 117.
Chron. Boem., 178.
Chron. Boem., 179.
Chron. Boem., 201.
Chron. Boem., 225.
Chron. Boem., 207.
Ann. Saxo, 629.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

359

and towers (murus, turris, antemuralis), in Cosmas chronicle was

designated as an urbs, but also as a civitas, with its inhabitants called
urbani as well as cives.1447
Hence, it could be assumed that the original term castrum,
designating military camp has spread its sense through time and was used
to describe inhabited localities in general. Naimely, a castrum, as well as
castellum, has designated a smaller fortified locality. Medieval castles have
gradually developed from Roman castra, representing only a rectangular
enclosure, surrounded by ramparts.1448 In the Early Middle Ages,
fortifications were generally erected on elevated locations. It was only in
the following period that they underwent moderate transformation and
became fortified rural-type settlements, surrounded by wide walls.1449
The term villa was also employed as a synonym for other terms
designating inhabited places. Furthermore, according to Cosmas
description, it was closely related to the terms forum and castrum.1450
The term villa began to be commonly used by medieval writers,
with the duality between this term and civitas strongly emphasized. In the
Late Antiquity, the term villa designated a delimited local unit, an
agricultural domain in the possession of nobility, containing fields, forests,
arable lands, and vineyards.1451 Each civitas encompassed several villae.1452
In the stricto sensu of its medieval terminology, a villa signified a
large domain of the Carolingian period, an agricultural estate, divided into
cultivable lands overseen by the landlords (ager) and areas covered with
forests and pastures.
A villa represented a smaller community whose function and
importance did not exceed that of a local centre whose economy was based
on animal husbandry, agriculture, craftsmanship, and small-scale trade. In
the early medieval period, it was frequently positioned inside a castle, a
monastery or in their immediate proximity.1453
Germanic colonization of Bohemia has doubtlessly played a prominent role in transformation process of the originally rural character this
territory had into a more developed one. It was only in the late twelfth
1447
1448
1449
1450
1451
1452
1453

Chron. Boem., 213.

Cf. Verhulst, Rise of the Cities, 1-24.
Cf. Thompson, Castle, 13-28.
Chron. Boem., 113.
Ripoll, Arce, Roman villae, 65.
Munro, Middle Ages, 6-14.
Hammond, Mediaeval Towns, 4-6.

360

Bojana Radovanovi

century that Bohemia became more densely populated and considerably

more developed than in the preceding period, with Bohemian villages
changing their original character in order to adapt to the newly-emerged
development trends the Germanic colonization imposed.1454 Naimely, it
would be difficult to speak of a town as a settlement type in the presentday Czech Republic before the 11th century. The local rulers governed over
groups of villages, and it was only later that these basic fortifications
expanded and formed settlements of more important size. Settlements of a
more extensive type and more complex functionality were formed around
the original fortifications whose main function was defense of the ruler or
the bishop and which represented centres of the rulers authority. The
growth of trade and craftsmanship has enabled and facilitated this process.
These newly-created seats of rulers power have gradually developed into
trading centres as well. Consequently, Prague became a strategic and
ecclesiastical centre in the 10th century, the seat of Bohemian dux, but also
of the first Bohemian diocese founded by Otto I in 973.1455 Other Bohemian
towns have developed in analogous manner, simultaneously with
economic growth and the expansion of trade.1456

Poland1457

Information on the medieval territories that constitute the presentday Poland is mainly contained in Polish chronicles dating from the early
12th century, as well as in Bohemian and Frankish chronicles.
1454
1455
1456
1457

Thompson, Bohemia, 624-626.

Thompson, Bohemia, 615.
Sedlar, East Central Europe, 114-120.
Literature on the area relevant in the medieval period contains the following
works: A. Buko, The Archaeology of Early Medieval Poland: Discoveries
Hypotheses Interpretations, Leiden Boston 2007, 214-350; Z. Kobyliski,
Early Medieval Hillforts in Polish Lands in the 6th to the 8th Centuries:
Problems of Origins, Function, and Spatial Organization, From the Baltic to
the Black Sea: Studies in Medieval Archaeology, London 1990, 147-157; L.
Leciejewicz, Medieval Archaeology in Poland. Current Problems and
Research Methods, Medieval Archaeology 20 (1976) 1-16; L. Leciejewicz,
Early Medieval Sociotopographical Transformations in West Slavonic Urban
Settlements in the Light of Archaeology, Acta Poloniae Historica 34 (1976)
29-56; W. Hensel, L. Leciejewicz, S. Tabaczyski, En Pologne mdivale:
larchologie au service de lhistoire, Annales, conomies, Socits,
Civilisations 17 (1962) 209-238.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

361

Settlement waves of Slavic populations that inhabited these areas

have been frequent since the 7th century. Nevertheless, in the period prior
to second half of the 9th century, there is no sufficient historical and
archaeological material on these territories.1458 In this epoch, the Vistulani,
Poloni, Mazoviani and Pomerani represented dominant Slavic tribes
settled in these areas.1459 Nonetheless, they were not mentioned among the
representatives of other Slavic tribes at the Council of Frankfurt (in 822)
in Einhards Annals.1460
Krakow was fortified between the 7th and the 8th centuries. It was
one of the main fortified sites, known under the name of Maopolska in
the 9th century.1461 The chronicle of Cosmas designated this town as
metropolis,1462 urbs1463 and civitas,1464 whereas Gnezden1465 was identified as
an urbs.1466 Annalista Saxo defined Krakow as an urbs and metropolis,1467
while Polish chronicles called it a civitas,1468 sedes Cracoviensis1469 and diocesis
Cracoviensis.1470 For Annalista Saxo, Gnezen was a metropolis;1471 in Polish
chronicles, this locality was mentioned as Gnezden, or civitas Gneznensis,
quae nidus interpretatur Sclavonicae,1472 a metropolis1473 and civitas,1474 but
also as Gneznense castrum,1475 Gneznensis metropolitana civitas,1476 as well
as munitio.1477 Cosmas spoke of Gnesen as metropolis, natura loci et antemurali firma, and used the terms designating a fortified site.1478 Herbord
called this locality archiepiscopatus Gneznensis.1479
1458
1459
1460
1461
1462
1463
1464
1465
1466
1467
1468
1469
1470
1471
1472
1473
1474
1475
1476
1477
1478
1479

Dzicio, Poland, 87-90.

Dzicio, Poland, 100.
ARF, 159.
Bidlo, Slavs, 40-45; Polyakov, Vistula; Carter, Cracow, 198; Sedlar, East
Central Europe, 109-117; Lepszy, Cracow, 1-19.
Chron. Boem., 83.
Chron. Boem., 60, 61.
Chron. Boem., 138.
The present-day Gnesen; Sedlar, East Central Europe, 109-115.
Chron. Boem., 84.
Ann. Saxo, 646, 683.
Chron. Pol., 446, 427.
Chron. Pol., 471.
Ann. Posn., 441.
Ann. Saxo, 683.
Chron. Pol., 426.
Chron. Pol., 427.
Chron. Pol., 459.
Ann. Posn., 438.
Stanislai, 504.
Ann. Posn., 445.
Chron. Boem., 84, 117.
Herb. Dial., 728; Sedlar, East Central Europe, 162.

362

Bojana Radovanovi

Annalista Saxo mentioned Glogowa urbs,1480 as well as oppidum

Glogou,1481 whereas Thietmar referred to it as Glogua urbs.1482 In Bohemian
chronicles, Glogov was designated as an urbs1483 and oppidum,1484 unlike
Polish chronicles, that made mention of castrum Glogoviensis,1485 civitas
Glogow1486 and urbs Glogow.1487
In the chronicle of Saxo Annalista, the already-mentioned Gvozdek
or Guozdec, Gvozdec1488 was defined as castrum prope urbem Misnam,1489
but also as oppidum,1490 analogously to Bohemian chronicles, in which it
was designated as castrum1491 and oppidum.1492
Annalista Saxo commented on Poznani urbs, but also on Poznani
1493
civitas. In Polish chronicles dating from the early 12th century, this town
was identified as a civitas1494 and urbs.1495
Sedes Wladislau1496 was also called castrum;1497 castrum firmissimum
1498
Nakel,
quod est clavis tocius Polonie,1499 situated on the borderline
between Poland and Pomerania,1500 was referred to as a castellum,1501
urbs,1502 and even munitio.1503
Urbs Wratislaviensis,1504 or Wratislavia,1505 together with Krakow
and Sandomir, was designated as sedis regni principalis.1506
1480
1481
1482
1483
1484
1485
1486
1487
1488
1489
1490
1491
1492
1493
1494
1495
1496
1497
1498
1499
1500
1501
1502
1503
1504
1505
1506

The present-day Glogau.

Ann. Saxo, 672, 747.
Thiet. Chron., 344, 472.
Chron. Boem., 162.
Chron. Boem., 195.
Chron. Pol., 469.
Chron. Pol., 468.
Mag.Vinc., 490.
The present-day Guoz.
Ann. Saxo, 726.
Ann. Saxo, 760.
Cron. Boem., 141.
Chron. Boem., 226.
Ann. Saxo, 656; Sedlar, East Central Europe, 162.
Chron. Pol., 437.
Mag. Vinc., 492.
Chron. Pol., 441.
Chron. Pol., 431.
The present-day Nackel.
Chron. Pol., 451.
Chron.Pol., 466.
Chron. Pol., 478.
Mag. Vinc., 480.
Ann. Posn., 445.
The present-day Bratislava; Chron. Pol., 447.
Ann. Posn., 441.
Chron. Pol., 448.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

363

Plocensis urbs1507 was also invoked as a civitas,1508 whereas Zantok

castrum1509 was also referred to as Zutok, regni custodia et clavis,1510 and as
castrum Santok1511 and Santhok.1512
Alba,1513 the Pomeranian town, or urbs regia et egregia,1514 was terminologically determined as a civitas, but also as a munitio.
Bitom castrum1515 was invoked as Bytom,1516 Bythom,1517 and
Bithomiense municipium.1518
Kosle castrum,1519 situated in the area of Bohemian frontier,1520 was
terminologically determined as Coslowo villa1521 and oppidum Cozle.1522
Kalis1523 was mentioned as a castrum;1524 Uscze,1525 as Boleslavi castrum,1526
and munitio,1527 whereas Charncou1528 was referred to as a castellum, and
castrum.1529 Velun1530 was designated as a castrum and castellum,1531 but also
as Velen oppidum.1532
The above-mentioned Sandomir,1533 together with Krakow and
Bratislavia, was invoked as sedis regni principalis,1534 as well as a civitas,1535
and castrum Sandomiriense.1536
1507
1508
1509
1510
1511
1512
1513
1514
1515
1516
1517
1518
1519
1520
1521
1522
1523
1524
1525
1526
1527
1528
1529
1530
1531
1532
1533
1534
1535
1536

The present-day Plock; Chron. Pol., 451, 453.

Chron. Pol., 452.
Ibid.; The present-day Zanthok.
Chron. Pol., 451.
Ann. Posn., 441.
Ann. Posn., 440.
The present-day Bialogrd, Belgard.
Chron. Pol., 453.
The present-day Bytom, Beuthen.
Chron. Pol., 467.
Ann. Pol. Sup., 427.
Mag. Vinc., 490.
The present-day Cosel, Kozy.
Chron. Pol., 458.
Ann. Posn., 443.
Mag. Vinc., 484.
The present-day Kalisz; Pounds, Medieval City, 178-180.
Chron. Pol., 459.
The present-day Ucie.
Chron. Pol., 462.
Ann. Posn., 445.
The present-day Czarnkw.
Chron. Pol., 462.
The present-day Wiele, Filehne.
Chron. Pol., 463.
Mag. Vinc., 486.
The present-day Sandomiriez.
Chron. Pol., 448.
Ann. Pol. Sup., 428.
Ann. Posn., 460.

364

Bojana Radovanovi

Medzirzecz1537 was terminologically determined as a castrum,1538

civitas and Medirecze urbs.1540
Gdansk was identified as a civitas, as well as a castrum.1541
As the above-cited examples have demonstrated, like in Bohemian
chronicles, we may see the divergences in using of terms designating different localities in Polish chronicles as well.
Hence, in Polish chronicles, the term castrum was also used to
designate urbs, civitas, oppidum, villa, castellum, munitio, but also a military
camp. If the term castrum referred to a military camp, it was usually followed
by a verb designating the erection process, as illustrated by the example of
the phrase castra militiae posuisse,1542 which clearly indicates that the term
castrum represented a military camp (corroborated by the phrase castrum
militiae); this expression (castra militiae), used with the identical verb,
ponere, was also used in the afore-mentioned chronicle.1543 The verb
movere could also have designated a military camp, and especially a
portable one;1544 instead of this verb, the verb dimovere could also have
been used.1545
In the passage describing a siege of Alba, the term castrum also
designated a military camp, erected by Boleslaw; the verb ponere followed
the term castrum, whereas the chronicler invoked Alba as a civitas, and as
urbs1546 in the same sentence.
Another example in this text clearly indicates that a castrum, designating a military camp, was erected in front of the town.1547 In the given
passages, it could thus be observed that the term castrum, used in these
examples, did not refer to an urbs or civitas, but to a military camp.
Hence, the term castrum employed in the above-cited examples is
closely related to the terms munitio and statio.1548
1539

1537
1538
1539
1540
1541
1542
1543
1544
1545
1546
1547
1548

The present-day Meseritz.

Ann. Posn., 443.
Ann. Posn., 466.
Mag. Vinc., 482.
Ann. Posn., 467.
Chron. Pol., 432.
Chron. Pol., 451.
Chron. Pol., 459, 469.
Chron. Pol., 469.
Chron. Pol., 460.
Ibid.
Chron. Pol., 469.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

365

Nevertheless, in the passage describing the locality of Nakel, situated

at the frontier between Poland and Pomerania, it could be concluded that
the term castrum was used as a synonym for the term oppidum, since the
author described the inhabitants of this place as oppidani.1549
In the section of the chronicle devoted to castrum Bytom, it was
stated that this castrum was fortified and situated at a naturally protected
position that was surrounded by the water,1550 which made it difficult for
access and conquest. In the same chronicle, the author mentioned castrum
Glogoviensis, and designated it as a castrum, civitas and urbs, whereas he
referred to its inhabitants as cives.1551 Analogously, the author designated
the inhabitants of castrum Wysegrad as oppidani.1552
In his narration of the events leading to the conquest of Boleslaws
fortifications by his brother, dux Premisl, the author equated the terms
municio and castrum.1553 He also stated that the castellum had been erected
in the defense function, pro municione Polonie.1554 Therefore, the term
castellum could be equated with castrum, thus representing a small fortified settlement.1555
As shown by the example of medieval Bohemia, rural-type settlements represented the predominant settlement type in the early feudal
Poland, while fortified sites were centres of political organization.1556 These
rural settlements were spread around Krakow as well, the town that
became an ecclesiastical and trading centre as well as the rulers capital in
the 11th century. Nevertheless, it was only in the 12th century that this
town would become the state capital.1557
According to the above-cited examples based primarily on an
analysis of the source material, it could be assumed that the term metropolitana civitas designated the centre of ecclesiastical organization.
Furthermore, the terms civitas, urbs and metropolis were thus closely
generically related, whereas the terms castrum, oppidum and castellum
should be classified into another terminological category.
1549
1550
1551
1552
1553
1554
1555
1556
1557

Chron. Pol., 466.

Chron. Pol., 467.
Chron. Pol., 469.
Chron. Pol., 478.
Chron. Pol., 445.
Chron. Pol., 451.
Thompson, Decline, 1; Verhulst, Rise of the Cities, 3; Ripoll, Arce, Roman
Villae, 65.
Dobrowolska, Agrarian Landscape, 26-28.
Carter, Cracow, 197-198, 223-225.

366

Bojana Radovanovi
Ecclesiastical Circumstances and the Development of Trade

The towns generally designated as civitates have represented episcopal centres. From the Carolingian era, the term civitas has designated only
the part of a town surrounded by city walls. Consequently, towns have
become centres of ecclesiastical organization.
Oldenburg, the town Helmold invoked as Aldenburg maritima,
was a episcopal see.1558 The diocese of Oldenburg was established by Otto
the Great in the middle of the 10th century. The diocese of Oldenburg,
under jurisdiction of the Archdiocese of Bremen, ceased to exist upon the
Slavic rebellion of 1066, but was nevertheless re-established in 1149. The
episcopal see was transferred to Lbeck in 1163.
According to the Roman law, the term diocese designated the territory under administration of a civitas. Due to the fact that the bishops
resided in civitates, the area encompassed by their authority corresponded to
the domain under jurisdiction of a civitas. Hence, this territory, under the
authority of a bishop, was also defined by this term, as a diocese.1559
Namely, according to the sixth canon of the Council of Sardica in
344, it was forbidden to establish dioceses in towns covering insufficiently
large territorial domains.1560 At the Council of Chalcedon, it was decided
that the ecclesiastical organization should correspond to the imperial
authority exercised in a civitas.1561 Consequently, the Pope Lion I ordained
in his fourth canon that a bishop could not be installed in a village or a
smaller town, and that only more densely populated towns could act as
residences to bishops.1562
Bearing this in mind, another question should be addressed: did
Helmold, together with other authors, use the term civitas (and not exclusively metropolitana civitas) to designate primarily a town representing

1558
1559
1560
1561
1562

Thompson, Church, 214-216; Fuhrmann, Germany, 140.

A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284 602 AD, Oxford - Oklahoma 1964,
712-766; Fuhrmann, Germany, 140.
P. Healy, Council of Sardica, The Catholic Encyclopedia 13 (1912).
F. Schaefer, Council of Chalcedon, The Catholic Encyclopedia 3 (1908);
Thorndike, Medieval Europe, 114.
Codex Canonum Ecclesiasticorum Et Consititutorum Sanctae Sedis
Apostolica, Trr. XXXIII: Licentia vero danda non est ordinandi episcopum
aut in vico aliquo aut in modica civitate... si quia talis tam populosa est civitas quae meretur habere episcopum.

Typology of Slavic Settlements in Central Europe in the Middle Ages

367

the centre of ecclesiastical authority? It is worth mentioning that the aim

of the Frankish authors, who were generally and widely respected in
ecclesiastical circles (Widukind, Thietmar, Adam of Bremen, Helmold,
Herbord), was to depict Slavic Christianization; these authors mostly
portrayed Slavic populations as pagans who often re-embraced their
pagan worship (relapsi sunt denuo ad paganismum) 1563 and their pagan
cults and practices.1564
Hence, the narrative of Frankish chronicles was focused upon
episcopal sees or dioceses. In accordance with this objective, the term civitas more frequently encountered in the writings of Frankish authors
than in those of Bohemian and Polish chroniclers was maybe chosen
because West European chroniclers generally lived in comparatively more
urbanized parts of Europe.
The development of trade was another factor whose impact on the
establishment and expansion of towns in the Middle Ages should not be
neglected.1565 Apart from the fact that towns have gradually become
centres of ecclesiastical organization, it should be mentioned that the
development of trade that occurred in the second half of the 10th century
has considerably transformed the urban characteristics and features of
towns. Namely, merchants would start to seek protection inside fortified
sites, lying along river valleys or other natural communication routes,
while travelling and transporting their goods. This led to the growth of
the original settlements. So in the vicinity of an older centre that basically
represented an ecclesiastical centre or a feudal fortress, another newlyemerging settlement-type of economic character came into being.1566
Establishment of new towns was thus intrinsically entwined with trading
routes and economic tendencies. Baltic towns offered the most obvious
and observable example of this interconnection: Lbeck, which was
founded for the third time in 1159 and has not been destroyed ever since,
primarily served as a stronghold and an important junction in the area
where Baltic trade routes intersected.1567 Consequently, rural settlements
situated at the junction of important trade routes could not have continued
to play a predominant role, which resulted in the fact that the newlyformed urban settlements have gained priority and undertaken the pivotal
1563
1564
1565
1566
1567

Ann. Saxo, 661.

Munro, Middle Ages, 155; 392-393.
Cross, Eastern Slavs, 86-87.
Pirenne, Medieval Europe, 40-43.
Rrig, Town, 31-32.

368

Bojana Radovanovi

function. In the 12th century, the difference between the two types of
towns became more pronounced: between the older, ancient settlements
that had previously acquired ecclesiastical preponderance and the newly-built
towns whose establishment was considerably influenced by the development of trade and the newly-imposed economic impulses and demands.1568
Through time towns have become pillars in the organization of
rulers political and economic power. As it has been demonstrated,
Germanic colonization has without doubt significantly influenced the
development of Slavic urban settlements in Germanic territories. Otto the
Great, who himself played a decisive role in the nomination of bishops,
bestowed upon the church significant economic and political functions in
support of his rule in the 10th century, since churches and bishops enjoyed
numerous privileges. On their turn, bishops supported him in his conflicts
with local princes.1569 Dukes of Bavaria and Saxony activelly incited the
development of towns by means of colonization of the lands lying at the
frontier of Germanic and Slavic territories,1570 just as Barbarossa did in the
following period. During Barbarossas reign, numerous important sites were
transformed into towns, in order to become pillars of his administration.1571
Hence, it could be assumed that a precise distinction between
trading, ecclesiastical and administrative circumstances cannot always and
necessarily be made. Thus, the development of trade and the ecclesiastical
administration might be cited as two factors that could be emphasized as
crucial in the process of foundation of towns, but also of their terminological
determination.

1568
1569
1570
1571

Rrig, Town, 35-36.

Thompson, Church and State, 199-202.
Fuhrmann, Germany, 152-153.
Fuhrmann, Germany, 165-167.

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1.

Split. Diocletians Palace and Its Early Medieval Western Suburb

(Ground Plan)
(T. Marasovi, Dioklecijanova palaa, Beograd 1982, 47)

Fig. 2.

Split. Diocletians Palace (Aerial View)

(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo
u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split Zagreb
2011, tab. VIII)

Fig. 3.

Split. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (St. Domnius) (Ground Plan)
(G. Niemann, Der Palast Diokletians in Spalato, Wien 1910)

Fig. 4.

Split. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (St. Domnius), Crypt (Ground Plan)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo
u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split Zagreb
2011, 265)

Fig. 5.

Split. Temple of Jupiter (Diocletians Mausoleum)

(Axonometic Reconstruction)
(E. Hbrard, J. Zeiller, Le Palais de Diocltien a Spalato, Paris 1912)

Fig. 6.

Split. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (St. Domnius), Early

Medieval Interior (Reconstruction)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo
u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split Zagreb
2011, 255)

Fig. 7.

Zadar, Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)

(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Anastasia (St. Stoija))
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 272)

Fig. 8.

Zadar, Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, tab. X)

414

List of Illustrations

Fig. 9.

Zadar. The Cathedral Complex (Ground Plan)

(P. Vei, The Early-Medieval Phase of the Episcopal Complex in
Zadar, Hortus Artium Medievalium 1, Zagreb Motovun 1995, 150)

Fig. 10.

Zadar. The Cathedral Complex (Aerial View)

(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 279)

Fig. 11.

Zadar. The Cathedral Church of St. Anastasia (St. Stoija) (Ground Plan)
(a. Early Christian Basilica, with Baptistery and Catechoumena (5th-6th
Century); b. Early Medieval Church (10th Century); c. Romanesque
Church (12th Century))
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 291)

Fig. 12.

Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity (St. Donatus)

(Exterior from the South-East)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 298)

Fig. 13.

Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity (St. Donatus) (8th Century) (Ground Plan)
(P. Vei, Sveti Donat. Rotonda Sv. Trojstva u Zadru, Split 2002, 70)

Fig. 14.

Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity (St. Donatus) (9th Century) (Ground Plan)
(P. Vei, Sveti Donat. Rotonda Sv. Trojstva u Zadru, Split 2002, 84)

Fig. 15.

Zadar. The Church of Holy Trinity (St. Donatus) (8th Century) (Transversal Section)
(P. Vei, Sveti Donat. Rotonda Sv. Trojstva u Zadru, Split 2002, 71)

Fig. 16.

Trogir. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)

(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro))
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 1. Rasprava, Split Zagreb 2008, 280)

Fig. 17.

Trogir. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split
Zagreb 2011, tab. I)

Fig. 18.

Trogir. The Cathedral Church of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro) (Ground Plan)
(V. Kovai, Prilozi za ranokransku topografiju Trogira, Diadora 15,
Zadar 1993, tab. I)

List of Illustrations

415

Fig. 19.

Trogir. The Cathedral Church of St. Laurentius (St. Lovro)

(Exterior of Apse)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 3. Korpus arhitekture. Srednja Dalmacija, Split
Zagreb 2011, 117)

Fig. 20.

Krk. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)

(with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)
(M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les du Kvarner dans lantiquite
tardive: Curicum, Fulminum et Apsorus, Hortus Artium Medievalium
12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 21)

Fig. 21.

Krk. The Cathedral Complex (Ground Plan)

(M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les du Kvarner dans lantiquite
tardive: Curicum, Fulminum et Apsorus, Hortus Artium Medievalium
12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 24)

Fig. 22.

Osor. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan) (with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)
(M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les du Kvarner dans lantiquite
tardive: Curicum, Fulminum et Apsorus, Hortus Artium Medievalium
12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 33)

Fig. 23

Osor. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les du Kvarner dans lantiquite
tardive: Curicum, Fulminum et Apsorus, Hortus Artium Medievalium
12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 33)

Fig. 24.

Osor. The Cathedral Complex (Ground Plan)

(M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les du Kvarner dans lantiquite
tardive: Curicum, Fulminum et Apsorus, Hortus Artium Medievalium
12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 34)

Fig. 25.

Osor. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Aerial View)

(M. auevi, Les cits antiques des les du Kvarner dans lantiquite
tardive: Curicum, Fulminum et Apsorus, Hortus Artium Medievalium
12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 35)

Fig. 26.

Rab. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)

(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 1. Rasprava, Split Zagreb 2008, 278)

Fig. 27.

Rab. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(N. Budak, Urban Development of Rab A Hypothesis, Hortus Artium
Medievalium 12, Zagreb Motovun 2006, 124)

416

List of Illustrations

Fig. 28.

Rab. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary

(Longitudinal Section and Ground Plan)
(M. Domijan, Katedrala Sv. Marije Velike u Rabu, Split 2005)

Fig. 29.

Nin. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)

(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Anselm)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 1. Rasprava, Split Zagreb 2008, 279)

Fig. 30.

Nin. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, tab. VI)

Fig. 31.

Nin. The Cathedral Church of St. Anselm. Early Christian Church

(Ground Plan)
(P. Vei, Ninska crkva u ranom srednjem vijeku Problem kontinuiteta
i rezultati arheolokih istraivanja, Starohrvatska spomenika batina.
Radjanje prvog hrvatskog kulturnog pejzaa, Zagreb 1996, 87)

Fig. 32.

Nin. The Cathedral Church of St. Anselm (Ground Plan)

(P. Vei, Sklop upne crkve Sv. Asela, bive katedrale u Ninu,
Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/15, Split 1985, 204)

Fig. 33.

Biograd. Early Medieval Town (Town Plan)

(1. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (?))
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 422)

Fig. 34.

Biograd. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 424)

Fig. 35.

Biograd. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (?) (9th- 11th Century)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 427)

Fig. 36.

Biograd. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (?), Exterior

(11th Century) (Reconstruction)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, 428)

List of Illustrations

417

Fig. 37.

Biskupija, near Knin. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Aerial View)
(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 2. Korpus arhitekture. Kvarner i Sjeverna
Dalmacija, Split Zagreb 2009, tab. III)

Fig. 38.

Biskupija, near Knin. Royal Court and the Cathedral Church of St.
Mary (Ground Plan)
(A. Miloevi, Crkva Sv. Marije. Mauzolej i dvorovi hrvatskih vladara
u Biskupiji kraj Knina, Split 2000)

Fig. 39.

Biskupija, near Knin. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary

(Axonometic Reconstruction)
(A. Miloevi, . Pekovi, Predromanika crkva Sv. Spasa u Cetini,
Dubrovnik Split 2009, 158)

Fig. 40.

Biskupija, near Knin. Royal Court and the Cathedral Church of St.
Mary, Exterior (Reconstruction)
(A. Miloevi, Crkva Sv. Marije. Mauzolej i dvorovi hrvatskih vladara
u Biskupiji kraj Knina, Split 2000)

Fig. 41.

Ston. Early Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(T. Marasovi, Dalmatia Praeromanica. Ranosrednjovjekovno graditeljstvo u Dalmaciji, 1. Rasprava, Split Zagreb 2008, 125)

Fig. 42.

Ston. The Cathedral Church of St. Magdalene (Ground Plan)

(I. Fiskovi, Srednjovjekovna preuredjenja ranokranskih svetilita u
dubrovakom kraju, Arheoloka istraivanja u Dubrovniku I
dubrovakom podruju, Zagreb 1988, 198)

Fig. 43.

Dubrovnik. Medieval Town (Ground Plan)

(The Cathedral Church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho))
(. Pekovi, Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada,
Split 1998, 71)

Fig. 44.

Dubrovnik. Medieval Town (Air View)

(. Pekovi, Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada,
Split 1998, 8)

Fig. 45.

Dubrovnik. The Cathedral Church of St. Blaise (St. Vlaho) (Ground Plan)
(a. The Church of St. Blaise (972); b. The Church of St. Blaise (1020);
c. The Church of St. Blaise (1060); d. The Church of St. Mary (12th
Century); e. The Church of St. Mary (17th Century))
(. Pekovi, Dubrovnik. Nastanak i razvoj srednjovjekovnog grada,
Split 1998, 118)

418

List of Illustrations

Fig. 46.

Kotor. Medieval Town (Ground Plan)

(with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)
(. -, II.
, 1989, 202)

Fig. 47.

Kotor. Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(. , . o, ,
1975, . XLVI)

Fig. 48.

Kotor. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Ground Plan)

(. -, II.
, 1989, 209)

Fig. 49.

Kotor. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary, Baptistery

(J. Martinovi, Ranohrianska krstionica ispod crkve Sv. Marije od
Rijeke u Kotoru, Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 29, Split 1990, 25)

Fig. 50.

Bar. Medieval Town (Ground Plan)

(with the Cathedral Church of St. Theodore (St. George))
(
(. . ), 2010, 25)

Fig. 51.

Bar. Medieval Town (Air View)

(. , . o, ,
1975, . XXVI)

Fig. 52.

Bar. The Cathedral Church of St. Theodore (St. George) (Ground Plan)
(. , , 1962, 10)

Fig. 53.

Ulcinj. Medieval Town (Ground Plan)

(with the Cathedral Church of St. Mary)
(
(. . ), 2010, 305)

Fig. 54.

Ulcinj. Medieval Town (Aerial View)

(. , . o, ,
1975, . XIII)

Fig. 55.

Ulcinj. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary (Ground Plan)

(. , . , . , I, 1981, 133)

Fig. 56.

Ulcinj. The Cathedral Church of St. Mary, Interior of Apse

(. , . , . , I, 1981,
. XLIX)

List of Illustrations

419

Tab. 1.

Roman Fortifications in Bosnia

(I. remonik, Rimska utvrenja u BiH s osvrtom na utvrenja kasne
antike, Arheoloki Vestnik 41 (1990), 364.)

Tab. 2.

Early Byzantine Fortifications in Croatia

Tab. 3.

Early Byzantine Fortifications in Montenegro

Tab. 4/1.

Early Byzantine Fortifications in Macedonia

(. , ,
1996, 1)

Tab. 4/2.

Medieval Towns and Other Forts in Macedonia

(. , ,
1996, 2)

Tab. 5.

Early Byzantine Fortifications in Serbia

Map 1.

Terrestrial Communication in the Late Antiquity

in the Western Balkans

, ,
,
. (,
)
,
.
: oppida, mutationes, castra.
,
.
,
, , ,
.
.
.

: , .
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GENERAL INDEX

Aboba 192
Aceruone 250
Achaia 178
Acmeon, see Hammeum
Acruvium 89, 173, 174
Actium Nicopolis 260
Acumincum 250
Ad Basantem 251
Ad Cephalon 272
Ad Dianam 259
Ad Herculem 273, 274
Ad Labores (Nemetin) 249
Ad Ladios 262
Ad Libros 264
Ad Matricem 32, 264
Ad Novas 258, 259, 267
Ad Octavum 252
Ad Picarias 273, 274
Ad Praetorium 250
Ad Protorium 250
Ad Publicanos 248
Ad Sextum miliare 251
Ad Stoma 257, 258
Ad Turres 32, 268
Ad Zizio, Ad Zizium 32, 268, 269
Adam of Bremen 348-351, 353, 367
Adrante 248
Adriatic coast, Adriatic Sea 10, 11, 37,
38, 45, 52, 55, 56, 60, 63, 69, 70, 76, 78, 80,
84, 89, 91, 93, 95, 102-105, 140, 141, 149,
158, 159, 169-172, 186, 235, 237, 243,
247, 256-259, 261, 272, 273, 279, 284, 285
Aegean Sea 11, 235-237, 247, 256,
260, 274, 277
Aegyssus 258
Aelea 259

Aemate 262
Aenona, see Nin
Aequum, see Claudia Aequum
Africa 238
Agathia 15
Agrippa Marcus Vispanius, Roman
general 238
Aiklaia 315
Akra 304
Al Bakri, writer 298, 309
Alans, tribe 275, 326, 333, 343
Alba 363, 364
Albania 187, 188, 224, 236, 259, 278,
259, 278
Albona (Labin) 216
Aldenburg 350, 354, 366
Alea 259
Aleksinac 246
Alexandar II, pope 97
Alicaniburgo 211
Alihode 151
Almali 256
Alps 235, 247
Alusian, son of Ivan Vladislav 189
Amatria 260
Ammianus Marcellinus 239
Anagast, Anegast, Anegastrum 178
Anastasius the Librarian 23, 27
Anastasius, Byzantine emperor 179
Anausaro 274
Anchialus, Ancialis 218, 256, 258, 259
Ancus 267
Anelia (Juria) Gradina, Lipa, Livno
146
Anderba, Andaraba (Sanderu) 178,
268, 269

430

General Index

Andetrium, Andeterium 159, 263,

266, 267
Andri S. 251
Andrijevica 175
Anhiala 256
Anonymous of Ravenna, writer 240, 242
Antes, tribe 217, 339
Antigona, Asigonia 273
Antwerp 241
Apennine Peninsula 247, 278
Appolonia 260
Apsarum, Apsorus, see Osor
Aqua Viva 248
Aquae Balissae 249
Aquae, Akvis see Prahovo
Aque 214
Aquileia 63, 243, 247, 261, 267, 270, 275
Aquincum, Aquinicum 158, 249
Arangel (Srbica) 181, 187
Arba, see Rab
Arcadiopolis, Arkadiopolis 256, 276
Arcadius, Roman emperor 256
Arar, see Ratiaria
Argentaria 32, 145, 264, 265, 267, 270
Argus 260
Argyruntum (Starigrad) 168
Ariljaa 207
Arilje 272
Arini 304
Arkona 352
Arsia (Raa) 216, 267
Artikos (Arda), river 256
Arypio 267
Arzus 256
Asamo 269
Aserija 165
Asia 235, 238
Asia Minor 184, 210, 266
Astibo, see tip
Athenae 260
Athyra 257
Attila the Hun 276
Auendone 267
Aufustianis 267
Augusta Traiana 256, 259

Augustus, Roman emperor 238, 243,

247, 261, 262
Aulona 259, 267
Ausancatione 267
Austria 248
Avars (Obri) 18, 22, 179, 180, 186,
187, 210, 217, 236, 262, 277-279, 305
Avars Khaganate 186, 187, 305, 306
Axiopolis 258

Bablja, see Ad Dianam

Babotinac 195
Babre 198
Babunica 255
Bain 250
Baina at Ploe 161
Badanj 166
Baj-Medzi Kanlmi 298
Bajdine, hill 251
Bajina Bata 194
Balajnac 194
Balavat, mountin 304
Balevac 255
Balina glavica (Magnum) 165, 166
Baljevac 253
Balkan Peninsula 10, 11, 15, 20, 22, 31,
33, 55, 103, 140, 178-180, 210, 216, 217,
220, 223, 235-237, 239-241, 243, 244,
246, 247, 254, 259, 261, 269, 270, 272279, 282-284, 286, 338
Ballif 262
Baloie, see ipovo
Balove 32
Baltic 247, 313, 324, 327, 335, 338,
339, 343, 347, 349, 350, 353, 355, 367
Balts 327
Bandera 194
Banja Koviljaa 196
Banja Luka 144, 150, 153, 262, 263
Banjica-Vuak 207
Banotor, see Bononia
Banovci, see Burgenaem
Bansko 182
Bao 252

General Index
Bar 93-95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 173,
174, 176
Barajevo 253
Baranica 195
Bardy 314
Bargala near tip 185
Bari 259
Bariduum at Livno 263
Barney Stephen A. 239
Barsko polje 98
Babunar (Saraj), Travnik 144
Basiana 201
Basil I, Byzantine emperor 10, 16, 22, 55,
Basil II, Byzantine emperor 187, 219,
221, 222
Baka voda 164
Bassianis 218, 249
Basu 304
Batajnica 249
Batoina 201
Batua, see Budva
Bauar, site 182
Bavaria 368
Bedem (Maskare) 203, 210
Begovac 262
Bela Crkva 222
Bela Palanka, see Remesiana
Belegradon, Biograd, town in Croatia
281
Belgorod, town in Poland 325
Belgrade, Belgradun, town in Moravia
295
Belgrade, Beograd, town in Serbia 30,
101, 189, 202, 211, 212, 214, 221, 222,
283, 284, 286; see also Singidunum
Beli Drim, river 273, 274
Beli Timok, river 254; see also Crni
Timok, Gornji Timok, Svrljiki Timok,
Timok, Trgoviki Timok
Belica, river 26
Belica, site Kale na Stolovatec 181
Belicin 30
Belina, Bellina 218
Belitzin 281
Beljin 197, 218

Belo mesto 248

Belo, Serbian archon 218
Beloozero, town 323, 325
Belorussia, Belarus 327
Ben Jasa 334
Benedict VII, pope 100
Benkalje (Dukla) 315
Benkovac 165
Beoi 196
Beoduzum 256
Beograd, see Belgrade in Serbia
Berane 175, 178
Berbir, fortress 251
Berebikovci 332
Berebis, see Podravski Podgajci
Bereste 323
Beretinova gradina 164
Bergule (Virgolis), see Arcadiopolis
Bernovo 316
Beroe 260
Beroullia 31, 281
Berovo 184
Bersumno, Bersuminum 268
Berzovets D.T. 339
Beseda, river 327
Bessi, Thracian tribe 275
Biaci 30
Bialecino gradishte 315
Bialogrd, Belgard, see Alba
Bielgorod 294
Bielovciach 297
Bigeste 159, 267
Bigla 181
Biha 150
Bijela 154
Bijeljina 144
Bijelo Polje 271
Bila gradishte 316
Bilea 145, 146, 270, 280
Bilhorod 322, 324
Bilje 249
Bilobrig, Vionica, itluk 147
Bilubio 267
Ba 294, 297, 341
Bina 207

431

432

General Index

Bine 188
Biograci, Litice, Mostar 151
Biograd 45, 65-68, 104, 170, 281
Biskupija 29, 71, 74
Bistua 156
Bistue Nova 264, 265
Bistue Vetus 264
Bitic gradishte 335, 336
Bitola Herakleja Linkestidska (Heraclea
Lyncestis) 181
Bitolj, Butela 188, 260
Bitom, Bytom, Bythom, Bithomiense
municipium 363, 365
Bits 304
Bitsa 315
Bivolje brdo 151
Blace 144, 205
Blace, Rankovii, Pucarevo 144
Black Sea 141, 220, 235, 237, 252, 256,
257, 275
Blagaj 144, 151, 153, 154, 157, 263,
264, 266
Blatn Remety 308
Blatnohrad, Blatnohrod 295, 341
Blato 199
Bledno Lake 314
Bleu 236
Boas 260
Bobac (Bobos) 156
Bobara, islet near Cavtat 160, 167
Bobovac, Dragovii-Miljakovii, Vare 152
Bobovite 254
Bobrani, tribe 309
Bobrava (Dubravka), wife of Mieszko I 309
Bodin, see Constantine Bodin
Bogojavlenskoj 323
Bogucino 314
Bogujevac - Bandera 194
Bogut grad - Bogutovac 191
Bohemia 11, 289, 293-295, 297, 299,
300, 305, 310, 311, 315, 338, 340, 341,
348, 349, 355-357, 359, 360, 362-365, 367
Bojana, river 269
Bojanovski, I. 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 268
Boka Kotorska 32, 89, 268, 280

Bol na Brau 161

Bolbo, lake 260
Bolentio 248
Boleslaus I, Boleslaw, Moravian ruler
309, 310, 364, 365
Boleslaus II, Bohemian ruler 310
Boljetin (Smorna) 202
Boljetina 220
Boljevac ukar 204
Bona 28, 31 156, 157, 282
Bonikovo, hill 328, 342
Bononia 250, 254, 258
Borako polje 270
Bordeaux, see Burdigala
Borej 200
Boris I, Bulgarian prince 186
Borovsyki Yaroslav 319
Boryszewo 315
Bosanska Dubica 143
Bosanska Gradika 144, 152, 250, 261, 262
Bosanski drum 270, 271, 283
Bosanski Petrovac 144, 149
Bosansko Grahovo 144, 152
Bosansko Posavlje 218
Bosar, near Baka on Krk 163
Bokovi . 96
Bokovii 144
Bosman 200
Bosna, river 141, 147, 261, 265, 266
Bosnia 10, 16, 17, 22, 23, 25, 26, 3033, 69, 147, 156, 157, 173, 218, 219, 224,
225, 228, 236, 264-266, 272, 277, 279
Bosnia and Herzegovina 17, 20, 137,
140-142, 155, 224
Bosphorus 257
Botosan-Suceava 334
Boue Ami 236
Bra 161
Brangovii 196, 214
Branievo 191, 221, 222, 279, 285
Bratislava 294, 297, 341, 362, 363
Bratislava-Devinska 306
Bratislava-Rusovce 306
Braunnae 257
Brdo - Kruar 196

General Index
Brdo 144
Breclav-Pohansko 300, 341
Bregalnica, river 184, 185, 259
Bregovina 194
Brekovica, Biha 150
Brelo, see Beroullia
Bremen 366
Brest area 338
Brestovik 252
Breza 264, 265
Brezno 299, 300, 341
Brezovica 207
Bribir 166
Brijeg, Pareani, Bilea 145
Brina, Vinjani, Posuje 146
Brindisi 259
Brioni 169
Brievo 143
British Isles 241
Brlog 267
Brno 341
Brodac 251
Brodarisk 221
Brova 145
Brus 204
Bruszcevo 328, 342
Brut 221
Brza Palanka (Egeta), site 201
Brza Palanka, town 199, 201
Buin Kale 181
Buince 195
Buin-Kale 181
Budeci 301
Budimlja 175
Budinarci (Budingrad) 181
Budinsk Krika V. 306
Budisce 333
Budusin 352
Budva 20, 23, 175, 269, 281
Budak 262
Budzistowo 314
Bugojno 265, 266
Bugojnsko polje 265
Bujanovac 274
Bukoloram 195

433

Bukorovia Podvornici 71
Bukorovii 71
Bukova Gora 264
Bukovac 2, itluk, Posuje 146
Bukovaka esma 196
Bukurest 334
Bulat M. 251
Bulgaria 26, 28, 184, 186, 187, 189,
212, 217, 219, 220, 224, 236, 283, 286
Bulgarians 26, 179, 186, 217, 219
Bulgars 326, 333, 343
Buli Dejan 9, 228, 232
Bulkars 316
Burdigala 241
Burgenaema 250
Burno 267
Burnomilia 267
Burnum 70, 158, 164, 263, 265, 266
Burtudizus 256
Buko blato 264
Bunica 266
Busovaa 265
Butent (Maros), river 315
Butua, Buthua, see Budva
Byaci 24, 25,
Bytom, Beuthen, see Bitom, Bytom,
Bythom, Bithomiense municipium
Byzantines 20, 21, 180, 187
Byzantium 18, 20, 139, 157, 169, 184,
189, 210, 212, 217, 220, 247, 256-260,
270, 277, 284, 317
Byzia 257

Cabyle 258
Caenophrurium (Caenofruri) 257, 260
Cagangrad 251
Callum 257
Cambrai 285
Cametae 253
Campsa (Ravna) 202
Canabia (Candauia) 259
Cansilena, 249
Capitoline Triad`s temple in Trogir 53
Cappadocia 78

434

General Index

Caracalla, Roman emperor 241

Carasura 256
Careva glavica Hill 251
Careva Kuli near Strumica 182
Carevica 143
Cariin Grad (Lebane) 193, 209
Carnuntum 247, 261
Carpathian basin 236
Carpathian mountains 336, 337,
343, 344
Casra 32
Castra 262, 263
Catena Mundi 235
Catera 20, 30
Caves Monastery (Kiev) 319
Cavtat, see Epidaurum
Cecela 72
Celeia 247, 248, 278
Cellis (Celae) 259, 260
Celtes Conrad 241
Celje 248
Central Europe 11, 236, 237, 296, 338,
345, 348, 367
Cer, mountain 194, 196, 209
Ceranus 259
Cerkasi 338
Cernescina 333
Cerovo drijelo 268
Certisa 251
Cetina, river 21, 69, 262, 263, 265, 267
Cetinac, Bokovii, Laktai 144
Chalcedon 366
Chalkidiki 179
Chalkoprateia basilica of Constantinople 47
Charlemagne, Holy Roman Emperor
17, 22, 353, 355
Charncou, castellum, castrum 363
Chernichov 322
Chernihiv 323
Chlebena, see Livno
Christ the Savior, church in Knin 70
Cibalae 249, 251
Cidlina, river 302
Cifer-Pac 306

Cisowo 315
Cista Velika 267
Ciurnaiv 324
Cladzco, Kladsco castelum 358
Clambrtis, see Obrovac
Claudia Aecum, see itluk near Sinj
Claudia Aequum 166, 262, 263
Claudius, Roman Emperor 261, 266
Clement III, pope 95, 100
Cleoniae (Livno) 25
Clisa, Clesae, see Klis
Clodiana, Coladina 259
Combustica 254
Constans II, Byzantine emperor 23,
185
Constantine Bodin, king of Duklja and
Dalmacija 189
Constantine IV, Byzantine emperor
23, 185, 212
Constantine the Great, Roman emperor
139, 178
Constantine V, Byzantine emperor 29
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos, Byzantine emperor, writer 16, 23, 24, 26, 27,
28, 30, 47, 50, 52, 55, 58, 63, 65, 66, 70,
82, 83, 92, 94, 100, 155-157, 177, 212,
216, 219, 242, 280, 282, 283
Constantine, son of Basil I 22
Constantine, son of Leo V 100
Constantinople 23, 27, 47, 94, 212,
241, 251, 275, 283-286
Corinth, Corinthus 260, 282
Cornacum 250
Cornelius Nepos, writer 238
Cosmas of Prague, historian 348, 356359, 361
Cres 32, 55, 56, 58, 59, 172, 280
Creta 178
Creveni 273, 274
Crkvena, Dragoaj, Banja Luka 144
Crkvena, Kamiani, Prijedor 143, 152
Crkvina, Makljenovac, Doboj 151
Crkvine 72
Crmljani near akovica 205
Crnevi Dejan 9

General Index
Crni Timok 254, 255; see also Beli
Timok, Gornji Timok, Svrljiki Timok,
Timok, Trgoviki Timok
Crni vrh 206, 219
Crnoklite 255
Croatia 10, 16, 17, 21-24, 26-30, 3234, 56, 63, 65, 68, 69, 137, 140, 148, 158,
159, 166, 172, 173, 176, 216, 219, 224,
225, 228, 281, 282
Croats 10, 16, 21-23, 34, 155, 172,
183, 212, 214, 217, 278, 280, 337
Crucio (Novo Mesto) 250
Cuccuium 250
Cuscin 353
Cusum 218, 250
Cvijanovi Irena 9
Cyllene 260
Cypsele 260
Cyril, monastery in Kiev 319
Czarnkw, see Charncou
Czech Republic 11, 346-349, 360

aak 253
ae S. 170
adram 248
aglavica 273
apljina 147, 151
arakovo 150
aslav, Serbian prince 157, 218, 220
ean 206
elovec (Strezov Grad) 182
emren 181, 186
erna Voda 258
ernavusk, ernovrki 31, 219
erkov, E. 272
ezava (castrum Novae) 203
ikola, river 263, 266
iovo, island 51
ipuljii 265
itluk (Herzegovina) 146, 147, 153
itluk near Sinj 166, 262, 263
ogatac 248
remonik I. 142, 171, 228
ree 186

435

reka 183, 187

rne 182
uer, site Davina or Kula 182, 189
uka - Podrka 201
ukar 204
uker in Mokro Polje 165
ukojevac 191
utkovci 150

ehotina 271
etoljubi 280
iin 253
ovdin 252
uprija 199, 212, 221, 222, 252, 253, 285
urkovica 192
ustendil 259

D. Oreovo - Kale 181

Dabar 281
Dabravina 152
Dacia 18, 178, 238, 257
Dacia Mediterranea 178
Dadosezani, tribe 309
Dalen, Doljani 156
Dalj 250
Dalmati, Dalmates 70, 263
Dalmatia 15, 16, 18-23, 25, 27, 29, 3234, 39, 40, 43, 44, 55, 58, 63, 65, 70, 94,
103, 139, 140, 141, 148, 149, 155, 156,
158-160, 168, 169, 172, 173, 216, 225,
238-240, 245, 247, 261, 262, 264-267,
274, 278, 280
Dalmatia Inferior (Lower Dalmatia) 55
Danilo Gornji (Ridera), ibenik 165
Danube, Danubius river 15, 18, 19,
26, 32, 179, 184, 186, 214, 220, 235-237,
241, 243, 247, 251, 252, 254-259, 260263, 275-278, 285, 295, 297, 300, 304,
308, 309, 315, 334, 336, 343, 344
Dardania 18, 178, 190, 209, 216
Dargocice 314
Darka 75
Darlowo 315

436

General Index

Dauceni 332
David Arianites 188
Davina, Kula (uer) 182, 186, 189
Debar 181
Debrete, Deuretis, castel (Prilep)
182, 185, 188
Debrica (Deuritsa) 182
Decatera, Decaterum, see Kotor
Dedilovo 323
Dedinci 205
Dekan J. 297
Delminium 264
Demetrius, upan 26
Demir kapija 182
Demmin 351
Desan-Mozikan 329
Desitiates, tribe 264
Desna, river 325, 340
Desnik (Deanj) 30, 31, 156, 219, 282
Desovo, site Kale, Leska 182
Destinik, Destinikon (Ad Stenes) 28,
30, 31, 219, 282
Deviatogorsk 323
Devi, site Devini Kuli 181
Devin 294, 297, 341
Devini Kuli 181
Devol-grad 181, 186, 187, 189
Deevska River 272
Dicuil 238
Dilluntum, Dilunto 32, 268
Dimine, Demina urbs, Diminum, Timina,
Dimin 351, 354
Dimitrovgrad 246, 283
Dinara mountains 70, 150, 158, 235,
237, 263
Dinoe 175, 177
Diocleia 10, 16, 23, 26, 28, 31, 32, 34,
75, 139, 281
Diocletian, Roman emperor 38-41, 43,
167, 178
Diocletians Palace in Split 162
Dionysius Periegetes, geographer 238
Dium 260
Divisisk 221
Divljaci 145

Djenazia (Gnesen) 315

Djervab, Djardista-Gradiste 295
Dmitrovica 222
Dnepropetrovska province 338
Dnieper, river 316, 317, 320-322, 324326, 328, 332-339, 343, 344
Dniester 328, 332, 338
Doboj 141, 151
Dobre Vode (Klina) 206
Dobriskik 31, 156, 281
Dobrun 181, 270
Doclea (Duklja) 95, 157, 174, 175,
177, 212, 218, 281, 282
Dohna, see Donin
Dolabella, Publius Cornelius, imperial
governor 261, 263, 264
Dolac 205
Dolovi 72
Domavia Argentaria 253, 265
Domavia, Domavianorum municipium
32, 265
Domavia, Gradina-Sase, Srebrenica 145
Don, river 321, 324
Donat P. 330
Donatus, bishop of Zadar 47
Donin 357
Donja Bukovica 194
Donja Lenica, site Kale 182
Donja Prizna 163
Donja Rudnica 205
Donja Slabinja 143
Donje Balinovce 192
Donje Butorke 200
Donji Dubi 203
Donji Miholjevac 248
Donji Milanovac 258
Donji Ograenik 147, 153
Donji Petrovci, see Bassianis
Donji Romanovac 192
Donjo Gradite 182
Dorf Mecklenburg 351
Dorohozhytsi 319
Dorohozhytsi, monastery in Kiev 319
Dra 219
Dragalj 268

General Index
Dragoaj 144
Dragoman 255
Dragoevac 196
Dragovichi, tribe 327, 338
Dragovii, village 152
Drame (Bigla), site 181
Drakovi D. 175
Drava, river 247-251, 275, 278
Dramirovac 196
Drenovo 181, 186, 259
Dresneik 219, 282
Drevljani, tribe 337, 338
Drenik 31, 208
Drid 163, 171
Drim, river 32, 221
Drina, river 26, 140, 141, 186, 253,
264-266, 269, 270
Drinjaa 265
Drinum 250, 251
Drniko polje 263
Drsnik 206
Druck 323
Drusipara, Drysiporo, Drizupara,
Drusipera, Drizipera 256
Drueti 253
Drvar 144
Drvar Selo 144
Drvenik island, Graina 163
Drislav, Croatian king 71
Drzonowo 314
Dubica 250
Dubnica - Kitka hill (Kale) 192
Dubovac 250
Duboveja, river 298
Dubrave 270
Dubravica (Margum) 202
Dubrovnik 20, 22, 23, 75, 76, 78-90,
95, 100, 103, 104, 160, 167, 170-172, 280
Ducov 294, 341
Dudvah, river 298, 306, 342
Duga Poljana 198, 271
Dugi otok 162
Dugopolje 164
Dugopoljska Plateau 262
Duje, river 297

437

Duklja, see Doclea 175, 177, 218, 281, 282

Dunaujvaros 300
Dunav (Slatina) 211, 212, 220
Dupci 204
Durostorum 258, 259
Duani S. 265
Duvanjsko polje 264, 267
Duvarine (Via ) 205
Duvno 143, 146, 263, 264, 266,
Dvorianky district 308
Dvorska 208
Dygowo 314
Dyme 260
Dyrrachium 94, 100, 179, 187, 189,
247, 256, 259, 261, 267-270, 277, 279
Dytynka Hill 318
Dziedzice 330

akovica 205
akovo 251
erdap 180, 220
erekare 197, 272
etinja River 270
orga Marko, archbishop 97
urevac 248
urevica (erekare) 197
uteza 174

Davato 260

East Balts 327

Eastern Roman Empire 242, 275
Eastern Slavs 321, 339; see also
Polabian Slavs, Slavs, South Slavs,
Western Slavs
Edesa 259, 260
Egerica, Egirica 255
Egeta 201, 258
Egnatia 259
Einhard, chronicler 26, 47, 217
Eipel, river 306, 342
Elaphiti islands 75

438

General Index

Elba, river 297, 329, 330, 355

Elbasan 259, 260
Eleusina 260
Emona 247, 250, 261, 278
Epetio, Epetion 23, 267
Epidaurum, Epidaurus, Epitauro 22,
23, 79, 84, 160, 269, 270, 271
Epidotio 267
Epirus 187, 260
Epirus Nova 178
Epirus Vetus 178
Equitinium 262
Ere 205
Euristus 259
Europe 9, 235, 238, 239, 282
Eustathius of Thesaalonica, archbishop,
writer 239
Evans A. 268, 270
Evlo 188
Eyssenhardt F., german philologist 239

Faliatis 258
Farlati Daniele, ecclesiastical historian 97
Faros-Starigrad 161
Feldebr 295, 341
Fetislam 220
Finns 321
Fino-Ugric tribes 327
Foa 270
Fojnica 264, 265
Fonte Timaui 267
Formin 248
Foska of Katel, church in Dubrovnik 80
Frankfurt 350, 361
Frankish Empire, Frankish Kingdom,
Frankish state 11, 17, 18, 105, 346, 350
Franks 17, 22, 29, 349
Friedrich I Barbarossa, Holy Roman
emperor 286, 368
Friedrihstal, botanist 236
Friuli passing 278
Fruka gora 250
Fusciana 267
FYR Macedonia 180

G. Malovina 263
Gabrovo 181
Gabuleum 273, 274
Gacko 270
Gaj (Babre) 198
Gajac 164
Galenik, Paljevica, Hvar 161
Galicia 294
Galih 326
Galisia 316
Gallicuma 273
Galumajnik, Galoumanik 31, 156, 281
Gamzigrad (Romuliana) 199, 210,
211, 223
Gardthausen V.E., historian 239
Garinje 192
Gaite 248
Gaul 247
Gdask 311, 313, 342, 364
Gee 205
Genesis Fl. 25
Genoese 59
Gepids 210
Gepids Kingdom 278
Germania 247
Germans 210, 236
Germany 11, 249, 338, 346, 349
Gigen 258
Glabalovo selo (Orebi) 161
Glamija- Rtkovo 200
Glamo 143
Glamoko polje 149, 262
Glaince Kale (itoraa) 194
Glavatievo 146, 153
Glavenica 222
Glavica (Biograd) 66
Glavica (Drvar) 66, 144
Glavica, Mali Mounj, Vitez 145, 153
Glavica, Meter in Lug 165
Glavina 163
Glavinaka uka 273
Glavinci 196
Glavnik 273
Glina 250

General Index
Glogovac 252
Glogowa,
Glogou,
Glogoviensis,
Glogow 362, 365
Glumin 281
Gnesen, Gnezden, Gneznensis 361
Gnezdov 323
Gniezno 310-313
Gobelja 204
Godeaj, upan 63
Godivje (Kula) 182
Gojinodolski kale 255
Gola Stena - tubik 201
Goldstein I. 160
Golem-grad 185
Golemo Gradite site, Konjuh 182
Golens, tribe 309
Gole 145, 153
Goliad, Galinidianus 327
Golija 271, 272
Goljak 274
Golubac 202, 258
Golubinjak (Visoka) 208
Golubnica 281
Gorani 146
Gorbovo 325
Gorica, mount 75, 76, 78, 147
Gorin, river 338
Gorjanac (Mokrice) 166
Gornaljsko gradishte 325
Gornja Crnua 193
Gornja Kula site (Kone) 182
Gornje Brijanje 193
Gornje Gradite (Lebane) 193
Gornje Ledenice 268
Gornji Bain, see Ad Praetorium
Gornji Gradac 268
Gornji Levii 204
Gornji Mu, see Andetrium
Gornji Statovac - Milanov kr 194
Gornji Streoci 206
Gornji Timok 255; see also Beli
Timok, Crni Timok, Svrljiki Timok,
Timok, Trgoviki Timok
Gornji Vakuf 144, 264, 266
Gornji Vrbljani 150

439

Gorska upa 177

Goscino 314
Gospi 267
Goths, tribe 139, 148, 179, 263, 275
Gotovua 207
Govedarnik - Grad, Glavinci 196
Govedarnik near Jagodina 211
Grabovica 220
Graee (Starigradski bay) 161
Graina 163
Grad - Opari 196
Grad - Rgaje 195
Grad (Gradite) 195
Grad Biograd, Zabre, Konjic 151
Grad Lis, Repovci, Konjic 146, 153
Grad site, Lopa 197
Grad Sokolec near Kalite 181
Grad Vitanj, Kula, Sokolac 154
Grad, Gornji Vrbljani, Klju (Velika and
Mala Gradina) 150
Grad, Gradina (Nosoljin) 198
Grad, Lis 197
Grad, Stipanii, Duvno 146
Gradac 268
Gradac (Banja Koviljaa) 196
Gradac (Budimlja) 175
Gradac (Doclea) 177
Gradac (Dubrovnik) 160
Gradac (Dvorska) 208
Gradac (Glavatievo, Konjic) 146
Gradac (Homolj, Kiseljak) 152
Gradac (Hudutsko, Prozor) 151
Gradac (Kaludra, Berane) 175
Gradac (Neretva) 281
Gradac (Petina) 204
Gradac (Plonik) 204
Gradac (Posuje) 150
Gradac (Prevlaka) 281
Gradac (Promona, St. Marijen church) 165
Gradac (Sv. Mihajlo) 75, 76
Gradac (Vitkovac) 204
Gradac (Vrhpolje) 208
Gradac erekari (Gornji Levii) 204
Gradac near Kalite 252
Gradac Tarabovac (Vilenica, Travnik) 145

440

General Index

Gradac, (Glavatievo, Konjic) 153

Gradac, (Trnovica, Zvornik) 144
Gradac, near Dubrovnik 160, 167
Grade (Kanarevo, Kozjak) 182
Gradec near Stod 303
Gradec, today Kniggrtz 357
Gradein, Gradac, near Valjevo 222
Gradetai 28, 31, 34, 281, 282
Gradina uaica (Guvnite) 207
Gradina on Krupa river 262
Gradina (Alihode, Travnik ) 151
Gradina (Andrijevica) 175
Gradina (Ariljaa) 207
Gradina (Badanj) 166
Gradina (Bajina Bata) 194
Gradina (Baka voda) 164
Gradina (Bivolje brdo, apljina) 151
Gradina (Bosansko Grahovo) 144, 152
Gradina (Brdo-Rudii, Mrkonji Grad) 144
Gradina (Brova, Trebinje) 145
Gradina (Crni vrh) 206
Gradina (Dedinci) 205
Gradina (Donja Prizna) 163
Gradina (Donja Rudnica, Raka) 205
Gradina (Drenik) 208
Gradina (Drsnik) 206
Gradina (Drvar Selo, Glavica, Drvar ) 144
Gradina (Gornji Streoci) 206
Gradina (Grbice) 201
Gradina (Hum) 198
Gradina (Ilinje) 193
Gradina (Jelica) 197
Gradina (Jelsa) 161
Gradina (Kaznovie) 193, 272
Gradina (Konuli) 193, 272
Gradina (Korita, Duvno) 146, 153
Gradina (Krstac) 208
Gradina (Kruica) 208
Gradina (Lisina) 193, 272
Gradina (Mali Ograenik-Donji Ograenik,
itluk) 147, 153
Gradina (Mikuljak) 208
Gradina (Modri draga) 163
Gradina (Mokra Gora) 208
Gradina (Omilje, Krk) 163

Gradina (Orovika mountain) 208

Gradina (Podgradina, Livno) 143
Gradina (Postenje) 198
Gradina (Pridvorica) 208
Gradina (Prisoje-Perkovii, Duvno) 143
Gradina (Radalica) 198
Gradina (Radalica) 271
Gradina (Radobua) 208
Gradina (Rajike, Glamo) 143
Gradina (Ramoevo) 198
Gradina (Ravni) 208
Gradina (aronje) 198
Gradina (engolj) 208
Gradina (Stapari) 194
Gradina (Subotie) 165
Gradina (Svrakovo) 208
Gradina (Trpanj, Peljeac) 161
Gradina (Tuzinje) 197
Gradina (Veljkovo) 201
Gradina (Venac) 195
Gradina (Vrani) 206
Gradina (Vukovica) 197
Gradina (irje) 162
Gradina (uti kamen/Guri i Kuq) 206
Gradina Bokaevac (Kostajnica, Konjic)
154
Gradina uteza (Dinoe) 175
Gradina Loznik, Podloznik, Pale, site 154
Gradina Martinii 176
Gradina on Bukova Gora 264
Gradina on Busur 252
Gradina Postenje 222
Gradina Vraba (Bijela, Konjic) 154
Gradina, Dabravina, Vare 152
Gradina, Grad (Gradac, Posuje) 150
Gradina near Trgovite 222
Gradina on Jelica 209, 211, 213, 215, 226
Gradina, Podgradina, (Livno) 146
Gradina-Megara (Gole, Travnik)
145, 153
Gradishte (Agridiska) 295
Gradite (Ljubinci) 204
Gradite - ukojevac, Kraljevo 191
Gradite (Balajnac) 194
Gradite (Bansko, Termica) 182

General Index
Gradite (Brus, Gobelja) 204
Gradite (Budinarci, Budingrad) 181
Gradite (Donji Dubi) 203
Gradite (Donji Romanovac) 192
Gradite (Dupci) 204
Gradite (G. Banica) 181
Gradite (Gee) 205
Gradite (Gradec) 181
Gradite (Gradskovo) 201
Gradite (Grnar) 207
Gradite (Jegunovce) 183
Gradite (Jovac) 192
Gradite (Kijevac) 192
Gradite (Korbevac) 191
Gradite (Laisled) 203
Gradite (Lukovo) 182
Gradite (Morodvis) 181
Gradite (Opila) 182
Gradite (Osladi) 208
Gradite (Pajkovac) 203
Gradite (Porodin) 204
Gradite (Prvonek) 193
Gradite (Puhovac) 203
Gradite (Sobri , Orae) 183
Gradite (Stene, Stena) 183
Gradite (Trnavci) 204
Gradite (Trpeza) 207
Gradite (Veliki Trnovac) 192
Gradite (Zatri) 205
Gradite (eleznec) 181
Gradite (ivojno) 181
Gradite (Zlatari ) 204
Gradite (Zletovo) 182
Gradite Devojaka stena (Sekuri) 196
Gradite Kaljaja (Bina) 207
Gradite site (Kaljaja) 193
Gradite Zovik (emren) 181
Gradite, Devol-grad (Drenovo) 181
Gradok, Markovi Kuli 182
Gradovi (aronje) 198
Gradskovo 201
Gradutina (Beljin) 197, 218
Grahovo 149, 268
Graite Gradite, Dobrun 181
Gramrianae (Rapiana) 253

441

Gran, river 306, 342

Granarica 207
Grbalj 269
Grbavica Brdo, Grbavica, Vitez 145
Grbice 201
Grblje 281
Greaks 237, 316
Great Morava 26, 32, 189, 234, 241,
252-254, 285, 295, 297
Great Moravia 220, 283, 294
Great Novgorod 326
Gredak (Stoliica), Donje Balinovce 192
Gredine, Potoani, Livno 143
Greece 180, 188, 189, 235, 236, 238,
260, 266
Gregory the Great, pope 21
Grezanska river 255
Grgure 205
Grkajska river 272
Grkavci 268
Grnar 207
Grocka 221, 251, 252
Gromiljak 265
Groningen 237
Grude 147, 149
Grua 221, 253
Grzybowo 314
Guberevac 253
Gueti Vitalis, archbishop 86
Gundinci 25
Gunja 250
Gunjaa 159, 169
Guntherius, praesul Babenpergensis 285
Guozdec 358
Gupalo Konstantyn 319, 320
Gurbita 272
Guri i Kuq 206
Gustijerna (irje) 162
Guvnite 207
Gvozdek, Guozdec, Gvozdec, Guoz 362
Gythium 260

Hadrian II, pope 27

Hadrian, Roman emperor 238

442

General Index

Hadrianopolis 179, 251, 255, 256,

259, 260, 275, 277, 279
Hadii 145
Hafsa 256
Hajduka Vodenica 203
Hala 315
Halapi 262
Halich 321, 322
Hallata, Alata 268
Hammeum 273, 274
Hamzii 147
Han Kola 150
Hanite-Grad, Dramirovac 196
Hanska 332
Harmanli 256
Haskej 256
Havel, river 304
Havre ab Havre 267
Hebros (Hebrus, Marica), river 256, 260
Hedum 264
Hellas, see Greece
Helmold of Bosau, historian 348-353,
357, 366, 367
Hemimont 256
Hemus Mountain 235, 259, 285
Hensel W. 354
Hera`s temple in Trogir 53
Heraclea Lyncestis 179, 181
Heraclea, see Perinthos, Perinthus
Heraclius I, Byzantine emperor 15,
19, 23, 211, 216, 217, 278
Herbord 349, 351, 352, 357, 361, 367
Herceg Novi 176, 269
Hermolaus 242
Herodotus 237
Herzegovina 140, 141, 157, 280
Hierocles 240
Hisar (Creka) 183
Hisar (Kostrc, Suva reka) 206
Hisar (Leskovac) 193
Hisar (Prokuplje) 273
Hisar (Radovi) 182
Hisar (tip) 183
Hitci 332, 333
Hlebena 30, 282

Hlumec, Lumec, Chlumec 357

Hnojn 307
Holy Land 241, 284, 285
Holy Mother of Luine, church in Ston 77
Holy Mother of Ratac in Bar, monastery 94
Holy Trinity (St. Anselm), church in
Nin 63, 64
Holy Trinity (St. Donatus), church in
Zadar 46, 49, 50
Holy Trinity, church near Knin 72
Homann 236
Homolj 162
Horeum Margi, see uprija
Hosno 221
Hotemlj 316
Hotemlj Bila, gradishte 342
Hradani 303
Hradecin 295, 341
Hristopoli 260
Huc 331
Hudotsko 151
Hum 28, 31, 156, 198, 282
Humac 76
Hungarians 218, 220, 283, 284
Hungary 157, 284
Huns (Kutrigurs) 179, 209, 274-276, 279
Hvar 161, 170
Hvosno 221, 284

Iadera 20, 22, 23, 34,

Ibar, river 219, 253, 272
Iberian Peninsula 18
Ibn Fadlan, chronicler, traveler 316
Ibn Kohordadhb, traveler 316
Ibn Rosteh, explorer, geographer 295, 316
Idimino 249, 252
Idomenia 273
Idrisi, traveler 295, 304, 309, 315
Ifrankbila 304
Ihtiman, see Egirice, Egerica
Ilica 266
Ilida 143, 152, 270
Ilina, Gorani, Konjic 146
Ilinje 193

General Index
Illyricum 15, 18, 19, 20, 32, 139, 140,
158, 169, 172, 173, 178, 180, 183, 212,
221, 224, 225, 243, 247, 257, 261, 262,
266, 267, 275, 278, 283
Ilok, see Cuccuium
Ilovik 162
Imotsko polje 149, 267
In Alpe Iulia 248
In monte Bulsinio 264
Inalperio, In Alperio 32, 263
Incerum 249, 251
Indenea 32, 263
India 241
Indigis 257
Ionian Sea 11, 247, 235, 260
Ionnaria 263
Iosli 31, 281
Iouallio 248
Iouvia 248
Iovia-Botivo 248
Iovis Pagus 252
Ipel, river 298
Iput, river 327
Irene, Byzantine dowager-empres 184
Irpen, river 294
Isaac II Angelos, Byzantine emperor 286
Isariot near Valandovo 185
Isba 340
Isidorus Hispalensis (Isidor of Sevile) 239
Iskar, river 259
Imi 269
Istria 21, 23, 55, 137, 168, 170, 172,
216, 267
Istrum 258, 259
Italy 17, 18, 169, 210, 236, 241, 243,
247, 257, 261, 262, 266, 275, 278, 283
Iulinum 353
Iulius Honorius 239
Iumenta 353
Iustiniana Prima 18, 221, 274, 276
Iustiniana Secunda, see Ulpiana
Ivan Vladislav, Bulgarian tsar 187, 189
Ivan-Sedlo 270
Ivoevci 263
Izbeg (Tupi kr) 198

443

Iite, Vulkanska kupa Kale 181

Izvor (Kolan) 164
Izyaslav Yaroslavich, grand prince of
Kiev 318
Izyaslav, town 325
Izyaslav-Svyatopolks town 318

Jablanica (Pe) 204, 205

Jabuka 271
Jadar, river 253
Jader (Zadar) 162, 262
Jagodina 199, 211, 212, 217
Jajac 153
Jajce 266
Janj 263
Jankovi . 177
Jankovii, Travnik 145
Jegunovce 183, 186
Jelanica 255
Jelica, mountain 197, 209, 211, 253
Jelika uka, Saganjevo 205
Jelsa 161
Jenida 260
Jeniv, site 299, 341
Jerinin grad (Beoi) 196
Jerinin grad (Brangovi) 196
Jerinin grad (Dolac) 205
Jerinin grad (Dragoevac) 196
Jerinin grad (Gornja Crnua) 193
Jerinin grad (Mievi) 196
Jerinin Grad (Prevet) 196
Jerinin Grad (Tolisavac) 208
Jerinin Grad (Trojan) 197
Jerinin Grad (Vojska) 196
Jerinin Grad /Gradac (Batoina) 201
Jerinina kula (Podgradje, Klina) 206
Jews 298
Jezera 269
Jezero on Pliva 263
Jezyczki 315
John IV, pope 23
John of Ravena 40, 41
John Skylitzes, historian 188
John the Deacon,chronicler 28, 52

444

General Index

John Tzimiskes, Byzantine emperor 186

John X, pope 21
John, bishop of Kotor 90
Jonaria 32
Josli, see Olje
Jovac 192
Jovana 262
Jovina voda 268
Jove`s temple in Split 40
Juhor, mountain 195
Julian Alps 275
Julian, Roman emperor 239
Jupiter`s temple in Split 40
Justinian I, Byzantine emperor 11, 20,
100, 140, 154, 169-171, 173, 179, 185,
190, 209, 216, 217, 242, 244, 276, 277
Justinian II, Byzantine emperor 185
Jutland peninsula 353
Juac, Sopoani 198

Kabl 221
Kaanik 272, 274
Kacapun 192
Kadansk 305
Kale (D. Oreovo) 181
Kale (Donja Lenica) 182
Kale (Grgec) (Gornje Brijanje) 193
Kale (Klinovac) 192
Kale (Krupite) 183
Kale (Ratani) 181
Kale (Skopje) 182
Kale (Veles) 183
Kale (Vranjska banja) 191
Kale (Zrze, Sveti Spas) 182
Kale na Stolovatec (Belica) 181
Kale near Klinovce 209
Kale site, Desovo 182
Kale, Gradite (Leok) 183
Kale-Zvezda (Srbinovo, Trnovo) 181
Kalis, Kalisz, castrum 363
Kalite, Grad Sokolec, site Sokolec 181
Kalite, village 252
Kaljaja (Bina) 207
Kaljaja (Grgure, Blace) 205

Kaljaja (Orahovac) 206

Kaljaja (Radinovac) 193
Kaljaja (Vrbovac) 207
Kalna 195
Kaludra 175, 198
Kamena Gora 271
Kamengrad 175
Kamenje (Runovii) 267
Kamenovo near Petrovac on Mlava 211
Kamica 314
Kamiani 143, 152
Kanarevo 181
Kanic Felix 218
Kanin 299, 341
Kap Arkona, see Arkona
Karaburma 220
Kara Z. 167
Karamizar 200
Karasarli 256
Karata (Diana) 200
Karaula (Vajuga) 200
Karin 282
Karitiran 256
Karlobag, see Vegium
Karlovac, see Kavurza
Kasalov Gradac (Livno) 146
Kai 30
Kastel - Banja Luka 153
Katel in Trogir 53
Katel in Mljet 161
Katelina, cape (Kamporska draga, Rab)
163
Kastoria 189
Katera 30, 156, 282
Kati M. 169-171, 173
Kavurza 315
Kazandijska mala 184
Kaznovie 193, 272
Kedrzyno 315
Keglevia gradina - Mokro Polje 165
Keramisian plain 185
Khazars, tribe 326, 343
Kievo 181, 187, 188
Kiepert 262
Kiev state 317, 321, 337

General Index
Kiev, town 291, 292, 294, 316-319,
321, 322, 324-326, 328, 333, 335, 337,
340, 342
Kijevac 192
Kilievych S.R. 319
Kirovgrad 339
Kiseljak 152, 265
Kistanje 263
Kitka hill, Kale 192
Klaboka 30, 282
Kladanj 265
Kladorup, see Combustica
Kladovo 220, 221, 223
Klaince 262
Klazmja 321
Klina 206, 273
Klinovce 209
Klis 24, 25, 30, 158, 261-263
Klju 150
Klopotnica 164
Klopotowo 315
Klotar 248
Klov (Kiev), monastery 319
Knezovi jezero 165
Kni 191
Knin 25, 29, 69, 70, 71, 73, 104, 165,
166, 266, 282
Knina, river 221
Knjaevac 254
Kocobevka I 332
Kodra-Marenjt 268
Kokia glavica - Pripolje 165
Koobrzeg 310, 315
Koloman, king of Hungary 65
Kolovrat 270, 271
Kolubara, river 253
Koludarica, monastery 81
Komarnica 26
Komine 269, 270
Konavle 177, 217
Kone 182, 188
Konuli 193, 272
Konjic 146, 151, 153, 154, 270
Konjica 156
Konjuh 181, 185

445

Konjua -Cer 194

Konstanca 258
Kopan 315
Kopaonik 272
Kopirev End 318-321
Kora V. 96
Korbevac 191
Korbovo 199, 211, 217
Korchak 306, 337
Korula 28
Korenica 182
Koretite - Granarica 207
Kori, Corinium 30, 282
Korinthia, Korintija on Krk 164, 168
Koria 206
Korita 146
Korlae 253
Kosanin grad, Cer 196
Koice 305-307, 342
Kosle, Coslovo, Cozle, Cosel 363
Kolja Gromaa site, Novalja 164
Koljun near Zaglava (Novaljsko polje) 164
Kosovica River 71, 72
Kosovo 189, 220, 272, 273, 283, 284
Kosovo near Knin 69-72
Kosovo polje near Knin 70, 71
Kosovska Mitrovica 272, 273
Kostajnica 154
Kostajnik 208
Kostol 201, 212
Kostolac 217
Kotram polje 271
Kostrc 206
Kostroma 326, 327
Kosturino 182
Kosturino, (Raborci), site Vasilica 182
Koszali dukedom 314, 342
Kotomel 338
Kotor 20, 23, 30, 89, 90, 91, 92,103,
104, 156, 173, 174, 219, 280
Kotorac 156
Kounich 303
Koelj 195
Koenja k near Sala in Dugi otok 162
Kozjak 181, 182, 188

446

General Index

Kole 182
Kozy, see Kosle, Coslovo, Cozle
Koznik 205
Kraka, founder of Krakw 309
Krakw 295, 298, 309-311, 315, 341,
342, 361-363, 365
Kraljevo 191, 253
Kremenchug 338
Kresimer II, Croat duke 25
Kreimir I, Croatian king 66
Kreimir III, Croatian king 65
Krigov 307
Krivaja (Kamenica), river 26
Krivichi, tribe 327
Krivoije 268
Krk, Curicum, Curicta, Curictarum,
Civitas vetus, Vekla, town 55-57, 104,
172, 280
Krk, island 33, 55, 56, 58, 60, 163, 164, 168
Krka, river 70, 263, 264, 266
Krnja Jela 268
Kromu 323, 324
Kr, Zlatni Kamen 198
Krstac 208
Krstina, Hamzii, itluk 147
Krtinje 268
Krum 184, 214
Krupa, river 262
Krupac 143, 152
Krupite, site Kale 183
Kruar 196
Kruica 208
Kruivnica 26
Kruka gora 248
Kruszwic 311, 313, 342
Kuber 185
Kujaba (Kiev) 316
Kuka site, Rogle 183
Kukesi 260
Kukujevac 249
Kula 154
Kula - Korenica 182
Kula - Mihajlovac 199, 211-213
Kula, Kaludra 198
Kula, see Ancus 267

Kulina - Medvednik 200

Kulina - Tenedol 207
Kulina near Solotua 194
Kulina, Rogatac 198
Kulite (urkovica) 192
Kulite (Jezero) 193
Kumanovo 274
Kunovec 248
Kupa, river 235, 250
Kupinovo 218
Kupres 266
Kupreko polje 263, 264, 266
Kuprite 186
Kurumlija 221, 273
Kurvingrad 205
Kusare 205
Kutina 251
Kutrigurs, tribe 179
Kuver, Bulgarian leader 186
Kuzelin near Zagreb 165
Kvarner 55, 56, 58, 59
Kvarte 267
Kvirin, from Salona 53
Kwasovo 315
Kyselivka 319
Kyselivka Hill 318

Laba, river 350

Labin, see Albona, Aulona
Lacedemone 260
Laderata, Lederata 202, 252
Laisled 203
Ladoga 322, 325
Laktai 144, 262
Lamatis, Aemate 32, 262 , 263
Laminci 144, 152
Langobards 210, 275
Lanie 248, 253
Larissa 260
Lastovo (Ladestina) 28, 161
Lastve 144
Lava, river 265
Latina 255
Latinska crkva, site 273

General Index
Lavov 323
Laza 248
Lebane 193, 274
Lech 260
Leha, mountain 312
Lejkowo 315
Lekii 268
Lensi 303
Leo I, Byzantine emperor 179
Leo V, Byzantine emperor 100
Lepenica 26, 265
Leje 196
Leska 182
Leskovac 193, 221
Leskovec (Leak) 188
Lesnik 31, 219, 282
Leok 183
Leuconum 251
Leusaba 262, 263
Leusara 32
Leusino, Leusinium 268
Leutici (Wilzi, Welatabi), tribe 350
Levanjska Varo 251
Leve 221
Levi Hradec 295, 341
Levigradec 356
Libice nad Cidline, gradishte 302
Libice, town 295, 297, 299, 302, 303, 341
Liburni, tribe 70
Lika 69, 158,
Lile Burgas 256
Lim, river 32, 271, 284
Lion I, pope 366
Lipa 146
Lipet 270
Lipljan see Ulpiana
Lis 197
Le 294, 341
Lisiji Brijeg-Cintor, Laminci, Bosanska
Gradika, site 144, 152
Lisina 193, 272
Lisine 170
Lisinj, mountain 94
Lissae 255
Lissum, Lisus 268, 269, 273

447

Litane 262
Litice 151
Lithuanians 327
Litice, Dobrinja 198
Litomerzice 303
Liudewit, dux Pannoniae Inferioris
26, 217
Livanjsko polje 149, 262
Livno 25, 34, 143, 146, 262, 263, 266, 282
Lobane, Lapanj 281
Logatac 248
Lokviii 267
Lombards, tribe 17
Londa 95, 98, 99
Longatico 248
Lontodokla 28, 31, 177, 281
Lopa 197
Lopari 77
Lopsica (Jurjevo) 168
Lopuka Glavica 71, 72
Loinj 32, 55, 58
Loven, mountain 89
Lovosice 299, 341
Lovre 267
Lower Brela (Berouila) 29
Lower Moesia 179
Lower Pannonia 158
Lower rnovnica 38
Loznik 154
Lbeck 352, 366, 367
Lubic, Lubeke, see Lbeck
Lubossin, Libossjn 358
Lui Ivan 52, 53
Lui Petar 53
Ludbreg 248
Ludrum 262
Lug II, village 333
Lug, river 329
Lugomir, river 26
Luka 280
Luka-Raikovetskaya 338
Lukavac 280
Lukavete, Lukavetija, Loukabetai 31
156, 157, 177, 280
Lukovica 181

448

General Index

Lukovo 182, 188

Luna (Pag) 164
Luntulis 248
Lupreko polje 263
Lusatia 305
Lusatians 305
Lutica 176, 269
Lutovac P. 175
Luine 77
Lvov 338
Lychnidus, see Ohrid
Lysa Hill 318, 319

Ljapuskin I.I. 328

Lje, see Lissum, Lisus
Ljenica, near Vidojevica 219
Ljig, river 253
Ljubievac 200
Ljubida 273
Ljubinci 204
Ljubinje 154
Ljubljan - Ravni kotari 165
Ljubljana 248, 250, 278
Ljubomir 268
Ljubuki 145, 267
Ljubuko polje 149, 267
Ljudska, river 271

Macedonia 137, 178-181, 183, 184,

186-189, 220, 224, 225, 232, 236, 238,
242, 243, 259, 285
Macedonia Prima 178, 180
Macedonia Secunda 178, 180
Maja stopa 268
Mava 209, 218
Mavansko Posavlje 218
Macznik 314
Magdeburg 352
Magno 267
Magnopolis, Mikelenburg 351
Magnum 158
Mahovljani 262, 263
Majdan 263

Majevica, mountain 209

Majsan, islet 161
Majur (Jagodina) 199, 211
Makar 171
Makarska 27, 38, 281
Makljenovac 151
Mala Gradina - apljina 147
Mala Gradina (Blagaj), hill 157
Mala Gradina (Klju) 150
Mala Vijola near Knin 166
Malata 250
Malechowo 315
Maleevo 188
Mali Grad - Dragoevac 196
Mali Grad (Branievo) 191
Mali Grad, Blagaj near Mostar 144,
154, 157
Mali Gradac (Garinje) 192
Mali Irendik 256
Mali Mounj 145, 153, 265
Mali Ograenik 147, 153
Mali Petri 207
Malin 358
Malo Golubinje 203
Malocharnia 291
Maopolska, see Krakow
Malvesiatium 270
Mamia jezero, lake 165
Manastir Gradok, Markovi Kuli
(the town of Morihovo) 182
Mansio 252
Manzikert 189
Marcianopolis 258, 259
Marcus Aurelius, Roman emperor 258
Mareljia gradina - Staro selo Carevica, Glamo 143
Margum, town 190, 202, 222, 251,
252, 275
Maria Saal, Gospa Sveta, town 248
Marjan 38
Markov dol 268
Markov grad (Korenica) 182
Markov grad (Matka) 182
Markov kamen (Topilo) 207
Markov manastir (Gabrovo, Petrovo) 181

General Index
Markov zid (Prilepac) 182
Markova Suica 182
Markovi Kuli (Kole) 182
Markovi Kuli (Markova Suica) 182
Markovi Kuli (Prilep) 182
Markovi Kuli (Vodno, rne) 182
Markovo Kale (Modrite) 181
Markovo Kale (Preevo) 192
Markovo Kale (Teovo) 183
Markovo Kale (Vranje) 192
Marmara 235
Marmianis 248
Marsonie 250, 251
Martar 156
Martin Abbot, missionary 16, 23
Martinika gradina 28, 34, 176
Mashak 309
Maskare 203
Massala, Masla 304
Matka 182
Matovii 198
Mazoviani, Slavic tribe 361
Mcensk 323
Mecklenburg 330
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern region
351, 353
Medak near Gospi 267
Medena stena 255
Mediana 203, 210
Medini J. 172
Mediterranean 171, 178, 184, 223,
237, 242, 246, 251, 317
Meureje, Megyretous 31, 34, 219, 282
Medvea 193, 252, 267
Medvednica, river 166
Medvednik 200
Medzirzecz, Meseritz 364
Megalopolis 260
Megara 260
Mela Pomponius, geographer 238 , 239
Melanthias (Melantiada) 257, 260
Meldia 255
Melta 258
Menander the Guardsman, historian 15
Menneianae 251

449

Merovingian dynasty 236

Mesinkalesi 260
Messene 260
Mesta river, see Nesta, river
Metohija 271, 273, 283
Mezei, tribe 262
Michael I, king of Duklja 99
Michael VII Doukas, Byzantine
emperor 189
Michael VIII Palaeologus, Byzantine
emperor 187, 221, 286
Michael Vievi, ruler of Zahumlje
75, 76
Michalovce, district 307, 308
Middle East 326
Miechecino 314
Mieszko I, Polish ruler 309, 310
Mihajlovac- Blato 199, 211-213, 220
Mikilinburg 354
Mikov Dvor 297
Mikuli I. 183, 186, 188, 232
Mikulice at Hodmine 294-296, 341
Mikuljak 208
Milan 104, 238
Milanov kr 194
Milanovaa (Gorica, Grude) 147
Mildova 180
Milinkovi M. 148
Miljakovii 152
Miljkovica 195
Miller 240
Miloaj 191, 211
Milutinovac 200
Minsk 323
Mircea Voda 26
Mirja, Postire, Bra 161
Mirkovi M. 274
Miro 201, 258
Mievi 196
Mislav, Mislauus, Croat duke 25
Mitrovica 212, 261
Mlado Nagoriane, egligovo 182
Mlakovaki stream 251
Mlane 254
Mlava 251, 252

450

General Index

Mljet 75, 161,169

Modri draga 163
Modrite 181
Moesia 178, 238, 255, 258
Moesia Prima 20
Moesia Superior, Upper Moesia 252,
257, 258
Moglen (Greece) 188
Mogorjelo (apljina) 147, 151
Mojmir I, duke of Moravia 294, 341
Mojsinje 254
Mokra in Albania 188
Mokra Gora 208, 270
Mokranje (Petres) 199
Mokrice 166
Mokriskik (Mokro) 27, 29, 31 , 156, 280
Mokro (Bela Palanka) 221
Mokro polje 165, 166
Mokron 281, 282
Moldavia 306, 331-333, 337, 338, 343
Molunat cape 160
Momilov grad (Juhor) 195
Mongols 317
Montalembert F. 236
Monte Aureo 251
Montenegro 17, 20, 30, 32, 33, 137,
140, 156, 173, 177, 178, 224, 225, 228
Mora Vagei 200
Moraa, river 26, 268
Morava (Moravisk), town 221, 222, 251
Morava river (Central Europe) 306, 342
Morava river (Serbia), see Great
Morava, South Morava, Western
Morava
Morava valey 189, 251, 252, 254, 261,
275-279, 284
Moravia 291, 294, 295, 341, 355
Moravica, river 255, 272
Morihovo 182, 188
Morovid 188
Moscow 290, 292, 321, 326, 327, 340
Mosko 268, 269
Mosor 44
Most, site in Bohemia 299, 341
Motanica 250, 266, 268

Mostar 144, 151, 154, 156, 157, 280

Mounj 266
Motomel 291
Mrkan, island 160, 167
Mrkonji Grad 144, 262, 263,
Mrtvica 192
Mujdie 263
Municipium DD (Soanica) 272, 273
Mura, river 278
Mursa 158
Mursa Maior 248-250
Mursa Minor 248
Mutatio Sarmate 253
Mutimer, Croat duke 25
Mutimir, Serbian archon 218
Mutjenice 291

Nackel, see Nakel

Nadinia 314
Naissus 18, 20, 189, 190, 203, 212, 221,
222, 251, 253-255, 258, 272-277, 279
Najdek 291
Nakel 362, 365
Nakrivanj 193
Narcum 256
Narenta, see Neretva
Narentines (Arentani), tribe 156, 219
Narona 21, 22, 23, 165, 167, 170, 261,
262, 265, 267-270
Nauporto, Nauportus 248
Neapolis 260
Necvijee 280
Nehaj 176
Nehgrada 315
Nemanja (Stefan Nemanja), grand
zupan of Serbia 178
Nemcovce 308
Nemi- Donja Bukovica 194
Nemuan, river 327
Nemzi, Nemecia 357
Neokastro 295
Neretva, river 32, 75, 76, 141, 149,
156, 158, 167, 281
Nesta, river 260

General Index
Netherlands 237
Netide 260
Neum 140, 145, 158
Nevesinje 145, 280
Nevesinjsko Polje 270
Neyviski 338
Nicea 259
Nicephorus I, Byzantine emperor
47, 184
Niceu 260
Nicomedia 39
Nicopolis ad Istrum 258, 259
Nicopolis ad Nestum 256
Niderle L. 296
Nikola, comes (knez) in Macedonia 187
Niki 175, 178, 268, 269
Nimptsch, see Nemzi, Nemecia
Nin 27-30, 34, 62-64, 69, 167, 172,
281, 282
Ninia, see Knin
Nirburk (Nizburk) 315
Ni, see Naissus
Niava, river 255
Nievac 254
Nitra, river 306
Nitra, town 294, 297, 304, 341, 342
Nitrinski Hradok 306
Nizhni Novgorod 326
Nona, see Nin
Noricum 247, 278
Nosoljin 198
Nougrade 31, 281
Nouiodum 250
Nov Ves 306
Novae (castrum), ezava 203
Novakovi S. 219
Novalja 164
Novaljsko polje 164
Novgorod 290, 292, 316, 321-324,
326, 328, 340, 342
Novgorod-Siversk 324
Novi Pazar 198, 217, 222, 253, 270-272
Novigrad 170, 177
Noviodunum 258
Novo Mesto 250

451

Novopazarska Banja 272

Novotroitski 328
Nowej-Huty 311
Nuhbegovia gradina, Podhum, Livno
146, 153
Nrnberg 286

Oblak, Mali Mounj-Divljaci, Vitez 145

Obnizenie, Obrazinskie (Bruzda/
Zbaszinska) area 314
Obodriti, tribe 350, 351
Obrovac 18, 267
Octavum, see Vinjica
Odaje (Jablanica) 204
Oder, Odra river 304, 309, 310, 313,
328, 330, 342
Odessos 258, 259
Oescus 256, 258, 259
Ogradice in Ozrinii 268
Ohrid 182, 185, 187-189, 219, 221, 260
Oka, river 321, 324, 326, 327
Oki 166
Old Kiev Hill 318, 319
Old Riazan 324
Old Town (Stari Grad) in Ulcinj 100
Oldenburg 366
Olimpia 260
Olmtz, Olomuc 357
Olovo 265
Olympus 260
Omi, see Oneo, Oneum
Omilje 163
Omuntesprech 295, 341
Oneo, Oneum 32, 267
Oneus, see Una River
Onogot, see Niki
Opari 196
Opila 182
Opocen 358
Opole 311-313, 342
Opolini, tribe 309
Oposnji gradishte 335, 336
Opsara 55,58, 280
Orahovac 206

452

General Index

Oraac 248
Orae 183
Oraje 249, 252
Orebi 161
Oreac 195
Orijen 268
Orizari 259
Orlovia Grad-Leje 196
Ormos, see Vrm
Orosius, historian 239
Orovika mountain 208
Orseolo Petar II, Venetian doge 52
Ortopla (Stitnica) 168
Oseriats, tribe 262
Osijek, see Mursa Maior
Osinje, island 161
Osipovka 333
Osladi 208
Olje 29, 156, 281
Osogov mountines 259
Osor 32, 55, 56, 58-60, 104, 163, 172
Osovik 322
Osterburken 249
Ostojievo 144
Ostra, river 325
Ostra, site 197
Otri ukar 192
Ostrihom 295, 341
Ostrogoths, tribe 139, 275
Ostrok 31, 281
Ostrovica 198
Ostrovska banja 260
Ostrowiec 315
Ostrvica in Poljice 163, 169
Ostudizus (Nike) 256
Otinovci 264
Otoac 267
Otranto 242
Otto I the Great, Holy Roman emperor
352, 360, 366, 368
Otto III, Holy Roman emperor 310
Otto, episcopus Ratibonensis 285
Ottomans 65
Our Lady of Carmel, church in
Dubrovnik 83

Ozalj 250
Ozrinii 268

Pag, island 45, 55, 60, 164, 171

Pagania 10, 16, 23, 24, 28, 31, 217,
281, 282
Pajkovac 177
Palacol, islet 163
Palanka, see Aelea
Pale 154
Paljevica 161
Panik 146, 157, 268
Pannonia 18, 70, 140, 158, 185, 186,
220, 238, 246, 247, 249, 257, 261, 262,
265, 266, 275, 277
Pannonia Prima (I) 141
Pannonia Secunda (II) 141
Pannonian Plain 11, 236
Panojevii 198
Papazli 256
Papazoglu F. 274
Pardua, Pardue 32, 268
Parenbole 256
Parentino 267
Pareani 145
Paris 239
Pas of Gramada 254
Paali 262, 263, 264, 265
Paman, island 65, 66, 162
Pastrmac 271
Pathras 260
Ptikostolie 295, 341
Patsch C. 141, 264
Paul (Pavle Branovi), Serbian archon
218
Paul, exarch of Ravenna 21
Pautalia 255, 259
Pavlany, village 307
Pavlany-Krigov, district 307
Pazari 145
Pazarite - Novi Pazar 198
Pe 205, 273
Pechenegs, tribe 285
Pecka 262, 263

General Index

Pecs 249
Pelagonija 188
Peljeac, peninsula 75, 76, 160, 161
Pella 259, 260
Peloponnese 180, 260
Pelva 262
Pendizken 323
Pene, river 352
Peqini 259
Periaslav 324
Perinthos, Perinthus 256, 257, 259,
260, 275
Perkovii 143
Perui 267
Pesoani-Kula, Debrica (Deuritsa) 182
Peter 271
Pesti Bukoloram 195
Petar Deljan, Bulgarian tsar 189
Petar Gojnikovi, Serbian archon
218, 219
Petar Kreshimir IV, king of Croatia
39, 61, 63, 71
Petauione 248
Peter, bishop 52
Petina 204
Petovion 278
Petres 199
Petri (Stara Novalja) 164
Petricioli I. 67
Petrijanec 248
Petrijevci 248
Petrilo, Byzantine general 189
Petrino 188
Petrova 208
Petrovac on Mlava 211
Petrovaradin, see Cusum
Petrovi Vladeta 9
Petrovo 181
Petru P. 248
Petrus 196
Peutinger Conrad 241
Pharsalus 260
Philippis 260
Philippopolis 251, 255, 256, 259, 276

453

Photius, ecumenical patriarch of

Constantinople 94
Piast, dynasty 309
Picentinum 251
Pijanec 188
Pincum 202
Pincus (Pek), river 32
Piotrowice 314
Piretis 248
Pirot 195, 254, 255
Pistum 268, 269
Piva 26
Pizus (Opizus) 256
Plakaonica 272
Planka, cape 53, 168
Plataeae 260
Plavinci 251
Plawecino 314
Pliny the Elder, natural philosopher
237, 238
Pliska, see Aboba
Plitvica, river 248
Pljevlja 269, 270
Ploe 161
Plocensis 363
Plock, see Plocensis
Plonik 204
Plomin 267
Plovdiv 255
Pluine 254
Pnua 26
Pobedim 294, 298, 341
Poernice 299, 341
Poddniprya 331, 333
Podesenia, river 335
Podgajci 251
Podgorica 268
Podgrae near Benkovac (Aserija) 165
Podgradina near Livno 143, 146, 263
Podhum 146
Podil, Podol, town 318-321
Podloznik 154
Podrako polje, Podraniko polje
262, 263

454

General Index

Podravski Podgajci 248

Podrka 201
Podujevo 273
Podvis 181
Poetovio 247
Pohansko u Beclav 294, 297, 341
Pola 267
Polabian Slavs 350, 353; see also
Eastern Slavs, Slavs, South Slavs,
Western Slavs
Polaa on ljet 161, 169
Poland 11, 289, 290, 292, 293, 306,
308, 310, 312-316, 327, 328, 337, 338,
340-343, 349, 350, 360, 362, 365
Polanow 315
Poles 294
Polina 260
Polish Pomerania 308, 313, 330
Polisi 259
Poljaci 169
Poljani 337, 338
Poljice 163, 268
Polomino 314
Poloni, Slavic tribe 361
Polotsk 322, 323, 326
Polyane 312, 313
Pomerani, Slavic tribe 350, 361
Pomerania 353
Pons Seruili 259, 260
Pont 247
Pont Ulcae 249
Ponte Sonti, Pons Sonti 248
Ponte Tiluri 267
Pontes (Kostol) 199
Pontus 256
Popovo polje 141
Poprad district 307
Populos 248
Porcheron 242
Pore 267
Poreka river 202, 220, 276
Porodin 204
Porsulis 260
Porzecze 315
Postenje 198

Postire 161
Posuje 146, 147, 149, 150
Potkozarje 262
Potoani 143
Potus Planticus 267
Povije 268
Poarevac 220
Poega 248, 251, 270, 272
Pozna, Poznani 310-313, 342, 362
Praa 270
Praesidium Dasmini 253
Praesidium Pompei 246, 253, 255
Praevalitana 178, 180
Prague, Praha 11, 292, 295, 298-301,
303, 305, 306, 308, 336, 341, 348, 356, 360
Prague-Bohnice 299, 341
Prague-Bubene (Bubench) 299, 341
Prague-imice 299, 341
Prague-Dejvice 299, 341
Prague-Hornich 299, 303, 341
Prague-Hradany 299, 303, 341
Prague-Michle 299, 341
Prahovo (Aquae, Akvis) 199, 211, 212,
217, 220, 223, 254
Prapratno 75
Prilovica 254
Preamor 188
Prekopite 207
Premisl, dux, brother of Boleslaw I 365
Pemyslids, Bohemian dynasty 302, 303
Preevo 192
Presiam, Bulgarian khan 217
Presidio 272
Presjeka 145
Preslav 186, 315
Preov 11, 306, 342
Preov district 307, 308
Preov-Nin ebastov 307
Prespa, lake 185, 188
Prevalis 173
Prevet 196
Prevlaka, village 281
Pribaltic Region 349
Priaci 250
Pridraga 30

General Index
Pridvorica 205, 208
Prijedor 143, 150, 152
Prijepolje 269, 270
Prijevor 253
Prilep 182, 185-188, 259
Prilepac 182
Prilepsko polje, see Keramisian plain
Princip 188
Pripjatsko Plesje 328, 329
Pripolje 165
Pripyat, Pripeta, river 327, 336, 338, 343
Prisca, Roman empress 41
Priscus, Greek writer 276
Prisdiana, see Prizren
Prisna, macceraii zuppano 26
Prisoje 143
Pritina 273
Privala 264
Prizren 188, 189, 221, 222, 273
Prizrensko polje 273
Procopius of Caesarea 15, 148, 179,
180, 190, 216, 240, 242,
Prokuplje 221, 273, 274
Prolog 263
Promina 264
Promona 158, 165, 266, 267
Propontis 247, 256
Prosek 182, 187, 188, 255
Provalije 251
Prozor 146, 151, 153
Pruade, zuppano cauallario 26
Prut, river 331, 334
Prvonek 193
Prziprostina 314
Psel, river 340
Pseudo-Maurice, writer 15
Pskov 322, 324, 327, 328, 342
Psunj 249, 251
Ptolomy, writer 240
Ptuj 248, 250
Pucarevo 144
Puhovac 203
Puka, see Ad Picarias
Pula 267
Pulji 268

455

Putusk 311, 312

Pupavica Hill 164
Pustary 314
Pustograd on Paman island 162
Putivl 324, 335, 339
Pyrenees 235

Quadrata 250

Rab 33, 55, 56, 60, 61, 104, 163, 164,

167, 172, 216, 280
Raborci 182
Rainovci 250
Radalica 198
Radavac near Pe 205
Rade 145
Radices 255
Radimich, tribe 327
Radinovac, Kalite site (Kaljaja) 193
Radiii 145, 267
Radobua 208
Radovanci 248
Radovanovi Bojana 9
Radovi 182
Radovite 188
Radt Stefan 237
Radujevac-Karamizar 200
Raetia 247
Ragandone 248
Ragusa see Dubrovnik
Raikovets 11
Rajike 143
Rakovice near Bosanski Petrovac 144
Ram (Lederata) 202, 220
Ramae 256
Ramoevo 198, 271
Ranilum (Celeae) 256, 259
Ranjina Nikola 85
Rankovii 144
Rapani eljko 85
Ras (Arsa) 28, 31, 34, 217, 222, 282
Raa, river 137, 267
Rasina, river 26

456

General Index

Raka, river 205, 271

Raskov 328
Rakovi D. 254
Rasovo 258
Ratani-Kale 181
Rastislav, Moravian ruler 294, 341
Rastoka 156
Ratiaria 254, 258, 275
Ravanica, river 252
Ravanjska 30
Ravenna 21, 56, 58, 169, 170
Ravna 195, 199, 295
Ravna gora 249
Ravni 208
Ravni Kotari 63, 158
Ravno near Knjaevac 254
Ravno, see uprija
Raymond dAgil, chronicler 285
Raymond IV of Toulouse 285
Razisburg, Razispurg, Racisburg 351, 354
Recen, today Rtzen 357, 358
Reka (Vina) 211
Remesiana 202, 255
Remista 248
Repovci 146, 153
Resava, village 181
Resava, river 252
Resinum 269
Rethra, Rethariorum 351, 354
Reut, river 334
Revinianski 337
Rgaje 195
Rgotski kamen 191
Riazan 322, 324, 326
Ribnica 177, 268
Ridera 165
Rijeani 268
Rijeka 235, 267
Riliko polje 265
Rimsko gradite (Brezovica) 207
Ripnjev 338
Risan (Rhizinium Rhisena, Rhizinius)
31, 156, 176, 177, 268, 269, 280
Risista 260
Ristovac 274

Ritopek 251
Rittium 250
Rogatac 198
Rogatica 270
Rogle 183
Rogozina 272
Romaions 174, 180, 185, 210, 279, 280
Roman Empire 169, 176, 189, 223,
238, 241, 243, 284
Romania 26
Romanija, mountain 145, 153, 265
Romans 15, 16, 18, 20, 23, 32, 236, 243
Rome 238, 239, 261
Romny 340
Romula 250
Rosa 23
Rosciecino-Kopydlowko 314
Rose 269
Rostov 326
Rozotky 299, 300, 341
Rtkovo 200
Rubi 248
Rudii 144
Rudnik, mountain 209, 253
Rufus Festius Avienius 239
Rgen, island 352
Rumija, mountain 94
Runjevo 272, 274
Runovii 267
Ruevo 251
Rusowo 314
Russia 11, 236, 237, 289-291, 293,
298, 315-317, 321, 322, 324-328, 340,
342, 343
Russians 220, 298
Rutevac 253
Rutharotum 260
Ruthenia 294
Ryman 314

Sabatium 260
Sadech 296
Saganjevo 205
Sakicol site, Lebane 193

General Index
Sala river 247, 355
Salaka river 254
Saldis 250, 251
Saldum 200
Sali 162
Salines 30, 32, 34, 156, 219, 282
Salluntum, Salunto 32, 268
Salona 16, 21, 22, 34, 38, 39, 51, 53,
139, 140, 155, 162, 166, 170, 172, 179,
261-267, 270, 278, 279
Salviae 262
Salvium, municipium 262
Sambare 32
Samobor 166, 268
Samoborsko gorje 166
Samoco 260
Samograd (Kamengrad) 175, 176
Samuil, Bulgarian tsar 157, 187, 219,
221, 222
Samum 32
Sana, river 266
Sanderva, Sanderua 32 , 267
Sandomir, Sandomiriez 362, 363
Sanson 236
Sapaja 202
Saracens 59
Saraj 323
Sarajevo 156, 270
Sarajevsko polje 265
Sarandae 262
Sardica, Serdica 20, 251, 255, 259,
276, 366
Saritte at Strojice 263
Sarmatae 253
Sarnade 262
Sarsenterum 268
Sarute 32
Sase 145
Satec 356
Sauo Fl. 248
Sava (Savus), river 15, 18, 32, 140142, 214, 218, 235, 247-251, 261, 262,
266, 275, 278
Savaria 247, 341
Savria 295

457

Savia 139, 158

Saxo Annaliticus, chronicler 349-352,
356-358, 361, 362
Saxo Grammaticus, historian 349,
351-353
Saxony 315, 350, 368
Scampis, Scampa 259
Scarbantia 247
Schwab 236
Scobre, Scodra, see Skadar
Scupi 18, 179, 221, 272-274, 279
Sczecin 311, 313, 342
Sejm, Seim, river 335, 339, 340
Sekuri 196
Selce, near Prilep 185
Seliste 332
Selite - Nakrivanj 193
Selymbria 257
Semberia 140
Semenki 331
Senj (Senia) 158, 168, 250, 266, 267
Sepovka 333
Serbia 10, 12, 16, 17, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28,
30-32, 34, 137, 140, 157, 185-191, 201,
213-219, 221, 224, 225, 233, 236, 282,
284, 286
Serbs 10, 16, 20-23, 26, 27, 34, 172,
183, 212, 214, 216, 217, 219, 222, 278,
280, 282, 294
Serdava 315
Serensko 323
Sermelia 315
Sermisianoi, tribe 185
Sermius (Stanimaka river) 256
Seronis 248
Servitio 250, 262, 263, 265, 267
Severans, Severani, tribe 325, 339, 340
Sfeneroman 221
Shat 324
Shchekavytsia, Sekavitsia hill 318,
319, 321
Shpre, river 304
Shun, Serbian upan 26
Sibidrago, military commander of the
city of Klis 25

458

General Index

Sidalice 306
Sidraga 65, 66, 68
Siemysl 314
Sigfridus, archiepiscopus Moguntiacensis 285
Silesia 310
Silistria 258
Simeon, Bulgarian tsar 186, 218, 220
Singidunum 18, 20, 158, 189, 202, 214,
247-253, 275, 279; see also Beograd
Sinj 29,166, 262
Sinjsko polje 158, 166, 263
Sinna (Cinna) 268
Sinulaus 304
Sip 201
Sirmium 47, 201, 221, 248-251, 261,
266, 270, 275, 278, 283
Sirotis 248
Siscia, Sisak 158, 249, 250, 251, 261, 266
Sisione 260
Sitiu 315
Sitomir 145
Sjarina near Medvea 193
Sjenica 270, 271
Sjeniko polje 271
Skadar 261, 268, 269, 270
Skela 218
Skelani 270
Skobalji Grad - Leskovac 193
Skoplje 179, 187-189, 222, 272, 279
Skordona 30, 282
Skradin 38, 66, 172, 282
Skribinci 332
Skronie 314
Slatina 211, 212, 214, 272
Slatina above Gajac 164
Slatina near Brza Palanka 199
Slatina near Soanica 272
Slava 314
Slavinetza, Lavinetza 31, 281
Slavite 188
Slavnik, noble family 297
Slavnikovic, noble family 302
Slavonia 158
Slavonski Brod (Marsonie) 251

Slavonsko gorje 249

Slavs 11, 16, 18-20, 22-24, 28, 32-35,
55, 155, 156, 172, 174, 179, 180, 183,
184, 189, 210-212, 214, 236, 277, 278,
289, 292-294, 298, 301, 304, 308, 316,
324, 326, 330, 333, 343, 348, 349; see
also Eastern Slavs, Polabian Slavs,
South Slavs, Western Slavs
Slawia 314
Slawno 315
Slawsko 315
Slezani, tribe 309
Slivnica in Bulgaria 255
Slivnica near Trebinje 146
Slovakia 11, 289, 305-308, 338, 340, 341
Slovenia 32, 137, 173
Small Carpathians 305
Smokvice 268
Smolensk 316, 321, 322, 326, 327
Smotor 308
Smrdelj 195
Sobri 183
Soa, river 248
Soanica 272
Sofia 212; see also Sardica
Sokolac 145, 153, 154
Sokolica, Ostra 197, 201
Soli 32
Solin, see Salona
Solnik 295, 341
Solotua 194
Sonista 248
Sopianae 249
Sopja 248
Sopoani 198, 271
Sopot 182
Sorabos see Serbs
Sotin, see Cornacum
South Morava 253, 254, 274
South Slavs 9, 10, 16, 17, 25, 26, 29,
31, 34, 37, 103, 157; see also Eastern
Slavs, Polabian Slavs, Slavs, Western Slavs
Southern Bug, river 339
Soz, river 327
Spalato, Spalatum see Split

General Index
Spaneta 249
Sparata 255
Spas 70
Spa 274
Spilan (upa, Dubrovnik) 160, 167
Spisk Nov Ves 307
Spitignev, Czech prince 301
Split 16, 20, 21, 23, 38-45, 56, 60, 63,
65, 66, 72, 76, 84, 87, 90, 95, 103, 104,
162, 167, 172, 189, 268, 280
Splonum 270, 271
Spu 268
Srbica 181
Srbinovo 181
Sra, mount 82
Srebjanka 324
Srebrenica, see Argentaria
Srem 249
Srpce 251
St. Ambrose, church in Nin 104
St. Ana, fortification (ibenik) 162
St. Anastasia (Sv. Stoija), cathedral in
Zadar 45-48, 50, 104
St. Anastasia (Sv. Stoija), church in
Biograd 66
St. Andrew of Katel, church in
Dubrovnik 80
St. Anselm, church in Nin 65, 104
St. Anthony (Sv. Ante), church in
Biograd 66
St. Apostoles Peter And Paul, church in
Novi Pazar 222
St. Archangel Michael, church in
Ribnica 177, 178
St. Barbara, church in Trogir 52
St. Barbara, church in Zadar 46
St. Bartholomew (Sv. Bartul), church in
Knin 70
St. Blaise (Sv. Vlaho) 78
St. Blaise (Sv. Vlaho), cathedral in
Dubrovnik 81, 85-89
St. Cecilia, church near Knin 72
St. Cosma and Damian, church in
Dubrovnik 83
St. Cross, church in Nin 63

459

St. Damjan, fortification on Rab 163

St. George, church in Bar 97-99
St. Georgius, church in Ravanjska 30
St. Georgius, church in krabanja 30
St. Ilija, fortification 192
St. Ivan mount 89, 90, 269
St. John (Sv. Ivan), church in Dubrovnik 83
St. John the Evangelist, church in
Biograd 66
St. John, church in Ston 77
St. Juraj, church on Pag 164
St. Laurentius (Sv. Lovro), cathedral in
Trogir 53, 54
St. Lawrence the Archdeacon 52
St. Lietbertus, bishop of Cambrai 285
St. Lucia, church in Dubrovnik 81
St. Lucy, church in Split 42
St. Magdalene, cathedral in Ston 76-78
St. Marcello, church in Nin 104
St. Mark (Almis), islet 163
St. Martha, church in Byaci 25
St. Martin, church in Trogir 52, 54
St. Mary (St. Domnius, St. Duje),
Metropolitan church of Split, cathedral
21, 38-44
St. Mary and St. Stephen, cathedral in
Biskupija near Knin 72, 74, 104
St. Mary de Platea, church in Trogir 54
St. Mary Koledjata, cathedral in Kotor
91, 93
St. Mary, cathedral in Biograd 66, 67
St. Mary, cathedral in Dubrovnik 89
St. Mary, cathedral in Osor 58-60
St. Mary, cathedral in Rab 61, 62
St. Mary, cathedral on Krk 56, 57
St. Mary, church in Dubrovnik 80
St. Mary, church in Trogir 52
St. Mathew, church in Split 41
St. Michael (St. Lucia), church in
Dubrovnik 81
St. Michael, church in Kotor 92
St. Michael, church in Pridraga 30
St. Michael, church in Ston 76
St. Micheals hill on Peljeac 160
St. Mihail, monastery in Kiev 318, 321

460

General Index

St. Mihovil, fortification on Ugljan 162

St. Peter Klobii, church in
Dubrovnik 80
St. Peter
the Great, church in
Dubrovnik 81, 84, 86
St. Peter, church in Ston 77
St. Peter, church in Zadar 46, 104
St. Peter, church of Osor 58
St. Peter, islet near Ilovik 162
St. Peter, peninsula 164
St. Petre`s temple in Budeci 301
St. Quirin, church on Krk 56, 57
St. Sergius and St. Bacchus, church in
Dubrovnik 80
St. Simeon, church in Dubrovnik 81
St. Stephen, church in Dubrovnik 82, 83
St. Stephen, church in Knin 70
St. Stephen, church in Ston 77
St. Stephen, church in Trogir 54
St. Sunday (Sv. Nedeljica), church in
Biograd 66
St. Theodore, church in Bar 97, 99
St. Theodore, church in Dubrovnik 83
St. Thomas, church in Biograd 66
St. Thomas, church in Dubrovnik 83
St. Tryphon (Sv. Trifun), cathedral in
Kotor 86, 90-93
St. Vaclav 301
St. Vitus (Sv. Vid), church in Dubrovnik 83
St. Vitus (Sveti Vid), church in Narona 22
Stagnon, Stamnes, see Ston
Stajkovac 192
Stala 203, 221
Stanclis 32
Stanecli 264, 265
Stanienje 255
Stanior - Prekopite 207
Stapari 194
Stara Novalja 164
Stara Planina 255
Staraia Russia 322
Staraja Ladoga 326, 328, 342
Stare Kouim 295, 303, 341
Star Msto, Stare Miasto 294, 296, 315, 341
Star Zmky at Brno-Le 294, 341

Stari grad in Ston 75, 76

Stari Grad on Peljeac 160
Stari Riazan 323
Stari Slankamen, see Acumincum
Starigradski bay 161
Staro selo 143
Starokyivska plateau 318
Stary Krakow 315
Stauracius, Bizantine logothete 184
Stecovka 331, 332
Stenae 273
Stenas 260
Stene, Stena 183
Stenje (Konsko) Golem Grad
(Golema Petra) 182
Stephanus Byzantinus, writer 240, 242
Stethu, Stadensi, Stadhen, Stitinum,
Stetinborgum, see Stettin, Szczecin
Stettin, Szczecin 352
Stipanii 146
Stjepan Grad 151, 157
Stjepan Vuki Kosaa, herzeg 151
Stklen 258
Stobe, see Epetio, Epetion
Stobi 179, 185, 259, 274
Stoce 268
Stojkovia gradina, Via 197
Stojkowo 315
Stojnik 253
Stolac 151, 268, 270
Stolivo 280
Stolpin 30, 282
Ston 27, 31, 32, 75-78, 156, 167, 171,
280-282
Stonsko polje 76
Stopis 272
Strabo, Greek historian 235, 237
Stravianae 249
Straa (Guard post) in Ist 164
Straa, hill (Pjevor, Lastovo) 161
Streevo-Kale (Gabalarion?) 181
Strezov Grad 182
Stridon 32
Strimon (Struma), river 184, 259, 260
Strmice 266

General Index
Strumica 182, 188
Strumica, Ridot Careva Kuli 182
Sts. of Peter and Paul, church in Risan 177
Stugna, river 325
Stupin 282
Stupovi 72
Subara (Sievierz) 315
Subzupara (Castra Jarba, Castozbra) 256
Succi 275
Sucidava 258
Suurac 32
Sudetach 312
Sudimlje 272
Sui M. 168
Sukov gradishte in Mecklenburg 330
Sula, river 325, 340
Sulina, see Ad Stoma
Suljinka 325
Sumi region 339
Sumska region 335
Suntuli 268
Supetar 32
Supovac 254
Supruti 324
Surduk 250
Susedgrad 166
Sutilija 32
Sutivan 32
Sutmiho 32
Sutojanica, Svetojanj, Sutojanj, Svetojanica 164
Sutorina 269
Sutorman, mountain 94
Sutpetka 32
Suva reka 206, 273
Suzdal 322, 323, 325, 326
Sva 173-177
Svatopluk, Moravian ruler 295, 341
Sveta Trojica near Ravna 195
Sveta Trojica near Senj 163
Svetac, islet near Vis 161
Sveti Martin, island 33
Sveti Spas, island 33
Sveti Vlaho, island 33
Svetinja 191

461

Svinica 306, 307

Svitovo, see Ad Novas
Svrakovo 208
Svrljig Fort 254
Svrljiki Timok 255; see also Beli
Timok, Crni Timok, Gornji Timok,
Timok, Trgoviki Timok
Svyatoslav, Rusian prince 186, 220
Swielubie 314
Sybin, upan 26
Synodion 266
Syracella 260
Syracuse 29
Syrmians 218
Syrnota (Sernota) 256
abii 267
arampovo, Gornji Vakuf 144
ariskch Michalan 307
aronje 198
arski kr, Duga Poljana 198, 271
avnik 269
engolj 208
ibenik 70, 162, 165, 170
id 249
ipaina 272
ipka 259
ipovo 141, 263, 266
kegar 268
kolska gradina 246
koze 274
krabanja 30
krivani G. 248
kudra, river 90
kumba, river 259
ljivovo 263
opur, Brdo Pilat Tepe 182
pehar P. 142, 148,
tedim 268
tip 183-185, 187, 259
trbinci 251
tubik 201
turovo-Obid 306
ujica, river 263-265
umadija 252

462

General Index

Tabakovako brdo 201

Taliata (Veliki Gradac) 203, 254, 258
Tara, mountain 269
Tara, river 32
Tarabovac 145
Tarsatica 267
Tasovii, see Ad Turres
Tauriana 273
Taurunum 249, 250
Teferi, Krupac, Ilida 143, 152
Teka Deresi 256
Teki 251
Tekija, Transdierna 200, 211, 220, 223
Temni 221
Temniica, river 255
Tenenum, see Knin
Tenedol 207
Tenin, see Knin
Terbounia 10, 16, 23, 27, 31, 280
Tergeste 267
Termica 188
Terpimer, duke 24, 25
Tesia, Theis, river 315
Teica 254
Tesilov 323
Tesovite-Otri ukar 192
Teterev, river 337, 343
Tetovo 186
Teutoburgium 250
Theodosius I, Roman emperor 275
Theodosius III, Byzantine emperor 52
Theophylact Symocatta, historian 15
Theranda 273
Thermopylae 179, 260, 276
Thessalonica 20, 179, 180, 184, 186,
187, 189, 247, 259, 272, 273, 278, 283
Thessaly 178, 184, 222, 239, 247, 260,
272, 273, 276, 278, 279, 283
Thietmar of Meserburg, writer 348,
349, 352, 357, 362
Thomas
Archdeacon,
Thomae
Archidiaconi, Thomas of Spalato,
historian 23, 39, 40, 95
Thrace 20, 179, 180, 235, 238, 255,
256, 275, 276, 277

Tiberius, Roman emperor 261

Tignino, see Knin
Tihomirov 326
Tilurium, Tilurio (Trilj) 158, 263-267
Timacum Maius 254, 255
Timacum Minus 254
Timava, river 267
Timok, Timacus, river 32, 200, 254,
276-278; see also Beli Timok, Crni
Timok, Gornji Timok, Svrljiki Timok,
Trgoviki Timok
Tipsum 256
Tiveri, tribe 339
Tkanica 267
Tnin, see Knin
Tnina 30
Tolisavac 208
Tolochko P.P. 317, 318, 320
Tomaschek 262
Tomii . 171
Tomis 258
Tonzus, Tunda, river 256
Topeiros 260, 277
Topilo 207
Topiro 260
Toplica (Kurumlija) 221
Toplica Milan 205
Toplica, river 272, 273
Topolica 98
Tor (Hvar) 161
Toreta Tarac (Kornati) 162
Torhovo 324
Torno, excavator 304
Tornovo 304, 305
Torsesk 322
Tovarnik 249, 250
Tradanj on Krka river 162
Tragurium, Tragurion, Tetrangourin,
see Trogir
Traianopolis 260
Trajan, Roman emperor 257, 258
Trajans bridge, Trajanov Most 199,
201, 220, 221, 223, 283
Transfiguration of Christ (Sigurata),
church in Dubrovnik 86

General Index
Travniko polje 266
Travnik 144, 145, 151, 153, 265, 266
Travunia 156, 157, 177, 217, 280, 282
Trbuani 253
Trebenite - Kale 182
Trebinje 27, 145, 146, 154,156, 157,
177, 268, 270, 280, 282
Trebinje - Crkvine 147, 154, 156
Trebinjica, river 157
Trebiov 307, 308
Trebnje, see Ad Protorium
Trencin 298
Trencin, Trencinopoli 357
Treskavec 182
Trenjevo 268
Trgoviki Timok 255 see also Beli
Timok, Crni Timok, Gornji Timok,
Svrljiki Timok, Timok
Trgovite 222
Trianopolis 260
Tricornio 251
Trieste, Trst 267
Trilj 220, 263, 265, 267
Trinielo near Stara Novalja 164
Trn 262
Trnovica 144
Trnovo 181
Trogir 20, 23, 51, 52, 53, 54, 87, 162,
167, 172, 279, 280
Trojan 145, 197, 271
Trojan (Jerinin grad) 197
Trojan, Pazari, Hadii 145
Trojane, see Adrante
Trojanov grad, Cer 196
Trono, Tronum 267
Trpanj 161
Trpeza 207
Trpimir, Croat prince 24, 68
Trstenik 182
Trstivnica 26
Trubez, river 325
Trzynik 315
Tula 324
Tulcea, see Aegyssus
Tupi kr 198

463

Tupinica 255
Turbe 266
Turkey 236
Turks 151, 153, 226, 298
Turnov 299, 341
Turres, see Pirot
Tuzinje 197, 271
Tuzla see Salines
Tzernabouskei 282
Tzurullum 256

Ubosko 268
Ugljan, island 162
Ugljar 273
Ugrinovci 249
Uhernkho Hradite, Uherske Hradiste
295, 341
Uhorske Berestove (Kiev), monastery 319
Ujezd 299, 341
Ukosa (Kuite), Stala 203
Ukraine 11, 180, 290, 291, 300, 306,
336, 337, 339-341, 343
Ulany on itavoy 306
Ulcinj
(Ulcigno,
Dulcinium,
Liciniatensis
civitas,
Olcinium,
Vicinium) 20, 23, 24, 99-102, 173,
174, 269
Ulcir (Ilica) 266
Ulici , Ulichi, tribe 337
Ulmo 249
Ulmus 255
Ulpiana 18, 206, 221, 222, 273, 279
Ulpianus, Roman jurist 244
Umljanovii 166
Una, river 32, 140, 141
Upa, river 324
Upper Moesia see Moesia Superior
Upper Pannonia 158
Uraka 260
Urbata 250
Ursini John, bishop in Trogir 52
Uscze, Ucie 363
Ustjug 326
Utkino 324

464

General Index

Uvce 270
Uice 270
Uzundova 256

Vaa, see Ad Publicanos

Vagani in Janj 263
Vah, Vag, river 306, 342
Vajuga 200
Vakarel 255
Valachian plain 180
Valandovo 181
Valjevo 222, 253
Valpovo 248
Vandals, tribe 306
Varadin 248
Vardar, river 236, 260, 272, 274, 278, 279
Vare 152
Varianae 249, 251
Varis 268
Varite 270
Varna 258
Varo 259
Varvara 146, 153, 264, 266
Vasilica, site 182
Vasilida 182, 188
Vatib, Vabit 316
Vatica, river 334
Vavel, hill 309
Vedzice 314
Vegium 168
Vekla, see Krk
Velk Slavkov 307
Velebit 33, 55, 56, 60, 158, 168, 170, 171
Velehrad 296
Veles 183, 188
Velesnica 217
Veletin 207
Veli Grad, cape Glavina on Krk 163
Velika 248
Velika Gradina at Miloaji 211
Velika Gradina - Miloaj, Kni 191
Velika Gradina near Bosanski Petrovac
144
Velika Gradina near Klju 150

Velika Gradina, Donja Slabinja,

Bosanska Dubica 143
Velika Gradina, Slivnica, Trebinje 146
Velika Gradina, Varvara, Prozor 146, 153
Velika Gradina, Vrsenice 197, 271
Velika Gradina-Zamanja 191
Velika kupreka vrata 264
Velika vrata 265
Veliki grad near Branievo 191
Veliki Gradac 203, 211, 220, 223
Veliki Gradac, Ostojievo, Bijeljina 144
Veliki Gradac, Presjeka-Mahinii,
Nevesinje 145
Veliki Petri 207
Veliki Trnovac 192
Veliki Vetren 203
Veliki vrh, Romanija, Sokolac 145, 153
Veliko Golubinje 203
Veliko Gradite - Pincum 202, 220
Veliko Kale near Babotinac 195
Velimirovi-ii O. 177
Veljkovo 201
Veljusa, monastery 188
Velun, Velen oppidum, Wiele, Filehne
363
Venac 195
Venetians 28, 65, 89
Venice 237, 238
Veratius Jobus, Italian humanist 235
Vetren 255
Vezentsev Volodimir 319
Via Appia 245, 247, 259
Via Drina (Dubrovaki drum) 270,
271, 283
Via Egnatia 256, 259, 260, 267, 268,
282, 286
Via Flavia 245
Via Gabiana 263, 266
Via Gemina 247
Via militaris 246, 251-257, 259, 260,
275-277, 282-284, 286
Via regia 259
Via 197, 205
Vicianum 272-274
Vicinium 269

General Index
Vicus Cuppae 202, 258
Vidin 258
Vidojevica - Cer 194, 219
Vidoki Grad, Stolac 151
Vidovaki Kr 195
Vidrovgrad, Vidrovac 201
Vienna 241
Vilenica 145
Viljevo 248
Viminacium 18, 190, 248, 251, 252,
257, 258, 275, 279
Vina 211, 217
Vindenae 273
Vindenis 273
Vinica Gradite Kale 181
Vinjani 146
Vinkovci, see Cibalae
Vino 75
Vionica 147
Viquesnel A. 236
Vir 324
Vire 181
Virnum 248
Viegrad 205, 270
Visehrad 295, 341
Vieslav, Vuissasclavo, duke 29, 64
Vishneva Gora 340
Vishorod 322, 324
Vislani, tribe 309
Vinja Gora, see Aceruone
Vinjica 201, 265
Visoka 208
Visoki 265
Vistula, river 294, 309, 310, 342
Vistulani, Slavic tribe 361
Vitalj near Otoac 267
Vitez 145, 153, 156
Vitkovac 204
Vladimir (Oblak) near Sva 175, 177
Vlajislava 248
Vlajkovci 253
Vlasina 255
Vlastimir, Serbian archon 217
Vlosciborz 314
Vltava, river 302

465

Voden 179, 187, 260

Vodno, rne, site Markovi Kuli 182
Vojka 249
Vojni 250
Vojska 196
Volga, river 321, 326, 327
Volhynia 326, 329, 337, 338
Volin 338
Volincevo 11, 325, 335, 336, 339, 343
Volinjani 337
Volkolamsk 326
Volodimir the Great, grand prince of
Kiev 294, 318, 320, 325
Volodimirs town 318-320
Volujica Hill 94
Vorskla, river 340
Vracarevo (Vracar-grad), Brievo,
Prijedor 143
Vraevica, Panik, Bilea 146
Vrani 206
Vranje 192
Vranjska banja 191
Vranjska banja- Crkvite 191
Vrba 263, 266
Vrbanja, upa 156
Vrbas, river 141, 262, 264
Vrbovac 207
Vrela 254
Vret 221
Vrgada, island 162
Vrhnike 248
Vrhpolje 208
Vrila 264
Vrm (Ormos) 31, 156, 157, 177, 280
Vrmnica 221
Vrac 220
Vrsenice 197, 219, 271
Vrtine, rvanj, Ljubinje 154
Vrulja 281
Vuak 207
Vuipolje 164
Vuitrn 27
Vuja Lokva 272
Vukovica 197
Vuko 177

466

General Index

Vukove Njive, Gradac, Posuje 147, 153

Vuksan 268
Vydubychi, monastery in Kiev 317

Walagustum, Wolgast 353

Warszkowo 315
Wends, tribe 350
Western Bug, river 329, 338
Western Europe 11, 17
Western Morava 253, 254, 270
Western Slavs 349; see also Eastern
Slavs, Polabian Slavs, Slavs, South Slavs
White Carpathians 305
Widukind, writer 349, 356
Wilelmus, episcopus Traiectensis 285
Wissegrad, Wysegrad 356, 358, 365
Wladislau 362
Wolin 311, 312, 342
Wratislaviensis,
Wratislavia,
see
Bratislava
Wrocaw 310, 311, 312
Wrzesnica 315
Wschovski 314

Yaroslav the Wise, Grand Prince of

Kiev 318, 321, 325
Yaroslavs town 318, 321
Ylowe 353
Yugoslavia 137

Zaboran 270
Zabre 151
Zacharius, Serbian archon 218
Zachumlia 10, 16, 23, 27, 28, 31, 75,
76, 78, 156, 157, 217, 280, 282
Zadar 32, 45-50, 58, 66, 67, 87, 104,
162, 164, 167, 172, 266, 279, 280
Zaglava 164
Zagrad (Raste) 181
Zagradani 182
Zagreb 165
Zahumac 75

Zajear 254
Zaka 316
Zamasline in Peljeac 161
Zamanja 191
Zantok, Zutok, Santok, Santhok, today
Zanthok 363
Zaostroga 281
Zaprozhe 338
Zasad - Petrova 208
Zvr 297
Zbszy, Zbaszin 314
Zbradila - Korbovo 191
Zdunje 181
Zecovi 150
Zelengrad,
Han
Kola-utkovci,
Banjaluka 150
Zelentiem A. 296
Zellirric, zuppano Cleoniae 25
Zemljanik 150, 153
Zemplin 295, 307, 341
Zemun Polje 249
Zemun, see Taurunum
Zenica 156, 266
Zeno, Roman emperor 179
Zeta 26, 32, 173, 174, 176, 268
Zetlibi, Zetlivi, Zetlivija 31, 156, 157,
177, 280
Zhitnica 320
Zhitomir 11, 294, 337, 338, 343
Zhltava, river 298
Zidanac near Gotovua 207
Zidine, see Ad Libros
Zielenievo, Zieleniewo 314, 315
Zimno, hill 338
Zimno, village 316, 329, 342
Zimovsko gradishte 329
Zirmis 255
Zlata 194
Zlatari 204
Zlatni Kamen 198
Zletovo, site Bauar, Gradite 182, 188
Zlichani 302
Zlokuani 273
Zlostup, Ostrovica 198
Zminjak 272

General Index
Znojmo 294, 341
Zovik 181
Zovnin 333
Zrze, monastery 182
Zvean 206
Zvegor, site Malo (Dolno) Gradite
181
Zvenihorod 323
Zverin 353
Zvonecka 333
Zvonimir 39, 71-73
Zvornik 144, 152
Zydowo 315

banica 264
egligovo 182
epe 266
ilivode 206
irje 162
itoraa 194, 273
ivanevi M. 175
ivkovi Tibor 9, 12, 217, 277
ivojno 181
rvanj 154
umberak/ Gorjanac (Mokrice) 166
upanja, see Ad Basantem
uti kamen 206

467

THE WORLD OF THE SLAVS

Studies on the East, West and South Slavs:
Civitas, Oppidas, Villas and Archeological Evidence (7th to 11th Centuries AD)
Tibor ivkovi, Dejan Crnevi, Dejan Buli
Vladeta Petrovi, Irena Cvijanovi, Bojana Radovanovi
Publisher

The Institute of History, Belgrade

Editor in Chief

Sran Rudi, Ph.D, Director

Translation

Bojana Radovanovi

Proofreading

Agencija Neven

Index

Milica Jovanievi

Prepress

Slobodan Simi

Design

Dejan Crnevi

Circulation

300

Print

COLORGRAFX, Belgrade

CIP -
,
94(=163.41)"06/10"
94(=163)"06/10"
94(=16)"06/10"
The World of the Slavs : Studies on the East, West and South Slavs: Civitas, Oppidas, Villas
and Archeological Evidence (7th to 11th Centuries AD) / Tibor ivkovi ... [et al.] ; editor in
chief Sran Rudi ; [translation Bojana Radovanovi]. - Belgrade : The Institute of History,
2013 (Belgrade : igoja tampa). - 467 str. : ilustr. ; 25 cm. - (Monographs / The Institute of
History, Belgrade : vol. 64)
Tira 500. - Napomene i bibliografske reference uz tekst. - Bibliografija: str. 369-412. . - Registar.
ISBN 978-86-7743-104-4
1. ivkovi, Tibor, 1966-2013 [] a) - - 7-11 b) - 7-11 c) - - 7-11
COBISS.SR-ID 203465228