Research Paper

Managing Older Workers: A report for

Acas

Ref: 05/16

2016

Vanessa Beck and Glynne Williams (University of Leicester)

Disclaimer
The views in this Research Paper are the authors' own and do not necessarily reflect those of Acas
or the Acas Council. Any errors or inaccuracies are the responsibility of the author alone.

For any further information on this study, or other aspects of the Acas
Research and Evaluation programme, please telephone 020 7210 3673
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ISBN 978-1-908370-67-9

Managing Older Workers: A report for Acas

Vanessa Beck and Glynne Williams, University of Leicester

Prepared for Acas by:

University of Leicester

University Road

Leicester

LE1 7RH

[Link]@[Link]

gw67@[Link]

Copyright 2016 Acas

Disclaimer

This report contains the views of the authors and does not represent the views of the
Acas Council. Any errors or inaccuracies are the responsibility of the authors alone.

Contents

1. Introduction 1

2. Do older workers need to be managed differently? 3

3. Age and performance 5

Lever 1: Well-designed work 6

Lever 2: Skilled line managers 8

Lever 3: Managing conflict effectively 10

Lever 4: Clarity about rights and responsibilities 12

Lever 5: Fairness 13

Lever 6: Strong employee voice 14

Lever 7: High trust 16

4. Managing retirement and after 18

5. Concluding discussion 19

6. Recommendations 20

7. Age management: what we know and what we need to know 21

The UK, the EU and Europe 22

Occupational pensions and retirement 22

Retirement and employee relations 22

Appendix 1: Note on methods 23

References 25

1. Introduction

The increasing age-diversity of the UK workforce presents opportunities and challenges.
In particular, the requirement for age equality in employment and the ending of the
Default Retirement Age (DRA) in 2011 have prompted questions about how an ageing
workforce is to be managed. The abolition of the DRA was broadly welcomed, both as a
solution to a forecast fiscal problem and as a socially progressive move that underscores
individual rights (Beck, 2013). However, employers responses have tended to be
reactive and piecemeal, aimed at problem solving rather than embedded into strategic
goals. This report is intended as a step towards a more proactive approach. It serves as
a summary of the relevant literature on the place of older employees in the workforce
and the implications for the practice of managing an ageing workforce.

UK policy is consistent with the European Unions promotion of active ageing (Hamblin,
2013). The EUs 2000 Lisbon Strategy aimed to tackle the insufficient employment of
older people and in 2001 the Stockholm European Council agreed a target of 50%
employment for the 55-64 age group (Kasneci, 2007). In this respect the UK is in a
healthier position than many EU countries: the employment rate for individuals aged 50
to 64 has increased by 14.2% to 69.6% over the last 30 years and the employment rate
for the 65+ age group has doubled to 10.2% within the same timeframe (DWP, 2015).
An important factor has been the increase in womens employment, as the employment
rate gap between women and men decreased from almost 30% 30 years ago to 11% in
2015. With these increases in the employment rates of older workers, the extension of
working life has already become a reality and the trend towards early retirement that
began in the early 2000s has been reversed. Yet according to the ONS (2016b, 9), the
biggest changes are yet to come as the proportion of the UK population who are of
traditional working age (16 to 64) has remained relatively stable over the last 40 years,
but is projected to decline in future years.

With 30% of the current workforce already over the age of 50, the labour market is
likely to become tighter over the medium term and employers will find it more difficult to
replace lost skills (CIPD/ILC, 2015) 1 . The Department of Work and Pensions (DWP)
currently urges employers to retain, retrain and recruit (Altmann, 2015). However,
despite progress, these three Rs are not often treated as an integrated whole;
employers are more likely to take measures to retain existing workers than to retrain
them. The UK is not unique: Taylor et al. (2013) show that in Australia, recruitment
difficulties led to a focus on engaging with though not necessarily retraining older
workers.

The International Longevity Centre estimates that the additional benefit to the economy,
were the employment rate for older workers to match that of the 30 to 40 age group,
could be as much as 88.4bn (BitC and ILC, 2015:7). The retention of older workers is
an essential component of the governments response to demographic developments and
this will entail adapting procedures and practices. This, in turn, requires managers to
have a better understanding of what older workers can contribute and the skills to deal
with a workforce with diverse strengths, weaknesses and demands.

Demographic trends are predictable and the extension of working life has been a
longstanding government policy in response to increasing longevity (Macnicol, 2015).
However, policy in the UK and across much of Europe has been reactive and relatively
uncoordinated, as compared with, for example, the Nordic countries, (Jensen and

1
An alternative route to addressing a tight labour market is to utilise migrant labour as is
exemplified by the UK health sector. This creates problems in the sending countries (Lozano et
al., 2015) and is insufficient to counter the overall trends of retirement amongst healthcare staff
(Duffield et al., 2015). Im-/migration is thus a complex and important issue in considerations of
the labour force as a whole but lies outside of the remit for this report.

verbye, 2013; Edlund and Stattin, 2013). In the UK, the financial crisis that began in
2008 prompted a higher prioritisation of the issue and subsequent media discussion has
typically linked the problem of an ageing workforce with the economic austerity of the
past six years. Thus, along with longer-term planning to increase labour supply, the
debate has featured a more pessimistic short-term outlook, suggesting that it is the
availability of work that will be limited. This perception is reflected in a European-wide
focus on reducing early retirement and what Eurofound (2012b) called downshifting, i.e.
a reduction of working time and introduction of gradual or phased retirement. On the
other hand, a more positive perspective is possible. Employers are likely to benefit not
only from an increased supply of labour, but also from the specific experience that older
workers have to offer. The means by which employers recruit, retain and maximise the
potential of the older age group will be referred to here as age management.

Good practice age management has been defined as those measures that combat age
barriers and/or promote age diversity (Naegele and Walker, 2006: 1-2). It is normally
understood to include recruitment; training and development; flexible working practices;
job design; and the promotion of pro-age attitudes (Walker, 2005). In a more detailed
and far-reaching definition, Ilmarinen (2012, 2) defined age management (AM) as:

age related factors should be taken into consideration in daily

management, including work arrangements and individual work tasks, so

that everybody, regardless of age, feels empowered in reaching [their] own

and corporate goals. The eight targets of age management are:

1. Better awareness about ageing,

2. Fair attitudes towards ageing,
3. AM as a core task and duty of managers and supervisors,
4. AM included in HR policy,
5. Promotion of work ability and productivity,
6. Lifelong learning,
7. Age-friendly work arrangements, and
8. Safe and dignified transition to retirement.

When we boil this down to its basics, the aim is to ensure a good business case as well
as meeting personal preferences. The question for employers is how measures designed
to meet the needs of older workers can be achieved in a way that also supports
organisational effectiveness and/or profitability. This report outlines current research and
policy in order to set out a positive case for balancing the demands and needs of
employers and older workers. For organisations this means benefiting from the
contribution that older workers can make and supporting them in the workplace, rather
than aiming merely for legal compliance. Taking into account that employing older
workers must be good business we point to the effects that various management
approaches may have on productivity. Workplace productivity in the UK is a perennial
source of concern (see inter alia Abel et al., 2016), but some basic controllable elements
for improvement can be identified. A model developed by Acas lists seven levers of
productivity and these are used as a framework for discussions with reference to older
workers, but are equally relevant for all sections of the workforce. Acas seven levers are
as follows:

1. Well designed work: jobs and work organised in ways that increase efficiency
and make the most of people's skills.

2. Skilled managers: managers with the confidence and training to manage and
lead effectively.

3. Managing conflict effectively: systems in place to reduce the likelihood of

problems arising and to deal with problems at every stage.

 4. Clarity about rights and responsibilities: a working environment where

everyone understands their rights and responsibilities.

5. Fairness: employees who feel valued and treated fairly.

6. Strong employee voice: informed employees who can contribute and are
listened to.

7. High trust: relationships based on trust, with employers sharing information at

the earliest opportunity.

(Source: [Link]

In the first part of this report we set out the challenge. We ask what impact the
extension of working life is likely to have on UK employers and whether standard
approaches to human resource management are adequate for the task. In the second
part of this report we evaluate the impact of various policies and practices on older
workers and consider the extent to which the issues raised by the seven levers of
productivity address the change required by the age profile of the workforce. How is
individual performance affected as we get older? Has the abolishment of the default
retirement age made a difference to older workers motivation or behaviour at work? Is
age an occupational health and safety issue? And what does managing older workers
entail? The report goes on to discuss how managing older workers may extend into
managing the process of retirement and possibly re-employment after retirement. In
concluding, the report will summarise findings from the literature and draw out practical
and policy-relevant recommendations.

2. Do older workers need to be managed differently?

Age equality does not necessarily imply identical treatment. In certain circumstances,
the law requires unequal treatment, for example to make reasonable adjustments to
enable older people with disabilities to continue in work. The law also allows for positive
action to encourage disadvantaged or underrepresented groups (EHRC, 2015a). Unlike
other protected characteristics, differential treatment of age groups is permissible
where it can be objectively justified (Government Equalities Office, 2013). More
generally, therefore, effective management of an age-diverse workforce requires an
awareness of differences as well as similarities.

Posthuma and Campion (2009) describe a number of common age stereotypes and show
how these may affect decision-making in the workplace. Stereotypes may be negative
(older workers under-perform), or positive (they are more dependable, Taylor, 2013). In
either case, the tendency to infer certain characteristics from the fact that an individual
is a member of a particular age group may lead to decisions that are not only counter
productive but also discriminatory. The concept of generation is often used as a
synonym for age-group and implies that there are certain differences in the way we
think and behave that can be predicted from our date of birth (Parry and Urwin, 2011;
Bristow, 2015). As we will discuss below, this kind of analysis may exaggerate difference
and talk-up the possibility of intergenerational tension in the workplace (Beck and
Williams, 2014). Generational categories for example Baby Boomers or Generation Y
(also known as the Millennials) are often defined rather vaguely, but they have now
achieved the status of common sense in relation to attitudes, loyalties and career
progression (CIPD, 2008).

Some of the suggested differences between older and younger workers are unsurprising:
for example, the idea that young people are more comfortable with technological change
(Graen and Grace, 2015). But generational stereotypes often go further than this to
predict preferences and aspirations based on date of birth alone. Generation Y, for
example, are said to like informality and embrace diversity (Parry and Urwin, 2011:
98). Graen and Grace suggest that, since Millennials are accustomed to flexibility and
innovation, they experience culture shock when transported to a foreign business
culture that is rule-bound and hierarchical (2015: 404). The solution, they suggest, is to
re-design management practice to suit the young game-changers. The problem is that
this positive portrayal of youth may be mirrored in negative attitudes to the baby
boomers. However, whilst the practitioner literature has made much of these differences,
the evidence is thin (Constanza and Finkelstein, 2015). The problem with generational
analysis is that the odd grain of truth is developed into an undisputed fact about
essentially heterogeneous population groups, but stereotyped by their birth date. And
once a generational typology takes hold then it is hard to dislodge (Fineman, 2014:
1720). The importance of such generalisations is that they are likely to have an impact
on management practice. If we accept them as accurate, then it would be logical to tailor
management practices accordingly and treat each generation or age group of workers
differently.

The attempt to categorise individuals may itself be the source of problems. Research
consistently points to the fact that variation within age groups is just as important as
variation between groups and that older workers are not all the same (Posthuma and
Campion, 2009;Yeomans, 2011). When does a worker become older, for example? This
may be a matter of official designation or self-identification, but either can have negative
effects. Desmette and Gaillard (2008) demonstrate that when workers think of
themselves as older, this may be related to negative attitudes to work and therefore to
early retirement decisions. Desmette and Gaillard found that, when workers believe that
their employer does not differentiate by age, this is associated with a more positive
approach to work2. The management of older workers as discussed in this report also
needs to reflect this diversity.

Assumptions about ageing thus have practical consequences. For example, Kooij et al.
(2014) distinguish between different categories of HR practice. They suggest that career
development and training will tend to become less important as aspirations change with
age. Instead, accommodative practices become more relevant (these include workload
reduction and part-time working). Equally, employers may adopt maintenance practices
(job security and flexible working hours) and utilization practices ('task enrichment' and
participation) in order to address older workers' priorities. However, other studies
question the assumption of diminishing career aspirations. Kunze et al. (2013) found
that older workers were more, not less, open to change at work than their younger
colleagues (and so also open to developmental opportunities). However, they note that if
"often explicitly or implicitly confronted with the stereotype that they are not willing to
support organisational change initiatives, [they] may sooner or later simply believe what
they are told and accept this role" (2013: 754).

Van Dalen et al. (2015) considered a number of age management practices, including:
the adaptation of work to accommodate older workers, the provision of development
opportunities, and mechanisms to promote early retirement. Their finding, perhaps
unsurprisingly, is that the higher the proportion of older workers in an organisation, the
more likely it is that the employer will implement age-related policies. Age management
in this case involves the sorting of older workers - often on the basis of performance
criteria - into two groups: either upwards, through training and development, or outward,

2
For both the positive and the negative relationship between age and work attitudes, it is
important to remember that the causal direction of the relationship is not clear. For example, it is
not clear whether feeling younger results in more interest in work or whether a positive attitude
towards employment would make you feel younger.

by encouraging early exit. The overall preference in this study of employers was for the
latter option. The changing age profile of the labour force means that many employers
will need to reassess such preferences.

To summarise, employers need to take account of age-related differences, but the

temptation to pigeon-hole workers into age categories may be counterproductive. A
more useful approach lies in building management competency to deal with age-related
issues flexibly. Managers need decision latitude, including the ability and the
resources - to redesign work to fit older workers (Furunes et al., 2011). This is not a
controversial proposal, but research for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF, 2015)
suggests that employers have been slow to change their approach and, instead of
making amendments, continue to rely on recruiting young people. This is not
sustainable:

Its not so much about promoting an emphasis on older workers as

introducing awareness about age-neutrality. Some sectors will be hit

harder than others, but in some there wont be enough young people to fill

those jobs.

Brian Beach, International Longevity Centre

3. Age and performance

All skills and aptitudes deteriorate at some point and so, in this general sense,
performance in the workplace is age-related. But this does not happen in an easily
predictable way and, for most jobs, age-related loss of ability is less significant than
differences attributable to other factors such as education and general health (Benjamin
and Wilson, 2005). Furthermore, although there are measurable differences between the
abilities of age groups, these result from the declining ability of a small subset of the
older group (Weyman et al., 2013). Managers who assume age-related performance
problems or who target older workers for review are not only discriminating, but they
are doing so based on a caricature (Simms, 2014). Although increasing age brings some
deterioration of generic abilities, whether physical or mental, specific work-related
abilities tend to be more resilient. In a meta-analysis of 380 previous studies, Ng and
Feldman (2008) extended the focus from core competencies to look at ten dimensions
of job performance, including creativity, time-keeping and attendance. They find that
these factors more than compensate for physical and cognitive decline. There may be
additional factors associated with older workers, such as experience, tacit knowledge or
patience, which can increase performance in the specific job role (Brooke and Taylor,
2005). The range of performance between groups has been found to be less important
than variation within groups (Weyman et al., 2013). A core focus of age management
(Ilmarinen, 2012) is thus to treat workers as individuals, with strengths and weaknesses
that may be unrelated to age.

In addition to abilities and performance, the stereotyping of the older age group has also
been underpinned by the assumption that individual motivation at work is age-related
(Ng and Feldman, 2012). For example, managers may underestimate employees
aspirations and their willingness to engage in training and development (Martin et al.
2014). There is a danger of this becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy, since poor uptake of
training reflects the lack of appropriate provision (Beck, 2014; Felstead, 2011; Fenwick,
2008). With an increasing retirement age, the reasons for remaining in work may be
more stick (i.e. financial) than carrot for many people, and this has an impact on
motivation (Weyman et al. 2013).

Nevertheless, some occupational health studies urge employers to err on the side of
caution. Griffiths (2000) argues that employers have an increased duty of care and
therefore advises that working arrangements that set older employees up to perform
less well or put them under increased strain should be avoided. What is appropriate for
any older employee will depend on the specifics of the sector and the workplace, but in
each there will be opportunities for a range of reasonable adjustments (Yeatts et al.,
1999). Generally speaking, individual performance is often defined with reference to
norms or targets (Beck and Williams, 2015). This should not be equated with
productivity, which also depends on factors beyond the individual workers control (Van
Dalen, et al., 2010).

Performance management has benefits and costs, and these need to be assessed
carefully. Employees may see performance measurement either as an impartial and
necessary tool, or as an oppressive measure. This is often a fine dividing line, with
monitoring seen as reasonable when others work is under scrutiny, but as intrusive
when oneself becomes the focus (Sewell et al., 2012). The link between specific
practices and specific outcomes, for example individual performance, productivity,
motivation or health and safety, is complex (see Kooij and van de Voorde, 2015) and
research on the effectiveness of HRM practices on older workers is inconclusive.

Nevertheless, there is a common sense case for certain approaches and it is possible to
identify certain general organisational features that are associated with efficient working.
Acas (n.d.) terms these levers of productivity. The following sections discuss the seven
levers in turn. Some of these levers, including the first, which focuses on the design of
work and the workplace, have been previously discussed in the literature, whilst others
extend the approaches that are usually applied to the management of older workers.

Lever 1: Well-designed work

Jobs and work organised in ways that increase efficiency and make the most
of people's skills

Working hours and job design are two sides of the same coin. UK economic growth has
been based on an increase in hours worked, rather than on labour efficiency, to the
extent that we are working slightly harder to produce the same amount of goods and
services than we were in 2007 (Harari, 2016: 10). Flexibility not only boosts motivation,
but it also prompts more intelligent and efficient ways of working.

The law already specifies cases where a review of job design is a right. Older employees
who have a disability are entitled to a review of their working arrangements and for
reasonable adjustments to be made. Since 2014, employees also have the statutory
right to request flexible working (Chandler and Tetlow, 2014). This applies to all ages,
providing the individual has been in their job for more than 26 weeks and is particularly
relevant to older workers. Employers are not obliged to offer a new arrangement, but
rejections must be made on the basis of the reasons specified in the code of practice
(Acas, 2014). But even where such rights are not already in place, there is a good case
for treating job design as an integral part of performance review to enhance overall
working conditions.

In practice, employers are rarely faced with requests for such a review of job design, but
Barnes et al. (2009) point out that this does not signify a lack of demand. Previous
research has shown that older workers appear to respond differently to working
arrangements compared with younger colleagues: they are more likely to be motivated
by individualised work schedules (Loretto, et al., 2005) and less likely to be motivated
by development opportunities.

Job content is often treated as a given: individuals are then judged to be capable, or
incapable, of performing as required. An influential alternative approach focuses on

maximising the ability to work by matching work to the worker. Originating in Finnish
research, the work ability3 approach analyses the relationship between the capacities
of the individual worker and the demands of their work (Ilmarinen, 2001). Whereas the
concept of employability focuses on developing the skills and behaviours that are
valued by employers, both sides of the equation need to be considered if individuals
strengths are to be used to maximum advantage (Walker and Maltby, 2012).
Appropriate management responses include job design to prevent problems and support
for workers already experiencing ill health.

Poor job quality has an impact on physical and mental health and is an important factor
leading to early exit (Griffiths et al., 2006). Mobility, dexterity and stamina deteriorate
far sooner than mental capacity (BitC/ILC, 2015), but such deterioration can be
compensated for, in most cases, by redesigning work processes. The total cost of work-
related injury and illness in the UK has been estimated at 14.3bn: most of which - 8.2bn
- falls on individual employees, while employers lose around 2.8bn (HSE, 2015). The 50
64 age group accounts for approximately 40% of total sickness absence (DWP, 2014).
Much of this can be attributed to inappropriate, or poorly thought-out work routines. So,
far from being a cost, job design is one component of a high performance system that
should apply to workers of all ages to prevent work-related health issues occurring.

Its important to start prevention very early. What you do at a younger

age determines what you can do at an older age.

Phillip Seidel, AGE Platform

A model for how employers can benefit from a focus on job design and flexibility is the
mid-life career review pilot, which involved constructive conversations including all
aspects of careers.

Box 1: The mid-life career review

Between 2013 and 2015, BIS funded the National Institute for Adult Continuing
Education (NIACE) to carry out a pilot project to assess demand for a broad-based
career review among the 45-65 age group. The TUCs Unionlearn coordinated activities
in 15 employers, where 770 reviews were carried out by100 union learning
representatives (ULRs), whose knowledge of the workplace and employees makes them
uniquely suited to the task. As well as training and career development, reviews also
covered matters outside work of relevance to career or retirement decisions (Gould et
al., 2008).

Results suggest a widespread demand for advice and guidance. After review,
individuals were more likely to take up training opportunities and to feel in control of
their working lives. Among the benefits reported by employers were:

1. More confident employees who feel valued by the organisation;

2. Reviewing and developing current working practices; and
3. Increased motivation and productivity (NIACE, 2015)

Unionlearn suggests that a mid-life career review should be offered to all employees
when they reach the age of 50 (Unionlearn, 2014)

Source: Beck and Williams, 2014

3
The work ability approach has found considerable support, in particular from social policy
commentators (Maltby, 2011) but must be treated with caution. Based on a questionnaire, the
work ability index may be held by employers as part of employees records but has also been used
by the actuary profession to calculate pension needs and costs.

Flexibility over working hours appears to be effective in increasing productivity and

decreasing sickness absence (Bal and Dorenbosch, 2015), especially in the approach to
retirement. Generally, the trend is for older workers to want to reduce their working
hours and, on average, hours do tend to decrease with age, but this still leaves around a
quarter of 50-60 year olds working 45 hours or more per week (BitC/ILC, 2015). In
many cases this is involuntary. By one analysis 40% of those in the 55-60 group would
prefer to reduce their hours and 15% would do so even if it meant reduced earnings
(BitC/ILC, 2015). However, reducing working hours is not the only factor; flexible work
opportunities may be equally effective (Loretto et al., 2007; Platman, 2004; Siegenthaler
and Brenner, 2000). Employers may offer flexibility of working hours, but are less likely
to review job content, for example, the variety of work, task discretion and the ability to
put skills to use.

Age has a demonstrable effect on ability to adapt to variable hours (Burch et al., 2009;
Harrington, 2001). There are long-standing concerns about the ill health effects of
prolonged shift working, since the disruption of natural circadian rhythms has physical
and mental effects and, indirectly, an impact on job performance and workplace safety.
However, the specific effect on older workers is disputed. One would expect adaptation
to long-established work patterns, but some studies suggest that shift working in later
life has a greater effect (Harrington, 2001). This leads some to urge caution: shift
working can be particularly harmful for older workers (Barnes et al., 2009). More
specifically, there is evidence that women cope less well with shift work and night work,
report more chronic fatigue symptoms and have higher absence rates (Griffiths et al.,
2006). Other research confirms the deleterious impact of shift working, but suggests a
much smaller, or non-existent age effect (Burch et al. 2009). Recent research points to
more nuanced effects, rather than a general decrease in tolerance to shift work:
compared with their younger colleagues, older workers tend to be, for example, less able
to adjust to night shifts, but more tolerant of morning shifts (Blok and de Looze, 2011).

Summary

The available evidence suggests that designing jobs to meet the capabilities and
aspirations of older workers tends to decrease turnover and sickness absence, while
increasing commitment and productivity. Opportunities for flexible hours have been
enhanced, in part by the ability for employees to draw down part of their pension while
working, and this has benefits for employer and employee (Beck, 2013). Flexibility
applies less often to the job itself and opportunities to review career development in
later working life remain limited. Without such opportunities, a work content plateauing
faced by older workers may have negative consequences (Armstrong-Stassen, 2008;
Bown-Wilson, 2011). In situations where adjustments are undertaken but especially
when opportunities for reasonable change are not available, it is usually the line
manager and their ability to interact with their workforce that makes a significant
difference.

Lever 2: Skilled line managers

Managers with the confidence and training to manage and lead effectively.

Employers are now generally familiar with the requirements for equality based on sex,
race or disability, but have been comparatively slow to adopt formal policies for dealing
with age (Bond and Hollywood, 2009; Williams and Beck, 2015). This is particularly the
case for SMEs, which are less likely to have a developed policy on managing older
workers, in part because of lack of resources or specialist in-house knowledge (Fuertes
et al. 2013), despite the fact that they are often more reliant on older workers skills and
experience. The absence of standard procedures and accountabilities puts extra reliance
on the skill of individual managers.

Where formal procedures have been adopted, these frequently treat age-related issues
as questions of performance or capability (Williams and Beck, 2015). Applied
consistently, systematic performance review mechanisms appear to ensure age
neutrality and have been adopted by many employers as a means of managing-out
under-performing older workers. However, even the most seemingly objective systems
rely on a degree of discretion and so are prone to the influence of age stereotypes
(Taylor and Scholarios, 2014). They are therefore not a substitute for management
judgement and responsibility.

Taylor and Earl (2015) contrast two stereotypes of older workers. On the one hand,
there has been a tendency to portray older workers as victims of ageist attitudes in
society (Karpinska, et al., 2013a). On the other hand the economic case for extended
working lives rests on the fact that older workers are capable of remaining productive
and employable (Altmann, 2015). The problem is that both of these views are simplistic
fictions that may reinforce perceptions of disadvantage rather than create the
conditions for mobility and transition (Taylor and Earl, 2015: 15). When managers
recognise individual difference, they are able to work with employees actual strengths
and weaknesses. Yet stereotypes have an impact on individuals perceptions and actions:
in some circumstances there may be a tendency for younger managers to be
sympathetic to employees of their own age and more likely to judge the performance of
their elders harshly (Principi et al., 2015). This tendency is less marked in larger
organisations where formal policy and procedures impose consistency of treatment
(Posthuma and Campion, 2009) but even such procedures may not always be
constructive.

you can have all the HR practice and age management under the sun
but if your managers dont know how to use them, then theyre pointless."

Christopher Brooks, Age UK

There is a tendency for employers particularly in smaller organisations to opt for an

informal approach (Harris et al. 2011). This informality has some advantages, as
confirmed by Norwegian research (Furunes et al., 2015) showing that one of the
strongest drivers to remain in work, along with job content, was the relationship with the
individual manager. The problem, however, is that employers also need to deal
consistently with older workers as a group. Where decisions are taken in isolation and
without reference to guidance, variable and potentially discriminatory outcomes can
occur. Hiring decisions have been shown to be influenced by managers age norms (e.g.
the age at which they believe retirement should take place) and the way individuals
appearance and presentation reinforces such norms (Karpinska et al., 2013b).
Generalisation is difficult, since the role and effectiveness of age management varies
enormously. Leisink and Knies (2011), for example, find that managers support older
workers training and career development, but the authors note that this support is
dependent both on managers ability and willingness to act as coach and mentor. Yet
continued training and development are crucial if working lives are to be extended.

Training for older workers is commonly seen as a matter of human capital, which tends
to depreciate with age, but can be conserved and developed through learning and
considered task allocation (Yeatts et al., 1999; Evers and Ester, 2013). Learning is an
inherent part of working (Billett, 1999, 2002), but apart from its essential role in
maintaining job-specific productivity, it also contributes to general employability
(Herrbach et al., 2009) and delays the physical and mental decline associated with
ageing (Phillipson, 2010). However, the evidence suggests that employers tend to
discount the value of this capital, prioritising the transfer of knowledge and expertise
from older workers via mentoring, prior to retirement (Beck, 2014), rather than allowing
further development. European age equality guidance actively encourages the use of
mentoring, in part as a means of integrating younger people into the workforce (ter Haar
and Rnmar, 2014), but mentoring can also be marginalising if it is seen simply as

hand-over prior to exit. Training opportunities offered to older workers tend to be

fewer (JRF, 2015) and of lower quality (Felstead, 2011; Billet et al., 2011; Burmeister
and Deller, 2016). A key concern of employers has been the lack of time for older
workers to repay return on investment (Hedge, 2008; Mayhew et al., 2008). The
abolishment of the state pension age has significantly undermined this argument. In
addition to formal skills and qualifications, older workers may also have undertaken a
significant amount of informal learning activities and with that problem-solving skills,
independence, confidence and tacit knowledge (Paloniemi, 2006).

For these reasons, older workers are more likely than other age groups to problem-
solve alone and to be left to their own devices (Felstead, 2011: 203). There is a
relationship between the extent to which age-related issues are taken seriously and
older workers engagement with the organisation. Grima (2011) shows that older
workers responses to perceived age discrimination can range from acceptance and
passivity to a more confident facing-up to ageism. This is particularly apparent when
ageist stereotypes come into conflict with individual career development goals. As their
formal skills and qualifications may be considered out-dated, older workers can be
protective of their experience, making them insecure and fearful of exposure (Mitton and
Hull, 2006). This may also make older workers reluctant to discuss their training needs
and shortcomings with employers, thus leading to broader issues for organisations. First,
the insecurity felt by older workers is a factor leading to retirement (Herrbach et al.,
2009; Vickerstaff et al., 2008). Second, especially where employment is knowledge-
intensive, older workers may be reluctant to share their tacit knowledge, with a resulting
impact on workforce skills (compare Tempest, 2003).

Summary

Even when employers have formal age management policies in place, this cannot take
the place of competent and mature line management. A manager is likely to be
responsible both for performance management and also tasked with dealing with
retirement conversations. Recent emphasis on performance management and review has
assumed the age-neutrality of performance measures. This may be mistaken, both
because measures themselves are biased, and because formal procedures can never be
fully transparent and still rely on management discretion. Part of the solution lies in
management training, but effective management also rests on the remaining levers of
productivity as outlined below.

Lever 3: Managing conflict effectively

Systems in place to reduce the likelihood of problems arising and to deal with
problems at every stage.

The CIPD (2011: 2) have described the scale of workplace conflict as remarkable.
Survey evidence shows that this increased during the recession from 2008 and it is
highly unlikely that the external economic pressures on employers will ease in the near
future. This puts the focus squarely on good management practice and employment
relations. It is true that conflict cannot be eliminated from working life indeed, the belief
that it can has been described as a false prospectus (Coats, 2009: 31). Nevertheless,
conflict can be minimised through sound management and employment relations. Age
management is a good example of this.

Conflict can emerge due to a number of issues related to age, including, for example,
discrimination, or due to different expectations and needs of employers and older
employees in the retirement process itself. The existence of conscious age discrimination
is well established (Duncan and Loretto, 2003; Urwin, 2006; ter Haar and Rnmar,
2014). James et al.s (2013) US-based study also found indications of unintentional
discrimination based on managers perceptions that an older worker might be less
interested or unsuitable for promotion due to their age. The demotivating effects of this

10

discrimination and its negative impact were measurable in both younger and older
workers alike. Grima (2011) found that older workers were willing to challenge
discrimination but that, if their actions proved ineffective, they ultimately became
demotivated. In both cases discrimination resulted from management decisions and may
have been avoided had appropriate management training and guidance been in place.

The process leading up to retirement is a potential source of conflict. Since retirement no

longer happens at a pre-determined time, it is effectively a decision that results from
some form of negotiation. In most cases it is no longer possible to require employees to
retire purely because of age, unless there is an objective justification for this (TAEN,
2011b; BIS, 2011). However, little research has been conducted on how retirement now
occurs in the absence of a default retirement age and how older workers navigate this
process (Vickerstaff, 2010). Employers are now less able to predict or plan for staff
retirement and are equally unable to control it. Employers main concern about the
ending of the DRA was that they might be forced to retain unproductive workers (Beck,
2013), but retaining employees who may want to quit is an equally important concern.
Again, the crucial requirement is a focus on individuals, not on older workers in the
aggregate. One straightforward practical example is the ability to provide adjustments in
order to meet the needs of some women in experiencing the menopause. Simple
changes such as being close to a window (for ventilation and light) and having access to
cold water can make a significant difference. Yet a recent survey by the NUT (2014a, b)
showed that only 10% of respondents had requested changes and of these only 49%
were successful. In these cases, the line managers ability to deal with the issue was
often connected with their own (or partners) experiences with the menopause.
Whatever form human resource management takes, there is a need for transparency
and non-discriminatory mechanisms. Potential conflict situations highlight the crucial role
to be played by line managers who need to ensure communication and compromise
between both sides. The need for managers trained in age management as outlined in
the previous section becomes all the more important.

The previous section noted that, in order to demonstrate age-neutrality, many

employers have adopted systematic performance management systems. This may be
consistent with a wider tendency towards HR formalisation (Saundry and Dix, 2014). For
example, Saundry et al. suggest that a general preference among managers for
pragmatic approaches to conflict resolution has increasingly been replaced with a rigid
adherence to process and procedure (2014: 5). In the case of older workers, the
question is not only whether performance measures are reliable, but also whether
adequate mechanisms exist for review and for dispute resolution.

In some cases the mechanism for review is based explicitly on a forced distribution,
such that the proportion of staff in each performance band is pre-set. The crucial
question here is the way in which appraisal ranking links with retirement discussions;
Taylor and Scholarios (2014) point out that, quite apart from the effect on morale and
teamwork, the legality of these schemes has yet to be tested. An inflexible and punitive
approach to performance is likely to have a disproportionate impact on older workers,
not only because performance criteria may not be age-neutral, but also because
management decisions may be influenced by age-related stereotypes. More generally, all
performance rating schemes are implicitly norm-referenced. For example, when an
older worker is judged to be performing or under-performing, this only makes sense in
comparison with the rest of the workforce. Performance measurement, unless guided by
sound management, may generate a counter-productive sense of competition and
injustice (Williams and Beck, 2015).

Just as important as the effect on productivity, an over-reliance on formal mechanisms

may allow discriminatory practice to go undetected. Even where unions are recognised,
employers have typically been reluctant to consult before implementation and unions
have instead focussed on policing the application of particular schemes (Williams and
Beck, 2015). Although it is too early to assess the impact on Employment Tribunal

11

claims, it is worth noting that the average award in cases of age discrimination increased
more than awards for any other category of claim between 2012 and 2014 (Ministry of
Justice, 2014).

Summary

Conflict, in some form, is a normal part of working life, and cannot be excluded entirely
from the employee-employer relationship and conflict management remains a central
function of HR practitioners (Saundry, 2016). However, the reliance on mechanistic
approaches to performance and capability issues creates additional risks for which there
is no technical fix. A feature of the default retirement age was to make dispute
irrelevant. Since retirement decisions are now unavoidable for employee and employer,
conflict is a possibility. To date, trade union demands have largely centred on protecting
pensions, but a more mechanistic approach to performance management may have
consequences for workplace employment relations.

Lever 4: Clarity about rights and responsibilities

A working environment where everyone understands their rights and

responsibilities.

The law regarding the employment of older workers is clear, but legal guidance for
workers themselves is, as yet, less extensive than for other comparable groups. The
requirement for age equality was introduced in 2006 and age is now one of nine
protected characteristics defined in the Equalities Act 2010. This makes it unlawful to
directly discriminate on the basis of age, or to apply criteria that may have an adverse
impact upon a particular age group. Harassment that may be related to age and
victimisation of workers who have already complained of discrimination are also made
unlawful (for further guidance, see Acas, 2014 Age and the Workplace). What is less
clear is how intersectionality is dealt with, when, for example, multiple characteristics
are present to which the law applies (Rodriguez et al., 2016). This may be the case when
an older worker is disabled, female and from an ethnic minority background. Regarding
age, the law deliberately avoids restrictive definitions of age groups. For example, older
workers may refer to a narrow age range, it may refer to workers over a certain age, or
it may be relative, referring to workers who are older than a given comparator. An age
group can also be defined according to subjective perceptions, for example when an
employer makes assumptions about the grey workforce (EHRC, 2015b).

Older and young workers work alongside one another and there is therefore a risk that
policies that are targeted at one group may be to the detriment of the other. For
example, if the aim is to retain older workers, then it may be considered proportionate to
tailor working arrangements to meet the needs of this age group. As well as meeting the
needs of business, this approach can also be seen as an example of fairness over the
course of working life (White, 2012; Beck and Williams 2014). There is little evidence to
date of employers taking such initiatives; on the contrary, the tendency appears to be
away from age-specific initiatives. Whereas older workers might previously have been
allowed to wind down before retirement, employers are increasingly reluctant to
sanction this, believing it to be potentially unlawful (Williams and Beck, 2015).
Managers insecurity and lack of confidence with regards to older workers may be due to
fear of difficult conversations and what is perceived as a legal minefield (Saundry et al.,
2014; Wakeling, 2014; McNair et al., 2007). Supporting such managers in developing
positive age management could make a significant contribution to overall employment
relations.

In fact, this risk aversion may be unwarranted. The law allows for different treatment of
older and younger workers, providing that this can be objectively justified as a
proportionate means to a legitimate aim. The European Court of Justice has to date
determined that a number of broader priorities can be deemed legitimate aims, for

12

example the aim of promoting inter-generational fairness, or the aim of avoiding

humiliating forms of termination of employment (ter Haar and Rnnmar, 2015: 26).
These aims have been the basis of a UK employment tribunal case (Seldon v Clarkson
Wright and Jakes [2008]), where one of the justifications for setting a company
retirement age was to limit the use of performance measures in order to protect
employees dignity at the end of their working lives (Vickers and Manfredi, 2013).

The implication is that there is a considerable degree of confusion or at least insecurity

about what is or is not possible within the rights and responsibilities that apply to
managing older workers. Employers and managers action or inaction is likely to have
direct implications for the workforce. Armstrong-Stassen and Schlosser (2011, 323) link
an individuals perception of whether they are valued in an organisation to their
experience of rights and responsibilities associated with their membership of the
organisation:

Perceived organizational membership reflects only the rights conferred

upon the employees by the organization. The resulting obligations of

employees that reflect the return on the organizations investment are

equally important to the social exchange cycle. As a member of an

organization, there is a responsibility to be actively present. Hence, the

intention to remain working with an organization is clearly an outcome of

organizational membership.

Older workers mixed experience with regards to feeling valued and fairly treated (to be
discussed in the next section) may thus be a factor contributing to working environments
where rights and responsibilities are not clearly defined.

Summary

The evidence suggests that employers tend to act in a risk adverse manner and, in the
process, may be further muddying the waters for employment relations involving older
workers. There is established case law precedence at UK and European level as to when
different treatment of variously aged workers is permissible. In fact, such a tailored
approach may be key to employees feeling part of the organisation, valued and fairly
treated. Notwithstanding uncertainty regarding the future status of EU law in the UK, the
legal position is clear. However, it is likely that the training and guidance available to
managers has often tended to focus on the risks, while understating the scope for
tailored good practice (Weyman et al., 2013).

Lever 5: Fairness

Employees who feel valued and treated fairly.

The combination of an ageing workforce and austerity economics has prompted a

sustained focus on fairness or lack of it between age groups (Willetts, 2010; Bristow,
2015). The dominant argument has been that todays young people inherit a harsher
and impoverished society. Applied specifically to the workplace, developments such as
increases in employment insecurity, the growth of unpaid internships and the winding-up
of defined benefit pension schemes clearly create new challenges for those entering the
labour market. For those at both ends of the age spectrum, and despite legislation to
counter it, age discrimination continues to exist (Beck, 2014; Parry and Tyson, 2009,
2011; Urwin, 2006). Porcellato et al. (2010) found, for example, that employers tend not
to value the human and intellectual capital that older workers contribute to the
workplace. Ageism is resilient (Taylor and McLoughlin, 2013) in part because it is often
unacknowledged and because it can affect workers of different ages (Taylor, 2013).

A clear distinction needs to be made here between the retention of existing employees,
who account for most of the increase in older workers, and the recruitment of older

13

workers, which is less common. Unemployed older workers still struggle to re-enter work
following a spell of unemployment (Casey and Laczko, 1989; Reynolds and Wenger,
2010). This is particularly true for low-pay workers with fewest resources to deal with
their situation (TAEN, 2011a; Beck, 2013).

There is a strong, though complex, link between fairness, wellbeing and performance
(Bryson et al., 2014). Individual deals are often seen as a recipe for discontent, but Bal
and Dorenbosch (2015) make the case that fairness is best achieved by individualising
work design and working hours, making individualised work arrangements available to
all employees. This, of course, begs the question of how an employee (or a tribunal) is to
judge the fairness of such a fragmented approach.

There are particular concerns surrounding the notion of fairness regarding older workers,
as opposed to the more widely used concept of equality. In the past, an implicit idea of
fairness over the course of a working life (Roberts, 2006; White, 2012) may have
involved managers easing the pressure on older workers to compensate for long and
loyal service. Beck and Williams contrast this form of fairness with synchronous equality
between employees at any one time (2015). Clearly both equality and fairness are
reasonable expectations (Pitt-Catsouphes et al., 2013), but Beck and William suggest
that, following the 2010 Equality Act, many employers have prioritised the former at the
expense of the latter. The danger is that employees are judged on their present
weaknesses, rather than their longer-term contribution.

This trend is in accordance with DWP guidance (2011), which advocates systematic
performance management as a means of discrimination-proofing decisions that might
ultimately result in dismissal or retirement. The DWP (2011) has recommended the
latter as a way to deal with employees who are not delivering and suggests that the
conversations should include employees options. This presents challenges. First, there
needs to be a clear distinction between an informal discussion about retirement plans
and a formal one about performance or capability. Second, in setting performance
expectations, managers need to consider the age dimension: setting the same target for
young and old does not necessarily avoid indirect discrimination.

The process leading up to retirement may be particularly problematic if older workers

have not been supported and have not received consistent appraisal. Far more (44%)
over 65-year olds reported not having had an appraisal over the last two years than did
employees overall (27%). The CIPD see this neglect as the result of lazy management
(CIPD, 2011). This needs to be seen alongside the changing nature of appraisal. In a
study of public library staff, Williams and Beck (2015) found a shift of emphasis toward
performance metrics and the attempt to align appraisal with organisational goals. Almost
two thirds of employers had plans to change the form of assessment. Library managers
and trade union representatives saw this as being at the expense of the developmental
element of appraisal.

Summary

Fairness is a complex concept, in particular in relation to older workers. A distinction can

be made between formal equality and fairness over the course of a working life; both are
necessary if older workers are to be valued and productive. Central to this is the
appropriate use of performance and development review. In particular, the
developmental element is as relevant to older workers as to their younger colleagues.

Lever 6: Strong employee voice

Informed employees who can contribute and are listened to.

Voice refers to workers ability to communicate their views to their employer and to be
heard. In cases where there is no formal channel of communication, this voice may be

14

an individual one, comprising suggestions or grievances. Alternatively, voice may be

coordinated via trade union representation. A general definition of voice is:

[The ability] of employees to have a say over work activities and decisions
within the organizations in which they work, regardless of the institutional
channel through which it operates. (Wilkinson et al., 2014: 6)

As well as a moral case for promoting employee voice, there is a business case. When
employees have a voice, problems tend to be addressed earlier, more informally and at
lower cost. More broadly, where this voice is collective, via a trade union, employers are
more likely to implement pro-age policies (Barnes et al., 2009). The example, mentioned
above, of reasonable adjustments for workers experiencing the menopause,
demonstrates why voice is important to older workers. In this case change relied on
disclosure of their situation: a route for which only 20% of respondents opted in that
study (NUT, 2014a, b).

The ability to have a voice has benefits whatever the outcome. Using the example of
self-assessment as a form of voice, Geddes et al. show that voice promotes confidence
in procedural fairness even when ones communication does not directly influence an
eventual decision (2003: 24). Taken together, direct and indirect voice mechanisms
may have a positive influence on both organisational commitment and on employee
retention (Bryson et al., 2013). Inclusive working practices, which allow the employees
voice to be heard and taken into account, are more likely to promote organisational
efficiency (Johnstone and Ackers, 2015), partly because they allow workers to use tacit
knowledge to best effect (Eurofound, 2015) but also because of its effect on motivation
(Grima et al., 2015). The 2011 UK Workplace Employment Relations Study found that
85% of employees who were satisfied with their involvement in decision-making felt
proud to work for their organisation. This compared with just 35% of those who were
dissatisfied (van Wanrooy et al., 2013: 19).

Retirement decisions are now negotiated ones, in the sense that they reflect the
priorities of both individual and their employer (Williams and Beck, 2015). Discussion
and, where available, representation are now crucial in the period leading up to
retirement if this period is to be managed constructively, but larger, non-unionised
organisations may be least well placed to do this. Working relationships in SMEs often
means that difficult decisions can be handled informally, rather than through procedure;
although Saridakis et al. (2008) point out that disputes arising from such informal
arrangements may be more vulnerable to challenge at tribunal.

Despite this evidence, voice, in itself is not a panacea:

Ultimately, whether older workers have a say in their working lives is less
about having a voice than about whether someone is listening.

Brian Beach, International Longevity Centre

This question whether someone is listening depends in large part on the form that
employee voice takes. Workplace union representation is associated with more efficient
communication and grievance handling, lower quit rates and, indirectly, more efficient
management (Bryson and Forth, 2010). However, trade union membership in the UK has
fallen from 32% in 1995 to 25% in 2014 (BIS, 2015). This decline is moderate compared
to some other European countries (Waddington, 2015), but it has resulted in a highly
uneven distribution: 54% of the public sector workforce are unionised, compared with
just 14% of the private sector. Just as importantly, 70% of union members are now to
be found in workplaces with more than 50 employees (BIS, 2015; Williams and Quinn,
forthcoming). The evidence suggests that the absence of unions from many workplaces
has not been matched by a growth of other representative or dispute resolution
mechanisms. The result is often an increased reliance on formal procedures that may

15

minimise the role of either employee voice or management discretion (Jones and
Saundry, 2012). These unintended consequences result from the fact that employee
voice and employee engagement are often challenging for managers to deal with
(Purcell, 2014), particularly when employment relations are individualised in a non-union
environment. These changes have consequences for the management of older workers.
Management practices are more likely to be pro-age in unionised workplaces (Barnes
et al., 2009), though unions themselves have been relatively slow to respond to the age
equality agenda (Duncan et al., 2000).

The membership of UK trade unions is ageing, with 38% now over the age of 50 (BIS,
2015). This changing demographic has created some tensions in union priorities:
between, on the one hand, attempting to protect pensions and early retirement options
and, on the other, enabling members to continue in employment for longer (Flynn, et al.,
2012). Unlike in Germany, for example, where unions continue to have a voice in
national policy making, UK unions act primarily at the local level and their role has been
a defensive one (Flynn et al., 2012).

Summary

Employees ability to have a voice and more importantly, to have that voice taken
seriously has general benefits for employment relations and for productivity. As part of
age-management, the ability to discuss retirement is essential for planned and fair
outcomes. Informal, direct voice may be more easily achieved in smaller organisations,
although there are also potential problems. Workplace trade union representation is
associated with pro-age practices and with a lower tendency for employees to quit. This
may be explained by the greater efficiency of collective voice and by the constructive
challenge to management thinking that unions have the potential to offer.

Lever 7: High trust

Relationships based on trust, with employers sharing information at the

earliest opportunity.

Trust is an abstract concept, but when it disappears, we notice. The trust involved in the
employment relationship is based on individual relationships: between the individual
employee and his or her manager, colleagues, and the organisation as a whole. These
trust-based relationships are the foundation for information-sharing, innovation and
problem-solving (Shazi et al., 2015). Brown and colleagues, using data from the GB
Workplace Employment Relations Study, demonstrate a relationship between levels of
trust and workplace performance (van Wanrooy et al., 2013; Brown et al., 2015).

Trust is developed over time and so we might expect to see a contrast between older
and younger workers (Bal et al., 2011). But trust also has to be earned.

If an employee trusts their employer, which they might, its because they
know him for a long time, they know very well how the organisation
functions and because they have been relatively well treated in the past.
Its not a policy but a personal issue.

Phillip Seidel, Age Platform

As well as the terms set out in the contract of employment, individuals also have a
number of explicit expectations, both about the work process itself and about the nature
of their relationship with their employer. These expectations are referred to as the
psychological contract. Rousseau and Tijoriwala (1998: 679) define the psychological
contract as an individuals belief in mutual obligations between that person and another
party such as an employer. These expectations are implicit, but breaches of the
contract may have damaging consequences for trust and therefore for commitment. The

16

psychological contract may be a transactional one, based on immediate, tangible

rewards for improved performance, or it may be relational, based on job security and
career development for commitment and loyalty. Using the example of the shift from
defined contribution to defined benefit (DB) pension schemes, which Gough and Arkani
(2011) argue that there has been a shift from the latter to the former. DC schemes, they
say, reward long service and constitute a long-term promise on behalf of the employer.
They suggest that this breach of the psychological contract may have consequences for
performance and for employers ability to manage retirement.

In workplaces where organisational support is coupled with a high level of task discretion
and involvement, these practices are associated with higher levels of commitment. On
the other hand, surveillance and tight control of work have a negative impact on the
psychological contract (Gallie et al., 2001). This matters because employee attitudes are
related to individual performance and decisions to stay or quit (Harrison et al., 2006). In
the case of older workers, attitudes are moulded by change in these factors over the
working life. Smeaton and White (2015) argue that a combination of increasingly
'precarious' jobs, intensified work and reduced autonomy already mean that older
workers have "experienced a less satisfactory work situation than they would have been
led to expect from conditions in their earlier careers". Based on analysis of the Skills and
Employment Survey, they show a detrimental impact on attitudes over this period.

As Battaglio and Condrey (2009) point out, long tenure involves greater investment and
commitment in an organisation, which is conducive to trust, but may also mean that
employees accumulate experience of poor, or inconsistent management, which has the
opposite effect. The ingredients for a high-trust workplace are often stated, but not so
often put together: effective communication, employee participation, fair treatment and
competent line managers (Acas, 2015). As Henkenss (2005) large-scale Dutch research
suggests, trust may be put at risk by poor communication and the temptation to think
on behalf of rather than with older workers. Simple steps such as walking the floor
and regular, informal meetings can help ensure that (older) workers views are heard
(Acas, 2015). Henkens also highlights that lack of communication can result in a self-
fulfilling prophecy that creates stereotypes of older workers. The danger applies to both
managers and colleagues who may be basing their opinions on rhetoric from beyond the
organisation (Van Dalen and Henkens, 2005).

Both trust and communication are two-way processes and it is not only older workers
who may trust or mistrust their managers or organisations as a whole. Leisink and Knies
(2011) find that line managers effectiveness in supporting older workers is dependent
not only on their ability, but also on their willingness to engage with individual workers
and the amount of professional discretion the employer allows them. Trust presupposes
that line managers have authorisation to act on decisions. In turn, this means that
organisations need the confidence to allow managers the discretion to do their job (Acas,
2015). Whilst consistency is important, the formalisation of HR procedures in this area
can be counterproductive. Antcliff and Saundry (2009) note that, far from solving
problems at the appropriate level, formal disciplinary or capability procedures tend to be
overly-rigid, effectively a conveyor belt toward formal sanctions.

employers who may prefer to give an employee a good talking to may

be compelled to issue a formal warning in order to comply with a
disciplinary procedure and ensure legal compliance. (Antcliff and Saundry,
2009: 112)

The effect of trust may be counter-intuitive. Trust might be expected to moderate the
effect of negative outcomes, but Bal et al. (2011) found that individuals with high trust
in their organisation are affected more by perceived injustice at work. Employees who
experience such a loss of trust may feel betrayed by the organisation or threatened in
their sense of worth, and therefore more likely to quit.

17

The 2008 recession was different to previous economic downturns in that fewer workers
were made redundant, but in organisations where older workers were made redundant,
the effect on survivors was often to undermine trust (Beck, 2013; Eurofound, 2012a).
Thus, trust may look and feel very different depending on who you are and what your
position is within the organisation (Acas, 2015).

Summary

Trust is not only an abstract concept; it is also the glue that holds many of the already
discussed levers of productivity together, it is an essential aspect of managing older
workers. Continued trust depends on the combined effects of the previously discussed
levers of productivity, in particular on good communication and age-aware (line)
management. The way in which work is organised and managed has an impact on trust,
since older workers bring a long view to bear on current initiatives.

4. Managing retirement and after

Whilst, for many employees, retirement will continue to be something to be welcomed,
and will represent a clear end of working life, for many others this is no longer an
either/or choice. With greater opportunities for individually tailored working
arrangements, as well as the option of drawing a pension whilst continuing work,
employers now need to consider how to deal with a crucial section of the workforce that
is effectively semi-retired. This makes a focus on the seven levers of productivity even
more essential.

As Chandler and Tetlow (2014) point out, the right to work while drawing a pension was
introduced in October 2006 and may have increased employment amongst older workers
who had occupational pension rights. Morrel and Tennants (2010: 7-8) show that:

Where retirement was not explicitly addressed or discussed between employer

and employee there was evidence that this kind of non-approach was not
universally well received: participants suggested that they would have
appreciated a more formal approach and felt that they might have missed out on
something as a consequence, for example the option to continue working or
continue working with a different working pattern.

The route into retirement can be a prolonged and messy process, which has been driven
by the needs of various groups. Employers aim to retain skills and knowledge for as long
as it is required; older workers may need to continue earning, but can also utilise
transition work to adjust to retirement; and governments are keen to increase tax
revenues and reduce social security expenditure (Taylor, 2013). In the case of Japan, for
example, which began extending working life almost fifty years ago, the need to
continue in work has been increased by setting the mandatory retirement age lower than
the age of entitlement for the state pension (Rix, 2013). Most post-retirement
employment is low wage and non-regulated, leading Oka (2013: 64) to characterise the
Japanese approach as a publicly subsidized cheap labour system. Other countries, such
as the US, do not set employment and retirement-age targets at all, preferring to trust
the market (Rix, 2013). Only a very small number of countries retain early retirement
schemes: for example Norwegian workers can take early retirement at age 62 (Furunes
et al., 2015).

Many workers no longer face a clear demarcation between working life and retirement.
Alcover et al. (2014) distinguish between cliff edge and phased retirement. Cliff edge
retirement is the traditional arrangement: from full workload one day to no work the
next (Vickerstaff, 2006). This sort of rapid exit is often unhealthy for the individual
employee (Loretto and White, 2006), but it also creates problems for employers, in

18

particular in relation to the loss of experience and skills. Phased retirement might
involve part-time work for the same employer, or bridge employment with another (or
via self-employment). Partial retirement is ending a career and beginning a new job,
possibly on reduced hours (Alcover et al, 2014).

Retirement is not necessarily a one-way street. Re-entry into the labour market, or
unretirement (Post et al., 2013; Schlosser et al., 2012; Maestas, 2010) will be
increasingly common. Although we still use the word retirement, this will now be a
much more flexible and episodic process, rather than a permanent state. According to
Chandler and Tetlow (2014), 4.3% of 50 to 69-year olds who are inactive return to work
over a two-year period, though this percentage reduces with age and increases if a
partner is in continuous employment. The proportion is further influenced by caring
responsibilities and health status.

With most of these transitions into retirement, the discussion and arrangements between
employer and employee will need to consider the kinds of issues discussed under the
seven levers of productivity. This is especially important if we consider that part-time or
bridge employment for older workers has been compared to un- or underemployment
due to the limited agency held by this workforce (Taylor, 2013).

5. Concluding discussion

The ageing of the UK workforce is now a fact of life. The impact of this change on
employers and employees will depend, to a large extent, on the quality of management
and the ability of organisations to deliver both equality and fairness. This report goes
some way to suggest a more proactive and innovative approach to the management of
the older workforce than is currently in place. This approach reflects the UKs policy
approach, which the DWP Fuller Working Lives Team summarises as follows:

A view from DWP- Fuller Working Lives and Managing Older Workers
In Spring 2016 Government intends to publish a new, employer-led national
strategy for older workers which will also incorporate and drive forward the
recommendations from the report A New vision for older workers Retain, Retrain
Recruit. The employer-led Business Strategy Group is looking at a variety of
issues that affect older workers which will feed into the national strategy. This will
set out the future direction of the Fuller Working Lives agenda. Two of the several
areas of focus are skills and managing an ageing workforce.

Overall, the majority of the discussions in the literature summarised here is consistent
with the fundamental values of age management in its broader and more comprehensive
definition by Ilmarinen (2012). This sees age management as part and parcel of daily
management and, moreover, essential to reaching individual and corporate goals.
Following this definition, we can summarise the main themes arising from this literature
by drawing on the eight targets of age management (Ilmarinen, 2012, 2):

First, there needs to be better awareness about ageing. This applies to the full range of
HR considerations: from the legal guidelines of what is and is not legally possible to
understanding group based and individual differences. As highlighted throughout the
report, within age-group differences are often more important than between group
variation.

Second, fair attitudes towards ageing are a necessity (see especially the discussion
around Lever 5). Employees who feel valued and fairly treated, as opposed to being
treated equally, are more likely to be motivated.

19

Third, the concept of age management may be a new term, but it is not complicated. It
comprises core, everyday management practices: good communication, clarity about
responsibilities and well-trained managers with the confidence to respond to individual
circumstances. The research summarised in this report makes it clear that these things
make significant differences to the perceptions of all workers, not just those who may be
labelled older. In many ways, good practice in managing older workers is merely good
management.

Fourth, age management should be an integral part of HR policy. Trusting relationships

at work (Lever 7) depend on clear procedures, applied consistently. In particular, the
employees expectations about retirement form part of a psychological contract. Breach
of this contract has consequences for individual and workplace

Fifth, jobs are designed and they can be redesigned. Exploring the potential for
matching work to individuals abilities, rather than expecting individuals to fit in with the
requirements of the job, can help build age-friendly working, avoid age-related
occupational health risks and boost organisational commitment. Promoting the
individuals ability to work, whether this is via well-designed physical environment, job
content, and level of autonomy (Lever 1), or in terms of access to training and
development of all staff (Lever 2), pays dividends in productivity.

Sixth, such training and development requires lifelong learning (Levers 1 and 2). The
motivation to continue learning may depend not only on the quantity and quality of
opportunities available but also on how relevant and applicable the skills are to the
workplace and how appropriate the style of delivery of the training is for individual
preferences.

Seventh, age-friendly work arrangements are perfectly consistent with the aim of equal
treatment. Equal does not necessarily mean the same. Age management needs to
recognise individual strengths, and work with them.

Eighth, the traditionally male, cliff edge form of retirement (Vickerstaff, 2006) is
increasingly rare and good age management now includes ensuring that there is a safe
and dignified transition to retirement. In many cases, this will include changes to the
types of work or employment individuals undertake, whilst also enabling employers to
transfer vital skills and knowledge.

6. Recommendations

Age management is about more than just avoiding discrimination. It means applying
age-awareness to all areas of HR management including recruitment and retention,
training and development, job design and work routines, performance management, and
the management of organisational culture. Textbook answers are not a substitute for
sound management, but some general recommendations are possible. These apply
primarily to employers, although there are also implications for trade unions and for
government.

The following are based on the recommendations for employers set out in Altmanns
Review (2015):

Retain
Implement age/skills audits to monitor age diversity and potential skill shortages.
Remember, though, that there are dangers in using age as a category in HR
strategies and decisions (Hertel et al., 2013; Posthuma and Campion, 2009).

20

 Line manager training. Specifically, line managers need to be age-aware; more

generally, they need the skills and confidence to handle informal and sometimes
unpredictable discussions.

Flexible working. Promote a better and more flexible employment environment

(OECD, 2012) that includes possibilities for working flexible hours as well as
potential re-designs of the work environment.

Consider family leave / life events leave.

Consider gap breaks for older staff

Develop and adopt industry good practice standards including having a clear and
transparent age management policy.

Recruit internally to retain existing staff: this includes ensuring that work
arrangements support all workers (including the older group) to perform well.

Retrain
Age should not be a barrier to training opportunities, though it is also important
to ensure that training opportunities are appropriate for different learning styles
(i.e. not only class room based, on-line, or informal learning).

Facilitate career change with training for those in physically demanding roles and
provide age-differentiated work design and intervention strategies (Hertel et al.,
2013).

Take note of UnionLearns Mid Career Review and, where a trade union is present,
consider offering this approach to a wider age range. Also consider broadening
the scope to include job design. The pilot project demonstrated a high level of
demand and there is a strong case for continued government and national trade
union support for the initiative.

Inter-generational mentoring: age diversity in employment (OECD, 2012) and, in

particular, in teams (Hertel et al., 2013) contributes to constructive and
innovative decision making processes. To do this, it is necessary to balance needs
and expectations of older and younger workers in a fair and transparent way
(Hertel et al., 2013).

Recruit
Put in place age-monitoring of recruitment. Review results against targets for
age-diversity.

Consider experience, not just qualifications, when recruiting.

Ensure that eligibility for training is age-neutral. This should include

apprenticeships.

7. Age management: what we know and what we need to know

This report has set out the case for good age management. However, the existing
literature, voluminous as it is, is not sufficient to equip managers, trade unions, or
employees to deal with future uncertainty.

21

The UK, the EU and Europe

It will be some time before we understand the consequences of the UKs exit from the
European Union and speculation about future prospects for business and the likely labour
supply implications, are beyond the scope of this report. The ramifications for
discrimination and employment law will be slower to emerge. Whilst the fundamentals of
age management good practice will remain applicable, further research will be an urgent
requirement.

Occupational pensions and retirement

The effect of occupational pension schemes is complex. It has long been recognised that
membership is an important retention tool and tends to increase employee loyalty
(Hannah, 1986) but employees who need to accrue contributions may remain in work
despite declining health or capability. If flexible retirement is to be a reality, research is
needed, both on the way retirement decisions are reached and on the financial and
actuarial implications.

Retirement and employee relations

Whereas retirement was once simply a fact of life, something that could be predicted at
birth, it is now a matter to be discussed and negotiated in the workplace. Productive
outcomes rely on good employment relations, but equally, retirement, if poorly handled,
has consequences for employment relations. Research is needed to explore what
retirement means after the DRA and to evaluate how it varies between workplaces.

22

Appendix 1: Note on methods

This report was written between December 2015 and June 2016 as an extended
literature review on the broad issue of managing older workers. It has the specific aim
of encouraging an expansion of the reactive and laissez-faire UK policy regarding older
workers. To this end, the report is structured around Acass seven levers of productivity,
which highlight a broader range of issues than is often the case with regards to older
workers. In addition, the broader, international literature on managing older workers
was taken into consideration to ensure comparisons and contrasts of policy approaches
could be undertaken.

The information provided in this report must come with a health warning in that it was
impossible to cover all of the literature or review all publications systematically. The
subject matter addressed is broad and there is considerable literature that has tangential
but not directly relevant foci on the decision making and transition process to
retirement; different national economic systems and their national specific HR systems
strengths and weaknesses in relation to older workers (e.g. Jackson and Debroux, 2016).
The task set was to review literature dating back to 2005 and include international
publications. The result is a somewhat mixed picture that covers the areas, time and
locations specified but is unable to do so comprehensively within the four month time
frame available for the study.

In addition to the literature review, this report also draws on a range of empirical data
available to the authors, namely:

1) Semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders were undertaken as part of the

Acas funded research. Each interview covered questions about the seven levers of
productivity as well as general background questions about managing older
workers more broadly. A number of quotations from these interviews are included
in the text. In total, five interviews were conducted with national and
international stakeholders: AGE Platform; Age UK; International Longevity Centre
UK (ILC-UK), The Age and Employment Network (TAEN) at the Shaw Trust; and
the DWP (Fuller Working Lives Group) in January and February 2016. Ethical
approval was sought from the University of Leicester before interviews were
undertaken.

2) The European Commission funded iNGEnBar Project (Inter-generational

Bargaining Towards integrated bargaining for younger and older workers in EU
countries) for which the authors of this report undertook the UK component
between December 2013 and January 2015. As part of this research, three case
studies were investigated to establish whether unions and employers were
involved in activities that would benefit both older and younger workers. We
present a short summary of one of these case studies in Box 1 above as a good
example of how a well-designed workplace can be achieved. For further
information see Beck and Williams (2014).

3) A pilot study into Renegotiating Retirement, funded by the University of

Leicester School of Management, which was undertaken between October 2013
and October 2014. This research questioned whether there is a relationship
between extending working lives and the use of performance appraisal or
performance management for older workers specifically and the workforce as a
whole. The first phase of the research consisted of a Freedom of Information
(FoI) request to all public libraries, whilst the second part of the research
consisted of 10 interviews with managers, employees and trade union
representatives in locations where issues emerged from the FoI request and/or to

23

 clarify such issues. Data and quotations from both stages of the research project
have been included in this report.

24

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