San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D.

Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

INTRODUCTION
THE WORLD IN WHICH THE CHURCH HAD TO LIVE TILL 700 C.E.

A. The Roman Empire: State and Society1

a. Territory and Inhabitants

The world in which the Church had to live until 700 c.e. was, in the first place, the Roman
Empire, which had reached, several decades before the birth of the Church, her greatest extension,
then maintained until 400 c.e. (the expansion reached continental Europe up to the Rhine and the
Danube and the corner of the two rivers, England and Wales, the northern African coast (but
sometimes penetrating the interior as in Egypt), and the western section of the Middle East, and
finally all of Asia Minor.

On the number of inhabitants, one can only estimate: 50,000,000, although it is also possible
to think of 70,000,000 inhabitants. In the third century there was a decrease in the Empire’s
population, but it was a contained one. The majority lived in the richest eastern parts of the Empire.

After 400 c.e., the territory of the empire diminished. Imperial authority started to unravel in
the West. The populations would receive new leaders: German kings. Northern Africa would be lost
in 429. The Romans legions would withdraw from Britain in 442. And continental Europe, including
Italy, would be subtracted from the Empire, except the southern Balkan regions. Between 410 and
463 Rome would be besieged eight times, occupied six times, and sacked two times (in 410 and 455).
After 476, the West would no longer be ruled by a co-emperor…

One rather very popular episode was the incursion of the Huns under Atilla into the Empire in
451-452 c.e. Leo I would intervene and succeed in stopping Attila from entering Rome.

The Emperor Justinian (d. 565) succeeded in reestablishing imperial authority in Italy, in
North Africa, and in part of Spain, but at the price of weakening the frontiers of the Balkans and
elsewhere. After his death, imperial authority once again collapsed. In Italy, the Lombards
reconquered a good part of imperial territory.

After 600 c.e., the Roman Empire would suffer losses not only in the western parts but also
in the eastern sections. Persia would be defeated in 628, but from 634 on, the Arab conquests would
begin in earnest and the Empire would lose Syria, Palestine, Egypt, and Northern Africa.
Constantinople would be put under siege, but the city would withstand the Arab onslaughts. Around
700, imperial territory would be confined to Asia Minor, Thrace-Macedonia-Greece, the Dalmatian
Coast, Ravenna, Rome, Calabria and Sicily.

b. Socio-Economic Structure of the Empire

1
Handbuch der Europäischen Wirtschaft-und Sozialgeschichte, edited by W. Fisher et al., Volume 1,
Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1990.

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

The Empire was a non-industrialized, non-mechanized society. Between 80% and 90% of the
population lived in the country and worked in agriculture. Production was for local consumption by
and large. The cities, normally small enough (between 2000 and 10,000 inhabitants), were provided
for by the areas surrounding them. In the cities, a small part of the population was engaged in the
arts and crafts.

On the whole, because it was not possible to produce certain goods locally or only in
inadequate quantities, commerce developed. One thinks of the few great cities, and above all Rome.
One also must think of the not inconsequential demands made by the Roman armies on the imperial
economy. There was entrepreneurial liberty. But the economy never really received any
preconceived plans to stimulate it. Within the empire were “customs barriers.” The impressive road
network of the Empire, leading to and leaving Rome, was constructed primarily for military ends. The
Empire had a tributary policy rather than an economic one.

There was no social policy in the Empire. The State did not offer protection to workers
against exploitation. Neither did it provide for social assistance to the poor, the needy, the
unemployed, the aged, except for the distribution of food. Many people lived in poverty and in
conditions which were life threatening.

Imperial society was a society fundamentally based on the principle of inequality,2 and this
also juridically. There were slaves who did not have rights and were without protection (they made
up at least 10% of the population). Among the freeman, only a small minority (probably 10%) initially
had Roman citizenship. Among the Roman citizens, the relatively small number of nobles (about 1%
of the population, and still further divided into various ranks) enjoyed special privileges. Moreover,
there was a huge difference between the many poor and the very few rich.

Nonetheless there was social mobility: a family could pass in a few generations from a low
class to a higher one.

The patria potestas was the first element which conditioned the concrete life of every person
in imperial society. The social identity of individual persons was secured by his belonging to a
determinate family, in the broad sense of the word, i.e., the complex of all those who fell under the
power of a determinate capofamiglia or head of the clan. Even slaves were counted members of the
clan.

The power of the paterfamilias extended to all the members, including the adults, and was
almost absolute in depth and scope. He could execute his own children. In the 2nd century, this
power would be restricted by imperial law.

c. Political System

The civitas to which one belonged was the second factor which conditioned the concrete life of
the person. His political identity was found in this level of human life and interaction. The civitas was

2
R. RILINGER, “Moderne und zeitgenössische Vorstellungen von der Gesellschaftsordnung der römischen
Kaiserzeit,” in Saeculum 26 (1985) 299-325.

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

the most basic administrative unit. This did not always correspond to the city; it could also be a
network of rural centers. This shows that only between 10% and 20% of the population could be
considered “urbanized.” The civitates were really small, normally counting between 2,000 and
10,000 inhabitants.
The larger conters (more than 50,000 inhabitants) were Milano, Aquileia, Padova, Trier, and
Cadiz. The big cities were rather few (more than 10,000 people): Alexandria, Antioch, Carthage,
Corinth. The city of Rome was exceptional, with perhaps 1,000,000 inhabitants.

The civitates enjoyed governmental autonomy; they were regulated by their own statutes, in
practice, local oligarchies usually predominated.

The provinces were administrative units created by Rome, where the governor represented the
central power and exercised administrative assignments (such as assuring public works and supply of
livestock), fiscal duties, juridical tasks (maintaining public order), and military obligations. The
provinces however were not considered essential for identification purposes.

The reality of the Empire itself was made tangible by the taxes it levied, but the Empire remained
largely unreal because not experienced in other levels of concrete life, like work, culture and religion.
The government of Rome was distinguished for its own political tendency which left untouched the
institutions proper of every nation which came under its rule, leaving to itself only decisional powers.

One may query whether there was anything like “patriotism” in the Roman Empire (i.e., whether
there was identification with the Empire). In general, there was loyalty, also because of the
experience of the Pax Romana: the absence of civil wars or continuing rebellions, coupled with
security of the frontiers, during a long period. The existence itself of such an Empire evoked
admiration. Rebellious movements were motivated by misery, not by any desire for “independence”
(nationalism in the modern sense of the word did not exist) or by a democratic ideal (neither did
democracy as we know it today exist). Accepted therefore was an evolutionary concept of the
imperial system of government, which went from a moderate monarchy (the “principatus”) to a
sacral absolute monarchy. The power of the Emperor is to be interpreted according to the patria
potestas.
After the civil wars (130-30 b.c.e.), the originally aristocratic Republic (with the Senate as
the center of authority) had to accept the presence of a new center of power: in 27 b.c.e., the
strong man of the moment, Gaius Octavius, polemically referred to as Octavian by his
adversaries, an adoptive son of Julius Caesar, received the title of Augustus, tied to a legal base
of his extraordinary powers. After his death in 14 c.e., his stepson, Tiberius, received the same
extraordinary power, and so on and so forth. Already the Republic would have its princeps (a
non-official title). The gospels speak of “Caesar,” because the principes took this name.
Historiography speaks of Emperor, another title of Gaius Octavius.

The Emperors of the Roman Empire

The Julian-Claudian Dynasty
“Octavian” Augustus (d. 14 c.e.)
Tiberius (d. 37 c.e.)
Caligula (d. 41 c.e.)
Claudius (d. 54 c.e.)
Nero (d. 68 c.e.)

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

The Year of the Four Emperors:

Galba (d. 68 c.e.)
Otho (d. April 69 c.e.)
Vitellius (d. December 69 c.e.)
Vespasian
The Flavian Dynasty:
Vespasian (d. 79 c.e.)
Titus (d. 81 c.e.)
Domitian (d. 96 c.e.)
The Adoptive Emperors:
Nerva (d. 98 c.e.)
Trajan (d. 117 c.e.)
Hadrian (d. 138 c.e.)
Antoninus Pius (d. 161 c.e.)
Marcus Aurelius (d. 180 c.e.)
Commodus (d. 192 c.e.)
The Severian Dynasty
Septimus Severus (d. 211 c.e.)
Antoninus [Caracalla] (d. 217 c.e.)
[Macrinus (d. 218 c.e.)]
Elagabalus (d. 222 c.e.)
Alexander Severus (d. 235 c.e.)
The Soldier-Emperors:
Maximinus Thrax (235-238 c.e.)
Gordian I
Gordian II
Balbinus
Pupienus (238 c.e.)
Gordian III (238-244 c.e.)
Philip the Arab (243-249 c.e.)
Decius (249-251 c.e.)
Trebonianus Gallus, Volusianus (251-253 c.e.)
Aemilius Aemilianus (253 c.e.)
Valerian (253-260 c.e.)
Gallienus (253-268 c.e.)
Claudius II Gothicus (268-270 c.e.)
Quintillus (270 c.e.)
Aurelian (270-275 c.e.)
Tacitus (275-276 c.e.)
Florianus (276 c.e.)
Probus (276-282 c.e.)
Carus (282-283 c.e.)
Carinus (283-285 c.e.)

After a period of stability – the pax romana – problems would besiege the Empire toward
180 c.e.: pressures at the frontiers, economic stagnation, succession of incapable emperors (in
180 c.e.). For several decades the situation was saved only thanks to a classical but dangerous
means: a military regime, initiated by Septimus Severus (d. 211). Initially, the system worked,
but from 235, there was a series of military rebellions and coups d’etat. This brought the Empire
to institutional instability, and at a moment of great danger because of the continued incursions

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

of the Germanic and other tribes. Financial collapse also happened: economic productivity fell
and transport became difficult because of the Barbarians invasions and political instability.

A victorious General, Diocletian, put an end to the anarchy. With him began a profound
institutional and social reform. The republican pretension was abandoned, and the Emperor
was now an absolute monarch. Only he possessed all powers and all authority, which was of
divine character (here, a transposition of the oriental monarchy into the Latin west). The
citizens became subjects. But stability was found again. In order to remedy the practical
problems of government, Diocletian created a new administrative and military division. He
experimented with the system of tetrarchy: the one imperial authority, formally remaining only
one thing, came to be exercised by two Augusti, one in the Orient, the other in the Occidental
and by two Caesars (their designated successors). The experiment failed however after
Diocletian’s reign and resulted in a struggle among the contestants from which Constantine
would finally emerge victorious. In 324, he would remain the only Emperor. After him, the
practice of having two co-emperors would be revived which, united in the foundation of
Constantinople in 330, would prepare the future division of the Empire.

The Tetrarchy and the Dynasty of Constantine

The first “Team”:

 The West:
 Augustus: Maximinianus, 286-305 c.e.
 Caesar: Constans Chlorus, 293-305 c.e.
 The East:
 Augustus: Diocletian, 284-305 c.e.
 Caesar: Galerius, 293-305 c.e.

The second “Team” (in 305 c.e., the caesares became augusti):
 The West:
 Augustus: Constans Chlorus, d. 306 c.e.
 Caesar: Severus
 The East:
 Augustus: Galerius, d. 311 c.e.
 Caesar: Maximinianus Daia

The Rise of the Constantinian Dynasty:

 The West: In 306 c.e., Constans died and was succeeded by the augustus
Severus, but this succession was contested by the troops of Constans
who wanted Constantine, son of Constans, as augustus instead. The
compromise was that Constantine become caesar. The problem was that
Maxentius, son of the augustus, Maximinianus, also wanted to be
augustus of the West. In 312 c.e., Constantine defeated Maxentius and
therefore remained the unique emperor in the West.

 The East: In 311 c.e., Galerius died and he was succeeded by Maximinianus
Daia, whose selection was now contested by Licinius. In 313 c.e.. Licinius
defeated Maximinianus Daia and remained the only emperor in the East.

 In 324 c.e., Constantine defeated Licinius in battle and became the sole
Emperor of both East and West. In 337 c.e., Constantine died; he was then

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

succeeded by his three sons. Constantine II governed part of the West and
died in 340 c.e. Constans, governed also part of the West; he then
governed the entire West after 340 c.e. (i.e., after the death of his
brother, Constantine II) and died in 350 c.e. Constantius II governed the
East and, after 350 c.e. (i.e., after the death of his brother Constans), also
the West.

From Diocletian on one may note the following: centralization of the government, abolition
of local autonomy, bureaucratization of the Empire, the “precettazione” of all subjects,
abolition of the freedom to choose one’s own profession (with the state now deciding), nobles
constrained to fulfill functions of public administration, decline of social mobility…

The protection of the Church began with Constantine. His successors, except Julian “the
Apostate” (361-363), were all Christians, so that the Empire, personified by the Emperor, was
Christian in principle. Under Theodosius (d. 395) the restrictions of paganism and of heresies
increased. By then Catholicism already functioned as the religion of the Empire. Even though
there were consequences in the legislation for some aspects of public life, nevertheless the
absolute character of the political system remained in place, indeed was reinforced. The
Emperor possessed all powers, and the imperial court was the governative center. The
remaining weakness was that of imperial succession. One cannot speak here of a strictly
hereditary monarchy; the successor was designated by the Emperor himself or by the military
and the dignitaries of the Empire. In any case, it is possible to speak of dynasties in so far as the
successor was usually selected from within the ambit of the same family. To be noted however
was the numerous coups d’etat and the influence of the army in this event.

The most interesting figures between 400 and 700 c.e. were Justinian (d. 565) and his
consort, Theodora (d. 548). Their reign was marked by the reconquest of Italy, by the
codification of laws (Corpus Iuris Civilis – Codex Iustinianus), by a new administrative system of
the provinces (military governors now received authority also in the civil camp), and by a
vigorous ecclesiastical policy.

After Justinian, there would be a new period of crisis resolved in the end by Herakleios (d.
642). The Empire lost territory but the administrative reforms continued. Furthermore, the
reduction of territory made defense of the frontiers of the Empire easier. Despite calling
themselves “Romans,” the inhabitants of the Empire, where after 600 c.e. the official language
was already Greek, would enter into a new historical period.

B. The Roman Empire: Culture, Religions, Philosophies

a. Up to 400 c.e.: Greco-Roman Culture in General

Culturally the Empire was pluralist because it was multinational Empire animated by a relative
tolerant attitude. There was no imposition of a culture from on high as an instrument of a totalitarian
ideology. There was no ministry of propaganda or of “national education.”

Thus the Jewish world for example found itself able to live its own culture in the bosom of
the Empire and beside other cultures.

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

Nevertheless, there was a certain cultural unity. This the historians have usually termed
“Greco-Roman cultures.”3

In the first place, Greek was the predominant language of empire. Note that it was the
language of the New Testament. From the moment that a language is positioned to become the
interpreter of reality, Greek also carried with itself a way of living, an education, as ethos.

Many other elements were also present: Greek was the fruit of a long process of mingling,
especially from the time of Alexander the Great (d. 323 b.c.e.) and his successors. Thus a confluence
of Greek elements from Macedonia, Asia Minor, Persia, and Egypt evolved into a synthesis of some
sort, and last came also Roman elements.

It was also an urban phenomenon. Which means that it refers to only 10% of the population.
Even Christianity initially presented itself as an urban phenomenon.

It was also a cosmopolitan culture. Beside the more local customs and traditions which
survived, there also was participation in Hellenism as a common culture. People knew that they lived
in a world that offered many possibilities, where it was easy to travel, where there were many
commercial contacts, where Greek was the lingua franca for culture and Latin for administration,
where the laws were uniform for all, etc. the unity of this world was visible for all to see in the
architecture of its public buildings, in its figurative arts, in its theatrical representations, in its sports.
This cosmopolitanism would grow thanks to the influence of stoicism.

This cosmopolitan outlook would also generate a certain kind of individualism. In part, it was
a positive phenomenon, i.e., it was some kind of humanism tied to stoicism, with particular attention
paid to the single person. Stoicism aimed to arrive at the practice of personal virtues. In art, one
went from the monumental (the ideal man) to the personal, to the individual (the real man) and one
finds domestic scenes, rich with sentimentality. But also in part, it had a negative aspect. The world
had grown too big and therefore anonymous, so that individuals now retreated to the safety and
comfort of the private sphere. Lost therefore was a certain communitarian sense. Anxiety therefore
was generated, especially for the great masses, by the uncertainty of a world that had grown too big
to become a home.

b. Up to 400 c.e.: Religions

i. Paganism.

The Roman Empire was a pagan empire, but it was not a-religious or antireligious. If anything,
the Empire was a constellation of temples and sanctuaries and shrines which were frequented by
naturally religious people.

Public and private life was punctuated by innumerable religious rites.4 There were many
spectacular forms of religious expression: grand processions, pilgrimages, sacrifices. The cynicism of

3
The “greco” comes from the word έλληνικός.
4
R. MACMULLEN, Paganism in the Roman Empire, New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1981.

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

contemporary intellectuals must not be allowed to deceive us in the face of these traditional forms
and particularly of mythology. The people were religious; i.e., they demonstrated pietas, but for this
they were put down by the cultured despisers of the age. They believe in miracles. Paul and Barnabas
were considered gods appearing on the earth (cf. Acts 14: 11-12). Above all the gods guaranteed the
healing of illnesses. The most frequent prayers in inscriptions were for obtaining health or for
gratitude for its restoration. There were also prayers for protection, for childbearing, for one’s
family, for liberation from slavery, for gaining wealth…In general, lacking were prayers for the
afterlife. On the one hand, gods were moved and acted because of prayers and gifts offered by
mortals, but not because of a possible love for them. On the other hand, pagans did not pine for the
gods’ love, but only for their assistance. The religions and pagan cults did give an existential
response to many questions. Moreover, they helped to reinforce social order; the gods took their
revenge on evil men.

Temples and sanctuaries abounded in the Empire, but for all that it was impossible to make a
confessional map for Antiquity. With the exception of Judaism and Christianity, no religion was
exclusive or exclusivist. The reality of the religions in the Empire was complex and in continuous
development.5 There was syncretism, including a tendency toward a certain “monotheism,”
expressing itself for example in the preference for the cult of the Sun god.

The diverse forms of pagan religiosity may be classified as follows:

The cult of the traditional divinities was tied to pietas. Here pre-imperial Roman traditions
encountered those of the Greeks. There took place an identification between, on the one hand,
the supernatural forces that the Romans saw behind everything, family, natural process and
social reality and, on the other hand, the gods that figured in the mythology of Homer and other
Greek authors. The divinities protected individual families, crafts, cities, events and actions.
Through prayers and sacrifices success may be attained. Some gods enjoyed a special
veneration, for example, Zeus/Jove, Hermes/Mercury, Athena/Minerva, Ares/Mars,
Asklepios/Aesculapius.

This last one was a very popular cult, with many “international” centers of veneration, where
the people were really healed.6 In the inscriptions Aesculapius was called “Savior”: “Come,
blessed Savior, and give a happy end to our existence,” or “Lord. Come in aid of your servant.”

Magic and Astrology had a strong presence in daily life. Magic was the art of dominating the
forces of nature and of life. The term itself derived from Babylonian priest-wise men, who had
great abilities in astrology and in divinations and whose name would later become technician
(and not so much a priest or a prophet). He also differs from religion, inasmuch as this
supplicates superior powers for that which only they could give, while the magician considers
himself the depository of personal occult means through heredity or through investiture.
Astrology was a “scientific-systematic” approach for knowing the world and the laws which
directed it. It dealt with the science of the stars and of their laws, understood as a divinatory
art which proposes itself as a way of discovering and determining the destiny of human beings
and the events related to their life, through the study of the stars and of their influence on the

5
Research on the subject is in continuous development; we still lack modern syntheses.
6
“Les dieux guérisseurs et Jèsus sauveur,” Le monde de la Bible, n. 76, May-June 1992.

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

terrestrial world and on creatures living in it. But it was also more than a science; it was also a
kind of faith with sacerdotal origins, founded on the idea of a universal “sympathy.”

The Oriental gods: public cult and the “mystery religions.” This refers to divinities which did not
come from Greek or Latin traditions but from Egypt, From Iran, etc. A gradual identification
with the western gods would however take place. One characteristic of these divinities was
their cosmic and existential significance. They were divinities which had to do with the origin of
life (Maternity, the vivifying Sun, etc.) and death. The new life which they offered had a moral
significance, that is, it required a new style of life, and they sometimes included a promise of
eternal life. Their expressions of public cult, in so far as these were present, were of an
“ecstatic” character which proved to be rather attractive. Around these deities mystery
religions were organized, i.e., elected individuals were initiated, through a series of rites, into
the mystery of the divinity and in this way is granted a new life. A gradation of initiation and
regular celebrations existed. Mystery religions offered freedom from a vision of the dominion
of the stars or of the stoic fates, and also the experience of communicating with the deity.
There was the awareness of being special, because initiated into the mysteries. Some names:
Isis, Osiris, Cybele, the Great Mother, with her consort and lover Attis (all four with public cult
and mystery religions), and Mithras (mystery religion).

Mithras7 merits special attention. His cult seemed to be similar to Christianity. Without any
doubt Mithras was a competitor of Christ. Originally venerated in Iran. Mithras was identified
with the Sun and was supposed to have been born on 25 December (!) from a rock. 8 Shepherds
brought him gifts. During a hunt, he felled a taurus and brought it back to the grotto where he
then killed it. From the blood and sperm of the taurus came new life. Unfortunately a serpent
drank of the blood and a scorpion poisoned the sperm. The sun, moon, planets and the four
winds witnessed this event. Mithras then made an alliance with the Sun in order to make good
triumph over evil. Here one sees Persian dualism for which the world came to be seen as the
theater of a dialectic between good and evil. From this conception of the universe a kind of
ethical dynamism was developed which, distinguishing Mithraism from all other oriental cults,
portrayed life as a war, and the adherents, soldiers subject to the orders of Mithras, had to
constantly oppose themselves to the workings of demonic powers.

The Mithraic cult contained seven grades of initiation. Among the rites there was a kind of
baptism and sacred meal. Participation in the deity imposed a moral obligation: to become
soldiers of Mithras. Several expressions were extraordinary: “with the effusion of blood you
have saved us,” “we are reborn from bread and wine,” “Mithras is my crown.” The cult of
Mithras was reserved to only men and it enjoyed great popularity among the soldiers who were
the primary instruments of its diffusion. About 100 Mithraic centers were found in Rome and 16
in Ostia Antica.

The Imperial Cult. In line with traditional religions, and in conjunction with the veneration of
the goddess Roma, the veneration of the deities who protected the emperor and his household
was organized in many places (but not in Rome itself). In the eastern parts of the Empire, this
was presented as a continuation of the cult of the sovereign himself, seen as a divine epiphany.
Not all considered the emperor a deity during his life, but a divine veneration was accorded his
statue. The imperial cult was not meant to substitute for other cults, but only as complementary

7
R. MERKELBACH, Mithras, Hain 1984.
8
M. CLAUSS, “Mithras und Christus,” in Historische Zeitschrift, volume 243 (1986) 265-286.

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

to them. It expressed in a special way loyalty toward authority (and in this way it would become
an element in the persecution of Christians). 9

ii. Judaism.

Among the religions of the Roman Empire, Judaism was the most identifiable. More than the
others, it had a dogmatic content and a specific and detailed moral code. It also had at its disposable
a “central” authority: up to 70 c.e. the Grand Sanhedrin of Jerusalem, under the presidency of the
High Priest and a central organization. After 70 c.e. (i.e., the destruction of Jerusalem and the
Temple), this authority would shift to the academy of Jamnia, with the hereditary patriarch in the
House of Hillel (until 429 c.e.).
Authority resided in the Sanhedrin, not in the High Priest. The Sanhedrin was a religious
tribunal. It decided the calendar of Jewish feasts. It could also condemn to death in the form of
stoning (not of crucifixion,10 which was a Roman form of capital punishment). At Jamnia, the
Sanhedrin, now under the presidency of the non-priestly patriarch, would codify the oral
traditions by writing them down.

More than any other religion, Judaism also had an “affective” center: Jerusalem. More than
any other religion it was tied to a nation. And more than any other religion it was also a social and
cultural reality. In difference from the other religions it was exclusive and thus also the most
numerous.
With probably 1,000,000 Jews in Palestine and 6,000,000 in the Diaspora within the Empire,11
Judaism formed perhaps 10% of the population in the Empire. It had a reinforced presence
because of their concentration in the cities, with a council of elders to oversee their affairs. In
Alexandria they formed 10% of the population, and in Rome and Antioch12 between 2 and 3%.

Judaism also enjoyed a juridical situation that was bit special. There were several privileges
(but always revocable!) granted it: exemption from military service and from the obligation to testify
in tribunals on Saturdays, etc.13 it was attractive to many because of its moral code and its religiously
optimistic outlook.
We know the interested ones and the sympathizers of Judaism, the so-called “God-fearers” (cf.
Acts 10:2, 10:22, 10:35, 13:16, 13:36, 13:43, 13:50, 16:14, 17:4, 17:17, 18:7), who believed in the one
God, who went to the synagogue, but who could not completely observe the Law and who
were usually not circumcised. Moreover, there were the proselytes, who became Jews with full
rights.

9
E. MEYER, Römischer Staat und Staatsgedanke, Zurich-Stuttgart 1961; J. MARTIN, “Zum Selbstverständnis,
zur Repräsentation und Macht des Kaisers in der Spätantike,” in Saeculum 35 (1984) 115-131.
10
R. AGUIRRE, “Los poderes del Sanhedrin y notas de critica històrica sobre la muerte de Jesùs,” in Estudios
de Deusto 30 (1982) 241-270.
11
In the rest of the Diaspora there were probably 2,000,000 Jews.
12
R. HANN, “Judaism and Jewish Christianity in Antioch: Charisma and Conflict in the First Century,” in Journal
of Religious History 14 (1987) 341-360.
13
J. GAUDEMET, “La condition juridique des juifs dans les trois premiers siècles de l’Empire,” in Augustinianum
28 (1988) 339-359.

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

Judaism was a dogmatic religion, but it was not monolithic. Non-negotiable were
monotheism, the prohibition of images of God, the profession of faith regarding creation and the
liberation from Egypt, the Law as the way and form of existence that was also social, and the hope in
a future liberation thanks to a messiah. There were however differences of opinion on the identity of
the messiah and the character of the liberation still to come, on what constituted revelatory books
(only the Pentateuch or many others?), on the relative importance of the Law, of the temple and of
the promised land (what was more essential?), on the interpretation of many aspects of the Law.
Pluralism was visible in the diverse groups mentioned in the New Testament (Pharisees,
Scribes, Herodians, Sadducees) and in other sources (Essenes, Zealots, Sicaris), etc. Concrete
identification was not therefore easy, the gospels do not offer us a sociological study.14

This pluralism presented itself also in the influence of Greek culture, much evident in the
Judaism of the Diaspora (which counted more Jews than Palestine itself).
It would be a mistake however to think that the Old Testament was formed in isolation from
and antagonism of the religions and philosophies present in the Middle East. There were many
common traditions, but there certainly was the special and unique cut of the Revelation.

Hellenism was present in a special way in the use of Greek when around 250 b.c.e. in
Alexandria, the Hebrew Bible was translated into Greek (the so-called Septuaginta or Seventy). This
meant not only a translation but also a transformation. It is not possible to adopt a language without
absorbing its culture (philosophy, world view) which inhabits it.
The person who at the same time as Jesus was the most well-known representative of Hellenist
Judaism was Philo of Alexandria (d. 40? 50?). He was attached to Scripture and to Jewish
orthodoxy, admired the splendor of the Jewish cult and the holiness of the ascetic members of
his stock. But he did not know Hebrew and was a passionate cultivator of Greek philosophy and
a faithful imitator of Hellenist literature (as the other Jews of Alexandria). In his exegesis he
strongly employed allegorical interpretation, and he integrated elements of the Stoa into it (the
concept of the Logos for example).15

The combination of an orthodox Judaism and Hellenist elements may also be seen in Paul,
who came from the Diaspora (from Tarsus, an intellectual center of Hellenism, or from Damascus).
Important would be the use of Greek itself. One may suppose the influence of Greek rhetoric
in its mode of expressing itself: the presence of the diatribe, the mode of cynic-stoic
argumentation; i.e., a discourse in a colloquial style, with a fictive adversary; the structure of
the sentences is short, and there are refrains of questions; antithesis and parallel sentences
highlight this development. (Rom 2: 1-20; 3: 1-9; 3: 27-31; 9:19; 11:19; 1 Cor 9, with its numerous
antitheses death/resurrection, to sleep/to remain awake, light/darkness, present world/future
world, letter/spirit, slavery/freedom, etc.). But these are also semitic styles. To be noted is the
presence of catalogues of obligations, similar to those of philosophers and rhetoricians (1 Cor
5: 10-11; 6: 9-10; 2 Cor 12: 20-21; Gal 5: 19-21; Rom 1: 29-31; 13:13; Col 3: 5-8; Eph 4: 31-32; 5: 3-5; 1 Tim
1: 9-10; Tit 3:3).

14
A. SALDARINI, Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach, Edinburgh:
T. & T. Clark 1989.
15
D. RUNIA, “God and Man in Philo of Alexandria,” in The Journal of Theological Studies 39 (1988) 48-75.

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CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

Images and terminologies derived from urban Hellenistic culture, visible only through the
original Greek texts themselves, are many. Politics in Phil 1: 27; 3: 20; and in Eph 2: 19. The theatre
in 1 Cor 4:9; Gal 6:12. Sports in Phil 2:16; 3: 12-15; 1 Cor 9: 24-27; 2 Cor 4: 8-9; 2 Tim 4: 7-8; Gal 5:7;
and Rom 9:16. Commerce in Philem 18; Col 2:14; 1 Cor 6:20. The Juridical world in Gal 3:15; 4: 1-2;
Rom 7: 1-3. The phenomenon of slavery in 1 Cor 7:22; Rom 7:14. There is also a psychology of
openness to all that is good and beautiful in Phil 4:8. To be noted are the allusions to the
mystery cults (especially to Mithras?) in Rom 6: 1-11; Phil 4:1; 1 Cor 10:16; Col 1:20; (Cf. also 1 Pet
5:4; James 1:12; Rev 2:10). Typical is the use of certain concepts like conscience (present also in
hellenised Judaism before Paul), the rational knowability of the existence of God (Rom 1: 18-23;
this was also present in pre-Pauline hellenised Judaism: Wis 13: 1-9) and the common good (1
Cor 12: 1-14, 40).

However Paul avoids terms that could generate equivocal doctrines (thus Christ is never
addressed as “Master,” and there is the absence of the term “inspiration”). 16

Even the Judaism in Palestine could not escape from Hellenism.17 There was a continuous
osmosis between the Judaism of the Diaspora (voyages to Jerusalem) and that of Palestine.
Furthermore, the community in Palestine was descended from those which were also in the
Diaspora. Within Palestine there were differences in culture among the Jews themselves. Judea was
different from Galilee, etc.

iii. Gnosticism18

This deals with a theosophy (divine wisdom) that, in the middle of other religions, had its
own special attraction.19 Contemporaneously born with Christianity, it took elements from this and
became very seductive to members of the Church.20
The term “Gnosticism” has its root the word γνώσις, a term with many significations. In Attic
classic Greek: the understanding of things, intelligence (in the sense of the activity and of the

16
C. SPICO, “Les éléments hellénistiques dans Saint Paul,” in Da Tarso a Roma. Conferenze in occasione del
XIX Centenario della Venuta di San Paolo a Roma, Milan 1962. Another example is offered by the second letter
of St. Peter: P. DSULNIGG, “Der theologische Ort des Zweiten Petrusbriefes,” in Biblische Zeitschrift 33 (1989)
161-177.
17
GIOVANNI MARIA VIAN, “Tra pagani e cristiani: il problema del giudaismo ellenistico,” in Dimensioni e
problem della ricerca storica, 1996/2, 47-56.
18
Research on and studies of the historical phenomenon termed “gnosticism” has undergone major
updating and revision in recent years. Unfortunately, we cannot really bring on board all the recent findings on
this exciting area of historical investigation. It is nevertheless my belief that these findings do not really alter
the major lines of historical understanding and interpretation so far delineated by major church historians.
However, I would like to tackle some of the issues connected with this area of historical research in class,
particularly with regard to their significance for theology and the understanding of the faith.
19
Testi gnostici cristiani, a cura di M. Simonetti, Bari 1970; K. RUDOLPH, Die Gnosis. Wesen und Geschichte einer
spätantiken Religion, Göttingen 1978; K. RUDOLPH, Gnosis. The Nature and History of Gnosticism, San Francisco
1987.
20
Several scholars see Gnosticism as a heresy internal to Christianity. An example of the discussion in via is
offered by P. GRECH, “Lo gnosticismo: un eresia cristiana?,” in Augustinianum 35 (1995) 587-596 (against
Simonetti, Grech avers that Gnosticism was an alternative religion to Christianity and not a variation of it).

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San Beda College Alabang THEO3: The Church, Sacraments, Prof. Patrick D. Boyoc, MA
CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

result of this activity). In the Greek of Jews and Christians: knowledge of a spiritual truth,
perception of God, experience of hidden things (2 Cor 10:5; Lk 1:7; 11:52; Rom 11:33; Col 2:3).

Gnosticism is said to offer a special, emotional and esoteric way to know, understand, live
and experience the divine secrets; it offered an illumination which signified “salvation” and union
with the divine.
There were diverse systems and numerous speculations. Some names among many: Basilides
of Alexandria (2nd century), Valentinus (Rome: 135-160). In the different speculations, fed by a
rich fantasy, the same elements usually returned. God was radically and infinitely distant from
the tumult of material beings and transcendent in an absolute manner. Its radical opposition
was matter believed to be intrinsically evil and not susceptible to the good. Matter came to be
because of a deviation in the process of emanation from God of a whole series of beings, beings
of a perfection that was ever degraded, to a level low enough so that they had lost the divine
elements and did not wish to be incorporated into the required harmony (thus a kind of original
fall). From this the material world came to be in which the alienated human being, which still
had a divine spark or divine seed within him, sought his liberation. This liberation came from a
Christ who as incarnated God suffered, but through a Savior, sometimes identified with Christ,
who came with the revelation of new mysteries.

Gnosis was not given to all, only to a select few. A gnostic is not a simple believer but an
initiate. Socially, Gnosticism offered therefore something special! Christians could be seduced by the
use of some biblical texts: “in private, Jesus explained everything to his disciples” (Jn 14:26); “there
were many other things done by Jesus, which if they had been written one by one, I think that the
world would not be enough to contain all the books that could be written…” (Jn 21:25). The gnostics
said: we know that which is not found in the Scriptures.

iv. Manichaeism

This refers to another temptation for Christians (Augustine was a manichee for some time!).
the cult of Mani or Manichaeism was founded by the Persian prince Mani (216-277). It took off from
the conviction that good and evil operated as two absolute principles, opposed to each other like
light and darkness. In order to achieve perfection, the human being had to liberate herself from the
dominion of evil through the exercise of the ascetic life, with fasts, a vegetarian diet, abstention
from sexual contact. There were very few elect members, called to build a hierarchy with a supreme
head. Manichaeism spread in Africa and Asia.

c. Up to 400 c.e.: Philosophies

In the Roman Empire, philosophy was not only an academic activity. Philosophers considered
themselves pastors of souls, desirous of helping the people.21 As Epicurus (341-270 b.c.e.) said: “the
discourse is empty of that philosopher who does not succeed in healing some passion of the human

21
Cf. 1 Thes 4:1: “…you have learned from us to comport yourselves in a way pleasing to God…”

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being.”22 The direction of philosophy in general and of philosophies—even though systematic

speculation was not lacking—was therefore strongly existential; in the tradition of Greek philosophy
there was moreover a strong and fundamental religious preoccupation.

The principal philosophical currents/schools contemporaneous with the origins of the Church
were Cynicism, Epicureanism, Stoicism, Middle Platonism, Neo-Platonism, Neo-Pythagoreanism; in
the 3rd century, Neo-Platonism would develop. Here, we present three of these philosophical
currents or schools.

i. Epicureanism

It could be said that this was above all a popular enough form of life. (There are allusions to it
also in Acts 17:18). It descended from Epicurus (341-270 b.c.e.), author of the famous tetrafarmakos:
divinity is not a fearful thing, death is something about which there won’t be consciousness, the
good is easy to acquire, and pain is easy to bear.

Its central ideas could be summarized in the following way. Born of pessimism, Epicureanism
wanted to offer consolation and medicine to heal the spirit from evils and to render it more perfect,
or at least tolerable. It counseled acceptance of the radical mortality of the world, on which the
gods, the divinities—though they exist—do not act. One searched for άταραξία (supreme rest),
evading pain, and thus moderating oneself in pleasures. Important were justice, reasonableness,
friendship. The keyword for its existential attitude: resignation.

ii. Stoicism

This referred to intellectual interpretation of reality which flowed into a style of life, adopted
by a rather restricted group. At the roots of this current of thought was Zeno of Citium (in Cyprus)
who, around 300 b.c.e., founded a philosophical school in a multicolored portico (i.e., στοά ποικίλη).
Some representatives of the New Stoa were Seneca of Cordova (4 b.c.e. – 65 c.e.), the teacher of
Nero, Gaius Musonius Rufus (1st century), his disciple Epictetus (50-138 c.e.) And Marcus Aurelius (121-
180 c.e.; Emperor from 161 c.e.).
Seneca wrote: “God is near you, he is with you, he is in you, O Lucillus; a sacred spirit resides in
us which observes our vices and watches over our virtues…It is he who inspires great and
generous proposals. He inhabits in every virtuous soul.” (Letters 4:1)

Epictetus wrote: “You are a fragment of God. You have in yourself a particle of God. How then
can you not know your relationship with him? How is it that you do not know where you came
from?” (Discourses II, 8:9; cf. I, 3:1-2; II, 14:11-13).

The central ideas of the Stoa may be summed up as follows. Reality is one, and only one; an
originary and universal relationship—which excludes however every divine transcendence—binds all
beings among themselves in a marvelous cosmic unity. The world is not something dead or chaotic,
but a living and ordered being. Even though material, there is in it a difference between passive
matter and a principle, an active element, which is of a finer material—the λόγος. Something creates
order in the whole and gives coherence and a direction. One also talks of God, Providence, nature,

22
Cited in R. PENNA, L’ambiente storico-culturale delle origini cristiane. Una documentazione ragionata,
Bologna 1984. An interesting book for the texts which it contains.

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CAS—Religious Studies Dept. and its Mission

soul of the world. In an optimistic vision, one tries to live according to the internal principle, the seed
of the Logos, λόγος σπερματικός, or a scintilla of the Fire, which everyone carries in himself. thus,
from here also issues a sense of brotherhood. The key word for its existential attitude: integration.

iii. Neo-Platonism

This refers to a speculation of a religious character. Despite having roots in the now distant
Plato (428-348), Neo-Platonism attempted a synthesis of many other thinkers and integrated oriental
knowledge. Its more famous representatives were: Ammonius Saccas (“faccino”) – a docker of
Alexandria (175-242) –, the Egyptian Plotinus (205-270), Porphyry (232-305), Iamblichus (250-330), the
Emperor Julian the Apostate (331-363). There was also a Neo-Platonist school in Syria.
Plotinus was an interesting figure. In 245, he founded a school in Rome. He was first of all a
mystic who wanted to be a guide and spiritual father for the people. He housed orphans with
him. He was on the search for a rational language to express the experience of God and to
explain it.

Its central ideas may be summed up in the following. True reality is the One, absolutely transcendent,
eternal, invariable, spiritual… It does not act, it is not “personal.” From the One derived (emanation,
not creation) the Intellect (υούς), which was also eternal and blessed. From the intellect descended
the Superior Soul, and from this that of the Inferior Soul, and from this the material world and the
multiplicity of things, including the individual souls tied to the matter of the body. The farther one
was from the One, the less real it was. But in the human being there was a λόγος σπερματικός and
therefore he strove to escape toward the divine world with all the effort of virtue and with the light
of contemplation. Modeling himself on God, it would move toward union with the Divinity in ecstacy.
The key word for its existential attitude: purification.

d. After 400 c.e.: Culture of the Christian Empire

i. Hellenization

Hellenization (perhaps it would be better to speak of a De-Latinization) was a first

characteristic of the Christian Empire. Greek, present ever since even in the West, especially in
culture, became predominant in the Empire when the western territories were lost and
Constantinople remained as the unique center. In the reorganization of its university in 425, there
were 13 cathedrae of Latin but 15 of Greek (besides one of Philosophy and 2 of Law). Emperor
Justinian (d. 565), who codified the laws in the Corpus Iuris Civilis, in 543 (a Latin enterpirse), had to
publish his own laws, the Novellae Constitutiones, not only in Latin but also in Greek. The definitive
turn took place at the beginning of the 7th century: the Emperor Heraclius (d. 641) substituted
Latin—remaining the official language of public administration, of legislation, of the tribunals and of
the army—with Greek. The imperial title of Imperator Caesar Augustus would now become βασιλεύς
(Basileus).

ii. Christianization

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Christianization was the second characteristic of the Empire. The diverse expressions of
culture were always more marked by the predominance, always more universal, of the Church. The
closure in 529 c.e. of the Academy of Athens, the last pagan center of studies, signaled the end of an
“autonomous” philosophy. Also ended were theatrical representations, because of their pagan and
usually immoral content.

In Literature there were continuity and change together. The faith came to be interpreted by
a series of poetic works of noteworthy value, sometimes also inserted in the liturgy and catechesis.
In prose, certain texts of the Fathers of the Church were also literary masterpieces (Augustine!).
Among the Latin poets the following may be mentioned: Ambrose of Milan (d. 397), Decimus
Magnus Ausonius (310-393), Paulinus of Nola (352-431), Aurelius Prudentius Clemens (348-406),
St. Venantius Fortunatus (530-600) – author of the hymn Vexilla regis. Authors of Greek hymns
were St. Romanus “the Singer”23 (d. 560) and Severus of Antioch (465-538).

iii. Figurative Art

Before Constantine, Christians still could not publicly present their own religious
representations. Moreover, they found themselves under the influence of the biblical prohibition:
“Thou shalt not make idols nor images whatsoever” (Ex 20:4). Nevertheless, Christians needed to
employ images daily life; they could not do without certain representations on their seals, necessary
for marking their own properties. Clement of Alexandria (d. before 215 c.e.) declared that licit neutral
motifs, such as a boat, a fish, an anchor, were allowed, motifs to which moreover a Christian
interpretation could be attributed. The mast of a ship or the anchor as a symbol of the cross; the fish
as symbol of Christ (the Greek word for fish, ιχθύς, is composed of the first letters of the words
‘Іησούς Χριστός θεού Υίός Σωτήρ: Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior). Paleo-Christian art thus started
its course representing intelligible symbols for its affiliates, but not recognizable to strangers. It did
not deal with immediate representations, but of pointers to spiritual realities.

Another figurative art form also came out of the private sphere: sepulchral art of the
frescoes in the catacombs and the reliefs of sarcophagi.
An explanation of the word “catacomb”: in Antiquity the dead came to be buried away from
the city, along the important roads. Here were found sarcophagi in the mausoleums and the
columbarius with cineraria urns. The catacombs—underground cemeteries—were constructed
when aboveground space became scarce. There were also Jewish and pagan catacombs, but
the Christian ones were the most extensive and numerous. Examples of catacombs can be
found in Napoli, Siracusa, and Alexandria, but above all in Rome. The catacombs were systems
of galleries and sepulchral rooms which could reach four floors. In Rome, they were excavated
out of volcanic tufa. In the walls burial niches in the form of boxes were located; in them were
placed the cadavers, closed with a marble tablet. The cubicles (cubicula) were destined for the

23
[St. Romanus, “the Singer”, the most important representative of rhythmic poetry in the Greek Church.
According to the Greek “Menaia” he was born in Syria, was ordained deacon at Berytus, then went to
Constantinople, where he became one of the clergy at the Blachernen church. The era in which he lived is not
certainly ascertained; most probably, however, his residence in Constantinople was from about 515 to 556. His
feast is observed on 1 October. Several of his poems were edited by Pitra, “Analecta sacra”, I (Paris, 1876), 1-241
[cf. Maas, “Die Chronologie der Hymnen des Romanus” in “Byzantin Zeitschrift” (1906), 1-44; Bardenhewer,
“Patrologie” (3rd ed.), 486].]

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rich and usually decorated with frescoes. In the cubicles were found the tombs of the
arcosolium type (an arcosolium was a wall-tomb under the form of a sarcophagus embedded
in a niche surmounted by an arch).24

The reliefs and frescoes were late-antiquity in their style and Christian for their content. As in
the seals, already existing seals came now to be interpreted in a specific way by Christians.
In late-Antiquity art shepherds were very popular. These represented country life for the
Roman who lived in the city. The shepherd with the lamb on his shoulder was the central figure
of the bucolic idyll, image of paradisiac peace. For the Christian it became a symbol of the peace
that Christ brings in the middle of persecutions, clearly having the texts of the Good Shepherd
as ulterior justification.

Pre-Constantinian iconography had the following characteristics. The motifs were late-
antiquity (the Orante or pray-er, the reader, the pastors, Endymion) interpreted in a Christian way.
There were many Old Testament scenes, all of a symbolic character. There were also New Testament
scenes, less numerous however, which had nevertheless a symbolic significance; in other words they
wanted to explain to the mind, not to touch the heart through an aesthetic experience. The content
of pre-Constantinian sepulchral art could also be summarized in a phrase: the deceased hopes in his
salvation (Noah, Isaac, Daniel, the three Young men, Susanna, Jonah), in paradisal peace (the
Shepherd), in the resurrection (Lazarus), on the basis of his faith (the Orante), and of the sacraments
(baptism and Eucharist).

From the time of a liberated Church, art remained in grand part sepulchral art, but with a
clear development, not to say change, seen by comparing the sarcophagi of the first and second
halves of the century (i.e., the 4th century). In the first half, the deceased was found, as in the 3rd
century, in the center of the sarcophagi; he was the central figure. Flanking him were scenes from
the Old Testament, and above all the New Testament. The most frequent scenes were the miracles
of Christ. These miracles had a symbolic meaning; they accentuate baptism and forgiveness of sins,
Eucharist and resurrection.

In the 3rd century, Christ was represented only sporadically. Moreover, he did not have fixed
vestments. For the most part he was clothed in the habit typical of the late-Antiquity philosopher:

24
That the catacombs served as a place of refuge during times of persecution is a legend. The entrances of
these underground cemeteries were known to all. Moreover, the narrow galleries and the small cubicles did
not offer enough space for all the Christians, who in the 3rd century were already more than 25,000.
Furthermore, one has to consider the fact that, in the age of the persecutions, the catacombs were less
extensive than they would become in the 4th century. After 313 c.e., many would be converted to Christianity
and thus a strong expansion of the catacombs became necessary. Two thirds of these originated after 313. The
religious liberty obtained also had another consequence for the catacombs. The veneration of martyrs greatly
intensified and thus their catacombs came to be decorated and made more accessible. Above the catacombs
of the more important martyrs several churches were built. Two famous examples were St. Peter’s and St. Paul
Outside the Walls. There was also the desire of Christians to bury their own dead near the reliquaries of the
martyrs. After 400 c.e. there were no longer burials in the catacombs. The number of the inhabitants of Rome
had clearly diminished. Only the tombs of the martyrs continued to claim visitors. In the 8th century however,
the translation of the reliquaries of martyrs in the city churches began. The country had become insecure. From
then on the original catacombs and tombs of the martyrs were forgotten until they were rediscovered in the
16th century.

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the tunic (underclothes) and the pallium (overclothes), sandals for the feet, and scroll in the hand. In
the 4th century however, Christ became more usually represented; he carried as fixed vestments the
tunic and the pallium. However he did not occupy the central place but the salvation of which, he
was the mediator. What was important were not so much his miracles but what they signified.

The second half of the 4th century showed an iconography that was totally different. The
deceased disappeared (though at times he was represented in some way), and his place was taken
by Christ. Christ was no longer figured as a thaumaturge (a worker of wonders and performer of
miracles; a magician), as in the first half of the century, but as victor. Even in his crucifixion he is
depicted as the victor. Christ was surrounded by the ceremonials of the imperial court: the prostratio
(the deceased are prostrated before him), covering of the hands as a sign of reverence, the
acclamatio, Peter as “portastendardo” [gatekeeper?]. Through the means of imperial triumphal art
the power of Christ was expressed.
Imperial motifs came to be combined with apocalyptic ones: the Lamb on Mount Sion, the
celestial City, the trees of celestial paradise. Christ came to be represented frontally, worthy of
veneration, veneration which he in fact received from the apostles and from husbands and
wives. The spectacular was also made involved in this dynamic. The function of this
representation was comparable to that of Christ in majesty in the apse. The iconography of the
sculpture of the sarcophagi of the second half of the 4 th century mirrored in fact the
decorations on the apse of churches.

iv. Architecture

After 313, the growing number of Christians necessitated vast edifices for the liturgy, well
illumined, and offering space for the processions. The buildings of the basilica type were adapted
and adaptable. Their interior came to be covered with marble and mosaics.
In Antiquity the technique of making mosaics was already known. The tesserae were however
of marble. Moreover, mosaics were used to decorate almost exclusively the pavements. But
because the marble tesserae were very heavy for the walls and the cupolas, glass tesserae were
instead employed. These did not have the fine nuances of color of marble, but they were of a
more intense color. Glass furthermore had the chromatic possibility which did not exist in
marble; here, gold has to be mentioned in a special way—it was a pointer to the light of the
celestial city. A special characteristic of glass mosaic was, finally, the fact that it refracts light.
The glass pieces were placed with different intentions with respect to the surface, so that this
way light came to be reflected always in a diverse way. The thickness and the weight of the wall
were hidden behind a luminous, “immaterial” screen.

On high in the apse, was found the image of Christ in majesty, sometimes accompanied by
the patron saint of the church who shares in the triumph of Christ. The image had a static, eternal
quality: Christ is represented enthroned in the heavenly Jerusalem. This image was in harmony with
the environment in which it is found. Like the cupola, the curvature of the apse symbolized the
firmament of heaven. Christ was represented frontally. The image inspired reverence, as if precisely
the figure represented in the image was himself present. Along the walls of the nave were found
narrative cycles of the Old and New Testaments. These narratives scenes recalled to those who
contemplated them the events and figures of the history of salvation. These representations also

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could serve as books for the illiterate., according to what Gregory the Great (d. 604) had said: “That
which is the text for those who can read, so is the image for the eye of those who are illiterate.”

Sculpture. Aside from the reliefs of sarcophagi, there were not many examples of sculpture
in the Paleo-Christian period. Christians largely evaded grand statuary art because of the biblical
prohibition of carved images.

That in all things God may be glorified.

19