UNIVERSITY OF ILORIN, ILORIN, NIGERIA

FACULTY OF ARTS

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES

HIS 814

HISTORY OF MATERIAL CONDITIONS AND THE

PROGRESS IN WEST AFRICA

TOPIC: HISTORICAL APPRAISAL OF IRON WORKING

INDUSTRIES IN PRE-COLONAL NIGERIA

BY

AKINSOLA WAHEED ADENIYI 1025OW014

LECTURER IN CHARGE: DR. K.D AIYEDUN

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Abstract

That the traditional iron working industry was a well-established industry in many Nigerian

communities several centuries before the British imperial interests in Nigeria are not

contestable judging by archaeological and historical records. The industry played pivotal roles

in agricultural food production, urbanization, warfare and socio-cultural developments.

Inspite of these, there has not been a concise effort in appraising the nature and state of the

industry in terms of continuities, adaptations and changes. This paper, appraises the state of

the industry in some pre-colonial communities based primarily on archaeological and

historical evidence. Through this, local adaptations, borrowings, and the relevance of the

industry in the various communities are pointed out.

Key words: Iron working; Iron smelting and blacksmithing; Appraisal

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INTRODUCTION

The interplay between Man and his environment played a significant role in the development

of Man’s technology. This paper, focuses on the development of the iron working industry in

the Nigerian area starting from 500 BC when we had the earliest archaeological evidence for

iron smelting in Nigeria, and terminating by 1900 AD when the British colonial interests and

other factors like the Sokoto Jihad of 1804, the trans-Atlantic trade, and other internal conflicts

led to series of transformations in the industry. The discussion covers iron working

communities in Northern Nigeria (particularly Hausaland), the North-East/the Chad Basin

areas, South Western Nigeria (Yorubaland), South Eastern Nigeria (Igboland), and Central

Nigeria, particularly the Plateau and the Nok Culture communities.

The essence of this review is to see developments in the wider Nigerian area as they relate to

the dates, internal developments, possible external relations, borrowings and adaptations with

the view of enriching the discussions on the state and nature of the industry in Nigeria during

the pre-colonial era.

PRE-COLONIAL IRON WORKING TECHNOLOGY IN NIGERIA (C. 500 - C. 1800

AD)

Probably due to the significance or importance of iron technology in agriculture, warfare, state

formation, economic developments, trade and inter-group relations, many historians and

archaeologists differ in opinion on the possible origin(s) and spread of this technology (Andah,

1979; Krlell, Fagan, & Summers, 1966; Aremu pp.134-136 ). It is often argued that iron

smelting is so technical that it could have been discovered only in one location in the world

from where it spread to other parts. This diffusionist theory claims that the legendary Chalybees

of the Hittite empire discovered this technology at about 1500 B.C. (Shinnie, 1971, pp. 30-59)

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The proponents of this theory further claim that after the collapse of their empire, Hittites

spread this idea to other parts of the world through trade, warfare, and other forms of cultural

contact.

On the spread of this technology to Nigeria and the West African sub-region, the proponents

of this theory claim that the idea spread from North Africa particularly from Egypt and

Carthage (Duncan & Van Dar Merwe, 1994). This view, however, has been challenged by

many African historians and archaeologists based on available archaeological and historical

evidence. Considering the diversity of smelting furnace types in different West African

communities (Nigeria inclusive), the variations in the techniques of iron production, dates

obtained for iron smelting in West Africa, the abundance of rich iron ores in many parts of

Nigeria, and the well-established pottery industry in some parts of Nigeria, it is suggested by

many scholars that the Nigeria area could have been one of the centres for the independent

development of this technology. Aremu, for example, claims that Opposed to the diffusionists

are the advocates of the independent invention of iron technology in West Africa. They noted

that the date of iron working in Taruga, central Nigeria (700BC) predates the advent of iron in

Meroe (500BC), one of the corridors that the diffusionists argued as the highway for the arrival

of iron in West Africa. (Aremu, p.134)

Different Nigerian communities in response to their societal needs could have developed this

technology based on the resources available in their environment. Recent archaeological works

in the Nsukka area of South Eastern Nigeria have also produced dates of about 500B.C for the

iron technology in the area (Okafor, 1993, pp.452-488; Okafor, 2000). This discovery when

properly articulated could challenge the monopoly Taruga has enjoyed over the years as a

leading centre of iron working technology in West Africa. The Nsukka discovery also clearly

indicates that with thorough archaeological and historical research works in Nigeria, more light

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could be shed on the origin, nature and impact of this industry. Arguing on the possibility of

independent development of the technology in Nigeria, Okafor, opines that,

This development, responding to differing environmental circumstances, the type of ores

availabl e, socio-cultural factors and economic needs, resulted in the wide range of technologies

that have manifested themselves in the archaeological and ethnographic records. It is

meaningless to speak of the development of iron working in Africa, as if there was a single and

uniform linear process of development across the continent. (Okafor , 1993, p.49)

Some historians and archaeologist like Okafor, are of the opinion that rather than one single

centre for the development and spread of the iron smelting technology, there could have been

several centres for such a development. The interplay between Man and his environment, and

some social and economic factors could have led to the development of this technology in

several centres. In Nigeria, for example, many communities at various points in time were

involved in this industry. Such societies included the Nok Culture communities in central

Nigeria, Hausaland (Northern Nigeria), the Chad region of North Eastern Nigeria, the Jos

Plateau area (Central Nigeria), Yorubaland (Southwest Nigeria), Igboland (South Eastern

Nigeria), the Niger/Benue valley area of Idoma, Igala, Tiv, Igede, Igbirra, and several others.

A cursory discussion on the iron working industries in these areas will provide a good data

base for understanding the dynamics of the industry in the area of study.

IRON WORKING IN HAUSALAND (NORTHERN NIGERIA)

Iron working which involved the sourcing of iron ores for smelting purposes, the preparations

for smelting of the ores so as to obtain the pig iron, the construction of furnaces in prepation

for smelting, and several other processes of the industry was well established in the northern

part of Nigeria, especially amongst the Hausa states of Kano, Zazzau, Kano, Zamfara and

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Katsina. Iron working communities existed in this area between 500 AD to 1000 AD

(Abubakar,).

Archaeological excavations in Hausaland especially in Zaria (Samaru west and Kubani river

valley) and Kano (Dalla Hills) gave dates ranging from 700AD to 750AD. Other areas that

have provided evidence of iron smelting in Hausaland included Sokoto and Zamfara.

According to Mahadi; Probably by the second half of the first millennium A.D, a combination

of factors, notably the introduction of the use of iron implements, which promoted agricultural

and industrial output, increase in trade, migrations, the emergence of cult of iskoki (spirits), etc

induced and promoted significant change in the demographic and settlement patterns in

Hausaland, resulting in a remarkable social and political impact on the society of the region.

(Mahadi, 2001, p.217)

The above statement which was based on archaeological and other research findings clearly

indicate that iron working was not only well established in some parts of Hausaland by the

beginning of the first millennium A.D., the knowledge and use of the iron technology

contributed significantly in the development and spread of settlements in Hausaland. Iron

played significant roles in enhancing agricultural food production, territorial expansion,

warefare, security, farming, and control of the environment.

Early centres of political authority in Hausaland especially Kano, Zazzau, Zamfara, and Sokoto

were involved in iron smelting and blacksmithing activities. The use of iron, coupled with other

natural advantages like favourable location for trade and industrial raw materials promoted

demographic and economic changes in the Hausa societies. The iron workers were relied upon

for farming tools and implements, produced iron utensils like iron sandals and horse racks

which were patronized by the ruling elites. Like many Nigerian societies, iron working played

pivotal roles in the evolution and development of the pre-colonial economy of Hausaland.

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NORTH EASTERN NIGERIA / THE CHAD AREA

The Lake Chad area of north eastern part of Nigeria also provides evidence for iron working

dating to about the 5th and 6th centuries AD (Connah, 1976, 1969). The settlement mounds of

Daima, located south of the Lake Chad, provides evidence of the transformation of the society

from a stone using society to that of iron using, based on the archaeological excavations of the

Daima mounds.

The archaeological works by G. Connah in the area indicate that the Daima society like other

neighbouring societies within the sand deposits of the Lake Chad, transition from a Stone Age

society to that of iron using society (Connah, 1975, pp.99-219; Connah, 1975, pp.93- 100). By

about 600 BC, there existed evidence of human settlement in the area. It was also discovered

that the great plains of the Lake Chad were fertile for agriculture and domestication of animals.

The use of iron by the communities started by c.500 AD when the Daima village stood on a

mound. The knowledge of iron by the community was possibly through trade and warfare. The

people produced iron weapons and tools.

In the Lake Chad area also, especially in the Mandara area, historical research reveals that some

Mandara communities not only smelted iron, but also worked on other non -ferrous metals like

gold, silver and copper (Barkindo, 1989, pp.182-184). These non-ferrous metals especially

gold, silver and copper were traded to the Mandara area either from North Africa or from the

Akan goldfields of Ghana from about the 18th century onwards. The Mandara community

worked or smelted these metals for use as ornaments and trade items.

Iron working in the Mandara area was so specialized that different communities specialized in

different aspects of the industry. According to Barkindo, “While smithing was done by the

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mountain peoples and the plains inhabitants, smelting of iron were usually carried out by the

mountain peoples”

The specialization was not only on the basis of location but also gender based. Barkindo, further

asserts that women were mainly engaged in the collection and preparations of the iron ore

before men took over the smelting of the ores (Ibid.). Men were also responsible for the supply

of charcoal which was the main source of fuel for iron smelting amongst the people. Another

significant aspect of the iron working industry in the Mandara area was the use of locally

smelted iron rods as media of exchange and in payment of bridewealth (Ibid.). Also, other

varieties of iron products such as blades for the hoes, axes, points, knives, chains, etc. were

useful weapons and tools for the socio-cultural and economic developments of the Mandara

communities even before the colonial era. The discussions on the iron working industry in the

Chad region clearly indicate that iron played a very important role in the socio-economic and

cultural institutions of the society at that early point in time. It also served as a tool for inter-

group relations in the area. In the upper Benue basin area of north eastern part of Nigeria, iron

working was also an important industry before 1800 AD. The blacksmiths in the area produced

iron tools such as hoes, axes, arrow heads, spears, knives, etc. According to S. Abubakar;

“…iron smelting was widespread especially among the inhabitants of the ferruginous

mountains and plateau. In the upper Benue region, the Lala, Vere and Mumuye were great iron

smelters (Abubakar, 1990, p.184)

These societies smelted iron not only for purposes of agricultural food production, but iron

played many social roles in the society. Abubakar, for example, revealed that in Sukur, the

Llidi ethnic group by tradition had to marry only from Duwa (blacksmiths) families, while in

Kilbaland, the Killa (blacksmiths) kindred were in charge of the rain cults (Ibid., p.185). These

clearly demonstrate the importance attached to iron working during the pre-colonial era in the

areas mentioned.

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IRON WORKING INDUSTRY IN SOUTH EASTERN NIGERIA

In the south eastern part of Nigeria and particularly among the Igbo speaking people, several

communities were engaged in both iron smelting and blacksmithing activities at an early point

in time. In the Nsukka area and specifically at Opi, Owerre-elu, Oba, Umundu and Lejja,

archaeological and ethnographical evidence revealed the antiquity of early iron working

industry in the area. The archaeological research in this area reveal that bloomery iron smelting

was in existence in the area at about the 5th century AD. Commenting on this discovery, Okafor

observed that, bloomery iron smelting probably began around the fifth century BC, about the

same time with Taruga (Okafor, 1993, p.437).

Another interesting aspect of the Nsukka bloomy based on ethnographic data is that smelters

were mainly concerned with the production of the blooms for sale or exchange with the smiths.

Also, the smelting activities were carried out by smelters who were not permanently resident

in the area but relocated as soon as ores (the raw materials) were exhausted in a particular place

(ibid., p.349).

Many Igbo communities were engaged in the iron working activities. Various items of social

significance or status symbols like royal or title staff, ritual and ceremonial objects, were

produced. Also, the farmers depended on the iron workers for tools such as hoes, cutlasses,

axes, knives, utensils such as nails, door hinges, and hooks. The importance of iron working in

the Igbo society could be more appreciated from an Igbo adage.

which Njoku interpreted to mean, without smiths, the Igbo would have had to eat sand (Njoku,

2001, p.42).

In the 20th century, smithing appeared to be more prevalent than smelting in Igboland. Large

quantities of iron bars were imported into the country. These iron bars replaced the traditional

wrought iron which were hitherto produced by the smelters. Awka blacksmiths became very

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popular at this time, and they spread their activities to many parts of Nigeria and beyond

(Njoku, 1992). The Igbo Ukwu archaeological excavations in southeastern Nigeria also reveal

that by about the 10th century A.D., iron was in use as utensils, ritual objects, royal objects and

items of trade in that part of the world (Shaw, 1970). The archaeological discoveries at Igbo

Ukwu not only include iron objects, but also metal items made of bronze and copper. These

discoveries threw light on inter- group relations between the Igbo, and her northern neighbours

especially the Igala and Idoma who were also known to be iron smelters.

IRON WORKING IN YORUBALAND

Like most parts of Nigeria, iron smelting and blacksmithing were prominent metallurgical

industries in south west Nigeria. Amongst the Yoruba speaking people, for example,

archaeological and ethnographical evidence attest to this (Aremu, p.159).

Archaeological evidence reveals the existence of abandoned iron smelting furnaces in

association with heaps of slags from old Ijaye town (near Moniya in Ibadan) (Ibid., p.139).

Other settlements with evidence of iron smelting include Ogbomoso, Iponrin, Isunddurin, and

Laagbe. This industry (iron smelting) survived up to the middle of the 19th century in

Yorubaland. Writing on the state of iron working at Laagbe, Bellamy, states that,

Not far from Oyo there is a small village whose inhabitants have been engaged in the extraction

of iron for generations past, and where the methods are the same probably as those by the

earliest workers in this metal. (Bellamy; Ifamose, 2005, p.40)

The proliferation of the iron working industry in Yorubaland in the 19th century may not have

been unconnected with the Yoruba civil wars. Commenting on this phenomenon, Ifamose,

asserts that, “In the 19th century, the act of iron smelting was intensified in other areas of

Yorubaland because of the need to feed the civil wars with the relevant weapons.” (Ifamose,

2005, p.40)

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In some parts of Yorubaland, iron smelting formed a special occupational guild. A case in point

is at Ola-Igbi (near Oyo) which was a settlement established in 1899 by migrant iron smelters

who discovered rich iron ores in the area (Njoku, 1992, p.44; Ifamose, 2005, p.40). Iron

smelting and smithing were very important occupational activities in Yorubaland. The

metallurgical industry not only sustained agriculture, hunting, warfare, and trade, it also

enhanced inter-group relations and effective control of the environment.

Another significant aspect of the iron working industry in Yorubaland was the association of

the industry with ritual practices. The Yoruba god of iron called Ogun was held in high esteem.

Special rituals and sacrifices were made to Ogun before smelting could take place. It was the

belief of the smelters that Ogun could prevent evil spirits, and provide good luck in the smelting

process (Ifamose, 2005, pp.39-40; Aremu, p.140, 148).

CONCLUSION

The discussions in this paper were centred on the indigeneous iron working communities in

Nigeria. A proper understanding of the nature and character of thepre-colonial iron working

industry in Nigeria, helps in throwing light on issues such as inter-group relations, trade,

technology, and effects of both internal and external factors in the industry. Special attention

was paid to the Nok Culture area because it provided one of the earliest evidences of iron

working in West Africa. This paper reveals that iron working was an established industry in

many Nigerian communities several centuries before the British colonial activities in Nigeria.

The iron workers enjoyed several privileges in their respective communities due to the pivotal

roles they played in their various societies especially in the areas of agriculture, ware fare,

defence, trade, social, and political status. Similar roles were played by the iron workers in our

area of study.

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NOTES AND REFERENCES:

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