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The rise and fall of the Pacquiao Effect: Contrastive priming and national
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Article  in  Asian Journal of Social Psychology · April 2015

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 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 1

THE RISE AND FALL OF THE PACQUIAO EFFECT: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND
NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION

A. J. GALANG
De La Salle University, Manila
University of the Philippines, Diliman

DIWA MALAYA A. QUIÑONES

University of the Philippines, Diliman

JEREMIAH ADRIANO
MICHAEL ERICK CARVAJAL
PAOLO MARTIN PORTILLO
De La Salle University, Manila
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 2

THE RISE AND FALL OF THE PACQUIAO EFFECT: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING EFFECTS ON
NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION1234

Abstract
We demonstrate in a series of field and controlled experiments that assimilative and contrastive
priming effects as predicted by the situated inference model (Loersch and Payne 2011) and
by social judgment theory (M. Sherif and Hovland 1961) can be observed in the pattern of self-
concept change in response to a major cultural event. Study 1 was an ex post facto experiment
that used the brief implicit association test (BIAT) to measure national identification in an
internet-based sample of Filipinos (N = 93) across a period of time that encompassed one of the
matches of Filipino boxing hero Manny Pacquiao. The pattern of scores support the hypothesis
that while people who were ambivalent about identifying with Filipino concepts exhibited an
assimilation effect (i.e. a slight rise in identification after the fight), people who already highly
identified with being Filipino experienced a contrast effect (i.e. a slight drop in identification).
Study 2 replicated this result 5 months later with a new sample (N = 22) and ruled out several
possible alternative hypotheses. A subsequent controlled experiment (N = 201) supported the
hypothesis that the pattern observed in the previous studies is consistent with assimilative and
contrastive priming effects. We conclude that research on social identity will need to take into
account both assimilative and contrastive priming, and that priming effects can have persistent
and large-scale influence even outside the laboratory.

Experimental findings in social psychology have demonstrated that cultural icons are
effective at priming culturally embedded ways of thinking (Hong, Morris, Chiu, and Benet-
Martínez 2000). For example, exposing ethnic Chinese Hong Kong university students to
symbols of Chinese culture (e.g. The Great Wall) resulted in a greater tendency to attribute an
observed actor’s behavior to external forces compared to students who were exposed to an
icon of American culture (e.g. The American Flag), and to a control group (Hong, Chiu, and
Kung 1997). Aside from the fact that they are instantly recognizable to culture-bearers, they are,
from a methodological standpoint, relatively unambiguous as manipulations of cognitive content.
Apart from controlled experimental studies however, social psychologists have yet to
systematically quantify the real-world effects of cultural icons on the public at large. The few
examples include an attempt to quantify the effect of Barack Obama’s election to the United

1 This paper was supported by a grant to the first author from the University Research Coordination Office
(URCO) of De La Salle University, Manila.
2 We would like to acknowledge the valuable comments provided by friends, in particular Ma. Cecilia

Gastardo-Conaco, Jay A. Yacat, Allan B. I. Bernardo, Gerardo Largoza, Benito L. Teehankee, Gregorio
del Pilar, Melissa Lucia L. Reyes, Anton Simon Palo, Rajiv Amarnani, the members of UP Buklod-Isip,
and the first author’s social psychology undergraduate students of 2011-2012.
3 The pilot study, and Study 1 and 2 were presented at the annual conferences of the Psychological

Association of the Philippines (PAP) and of the Pambansang Samahan sa Sikolohiyang Pilipino (PSSP).
4 Study 3 is derived from the undergraduate thesis paper of the last 3 authors, which was supervised by

the first author.

 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 3

States presidency on prejudice against Blacks (Plant, Devine, Cox, Columb, Miller, Goplen, and
Peruche 2009), and also a more impressive very large sample study (n = 479,405) by Schmidt
and Nosek (2010). Bonanno, Renicke, and Dekel (2005), studied psychological reactions to the
9/11 attacks on New York City, tracking mental health variables across two time intervals after
the event. These studies are similar in terms of general design, since they exploit clearly time-
delimited, widely accessible events that rapidly gain prominence as cultural symbols.
Many modern sporting events, by nature of having a fixed schedule, a (usually) clear
outcome, and being able to enjoy massive media coverage, are excellent sources of cultural
icons that might have measurable and ecologically valid psychological effects. Consequently,
the authors of this paper reasoned that the career of the Filipino boxer Manny Pacquiao
provided an opportunity to study cultural priming effects in the field. It would be easy to argue
that Pacquiao has iconic status for Filipinos. He has unequivocally dominated the first decade
of international professional boxing in the 21st century, and no other contemporary public
figure in the Philippines (with the exception perhaps of the late former president Corazon
Aquino) has achieved quite the same level of cultural purchase that he has gained. Pacquiao’s
prestige seems to cut across socio-economic divides, across sectarian and political spectra.
The anecdotes of his impact appear in news reports which marvel at deserted streets and near-
zero crime rates in otherwise busy and chaotic population centers on the advent of a Pacquiao
match (Chua-Eoan and Tharoor 2009; Elona 2011). Whether these sporting events would have
a measurable social psychological impact on the general population (and the nature of this
impact) was the question that the researchers were motivated to address.

Group Identification and Context

Two lines of empirical and theoretical work have explored interesting psychological
consequences of identifying with psychologically relevant groupings. In social psychology, the
phenomenon of basking-in-reflected-glory (BIRG) - wherein the success of the group or a
member of the group redounds onto the self-esteem of the individual members by motivating
them to associate their personal identity with the successful ingroup (Cialdini, Borden, Thorne,
Walker, Freeman, and Sloan 1976) - has been a long-standing area of interest. At the same
time, cultural psychologists have done much work on how membership in cultural groupings can
affect social perception through the construction and activation of implicit theories (Morris and
Peng 1994).

BIRG and Social Identity Theory. BIRG has been invoked in people’s responses to sporting
outcomes (Cialdini et al. 1976; Bizman and Yinon 2002), affiliating with popular cliques (Dijkstra,
Cillessen, Lindenberg, Veenstra 2010), and conspicuous support of political parties (Boen,
Vanbeselaere, Pandelaere, Dewitte, Duriez, Snauwaert, Feys, Dierckx, and Van Avermaet
2002; although see Sigelman 1986 for a negative finding).
One of the main theoretical accounts for BIRG depends on the group of theories that
have focused on the study of ingroup identification, chief among which is the social identity
tradition (Tajfel, Billig, Bundy, and Flament 1971). Under this framework, identity is understood
to be made up of, among other things, membership in various groups that the individual
identifies with such as kin, peer groups, professional groups, ethnicity, language groups, special
interest groups, and any other psychologically relevant grouping. Individuals are expected to
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 4

behave in certain ways as a response to the status of particularly important social

memberships. This in turn is affected by the relative salience of a particular group membership
in a person’s current psychological milieu (Reicher .2011; Sigelman 1986). From the classic
minimal groups experiments of Henri Tajfel (Tajfel, Billig, Bundy, and Flament 1971), it has
been shown that the tendency to identify with and favor the salient ingroup, however seemingly
inconsequential or arbitrary, is a reliable psychological phenomenon.
It is believed that the motivation to align oneself with the ingroup is in part due to
processes that seek to maintain positive self-esteem (Rubin and Hewstone 2004). It also
follows from this that membership in an ingroup of negative or undesirable status would, under
certain situations, motivate members to disassociate themselves from the group, thus following
a “strategy of exit” (Reicher 2004, p. 931) from the unwanted category to preserve positive self-
esteem. This is potentially related to the obverse BIRG phenomenon of cutting-off-reflected-
failure (CORF, Snyder, Lassegard, and Ford 1986).

Cultural identification and disidentification. From the point of view of the social identity and
categorization perspectives, cultural identity is just one among many of the in-groups you
could construe yourself as belonging to. At the same time however, culture is a kind of group
membership that in many cases is more integral and encompassing than many other sources of
identity. The fact that our knowledge of both ourselves and our social worlds can be structured
in ways informed by the culture (or cultures) that we have been socialized into (Hong et al.
2000) can be taken as evidence of its significance.
Strongly identifying with or being strongly influenced by a cultural group and its
concomitant knowledge structures corresponds with having cognitive patterns more consistent
with that culture. Conversely and in agreement with a “strategy of exit” and CORFing, Zou,
Morris, and Benet-Martínez (2008) argue that people who disidentify with a cultural group would
be motivated to utilize cognitive patterns relatively incongruent with the culture. They
demonstrate one instance of this when they showed that cultural priming effects depend on how
strongly a person identifies or disidentifies with the culture being primed. When they exposed a
Chinese American bicultural group to iconic American images, they displayed a reduced
tendency to make causal attributions that appealed to context (i.e. group influence) compared to
a control group and a group that was primed with Chinese symbols. Crucially, this effect was
only true for biculturals who expressed strong identification with American culture. This was
interpreted as the influence of motivation (in the form of a need for identity congruence) on the
differential accessibility of cultural cognitions. Interestingly, for those of the sample that strongly
disidentified with Chinese culture, their response to Chinese culture priming was also to have
decreased contextual attributions (i.e. they shifted away from the prime).

Priming of self-related concepts

The last result described above illustrate a well documented feature of priming effects,
which is that some manipulations will cause assimilative priming, a shift in cognition resulting in
more congruence to the prime, while other effects display contrastive priming, where the shift is
towards less congruence (Loersch and Payne 2011).
Most priming studies show that exposure to primes leads to assimilation of primed
information, which is then demonstrated as responses or behaviors that are conceptually related
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 5

to the prime. Classic studies like Bargh, Chen and Burrows (1996) show that consciously
perceived, or supraliminal, primes (e.g. stimuli words presented as part of a scrambled-
sentence task) can prime social behaviors like rudeness (i.e. tendency to interrupt the
experimenter). Primes are also effective when presented subliminally, as in Holland, Hendriks
and Aarts (2005) demonstration that a non-consciously perceived lemon scent can encourage
participants in an experiment to both display responses consistent with the increased activation
of cleaning-related cognitions and also engage in actual cleaning-related behavior.
It is clear that assimilative priming can happen in the context of identity categories.
Gabriel and Young (2011) found that they could increase implicit self-identification with
vampires if they asked participants to read an extract from a vampire themed novel, while
reading from a magic themed novel increased implicit self-identification with wizards. Kawakami
and colleagues have demonstrated that priming students with stereotypes related to a particular
social group (e.g. hippies or jocks) can increase their identification with the primed group
(Kawakami, Phills, Greenwald, Simard, Pontiero, Brnjas, Khan, Mills, and Dovidio 2012). The
effectiveness of identity priming is part of the reason why it is an active research paradigm in
cultural psychology (Hong et al. 2000).
Conversely, priming a stereotype of which an individual is a member of could lead to
a contrast effect especially if there is awareness of the prime and its possible influence (Shih,
Ambady, Richeson, Fujita, and Gray 2002). This result could be one of psychological reactance
(Behem 1966), a motivational explanation that Zou et al. (2008) are sympathetic to, arguing
that “if they disidentify with the culture, they may feel their freedom is infringed upon by cues to
the culture and subsequently judge the accessible cultural schema as inappropriate” (p. 1157).
Motivational factors, however, are not the only mechanisms that could explain a
contrastive priming effect. It has also been shown that there are features of the stimulus would
tend to cause contrast effects instead of assimilation. In Herr, Sherman, and Fazio (1982),
conditions involving moderate primes (e.g. “rhinoceros” as an instance of a ferocious animal)
result in assimilative effects on a target (e.g. judging “weasel” as ferocious or not), while a
stronger prime (e.g. “lion” as a ferocious animal) would result in a judgment in the opposite
direction. Loersch and Payne explain this effect by positing a theory of priming that makes use
of a three-step mechanism which they call the situated inference model (Loersch and Payne
2011). For priming generally: the first phase involves the prime stimulus causing increased
accessibility of concepts related to it; second, a concept made accessible by the stimulus is
misattributed by the person to her own self-motivated cognitions (i.e. the person discounts the
influence of the environment and attributes the primed thought internally); finally, the
misattributed cognition is utilized to answer salient questions afforded by the situation (as in
Gibson 1977), which could be behaviors, motivations, or construals. With respect to contrastive
effects, because of the distinctiveness of an extreme prime, its influence on thinking cannot be
easily misattributed to “self-generated” cognitions, as in the case of assimilative priming
(Loersch and Payne 2011). It has been theorized that extreme primes adjust the range of
judgments towards the extreme of end of a dimensional feature (e.g. ferocious vs. not
ferocious), which have the effect of facilitating the categorization of most, non-extreme targets,
towards the opposite end of the judgment dimension, thus leading to evaluations biased away
from the prime. Contrastive priming then is evidence of the malleability of perceptual scaling
(Steck and Machotka 1975) as applied more generally to categorization (Herr, Sherman, and
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 6

Fazio 1982).

Priming and social judgment theory

While the work on disidentification points to identity motivations as the likely causes of
contrast effects in the context of cultural priming, the situated inference model would implicate
much more basic cognitive mechanisms to account for the effect. Where they differ is in the role
of extremely strong primes: if the contrast effect is motivated by identity concerns, then
extremely strong cultural primes should have no effect on people who already identify strongly
with the culture, as argued by Zou, Morris, and Benet-Martínez (2008); under the situated
inference model, an extremely strong cultural prime should instead lead to contrast effects in
people who strongly identify with the culture.
The same contrastive priming result could be predicted from work on attitude change.
Social judgment theory (M. Sherif and Hovland 1961) was developed as an explanation of
how attitude-relevant information is processed, and incorporates assimilation and contrast
phenomenon as they were understood from a psychophysical perspective. A key feature of the
theory is that it takes into account a person’s existing attitude when trying to predict how they
will evaluate possible attempts at persuasion, which is essentially attitude change. It predicts
that if a person is presented with a position that is similar or at least not widely discrepant with
their own attitude, an assimilation effect would take place whereby the person can be expected
to accept the presented information. If, on the other hand, the persuasion attempt advocates
a position that is extremely far from the current attitude, a contrast effect would prevent
acceptance.
Furthermore, these effects are thought to be influenced by the degree to which the
attitude is an important part of the self-concept, referred to as ego-involvement (M. Sherif and
Cantril 1947, as cited in Eagly and Chaiken 1993, p 369). Less ego-involved attitudes are
thought to be generally more tractable to the influence of persuasion attempts. This is supported
by work on the the cognitive organization of the self-concept. Parts of the self-concept that
are more accessible tend to display more behavioral consistency (Showers and Zeigler-Hill
2005; Higgins and Scholer 2008). It is therefore expected that persuasion attempts seeking to
influence attitudes less well integrated with the self would not be working against this kind of
inertia.
The role of assimilation and contrast effects in the evaluation of persons has
been demonstrated (Schwarz and Bless 1992). To the extent that the self-concept is structured
as a continuously updated associative network that is used to evaluate the self (Markus and
Nurius, 1986) it should be vulnerable to similar influences. In particular, changes in both the
strength and salience of associations of the self with ingroup-relevant concepts could affect how
people see their relationship with ingroups (Greenwald, Banaji, Rudman, Farnham, Nosek, and
Mellott 2002). Added to this is the fact that information that is strongly related to the self-concept
will be more salient than information that is not, which is the self-reference effect (Higgins and
Bargh 1987; Rogers, Kuiper, and Kirker 1977). There is evidence that the same effect applies to
instances where ingroup membership (e.g. national or cultural identity) is invoked (Johnson,
Gadon, Carlson, Southwick, Faith, and Chalfin 2002; Bennett, Allan, Anderson, and Asker
2010). Given these premises, it should then be true that an identity prime, if presented to
someone whose self-concept is already strongly associated with that identity, should be
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 7

perceived as very salient (through the self-reference effect) and thus will effectively be a strong
prime stimulus, which should lead to a contrast effect in the form of a shift of the self-concept
away from the prime. On the other hand, an assimilation effect should be observed in people
who only weakly or moderately associate their self-concept with the primed identity (not
including those who disidentify) since there is no enhancement of salience and strength of the
prime through the self-reference effect.
The implications of the literature reviewed provide the backdrop against which our
studies reported here can be understood. The authors set out to investigate to what extent a
Pacquiao fight (and in these particular instances, a Pacquiao win) might influence Filipinos’
degree of self-identification with the national ingroup. Given that there is ample reason to
suspect that a Pacquiao win is of nation-wide interest even to those who are not boxing
enthusiasts, and that the outcome of his fights is rapidly broadcast through various media to the
majority of the population, the circumstances presented a rare opportunity to observe real-world
priming effects as a result of a cultural event.

Overview of studies
The first two studies consisted of ex-post facto experiments (i.e. natural experiments
where the intervention was not under the experimenters’ control) which were intended to
investigate the possibility that a national event such as the outcome of a high profile boxing
match, could have detectable effects on certain segments of the population, and whether
these effects could be anticipated by theory. Consistently, Manny Pacquiao was always the
victor in each of the fights covered by the studies. The chosen instrument was the brief implicit
association test (BIAT, Sriram & Greenwald 2009), which was designed to measure degree of
identification with the national grouping. It was deemed important that the measurement not
involve self-report methodologies, as these could have the effect of making the hypothesis
transparent to the participants, as well as lead to a growing familiarity with both the questions
and their answers as they remember them.
The first study revealed a slump in national identification after a Manny Pacquiao boxing
win in November 2010. The second study, conducted 6 months after the first, replicated this
finding and ruled out some possible alternative explanations. A third study was subsequently
conducted to test if the results could be replicated in more controlled experimental conditions
and making use of a self-report measure rather than a reaction time measure of national
identification. Further analysis revealed that the decrease is most marked in people with
high baseline identification with Filipino concepts. The results of the third study confirm the
depressive effect of Pacquiao-related stimuli on identification with the national grouping, but
this seems to be moderated by language as a prime of culture, as might be predicted from a
contrastive priming account.

Pilot Study
A preliminary study was conducted to gauge the utility of the instrument and the
procedures. 18 undergraduate psychology students taking a laboratory class on experimental
psychology participated on three consecutive Mondays (March 8, 15, and 22), which were all
adjacent to Pacquiao’s fight with Joshua Clottey (which, in the Philippines, fell on March 14,
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 8

2010, while it was the 13th in the U.S.). The participants received grade credit and monetary
incentives to complete the study.

Instruments
The stimuli words used for the BIAT were selected from words gathered in a small
survey that asked people in and around De La Salle University to volunteer the words that
quickly came to mind in association with either of the two categories, “Pinoy” (a colloquialism
for “Filipino”) and “American”. The exemplars for the Self vs. Not-self category are typical stimuli
used for identity IAT procedures (Pinoy: Darna, Adobo, Balut, Ondoy; American: Obama,
Ford, Eagle, Pie; Self: I, Mine, Me, Myself; Not-self: They, Them, Their, Other). The choice
of “American” as the contrast pole of the national identity dimension is informed by the post-
colonial relationship between the Philippines and the United States that continues to loom large
in the national consciousness (David 2004; R. Constantino and L. R. Constantino 1975). It can
be argued that among the many contacts that Filipinos have had with foreigners, Americans
remain the primary “other” in terms of nationality, culture, and sheer racial distinctiveness. The
final list of words was chosen by the first author.

Procedures
The study was conducted in the same laboratory across the three weeks, and as
much as possible the participants always used the same computer to answer the BIAT. The
experiment was designed and administered on Superlab 4.5. There were six blocks of stimuli,
with the first two serving as practice blocks using the category pairs angled-curved and insect-
mammal, and the remaining four blocks as the actual identity BIAT which had Pinoy-American
and self-other as the categories. The identity BIAT blocks were counterbalanced across
participants as recommended by Sriram & Greenwald (2009).
Participants were informed that they would be helping to validate a new kind of
computerized test, and that they would be answering it repeatedly across three Mondays to
establish its test-retest reliability. They were not informed what it was that the test was meant
to measure. At the end of the three weeks the participants were debriefed. They were first
asked to try to guess the true nature of the study. None of the participants were able to correctly
identify the hypothesis of the study, nor did any of their attempts touch on Manny Pacquiao or
any idea related to Filipino identity.
D scores for the BIAT results were computed using the scoring algorithm provided
by Greenwald, Banaji, and Nosek (2003). Higher scores are interpreted as stronger bias for
relating “Pinoy” concepts with self-related concepts, therefore stronger self-identification with the
national group.

Results
The results of a one-way repeated measures ANOVA showed that there was no
significant difference between the means of the three weeks, F(2,34) = 2.34, p = 0.11. It was
noted that the Monday immediately after the fight (Week0, M = 0.19, SD = 0.25) had the highest
mean among the three, but the increase from the Monday before (Week-1, M = -0.03, SD = 0.34)
was only marginally, F(1,17) = 4.12, p = 0.06, with the scores dropping again slightly the week
after (Week+1,M = 0.04, SD = 0.34).
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 9

Test-retest correlations between Week-1 and Week0 was weak and nonsignificant, r = -
0.17, p = -0.174, and though this strengthens for Week0 and Week+1, r = 0.40, p = 0.489 it
remains nonsignificant.

Discussion
The results of the pilot study demonstrated the potential utility of the BIAT technique as
well as suggesting the possibility of a trend consistent with most findings on BIRG and with the
literature on cultural priming. The low test-retest reliability was initially a cause for concern,
although given the assumption that the target event would have an effect on scores across time
this finding was not altogether surprising, only the fact that it was so low, even negative. It was
thought that the practice blocks, which were abbreviated into shorter versions of full BIAT
blocks, were not enough for some of the participants to acquire the knowledge needed to
effectively perform, at least during the initial session of testing. In the next study, therefore, a
more comprehensive practice block was introduced.

Study 1
In order to further investigate if the trend suggested by the pilot study, the next study
was designed to be conducted over the internet. This allowed the researchers to look into how
far any effect could be generalized, since it would be possible to sample a larger, much more
diverse demographic. It was also intended to demonstrate the general utility of the BIAT in non-
laboratory contexts, which so far has not been tested in the Philippines.
Study 1 was of similar design to the pilot study, with the same configuration of dates
so that the testing days were the Monday one week before Pacquiao’s November 14 fight with
Miguel Cotto, the Monday immediately after the fight, and the Monday one week after the fight.

Sample
174 unique users logged on to the Inquisit experiment on the first day of the experiment.
Of the participants who completed all three weeks, data from three participants were excluded
from the analysis because they displayed unusually long latencies for certain trials of the
identity BIAT (>8000 ms), resulting in 93 valid cases (67 female) for each of the three weeks. 58
participants reported that they were based in the National Capital Region (NCR). The average
age was 20.2 years, with a range of 16 to 37.

Instruments
Using the same stimulus words in the pilot study, a BIAT was constructed using Inquisit
(http://millisecond.com). Using Millisecond Software’s facility for hosting web-based experiment
scripts, the experiment was run on-line, with participants being given the url to a homepage
that would then lead them to the the experiment’s web-page. A more thorough practice phase
consisting of three blocks was also administered ahead of the identity and self-esteem blocks,
to ensure that participants would have a clear understanding of how to respond, which would
presumably make responses more reliable.

Procedures
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 10

Participants asked to sign-up for the experiment two weeks before the first testing
session. They were told through the website that the study was about measuring self-esteem
(the study did include a self-esteem BIAT, and participants were supplied with their self-esteem
scores every time they completed the battery). Incentives for completing the 3 weeks of testing
was offered in the form of a raffle prize, which was awarded to two randomly selected
participants at the conclusion of the study. Each Monday of the study, participants were
reminded through email and cellphone text-messaging that they should log-on at the study
website where they will find the link to the online Inquisit landing page. They were informed that
they could only participate within the day. Participants were asked through an online form at the
end of the last testing session to try to guess the true objectives of the experiment. None of the
participants were able to connect the study with the Pacquiao fight.

Results
A mixed model ANOVA was run, testing for a within-group effect across the three
weeks, and for possible interactions of this within-group effect with potential between-subjects
confounding variables, namely sex and living within or outside the national capital (NCR vs. non-
NCR). The results of the mixed model ANOVA show that there was no main effect for change in
scores across the three weeks, F(2,178) = 0.05, p = 0.95, but there was a significant Time x
NCR interaction effect, F(2,178) = 4.66, p = 0.01, ηp2 = 0.05. The Time x Sex interaction was
not significant, F(2,178) = 0.24, p = 0.79, while the three-way interaction Time x Sex x NCR was
only marginally significant, F(2,178) = 2.90, p = 0.06, ηp2 = 0.03.
Testing specific hypotheses through planned contrasts, we find that for the within-NCR
group, the difference between Week-1 (M = 0.28, SD = 0.46) and Week0 (M = 0.16, SD = 0.38)
scores was only marginally significant at the standard alpha of 0.05, t(57) = 1.93, p = 0.057, d =
0.29. Non-NCR scores between Week-1 (M = 0.04, SD = 0.47) and Week0 (M = 0.20, SD = 0.35)
also only approached significance, t(34) = 1.81, p = 0.074, d = 0.39. Testing for the hypothesis
that the effect would be delayed for at least a week, the comparison between within-NCR Week -
1 and the combined means of Week0 and Week+1 (M = 0.15, SD = 0.38) was significant at alpha
0.05, t(57) = 2.24, p = 0.028, ηp2 = 0.05; however this is only marginally significant when using
the Šidák corrected alpha of 0.013 (corrected for four comparisons), and this result is also true
when the same contrast including Week+1 (M = 0.20, SD = 0.35) is tested for the non-NCR
sample, t(34) = 2.06, p = 0.042, ηp2 = 0.05.
The test retest reliability of the identity BIAT across the first and second session was
significant but weak (r = 0.22, p = 0.036), which is to be expected given that it cannot be
assumed that the hypothesized priming effect would be evenly manifested across participants,
and if that were the case any covariance might be obscured.

Discussion
The results of Study 1 would seem surprising from the point of view of most social
psychological work on identity, but is consistent with an account that predicts contrastive
priming effects for strong primes.
That there would be differences in the NCR and non-NCR sample could be anticipated.
The cultural concentration and mixing found in national capitals tend to make national identity
that much more salient compared to more peripheral cities because the capital is supposed to
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 11

be the locus wherein the national identity is constructed and negotiated (Anderson 2003), which
would be consistent with most social identity accounts. To our understanding, it is this difference
in baseline national identification for the two groups that led to their opposite trajectories. Since
the NCR group already strongly identified with Filipino concepts before the fight, the event
acted as a strong prime which led to contrastive priming, becoming biased away from Filipino
concepts. The non-NCR group, starting from a lower baseline, instead displayed assimilative
priming.
Given of the nature of the study, several alternative hypotheses need to be ruled out
before these findings can be given credence. A possible confounding event might have been
the city-wide strike action by operators of public buses, which coincided with the critical second
week of the study, November 15 (Week0). It is difficult to estimate the potential effects it might
have had on the NCR resident participants of the study, but it cannot be easily dismissed as a
possible explanation for the effect of residence on the BIAT scores. Experiencing and
witnessing inconvenience and divisiveness might have led to more negative evaluations of the
national ingroup, prompting people to identify less with the collective.
It is also possible that the changes across time and between groups could simply be
random variation, and any observed drop or rise could simply be an instance of regression to
the mean. This especially difficult to rule out since evidence for test-reliability for Study 1 is
weak.

Study 2
The second study aimed to replicate and extend the findings of Study 1, and in so doing
rule out possible alternative hypotheses. To systematically address the issues raised by the
results of Study 1, Study 2 incorporated several important features: one, doing the experiment
in a new timeframe and historical context allows us to rule out any unusual, one-time event
that could have influenced Study 1 and strengthens the inference that the result is linked to
the Pacquiao fight; two, drawing the sample from the working class vendors of a city market
addresses the problem of restricted SES range; three, sampling for four weeks instead of three
enables a better estimate of test-retest reliability compared to the previous studies, and at the
same time decreases the likelihood that the observed pattern was solely a consequence of
regression to the mean by having an increased duration for the baseline measurements before
the actual critical testing day; and four, a new set of stimulus words in Tagalog was used,
to demonstrate that the effect does not rely on particular features of the stimuli used in the
instrument.
Study 2 began on April 25, 2011, and continued every Monday until May 16. The critical
testing day was May 9, which was the Monday after the Pacquiao fight against Shane Mosley.

Sample
22 vendors (18 female) in a public market in Quezon City (a part of the NCR)
participated in the four week study, for which they received a small monetary incentive. The
mean age was 28.04 (sd = 10.51).

Instruments
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 12

Study 2 made use of a BIAT design similar to Study 1, but making use of a Tagalog
language interface and stimuli. A survey was conducted in a busy shopping area, where people
were asked to nominate exemplar words similar to the pilot study procedures. They were
additionally instructed to give only Tagalog words, both for “Pinoy” and “Amerikano” categories.
The first author then chose stimuli words from this list, which were used in the new BIAT (Pinoy:
Kayumanggi, Bayan, Lahi, Noynoy; Amerikano: Puti, Dolyar, Ingles, Imported; Ako: Akin, Sarili;
Di-ako: Sila, Kanila, Iba). The BIAT was constructed and administered using Superlab 4.5.

Procedures
Laptop computers were brought to the public market so that participants could complete
the experiment without leaving their stalls. Participants were told that the study was about
language and how people read in Tagalog. There were three blocks of practice trials and four
blocks for the identity BIAT, which were counterbalanced similar to Study 1. Each session took
about 20 to 40 minutes to complete. None of the participants were able to link the objectives of
the experiment with the Pacquiao fight when they were encouraged to guess the purpose of the
project during debriefing on the last day of the experiment.

Results
The results of a repeated measures ANOVA showed that a significant drop in
identification with the Pinoy category took place after the fight, Week0 (M = 0.17, SD = 0.38),
F(3,63) = 3.05, p = 0.035, ηp2 = 0.13. Week-2 (M = 0.26, SD = 0.38) and Week-1 (M = 0.31, SD
= 0.37) had stable scores, showing no significant difference between them, t(21) = 0.64, p =
0.529, which means there is less likelihood that the drop was just part of random variation.
There were also modest test-retest correlations between the first two Mondays, r = 0.73,
p<0.001, and between Week-1 and Week0, r = 0.51, p = 0.016, which is evidence against the
possibility that BIAT inconsistency was the cause of observations in this study and in Study 1.
To test the hypotheses that there was a discontinuity between the scores of Week-2 and Week-
1 together versus that of Week0 and Week+1 (M = 0.11, SD = 0.22), a planned contrast was
computed. The results show that the difference between the weeks prior to the Pacquiao fight
and those after is significant, t(21) = 3.03, p = 0.006, ηp2 = 0.30, under Šidák corrected alpha of
0.025, n = 2.

Discussion
Overall, the results of Study 2 indicate that there is better reason to suspect that the
drop in scores seen in Study 1 was not an artifact or an error. Indeed, the pattern of results from
the two studies are strikingly similar (in particular, the NCR subsample from Study 1). Having
successfully replicated the effect under different historical, social, and material circumstances, it
seems unlikely that the strike action, random variation, or regression to the mean was the likely
culprit. Having also demonstrated the acceptable test-retest reliability of the BIAT, confidence in
the basic consistency of the measurements is now much more possible compared to the earlier
studies.
Given the possibility that the drop in scores corresponding to the Pacquiao fight
is a substantial observation, there can be two distinct explanations for the effect. Given some
assumptions from social identity theory and of cultural priming, it seems that if there was any
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 13

change to be seen, it should have been a towards a stronger identification with the national
ingroup (“Pinoy”), as paralleled in BIRG phenomenon. Following this logic, the pattern of results
that indicate the opposite trend could be interpreted as a sign of disidentification with Pacquiao
as a Filipino icon. This could have come about if Pacquiao’s public persona was seen by
participants as negative, primarily because of his spectacular display of wealth and his new role
as an elected government official (he was elected to the Congress of the Philippines in May
2010). It has so far been shown that Filipinos tend to see poverty (and probably, by implication,
wealth) as having structural, as opposed to individualistic, origins (Hine, Montiel, Cooksey, and
Lewko 2005), which could mean that it is a commonly held belief that larger social factors and
systems cause and perpetuate poverty (and wealth), and less of the belief in individual traits or
circumstances causing poverty (and wealth). Thus, Filipinos could have more of a tendency to
see excessive wealth as underserved, such as Pacquiao’s, which is valued at Php 1.352 billion
as of May 2012 (Balana 2012), or at least to dislike the propensity to display such wealth.
Similarly, there is evidence that social representations of the government and of political leaders
in the Philippines is likely to be more negative than positive (Quiñones 2010b; Brillantes and
Fernandez 2011). This negativity could influence people’s impressions of Pacquiao, and
therefore moderate his effect as a prime for a shared and positively valued Filipino identity.
However, the results are equally accounted for by the joint predictions of the situated
inference model and social judgment theory. Both would recognize the possibility that Pacquiao
could have acted as an extremely strong prime of Filipino identity and might have therefore
resulted in a contrastive effect on the majority of participants, who were clearly and consistently
biased towards Filipino identification in the weeks prior to the fight. Being presented with
Pacquiao as the exemplar of the Filipino social group might have encouraged a comparison
that magnifies the difference between the exemplar and the self. Whether it actually leads
to propositional cognitions such as “I’m Filipino, but I’m not as Filipino as that (Pacquiao)” is
unclear, but the data seems to indicate such a shift in self-concept is possible at least at the
implicit level.
Though these two theoretical accounts are not mutually exclusive, contrastive
priming effects might better explain the results of the pilot study and the Study 1 non-NCR
subpopulation. Both of these groups started with results showing no clear identity bias for either
Pinoy or American categories, which then increased slightly in the direction of Pinoy during the
critical testing day. It could have been the case that Pacquiao and his fight was a less strong
prime for these groups compared to the NCR based groups of Study 1 and 2, and therefore the
priming effect was assimilation instead of contrast.
It might be argued at this point that the above explanation might be falling prey to
the fallacy of neglecting regression to the mean. However, the results of Study 2 demonstrate
that scores are both stable before and after the fight, and that the change coincides nicely with
the target period, neither of which would be consistent with a statistical artifact (Figure 1). But
more decisively, regression to the mean applies to variables, or more pertinently, to groups; it
should not be possible to predict the trajectory of individual high or low scorers based on this
regression phenomenon (Trochim 2006; Lohman and Korb 2006). And yet this predictive trend
is exactly what is found when Week-1 scores from Study 1 are used to predict the slopes (i.e.
rate of change) of the scores of each individual heading into Week0. Figure 2a shows that the
higher the individual’s Week-1 D score is, the more strongly negative her slope would be going
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 14

into Week0 (i.e. the greater the fall), with the reverse being true for very low scorers. That this
trend is strongly predictive (R2 = 0.53) weakens the argument for a regression to the mean
effect. Further, when this analysis is applied to Study 2, the Week-2 to Week-1 slope prediction
trend (Figure 2b) is weak (R2 = 0.04), while Week-1 to Week0 (Figure 2c) is slightly stronger (R2
= 0.11) and bears more of a resemblance to Figure 2a as expected, with the exception that the
concentration of data points in the lower right quadrant is not mirrored in the upper left quadrant.
Taken together, these observations are consistent with the assimilative-contrastive priming
hypothesis and not with regression to the mean, and neither is it directly predicted by social
identity theories or the cultural priming literature.

Fig. 1. Plot of means from the pilot study, Study 1, and Study 2. Error bars represent 95%
confidence intervals.
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 15

Fig. 2. Predicting week-to-week slopes using initial D scores. (a) The complete Study 1 data,
including NCR and non-NCR participants. Week-1 to Week0 slopes of D score change for each
person were predicted using Week-1 D scores. (b) Study 2 plots predicting Week-2 to Week-
1 slopes using Week-2 D scores, and (c) predicting Week-1 to Week0 scores using Week-1 D
scores. Note that (c) begins to display a trend similar to (a), while (b) does not.

Study 3
The contrastive priming hypothesis emphasizes the role of more basic cognitive
mechanisms, not especially social in nature, in generating the curious dip in implicit national
identification. Alternatively, the disidentification explanation outlined earlier would suggest that
the pattern of declines in national identification seen in the previous studies is linked with the
changing fortunes of Manny Pacquiao’s reputation, specifically the possibility that he is evoking
negative associations to do with wealth and politics, leading people to distance themselves from
his victory by downplaying their common ingroup (i.e. being Filipino).
Given the two distinct theoretical perspectives on the results of Study 1 and 2, a
preliminary attempt to contrast the different predictions was made by designing a controlled
experiment, as opposed to the previous ex-post facto studies. This also presented the
opportunity to see whether the effect would generalize to a different experimental design which
would use a self-report measure of national identification instead of an implicit measure.
If the contrastive priming account is correct, a decrease in national identification should
be associated with the stimuli that primes Filipino identity the strongest. On the other hand, if
the effect is specifically associated with the nature of how people represent Pacquiao (i.e. his
reputation), then a main effect should be observed, with Pacquiao related stimuli eliciting lower
national identification independent of any additional national identity priming.
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 16

There is ample contemporary literature on the effectiveness of using language to prime

culture-related cognitions (Verkuyten and Pouliasi 2006; see Oyserman and Lee 2008 for a
meta-analytic review). Study 3 enhanced the priming of national identity through the use of the
vernacular (Tagalog) as the medium of delivering the priming stimuli, as opposed to English.

Sample
201 undergraduate students (122 female) participated in the study. The mean age was
17.83 (sd = 1.24). The study was administered by the researchers as part of the students’
introduction to psychology class.

Instruments
Degree of identification with being Filipino was measured using the 10-item version of
the Makabayan (Patriotism) scale (Quiñones 2010a; De Los Santos 2010), which is a self-report
questionnaire where respondents are asked to rate statements (e.g. “I put into consideration the
welfare of the country in my life-decisions”, “I value Filipino beliefs”) on a 6-point scale ranging
from “highly agree” to “highly disagree”. Each item of the scale had an English and a Filipino
translation.
Two types of stimulus articles were prepared for each of the experimental conditions.
About half of the participants read a news report about the late boxer Joe Frazier being
diagnosed with cancer, while members of the treatment group read an article describing the
Pacquiao-Mosley fight, with clear emphasis on Pacquiao’s boxing prowess. To manipulate the
strength to which Filipino identity would be primed, some participants received the English
language version of the article assigned to them, while some received it in Tagalog.

Procedures
The experiments were conducted in classroom settings, with about 20 to 40 people per
session, with each session lasting about 15 to 20 minutes.
During the pretest phase, a researcher administered the Makabayan scale, informing
participants that it was for a class requirement. They were not informed that they would be
subsequently re-tested.
After two weeks a different researcher sampled the same groups, ostensibly for a project
that was unconnected with the prior testing sessions. Participants were randomly assigned one
of the four article versions to read. 57 were assigned to the Pacquiao-Mosley article in Tagalog,
45 to the equivalent article in English, 46 to the Tagalog control group, and 53 to the English
control group. After this, they were asked to answer the Makabayan scale. The order of the
items were altered to discourage recall of the previous testing session. The participants were
then debriefed regarding the true hypothesis and were offered the option of withdrawing their
data from the experiment because of the deception (no one withdrew).

Results
An 2 (type of article: control and Pacquiao-Mosley) x 2 (language: Tagalog and English)
ANCOVA was performed on the posttest Makabayan scores, with the pretest Makabayan
scores as covariate. The covariate was found to be significantly related to the dependent
variable (F(1,196) = 112.97, p<0.001, ηp2 = 0.37).
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 17

The results indicate that there was no main effect for Article Type (F(1,196) = 0.25,
p = 0.62) and none for Language (F(1,196) = 0.27, p = 0.61). There was an Article Type x
Language interaction effect (F(1,196) = 10.99, p = 0.001, ηp2 = 0.05). As predicted by the
contrastive priming hypothesis, the lowest average score was from the group that read about
the Pacquiao-Mosley fight in Tagalog (M = 40.18, SD = 6.57) and it was significantly lower (at
the Šidák corrected alpha of 0.013, n = 4) when compared with the Pacquiao-Mosley article
in English (M = 44.84, SD = 7.60), t(101) = 2.72, p = 0.007, d = 0.66, and the control article
in Tagalog (M = 45.15, SD = 6.34), t(100) = 2.72, p = 0.007, d = 0.77. It was lower but not
significantly different from the mean score of the group who read the control article in English (M
= 42.13, SD = 8.07), t(108) = 0.75, p = 0.45, d = 0.27.

Fig. 3: Mean Makabayan scores across the four experimental conditions. Error bars represent
95% confidence intervals.

Discussion
The results of Study 3 support the contrastive priming explanation for the drop in implicit
national identification observed in Study 1 and 2. The pattern of interaction between the
conditions imply that the decrease in Makabayan scores was due to the combined effects of
reading an article about Manny Pacquiao and reading this article in the vernacular (Figure 3).
The results also extend the previous results by demonstrating that a similar pattern of
decrease can be observed even when using a very different experimental paradigm that
nevertheless tests a closely related hypothesis.

General Discussion
In three studies it was shown that our theories about how an event might affect social
identity will need to be qualified by our knowledge of priming mechanisms. The resulting
observation seems to be that implicit identity can be affected by salient primes, but that this is
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 18

moderated by two interrelated things: prior degree of identification, and strength of the prime. It
implies, paradoxically, that individuals’ identification with an ingroup can be weakened by a
strong prime if their ingroup identity had already been strong to begin with, while the reverse
would be true of individuals who start out with more ambivalent identities.
We believe that the effect is facilitated by the self-reference effect, which serves to
magnify the salience of identity-related primes for those people who already strongly identify
with being Filipino. This magnified stimulus is then perceived as very distinct from the self-
related concepts, which prevents its assimilation (Loersch and Payne 2011) leading instead to a
contrast effect.
Alternatively, in some instances this could have been caused by a reactance motivation.
Laron, Dalton and Andrade (2010) argue that modern consumers are quite sophisticated in
dealing with media messages, and might automatically resist perceived attempts at influence.
Participants in the studies could have been, consciously or not, suppressing their reactions
to the Pacquiao fights. In this explanation, the same salience effects play a role, but the
mechanism implied is at the level of persuasion and counter-persuasion and not at the level of
basic construals as posited by the situated inference model. The data presented here is only
capable of differentiating between a priming effect motivated by disidentification and one that is
not, therefore reactance remains a viable alternative hypothesis.
The fact that BIRG consistent effects did not show up strongly in any of the studies (only
marginally significant upward trends from the pilot study and the non-NCR sample in Study 1)
might also imply that beyond the effects of priming mechanisms, the specific nature of Manny
Pacquiao as a prime for Filipino identity might be something that cannot be taken for granted.
There might have been a time at the peak of his career that public attitudes towards Pacquiao
might have been relatively uncomplicated; he fit the well-loved trope of the national sporting
champion, God-fearing and generous to a fault. His possible effects on national identity at that
time could have been more predictable (and maybe more congenial to BIRG effects?) than it
is now, given that he is seen concurrently an elected official, a tv personality, an endorser of
brands, a businessman, all in addition to being a boxer on the way to retirement. Although we
take the result of our final controlled experiment to mean that the contrastive effect has some
degree of independence from the mere facts of Pacquiao’s reputation, we cannot rule out the
possibility that the effect might be peculiar to his persona and we are therefore cautious about
generalizing the results far beyond the particular socio-historical context of the studies here.
Nevertheless, the authors believe that the results are substantial enough to motivate further
exploration of similar cases.
That the contrastive priming result seen in this study has not been observed in many
previous studies of implicit identity priming might be because the social groupings involved fail
to elicit sufficient ego-involvement in many of the participants because the categories primed
are generally of peripheral value to the organization of their self-concept. In most of the usual
paradigms, they are either testing stereotypes (as in Kawakami et al. 2012), or making use of
primes that are either too novel or normally inconsequential to the self-concept (e.g. vampires
and wizards in Gabriel and Young 2011). Indeed, even when Kawakami et al. were investigating
much more consequential social categories like “Black” and “Asian”, by designing their Study 4
to consist exclusively of non-Black and non-Asian students, they ensured that they would not
have been able to detect any contrastive priming, which we predict they might have had they
 RUNNING HEAD: CONTRASTIVE PRIMING AND NATIONAL IDENTIFICATION 19

included these groups of participants.

Loersch and Payne (2011) also point out that another possible factor in generating
contrastive priming effects in the case of socially relevant stimuli is whether the participant is
being asked to consider a social group (as in a stereotype of a group of exemplars) or a single
exemplar. A prominent stimulus person encourages comparison on a very particular set of traits
and concepts, which might be more difficult to assimilate for the average person than more
general ideas activated when considering a diffuse group of people. This phenomenon could
play a role in the effect reported here, but Study 3 seems a clear indication that Pacquiao, by
himself as an exemplar, did not seem to automatically engender a contrast effect. The decrease
in Makabayan scores was only observed when the article about Pacquiao was also written in
Tagalog, theoretically making it a stronger prime of Filipino identity.
The fact that the effect observed seems to persist even one week after the event, and is
robust even when measurement takes place in the field, is also significant because it implies
that there are elements of the social context that keep the priming information salient. There is
evidence that social events can have detectable effects on cognition which can persist over
several days, even when the influence is highly mediated (Sharkey 2010). As Keizer,
Lindenberg, and Steg (2008) were able to demonstrate in a series of ingenious field
experiments, features of the environment which might be quite peripheral to the person’s
attention or interest could exert an effect on adherence to normative behavior. This indicates
that persistent effects such as those observed in our study could imply that certain channels of
communication, such as mass media and ambient conversations, could make social information
ubiquitous to such a degree so as to sustain certain context dependent states such as social
identity. That such an effect is detectable with or without the individual’s active and thoughtful
engagement and, as Study 1 and 2 demonstrate, across a wide variety of persons, situations,
and time periods, tells us that priming effects are not fragile laboratory phenomena but are
vehicles for real social influence.

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