Fire in The Philippines
Fire in The Philippines
by
Jim Montgomery
Creation House
Carol Stream, Illinois
Unless otherwise noted, all biblical quotations are taken from the New
American Standard Bible, reprinted with permission
© 1971 by the Lockman Foundation
Contents
Foreword
FOREWORD
Eight years is a long time. It is time enough for things to become stale. It
is time enough for the excitement of past events to fade away.
Yet the reflective first and last chapters of the first U.S. edition of this
book do not indicate a dampened enthusiasm. Between these two chapters is
the account of the author's original research and analysis of the Foursquare
Church's burgeoning mission outreach in the Philippines.
This part of the Church relied neither on foreign missionary personnel
nor on foreign funds for its success; it relied conspicuously on the Holy
Spirit. Therefore the lessons which Pentecostals and non-Pentecostals alike
can learn from the Foursquare Church are still viable.
This is why the present edition of this book should be no less exciting
than was the first edition published in the Philippines nearly eight years ago.
--The Publishers
PART ONE
THE FIRE
REFLECTIONS
Let's get some things straight from the beginning. I am a missionary and
a pragmatist. A born-again, Bible-believing, theologically conservative
pragmatist, but still a pragmatist.
And what I'm most pragmatic about is world evangelization. It might be
surprising, then, to learn that this book is "charismatic."
But I believe "charismatic" is a term frequently misunderstood and
misused today. The charismata are simply God's special gifts to His people.
If a believer has the gift of helps, he has a charismatic gift. If God has
specially empowered one of His children to be a pastor-teacher, he is a
charismatic. Many of these charismatics have been programmed to reject
some of the gifts--speaking in tongues, divine healing, visions or
prophesying.
That's where I was in the fall of 1964 when for one term attended the
Institute of Church Growth in Eugene, Oregon (now the Fuller Seminary
School of World Mission). The Institute did not make a Pentecostal of me;
I'm a member of an interdenominational mission and I like it that way. I
went to the Institute as a missionary pragmatist and left as one. I got some
pragmatic teaching -some of it quite exciting- about how we can win more
people to Jesus Christ than we ever imagined. The Institute's approach
included statistical research, anthropological and cultural studies, and
carefully planned strategies lifted from the Word, mission experience, and
history.
I learned of some quite unbelievable things going on in the Philippines.
About halfway through the research adventure I will relate in this book, it
occurred to me to compare the number of communicant members of six
major Pentecostal denominations in the Philippines with six other
evangelistically oriented evangelical groups. All the groups had come to the
country at about the same time, but the Pentecostal groups showed thirty-six
times as many communicant members per foreign missionary involved as
did the others.
As a missionary in the Philippines, the personal responsibility to see this
nation discipled for Jesus Christ weighs heavily on me. I would gladly die if
my death would result in a vital, New Testament congregation in each of the
50,000 barrios of the Philippines.
What if the many non-Pentecostal missionaries were as effective as the
few Pentecostal missionaries? The job could be done, and maybe my
martyrdom wouldn't be necessary. Here my pragmatism and the charismatic
nature of this book converge.
My investigation of the Foursquare Church-- for reasons I'll explain later
seemed to pull aside a veil so I could enter a different world.
I had always intellectually believed that Christianity was a supernatural
religion. But in my research I encountered the supernatural in a way I had
only read about, primarily in the pages of the New Testament-dramatic
conversions, churches spawning new churches, miracles of healing, speaking
in unlearned languages, visions. I actually talked with participants in these
remarkable events.
Were these things genuine? I had to find out, and for the next two and a
half years I devoted a good share of my time to that search.
As I write this, eight years have passed. I've had a lot of time to reflect
on that exciting period of my life. I've shared the material with hundreds of
people inside and outside missions.
This "cooling off" period has been good for me, but it hasn't changed the
essentials of the drama that unfolded before me. As you relive it with me in
the following pages, you too may discover that God is still God, that the
Jesus of 2,000 years ago is the Jesus who lives today, that we don't have to
settle for a token church in each nation of the world, that the Great
Commission can be literally accomplished in our time.
For that, I’d gladly be labeled either a pragmatist or a charismatic.
Or both.
I had just returned to the Philippines from our first furlough, which had
included three months of intensive study at the Institute of Church Growth.
This study had burned off much of the fog clouding my insights on
missionary and evangelistic strategy. As an Overseas Crusades missionary, I
was eager to carry out our ministry of stimulating and leading existing
churches into the greatest possible effort in evangelism and church planting.
I was itching to prove my own growing conviction that great segments of the
Philippine Church drowsed blissfully in the midst of a ripened grain field,
and that those not drowsing were using methods that could reap only a
fraction of the grain.
I could prove that point by studying and reporting on a rapidly growing
denomination. If one group was expanding dramatically, wouldn't this
indicate it was possible for all groups to grow?
I found what I was looking for as I scrambled through my graphs on
church growth in the Philippines, compiled from printed sources under the
direction of Dr. Donald McGavran at the Institute. The World Handbook on
Christian Mission had listed communicant membership statistics for 1952
and 1962. The total growth of all Philippine evangelical churches reported in
the Handbook was almost fifty percent for that ten-year period. This, I had
learned, could easily be accounted for by the addition of growing children to
the rolls. Some denominations were doing better than average slightly below
or slightly above 100 percent for the ten-year growth period. But three
denominations stood out like towering pines on a burned-over hill. They had
together grown by a phenomenal 539 percent.
Two of these groups were Pentecostal; one was Baptist. An early plan to
study all three was abandoned when I saw how much work and time would
be required. I hated to sacrifice the advantages of comparative study, but I
consoled myself with the logic that a study of one growing denomination
would certainly demonstrate that rapid growth was possible.
Which one to choose? A quick check revealed that one of the three had
experienced its tremendous growth with only a minimum of foreign
missionaries and foreign funds. These factors seemed to emphasize that
growth with local leadership and local money was possible.
It was with this innocent and statistical approach that the Foursquare
Church was settled upon.
The first few weeks of research gave me a clue to the significance of their
growth. In Mindanao, I learned, one missionary family had started "from
scratch" in January 1956. I visited the area in January 1966, and found
seventy-two organized churches, seventy-five established meeting places, an
active membership of 5,000 and a report of tens of thousands of other
converts. The missionary family had already gone home.
So in less than ten years the work was completely indigenous and under
the leadership of a national. A self-supporting Bible school was turning out a
dozen or so trained ministers each year. All churches were putting up and
paying for their own buildings, supporting their own pastors and carrying on
an active missionary program which was resulting
in hundreds of converts among tribal people. And the work was expanding
rapidly. The first year after the missionaries left, two additional churches
were planted. The next year eleven were added, and the following year
seventeen.
Here, I thought, was a denomination worthy of study. If such things were
possible in one denomination in the Philippines, what would happen if
several dozen groups caught the vision and followed the pattern'? What if
400,000 evangelical church members worked as zealously and as effective-
ly? A first glance clearly indicated that sweeping revival and successful
evangelism were very real possibilities.
I wanted to know, of course, a lot more about the missionaries, the
churches and the converts. Was everyone who came forward to accept Christ
in an emotion-packed evangelistic service counted as a member? Was each
home where a remnant of the converts gathered for worship counted as a
church? Did the Foursquare growth reflect all Pentecostal growth in the
Philippines?
I could get an answer to the last question by digging again into the
statistics I had compiled. The somewhat startling discovery moved the
possible significance of the Pentecostals up another rung. I already knew
that two of the three fastest-growing denominations were Pentecostal, but I
had not seen that there were four other Pentecostal groups of some size. I
had not plotted the percentages of their growth because they had not even
appeared in the Handbook. At the end of 1966, these six groups totaled more
than 53,000 members and were, by and large, post-World War II products. (I
left out the Southern Baptists who were the one non-Pentecostal group with
a skyrocketing rate of growth. They deserve a study in themselves.)
I compared the six Pentecostal groups with six other groups who had
come to the Philippines since the war and were generally conservative,
evangelistically oriented, church-planting denominations. In contrast to the
Pentecostal groups, the non-Pentecostal groups listed about 4,500 members.
Even more striking was a comparison of the missionary forces of the two
groups. In the 1966 Philippine Missionary Directory, the six Pentecostal
groups listed a total of fifty-eight foreign missionaries and the non-
Pentecostal groups listed a whopping 155. If the statistics could be taken at
face value, they indicated that the Pentecostals, with one-third the
missionary force, were growing twelve times as fast as the non-Pentecostals.
One Pentecostal missionary was accomplishing as much as thirty-six non-
Pentecostal missionaries.
I tried another tack. The United Church of Christ in the Philippines
(UCCP), a union of several old, large denominations, was by far the largest
church. How did the Pentecostal churches compare with this mature giant?
In one generation, they had grown from a handful of believers in 1945 to
about one-third the size of the UCCP. And if the UCCP continued at its rate
of growth, and the Pentecostals continued at about half their rate of growth,
the two groups would be of equal size in another generation. (Further study
seemed to indicate that the attendance at all Pentecostal churches and
outstations on a given Sunday exceeded that of the UCCP.) The significance
of the Pentecostals in the Philippines was underscored again, if their
statistics meant what they said.
One other group intrigued me. The Iglesia ni Cristo was a mushrooming
group considered to be a cult by evangelicals because it rejected the deity of
Christ. In reply to my letter from the Institute of Church Growth, Erano G.
Manalo, son of the founder, wrote:
Whatever its theology or real growth, the group was significant from at least
one view: that great numbers of people in the Philippines were ready for
change.
The Pentecostals, who believe in all the fundamental doctrines of historic
Christianity, in some ways paralleled the growth of the Iglesia. The first few
checks on Foursquare statistics showed that each year they listed about ten
times as many converts as they did new members. A convert, the
missionaries and pastors explained to me, was counted when a person made
a definite commitment to Christ, was counseled with personally, showed
evidence of a changed life, and attended church at least a few times.
Thousands more, I was told, made some public profession of Christ, but
didn't meet the other specifications.
Furthermore, the Foursquare Church each year reported almost as many
outstations as they did organized churches. In most cases, more people
attended the outstations than attended the organized churches, but the annual
denominational statistics did not include these--not as members or converts
or even as decisions for Christ.
I checked to see if all the Pentecostal groups followed a similar pattern
and found that most of them did. It was quite possible, then, that in addition
to the 50,000 members, there were 500,000 converts of the organized
churches. The number of converts in the outstations would double this figure
--a total of one million. Then there were perhaps hundreds of thousands
more who had raised a hand in public meetings or given some indication of
personal commitment to Christ.
The significance of the Pentecostals, then, who had been in the
Philippines twenty to thirty years, in some respects was as great as that of
the Iglesia ni Cristo which had been in the Philippines for more than fifty
years.
The beginning of the present Foursquare work in the Philippines goes all
the way back to 1931. After the Spanish-American War, many of the
Philippines' subjects made their way to the United States. Inevitably, some
of these came into contact with evangelical Christianity and took their new
experience back home with them. This migration was especially true of the
hard-working and energetic Ilocano people who were hard-pressed for land
in the lowland areas of northern Luzon. McGregor told me he had come into
contact with many little independent Pentecostal churches in the Ilocano
area. They had been started by men who became Christians in the States and
returned to begin a church among their family members and later among
other barrio people.
Vicente Defante was one of these men. He had been a cook in the U.S.
Navy and had wandered into Angelus Temple, the original Foursquare
church in Los Angeles. He accepted Christ and after his conversion he
attended the L.I.F.E. (Foursquare) Bible College. In 1931, he was sent as a
missionary to the Philippines.
In Iloilo City, he and his wife began house-to-house visitation and street
meetings and organized the first church in the space below their traditional
built-on-stilts Filipino home. In 1937, they bought property in the city and
built the church that is still in use today.
I talked with one of the early converts in this first church. "My sister took
me to one of the Foursquare outstations," she told me. "I was surprised at the
way they spoke. It was wonderful to hear the way they spoke about heaven
and seeing God. In my own religion they did not speak that way. I really
liked the service. The singing was like in heaven. The pastor spoke holy
words. It was like I was floating on air."
Defante pastored this church in Iliolo City until he was replaced by a
young Filipino Bible School graduate in 1963.
In 1936, a second Filipino returned home to plant churches which would
later merge with the Foursquare church. Silverio M. Diaz, district
superintendent of the Romblon-Mindoro Foursquare churches, arrived in
Texas in 1903 as a sailor in the U.S. Navy. In 1935, in Port Arthur, he was
persuaded to attend an evangelistic meeting being held by Harry Hodge, a
great evangelist in the South. Diaz had been an active Roman Catholic, but
he accepted Christ that night.
In 1936, Diaz was ordained and sent to the Philippines as an American
missionary by the United Gospel Tabernacles, an independent church which
was Pentecostal in nature. He arrived on the island of Romblon six weeks
before his aged mother died. He led her to Christ, and then saw the gospel
spread to the remaining members of his family. The church begun among his
family members did not continue, but during the next seven years led Diaz
to neighboring islands and barrios to plant churches. Until 1948 Diaz was
the only leader among these churches scattered on the islands of Tablas and
Mindoro.
Also in the 1930s, David Abrojena, a native of the Ilocano area of the
Philippines, returned from the States to Cabittauran, Ilocos Norte. He led his
family members to Christ and began a church. By 1959, when McGregor
visited the church, it was reported that all but four of the sixty or seventy
families in the barrio were Foursquare.
In 1937, Miss Grace Williams, a Foursquare missionary supported by
personal friends, arrived in this Ilocano area. The first Western missionary
from a Foursquare church to come to the Philippines, she planted the church
in Laoag, the capitol of Ilocos Norte Province.
Francisco Pascual made a personal commitment to Christ at one of Miss
Williams' street meetings. Then he continued what had already been quite
familiar to him - street and house meetings in neighboring barrios. As a
child and youth, he had followed his mother from barrio to barrio as she
peddled thread and other wares to make a living. Whenever she rested, it
was her custom to take out her Bible and read. Many times interested
bystanders would ask Francisco to preach. He loved it -he even willingly
accepted invitations to preach in other barrios. After his commitment to
Christ, these opportunities became meaningful.
While selling eggs house-to-house in the barrio of Baay, thirteen
kilometers from Laoag, he encouraged his customers to meet for religious
services. Most of those who came also attended the Roman Catholic chapel
each night to say their prayers. Finally a group of men invited Francisco to
attend with them. They argued, "We attend your services, you ought to come
to ours." He protested, but agreed when they insisted.
About seventy were there. When they finished their rosaries, they asked
him to preach. They devoured the simple gospel message he gave them, and
thus was born a Foursquare church.
For five months this new church met in the Roman Catholic chapel.
When there were about twenty-five converts, they left the chapel and built
their own meeting place. When the Philippines entered World War II several
months later, about sixty people were attending regularly. The services were
closed by the Japanese during the war, but the church opened again in 1945.
After the war, a member of the church in Laoag asked Francisco to go to
his relatives in the barrio of Bacsil. Within two or three years, there were
about 100 converts, and an average church attendance of about thirty in the
morning and fifty in the evening. Francisco left this church in 1949, and in
the next ten years pioneered five more churches.
In 1949, when the first Western missionaries were sent to the Philippines
by the International Church of the Foursquare Gospel, there were thirteen
congregations which eventually became official Foursquare churches: one in
Iloilo, seven in the Romblon-Mindoro area, four in the Ilocano area of
northern Luzon, and one in the Tagalog area near Manila. Though there are
no accurate statistics from this period, my conversations with these
pioneering pastors and missionaries led me to believe that about 650
converts could have been considered as communicant members in these
thirteen churches.
A HANDFUL OF MISSIONARIES
When Vincente Defante was sent back to his homeland to be a
missionary to his own people, it was the intention of the International
Church of the Foursquare Gospel to send no other workers. But as little
congregations sprang up in scattered parts of the Philippines, it became
evident that someone should be sent to organize and administer the work.
In the early part of 1949, Rev. and Mrs. Everette Denison arrived in
Manila, and immediately headed south for the church in Malagasang, Cavite.
But Denison realized he would never make a significant contribution in the
Philippines if he spent himself in a small, insignificant barrio. The Lord
spoke to him about returning to Manila, the center of population and
education.
The Denisons rented a house on the edge of Manila, not far from the
present national headquarters for the Foursquare Church. The church was
born in the sala (living room) of their house as converts began trickling into
Sunday services. By the end of the Denison's six-year term in 1955, the
records show there was an average attendance of eighty-three at the Sunday
morning worship services. The congregation had saved 5,000 pesos toward
buying nearby property where they could build a church and Bible school.
By this time Denison had also established three mission stations that were
fast turning into churches. He had traveled to other parts of the Philippines,
preaching and encouraging the national workers.
This first term of this first foreign missionary couple was not especially
dramatic, but it established the basic strategy and pattern for future growth.
"Since Denison first came back to Manila we have always sent our
missionaries to centers where they do evangelistic work, develop a large
central church, begin a Bible school, and instill in the students the burden to
go out and pioneer churches," Don McGregor said to me. "Other than that,
we did not come with any predetermined strategy, we had no outlined
program of evangelism. The Foursquare Church simply spread over the
islands. The home mission board told us how to get there, said they would
support us as missionaries, said we ought to start a Bible school. We were
told we couldn't expect a single major appropriation from the home office
for the first five years not even for an automobile or desk or filing cabinet."
The idea behind this, McGregor explained, was that a new missionary
had to prove himself. With the leading of the Lord, he was to develop his
own program of evangelism and church planting and of training workers. If
he succeeded, the home board would back the project during his second
term.
This original strategy would be followed, but it remained for the next
wave of missionaries to fan its spark into a blaze. At about the time the
Denisons left for furlough, the Reverends Arthur and Evelyn Thompson
arrived on the scene. After the first meeting there was no doubt about who
was the dynamic evangelist of the family--the petite, refined, English-bred
Evelyn Thompson. She had been reared in the genteel atmosphere of a well-
to-do English home in the eastern United States an unlikely background for
the person some say was "most like Aimee Semple McPherson.' Mr.
Thompson was a spiritual, sound-thinking man on whom she leaned heavily.
Mrs. Thompson quickly turned the already solid, growing, witnessing
church in Manila into a throbbing center of evangelism. Lights and banners,
advertising the evangelistic meetings held on the Manila property, nightly
attracted crowds of up to 2,000. Crusades held in the other established
mission stations resulted in hundreds of converts, in new outstations and
churches, and in students for the Bible school about to open its doors.
After a year of ministry and orientation in Manila, the Thompsons left for
the island of Mindanao, the anchor of the Philippine archipelago. They had
no contacts; their work would be pioneering work in its purest form.
After one month in Zamboanga, the leading city of Mindanao, they felt
the urging of the Spirit to go to the bustling frontier town of Davao City.
In January 1956, they rented a storefront and upstairs apartment in the
jammed market area of Davao City. Knowing hardly a word of a Philippine
dialect, Mrs. Thompson began preaching the gospel from the storefront. The
street meeting ran nightly for six months, attracting huge crowds of curious
Filipinos. The hundreds of converts, the many miracles, the manifestations
of the Holy Spirit were almost beyond believing in the Los Angeles home
office. Within six months a Bible school was started with about twenty
students. In the months that followed, the ripples of the revival spread
throughout much of Mindanao.
Six churches were established that first year. By 1960, there were forty-
five churches, 3,200 members, and 27,400 converts. By 1967, twelve years
after the Thompsons arrived in Mindanao, there were ninety-two established
churches with 6,400 members and nearly 50,000 converts.
The spectacular ministry of this lone, older missionary couple in
Mindanao was the most significant factor in the growth of' the Foursquare
Church. More than half of all churches, converts, and communicant
members in 1967 were found in this one Foursquare area. (Other factors that
contributed to this great growth in Mindanao arc examined in Chapter 15).
The Thompsons also made a great contribution to the Manila church. My
interviews indicated that many of the converts in other parts of the
Philippines date their conversions to the time Mrs. Thompson visited and
preached in their area.
The outpouring of God's Spirit in Mindanao inevitably had repercussions
in other parts of the Philippines.
The historical sketch and overall statistical outline raised many more
questions than it answered. I still wanted a better understanding of the
Foursquare Church's growth. I decided that I would get some answers by
visiting each of the center churches of the five districts and at least two more
churches in the outlying areas of each district. This would give a good cross-
section from the northernmost part of Luzon to southern Mindanao, from
large city churches to small rural, barrio churches. In each of the churches I
would try to interview a good cross-section of the membership.
The Mindanao district was so much larger than the other districts that I
visited four churches there and two churches in each of the smaller districts
of Romblon and Iloilo. The Ilocano and Tagalog areas of Luzon were so
dissimilar that I decided to visit two churches in each of these two sections
of the Luzon district.
By the time I had taken these trips during a period of six months, I had
visited fifteen churches and interviewed 217 converts, fifty of whom were
full-time ministers or workers. I asked each interviewee a basic twenty-one
questions, but the questions were expanded to thirty or more depending on
the answers given.
As I began compiling the data from these interviews, it became evident
that the interviews were weighted somewhat toward the more active
members of the churches. When I tabulated answers to the question, "What
position do you hold in the church?", only fifty-three of the 217 interviewees
said they were just members and held no office or special position.
If there was a bias toward the most active members, it was not
intentional. Usually those selected to be interviewed were the ones most
readily available. Occasionally I heard a missionary or pastor say, "Why
don't you get so-and-so, he has an interesting testimony." But it often was
simply a matter of enlisting those who could take the time. In one or two of
the smaller churches, I interviewed every adult member present at the
service I happened to be attending.
The net result is that the picture of the Foursquare Church reported in this
book was gained from a cross-section of solid members of fifteen basic
churches where I conducted interviews, and from talks with missionaries and
pastors and members of about thirty other churches.
Statistics and percentages would do much to make clear what was
happening in Foursquare churches. But I was more interested in observing
the individual people involved. What were their experiences and reactions?
What did they think and feel? What motivated them to accept the Lord as a
result of the Foursquare witness?
With this in mind, I sifted through each testimony to find one Foursquare
member who could give in narrative form some idea of what the Foursquare
Church was like and why it was growing. I settled on Sister Evelyn.
SISTER EVELYN
Evelyn Quema, mid-twenties, short, stoutish, single, minister of the
gospel. She might not have been noticed in a crowd of Filipinas. But in a
handful of years she had experienced more of the drama of the Christian life
than some experience in a lifetime.
To understand Sister Evelyn and the dynamics in her life and ministry is
to better understand the Foursquare Church. For this reason I have let her
describe her conversion and calling in this chapter and tell of the early years
of her ministry in Chapter Eight.
The "instant church" begun in three days at the second floor apartment
had problems with transience. Many of the young converts were students
who had come to Baguio for their education. Several students and a few
families would accept the Lord and begin to get established in the church.
Then school would be out, or job opportunities would shift, and the church
had to start over again.
The church also had problems with location. After meeting in the big
house for a year, a move was necessary. After another year, a second shift
was necessary.
There was a bright spot, however. The young converts took with them the
seed of a new church.
For example, six of the young people who accepted the Lord in the
original apartment church were eager for her to go to their homes. Evelyn
accepted their invitation, and during the Christmas vacation, took the five-
hour bus trip to Kilometer 102. Kilometer 102 was a camp for the Held
Lumber Company- hardly a spot for a twenty-two-year-old girl to be holding
evangelistic services. But ten responded to the invitation that first night. By
the end of the week of meetings, seventy-five people in the lumber camp had
come forward to make public confession of Christ.
For two years Evelyn followed up this outstation until a full-time worker
came in August 1965. In Foursquare parlance, I had by now learned,
"outstation" is only a relative term. Kilometer 102 immediately became
home base for several other "outstations."
Evelyn found problems among the tribal people in the mountain areas as
well as in the Baguio City church. Some older converts, reluctant to leave
certain pagan ways, wanted to sacrifice to idols, even though they professed
to believe in Christ.
"But the challenging part is when the young ones accept Christ," she said.
"Their lives are really changed. There was one boy, for instance, who had
been quite a drinker and gambler when I first went to his village. But when
he came to know the Lord, he gave it all up. He is now studying in our Bible
school in Manila, and will eventually come back as a pastor or pioneer in the
mountain areas, Lord willing. He is one of the three now in the Bible school
from Mountain Province."
Evelyn's problems were not all external, however. One problem was
being a woman in a vocation usually regarded as a man's province. She
faced this issue one day when five ministers from another denomination
visited her.
"Why does the Foursquare Church allow lady preachers when the Bible
clearly says that women should keep silent in the church?" one of them
asked.
"We believe that if the Lord calls we should follow," she said simply,
"Foursquare never imposes on women to become ministers. God calls."
She related the life of Aimee Semple McPherson, the founder of the
Foursquare Church, and how she had resisted vehemently before following
the Lord's will for her life as an evangelist. Evelyn told of her own call. "In
fact," she said, "I would never have been a Christian, much less a minister, if
it were not that a women brought the gospel to me."
The verse on "keeping silent" needed some explanation. "Biblical
scholars have pointed out to us the cultural conditions in the time of Paul
and even the Old Testament," she told the ministers. "In those days the
women were untaught and unruly. They were separated from their husbands
in the church service. Frequently they would call out to them to ask what the
preacher was talking about. Paul was condemning this practice when he was
telling them to keep silent. They were to ask their questions at home, and not
disturb the service.
"If I'm disobeying, there should be no fruit. If you want to believe I am
disobeying God's word, that is all right. Yet I will go on. It is not men or
Foursquare that have called me, but God."
Preaching is the most obvious ministry of a pastor, but preaching wasn't
Evelyn's strongest gift -it was the ministry of prayer. Her prayer ministry
included prayer for the sick -specific asking for divine healing through the
power of Christ apart from regular medical attention. She confessed that she
was a bit afraid to pray for the sick, though she had had some dramatic
answers to such prayer. A sixteen-year-old girl was bitten by a dog, and
within two days began to run a fever. Evelyn went to her home and prayed -
the girl was healed instantly. At another time, Evelyn prayed for a three-
year-old boy whose body was covered with itching, pus-filled sores. The day
after she prayed over him, there was improvement in his condition, and
within a week he was completely free of the sores.
PART TWO
WATER ON THE FIRE?
LOWER CLASS CHRISTIANS
"All the [Foursquare Church's] publicity and newspaper reports look
wonderful, but that's about it," wrote one Filipino pastor. "When you try to
find the lasting results from their campaigns and work, there just doesn't
seem to be anything solid left."
During the two years (1966 and 1967) of my research and writing, I
heard many such skeptical comments from Filipinos, missionaries, and
visiting church dignitaries. I couldn't ignore their observations, nor could I
skirt the issues. I made a list of the most-often-repeated objections to the
rapid growth of the Foursquare Church or of Pentecostals in general, and
determined to find the truth as it related to the Foursquare church in the
Philippines. By the time I talked with the last of the 217 converts I
interviewed, I felt I could give an objective, reliable picture of the
denomination as a whole.
I was coming to the crux of my thesis. I had started out to study a rapidly
growing denomination to demonstrate that the population was unusually
responsive to the gospel and that any church could grow rapidly. But if their
statistics could be explained to show that their real growth had been grossly
exaggerated, my whole argument would fall apart.
Their statistics were frequently deprecated in these ways: (1) the
Pentecostals reached only the lower classes, (2) their converts merely made
an emotional response to emotional stimuli, (3) though there were multitudes
of "decisions," little fruit remained in solid churches, (4) great numbers of
their "converts" came as proselytes from other evangelical churches.
I approached the first objection from the viewpoint of the church growth
school of thought and asked myself, What is wrong with reaching the lower
classes or masses?
The commission that the Lord gave us was to literally "disciple the
nations." To disciple the Philippines, where more than eighty percent of the
people were in the lower classes, would by definition require that the
"masses" be won. It is my impression that most missions have the goal of
reaching the masses. We hear much about the population explosion, and we
say the mass media--literature, radio, and television- are the only answers to
reaching the great number of people now without the gospel. We also hear
the strategy of many missions summed up with "we will win the leaders of a
community or nation," or "we will reach the students who are the future
leaders, and then the rest -the masses- will follow."
If it is true that the goal of missions is to "disciple the nations," and if the
Pentecostals are seeing great numbers of the lower classes respond to the
gospel, it is to their credit. They are skipping the slow and expensive step of
contact work find institution-building to prove their good intentions and are
going right to the heart of winning a p0opulation to the Lord.
A concept of church growth states that it is not necessarily true that the
upper classes must be won before the lower classes can be won. The middle
and upper classes, church growth research has shown, are usually the
conservative element in a society. They have already achieved many of their
goals in life and therefore have the most to lose by change.
It has yet to be shown that if the middle and upper classes respond to the
gospel, they will be effective in reaching down to the others. A middle-class
church will usually put all its energy into reaching middle-class people.
This undoubtedly happened to many of the historic churches in the
Philippines. In the beginning they reached the masses. But as the gospel had
its upgrading effect, and the converts’ goals in life widened, the churches
rose up through the social strata until their aura is now primarily middle
class. They are, in many respects, sealed off from the lower classes, and that
is one reason why they are not growing with the speed of the Pentecostal
churches.
There is also a cultural overhang among the fundamental groups who
have come to the Philippines since the war. The missionaries, brought up in
middle class American churches, instinctively slanted their programs toward
middle class people, perhaps without even realizing it. But the Pentecostals
avoided the snare of programs that, theoretically, should eventually result in
the gospel sweeping through a nation. They were no longer experimenting
with a theory that some day may prove right. They were involved in the
most direct process of discipling a nation.
The goal of missions was to reach great numbers of the lower classes, I
reasoned. That goal was to be praised. But was it true that the Pentecostals
reached only the lower classes? I questioned one of the Foursquare pastors.
"Who are we to determine who is going to respond to the gospel?" he
said. "We just clearly present the message to all and let God speak to hearts.
All kinds of people respond.”
The pastor was right.
My "interview charts" showed that about one-fourth of the Foursquare
converts, at the time of their conversions, were farmers or farmers’ wives.
About half of these were landowners, the other half were tenant farmers or
hired farm laborers. Nine percent of the converts worked as laborers.
Sixteen percent I classified as skilled or semi-skilled –carpenters, bakers,
cooks, tailors, photographers, printers, small manufacturers, and shop
owners. Government clerks, salesmen, company managers, and other white-
collar workers accounted for another six percent. Three percent were
teachers, and another two percent were in such upper middle-class positions
as lawyer, dentist, and wealthy businessman. Seventy-three converts, or
about thirty-six percent of the total number of interviewees, were students
ranging in educational levels from elementary school to college.
The evidence indicated that the Foursquare Church was reaching people
from all strata of the society. If the converts were weighted heavily toward
the masses, it was because the population itself was so weighted. To discard
the Pentecostals because they appeal only to the masses is therefore
unreasonable. It is like deprecating a conquering guerrilla band because they
have only primitive weapons.
SQUASHES OR OAKS
The second argument went like this: The poorly educated masses are
treated to an emotional experience; therefore their conversion is shallow and
there is no real spiritual depth and strength.
In the beginning, I think I expected to meet a series of over-emotional,
uncomfortably oppressive types that would make me want to squirm away.
But with one or two exceptions, I was disappointed in my expectations. The
Foursquare people I met in the Philippines--simple farmers, missionaries,
athletes, lady ministers -were normal, natural, pleasant human beings who
were at peace with God and at peace with the world.
I enjoyed being with them. They were friendly and relaxed. They
included me in their warmth and love of life, and I found myself drawn to
them.
One day three nationals, Don McGregor and I crowded into a jeep, and
for three days we traveled over the dustiest, bumpiest roads, I thought, in the
whole world. We slept on bare bamboo floors, ate cold rice and crackers and
cheese, bathed in icy streams. We interviewed pastors and church members,
took our turns speaking in a missionary conference at one church, and held
services in tribal churches far back in the mountains.
Anyone who has traveled under similar circumstances knows well the
kind of personality conflicts that can develop. Yet this was one of the most
pleasant trips I had ever taken. 1 heard no complaints during the trip, though
this is not to say that the nationals acted as if they were suffering for the
Lord and somehow enduring it. Their fun and comradeship was zesty and
bubbling with joy. At the beginning of the trip Veronico Suan, the Mindanao
District supervisor, had graciously insisted that McGregor and I share the
more comfortable front seat of the jeep. Then he spent the trip laughing at us
from the bed he had fashioned from the baggage in the back.
When we returned to the city of Davao, Suan took us to dinner at the
Insular Hotel, one of the swankiest hotels in the Philippines. He was as much
at home in these plush surroundings with a combo playing the background
as he was in a jungle hut in Bukidnon.
EXAGGERATIONS
Now what about those statistics'? Was it true that the reports greatly
exaggerated the actual number who became solid, productive, attending
church members? If the Pentecostals were gaining thirty-six converts, but
were losing thirty-five out the back door, what was the point?
I'll confess that I was a bit startled when I first looked at their annual
reports. In church after church, district after district, the reports indicated
that the number of converts listed for the year far exceeded the number of
new church members. Eighty to ninety percent of the converts were not
joining the churches.
Was this a good record or a bad one'? I listened to the explanations of
these figures, but I reserved my conclusions until I could check the
explanations against what I could observe in the churches.
The answer came on a morning when I least expected it. Mr. and Mrs.
Jack Richey, Don McGregor and I had arisen at about five-thirty in the
Odiongan, Tablas Island Foursquare headquarters for the Romblon-
Mindanao district. The plan for the day was to visit Borocay Island, also
known as Treasure Island for its overwhelming beauty.
After breakfast there was an hour's delay as Richey gave instructions to
the carpenters working on a new Sunday school unit of the church. Then a
thirty-minute drive over a dusty, rutted road brought us to the tiny fishing
village or' Looc. Our banca was ready, but the tide was out; it would be two
hours before we could leave.
We hiked to the parsonage of the local Foursquare church. This
parsonage, 1 learned, had been built by the church for about 200 pesos. It
was a nipa hut, so close to its neighbor that one could easily lean out the
window and shake hands with people next door. The hut, about twelve feet
square, was divided into an entryway and a kitchen, with a grass-woven wall
setting apart a small bedroom. It was neat and clean and homey, the new
straw walls and roof giving the hut a sweet smell. Underneath this hut,
which was built on four posts, was the "tithe coop." When members brought
their tithe of chickens, the birds were put in the wired-off pen under the
house to await sale or the dinner table.
Don McGregor suggested I interview the pastor, but I wasn't interested.
This was to be a day off, and the church was not one of those I had planned
to visit. But one doesn't easily discourage Don McGregor. So on this drowsy
day, when I was already dulled by the mid-morning heat and the short sleep
the night before, I didn't have the energy to resist.
Wearily I adjusted the stool offered me, resting the legs on the more
sturdy slats of the bamboo floor. I felt as limp and moist as the notepaper
sticking to my arm. I began interviewing Miss Emma Militar who headed
the two-girl team pastoring the Looc Foursquare Church. Emma was a
slender young woman with a bright smile and twinkling eyes. It occurred to
me that if I had seen her on some university campus, she would have
blended perfectly into the scene. At least the morning wouldn't be a total loss
....
The interview was interesting, though fairly routine, until I asked her
about the results of her ministry in the seven months she had been in Looc.
When I asked her how many converts she had had in this time, she
disappeared into the bedroom and emerged shortly with a little black
notebook. She studied it for a few moments, then announced that there had
been fourteen converts. Not bad, I thought, for a coed type just seven months
out of Bible school. A glance at the page, however, revealed what appeared
to be many more than fourteen names.
"Who are all the others you have listed?" I asked.
Emma told me there were ninety-three names in the book, each name
representing a person who had made a public profession of Christ, had
shown at least some evidence of a changed life, and had attended some
meetings after conversion. Of thc ninety-three, however, only thirteen
regularly attended the little church.
This seemed interesting. Fourteen regular church attendants out of
ninety-three conversions roughly compared with the ten to twenty percent I
had seen on thc Foursquare Church's statistical sheets. Maybe the little black
notebook would give a graphic illustration of what was happening to the
other eighty percent.
I was wide-awake now as I asked Pastor Emma to take me through the
book, person by person, and tell me what she knew about those converts.
She did, and when she was through the book, I understood what had
happened to the seventy-nine converts who didn't attend the Looc church.
Fifty-one of those seventy-nine were actively attending Foursquare
outstations. Most of those who didn't attend regularly lived long distances
from any church, and some were prevented from attending by their families.
Only nine percent of the ninety-three were listed as simply "inactive."
How would these statistics be recorded in the district and eventually in
the Foursquare national headquarters? I learned from pastors, supervisors
and missionaries that only those converts who became minimally active in
an organized church were even counted as "converts."
So in the Looc church, only the fourteen regular attendants would have
been listed in any statistics as "converts." And of the converts, only those
who were baptized and had officially joined the church would be listed as
"new members" for the year. It was this category that included the national
average of ten to twenty percent of all converts becoming members.
If this national average were projected to the Looc church, only three of
the ninety-three converts would be counted as members. The fifty-one who
had accepted Christ and were actively attending outstation services would be
listed nowhere outside the local church. Those who made profession of faith
in Christ but were not attending a church or outstation would also not be
listed anywhere.
As I visited the fifteen churches and interviewed the pastors from a few
dozen other churches, I found that the Looc picture was fairly uniform. At
the end of 1967, the Foursquare Church reported about 11,000 communicant
members and about 80,000 converts in the organized churches. We can add
a conservative 100,000 converts, who at least once actively attended
Foursquare meetings, when we take into consideration that there were nearly
as many outstations as there were churches, and that consistently more
converts attended the outstations than attended the mother churches.
For a church with 180,000 converts -those who made a public profession
of Christ, were counseled with personally and who attended for awhile -a
stated communicant membership of 11,000 does anything but suggest that
their statistics were inflated. The figure of 11,000 was used in computing the
thirty-six to one ratio of growth per foreign missionary (Chapter 2). So the
rapid growth of the Foursquare Church in the Philippines could not be
discredited by saying that their statistics were exaggerated and meaningless.
Another way to check the statistics was to compare the average church
attendance with the stated communicant membership. In many of the
churches, the attendance on the Sunday I was there exceeded thc number on
the church rolls. Thc Luzon District of the Foursquare Church in 1965, for
example, reported a total communicant membership of 650 in eighteen
churches. Total average attendance was 586 in morning worship services,
and 684 in the Sunday school.
On top of this, the eighteen churches reported thirty-seven outstations
and extension classes with an average attendance of 639, and four jail
chapels with an average attendance of 290. The average attendance at
morning worship services then, was ninety percent of the total membership
and the outstation average attendance an additional ninety-eight percent of
the membership.
A denomination with an average attendance in morning worship that
almost equals its membership, and more than doubles that number in its
outstation ministry, is a phenomenon indeed. But I found that the Foursquare
people rebel against the idea of seeing how large they can make their church
membership rolls. "The philosophy among most of our pastors seems to be,"
McGregor told me, "that as long as our good workers are members, it doesn't
matter if the others are members or not. Our ministers don't work as hard to
get the converts who are attending church to become members as they do to
get new converts to the Lord."
SHEEP STEALERS
After an article concerning a Foursquare activity appeared in the
Overseas Crusade Crusader magazine, one evangelical pastor wrote a letter
to the editor complaining about a Pentecostal (though not Foursquare)
minister in his area. "He goes around telling people that the Pentecostals are
better because they are baptized with the Spirit and have a healing ministry,"
he wrote. “He is just trying to get our people to his church."
I mentioned this complaint to some Foursquare leaders, and they
deplored the action.
But what were the facts? Did the Foursquare Church grow in the
Philippines largely by "stealing" from other evangelical churches? Since 1
had asked each interviewee about his religious affiliation before becoming
Foursquare and why he had changed, it was not hard to find the answer.
Seventy percent of the converts I talked with were from non-evangelical
backgrounds; most of them were former Roman or Philippine Catholics. In
every case, these converts said they were certain they had not been believers.
No transformation had taken place. They had copied the world with its
habits, materialism and hopelessness.
The Foursquare Church at the end of 1967 listed its official membership
as 10,961. If seventy percent of these came from the non-evangelical groups,
it meant that 7,672 members were not transfers from other evangelical
churches. Even if this were its total membership, the figure is still far above
other comparable (in arrival in the Philippines) evangelical groups. It cannot,
then, be stated categorically that their rapid growth came simply from
proselytizing.
What about the thirty percent who came from evangelical churches? This
statistic, it seemed to me, became significant only when compared with other
evangelical churches.
One brief study was made in 1965. Eli Yasi of Philippine Crusades
visited six churches (Christian and Missionary Alliance, United Church of
Christ, Methodist, Brethren, Disciples of Christ, and Southern Baptist) in
Manila and asked to see the lists of converts for the previous two years. He
went over the lists with the pastors and determined, among other things, the
former religious affiliation of each convert. The churches reported a total of
126 youth and adult converts. Thirty-eight (thirty percent) of them claimed
Protestant affiliation before their conversion.
One theological professor from the States, visiting the Philippines for a
three-month study, gave me his observation that "almost all" of his large,
historic denomination’s growth in the Philippines was a result of transfers.
A further and probably more significant consideration was why the thirty
percent transferred. As I looked at the interviews, I found that of the sixty-
five interviewees who came from an evangelical background, thirty-nine
were convinced that they were not converted before becoming Foursquare,
and ten were not sure of their salvation. Therefore, forty-nine of the sixty-
five, or eighty percent of the transfers, were either unconverted or unsure of
their salvation in their previous evangelical experience. Only twelve of the
217 interviewees, then, could be classed as "proselytes" -less than six per-
cent of the total Foursquare membership.
The clearest evidence of "sheep stealing" I found was in the Batuan
church on Bohol, early in the research. Seven of the sixteen Foursquare
members I talked with said they had been members of the only evangelical
church in the town before the Foursquare Church came along. In each case,
they had been reared in Roman Catholic homes. One old woman said, "In
1939, I left idol worship to join the evangelical church. But there was no
satisfaction in my soul until I attended the Foursquare church and accepted
the Lord in an evangelistic service."
Others that I interviewed throughout the time of research mentioned the
pressures put on them by their former churches. One young man gave this
testimony:
"I was forced to leave my Baptist church after I was baptized with the
Spirit. My pastor publicly preached that the work of the Pentecostals was of
the devil. But I had personally witnessed the unbelievable miracles of
healing and I had found the missionaries true to their word. There was no
evil in them. And I had a transforming experience when I was baptized with
the Spirit. I know I was a Christian before, but this was a new depth of
experience that I could not deny. So when our pastor said it was of the devil,
the only thing I could do was leave the church. I might have remained in the
Baptist church and kept my Pentecostal experience to myself if he had not
insisted on ascribing to the devil what I knew had come from the Lord."
A young minister in Davao pointed out that he had been an active
member of another evangelical church when one of their ministers joined a
Foursquare church. He began preaching the Foursquare doctrines from
Baptist pulpits, and the man I was interviewing was assigned to follow him
around and preach against him. But the messages were good. He spoke
nothing against the Baptists, but gave a positive message of Christ as the
Savior, Healer, Baptizer and coming King. The Baptist church had attacked
other groups, but this minister did not. Finally my interviewee attended a
Foursquare prayer meeting to judge for himself.
"I felt something different," he said. "For some reason I started crying.
Finally I went forward and for the first time in my life; I really repented of
my sins. This was the first time that I had truly accepted Christ into my life."
For many months during the writing of this book, I weighed the idea of
considering an objection to the theology of the Foursquare Church. My basic
thesis of the research would collapse, of course, if it could be shown that the
theology of the Pentecostals was less than Christian. But as the months of
research passed, I found it increasingly difficult to doubt the genuineness of
their biblical Christianity.
Several things reassured me. One was the fact that they were members in
good standing of the National Association of Evangelicals. If this group, so
zealous in protecting sound conservative theology, had welcomed them into
fellowship, how could I hope to add or detract from their conclusions? A
second reassurance was a statement in McGavran's Church Growth in
Mexico (page 113):
PART THREE
WOOD FOR THE FIRE
PRESENCE OF THE CHURCH
During the six months that I conducted the interviews, a brief dialogue
passed on to us at the Institute of Church Growth repeatedly flashed into my
mind.
"How do you account for the fact that your church is growing in this
area?'' Dr. McGavran had asked a missionary.
"Because it's there," came the laconic reply.
In some places and at some times a population is so ripe that if a church
only holds meetings, people will be attracted to them and become members
of the church. The experiences of person after person led me to conclude
that a general responsiveness to the gospel was one of the big factors in the
Foursquare growth in the Philippines.
One man, for example, said that loudspeakers in a nearby Foursquare
church sent the message right into his bedroom. Others mentioned that they
lived in areas where buildings were so jammed together that they heard
whole church services even without loudspeakers.
Thirty-seven of the interviewees said they had walked by a church,
outstation meeting, or plaza evangelistic service and were attracted to the
church. A number of the interviewees mentioned that they were contacted by
the church or heard about the church because they lived nearby. (Many of
the pastors, in telling me how they started their churches, said the immediate
neighborhood provided many of the converts.) One interviewee said he
accepted the Lord and became a member of a Foursquare church after
working as a carpenter on the church building. A few said that their children
played in the yard of the missionary or national pastor and through this were
exposed to the gospel.
Twenty-two mentioned that they had first heard the gospel in their own
homes or in homes of relatives or neighbors. Forty percent of all the
converts mentioned they had been invited to church by a friend, relative,
neighbor, missionary, or national pastor. Three people mentioned that they
had accepted the Lord because a pastor or a missionary had temporarily
boarded in their homes. Two said they were hired as musicians for the
congregation before accepting Christ.
Altogether, eighty percent mentioned -they were not asked specifically
about this -that they first encountered the Foursquare church "because it was
there." It was significant that expensive mass media, exhausting promotional
work, or huge city churches were not needed to bring in the converts. The
church grew rapidly, and it seemed to grow almost effortlessly.
The presence of one growing denomination in a country proves that any
denomination can grow. A sportsman pulling fish out of the stream
demonstrates at least one thing--the fish are there. He might be successful
because of his skill or bait or special knowledge of this fishing hole, but he
cannot catch fish if there aren't any fish in the pond. So, if some churches or
denominations in the Philippines are not growing rapidly, it is not because
there is not a large number of people who are ready to respond to the gospel.
Missions often give many reasons for their growth or lack of growth.
They give theological reasons, reasons dealing with methods, skill and
effectiveness of certain missionaries, paying or not paying ministers, use or
nonuse of institutions to break down prejudices, learning the language or not
learning the language, and so on. But church growth research reveals that
two mission stations of the same denomination, using the same approach and
methods and displaying equal spiritual zeal and correct theology, can grow
with widely differing results. One is working in a responsive area, the other
is not.
Besides the fact that the Foursquare Church was growing "because it was
there," my research in 1967 brought to light other evidences tending to
support the idea that the Filipino people at this time were responsive people.
One evidence was the age at which the converts were brought to Christ.
We have been carefully taught in the United States that unless we reach
people for Christ while they are young, we have very little chance of
reaching them later in life. The theory is that impressionable children and
youth are more ready to learn, accept, and believe than are adults who have
already made up their minds and set their life patterns.
This was not true of the Foursquare converts in the Philippines. Sixty-six
percent of the converts had accepted Christ after they had passed their teen-
age years. Almost two-thirds of them became Christians after their twentieth
birthdays. The median age for conversion was twenty-four (half the converts
were twenty-four or older and half were twenty-four or younger). The
average age at the time of conversion was almost twenty-eight. More
twenty-two-year-olds accepted Christ than people of any other age. The
statistics also showed a relatively large number who had accepted Christ in
their thirties and forties. Seven percent were fifty years old or older.
The Foursquare Church, then, usually found its converts among the
thinking, maturing adults whose life patterns should have been well
established, and whose resistance to change and new ideas should have been
firmly developed. But obviously something in their personal, religious,
political, and economical environment was breaking down these normal
patterns and making a new religious idea a live option.
These same forces, naturally, were playing on other Filipinos. This
encouraged us to believe that at least some of the homogeneous units of the
population were ripe for innovation.
FAMILIES
The story of how the gospel spread through the family of Crispin
Gondales, a farmer in Kidapawan, Cotabato, Mindanao, illustrates the
experience of many Foursquare families. In 1957, he was given a number of
gospel tracts by Foursquare people, and through reading these, he "just felt
saved." A year later his wife accepted Christ and then his four children
accepted Him. They all became regularly attending members of the
Foursquare church in Kidapawan. His example was then followed by his two
brothers and three sisters, who were all married, and their wives and
husbands. Twenty-three children in the five homes also accepted Christ.
As a result of the conversion of Gondales, thirty-eight others attended
regularly at the local Foursquare church and all the adults made a personal
commitment to Christ. The Gondales family conversion appeared to be
typical in the Philippines.
Japan, another Asian nation with strong family relationships, provides a
contrast. While I was at the Institute of Church Growth, George Martindale,
a missionary in Japan, was also studying there. He had observed that in
Japan the gospel did not flow along family lines unless the patriarch of the
family accepted Christ. Only then the rest of the family could be expected to
follow his leadership. The more common experience was that a Christian
was ostracized by his family. Indeed, the pressures were so great that some
statistics indicated that for every one hundred converts, only one became a
church member.
In the United States, where individualism is a virtue, we also find that the
gospel does not typically spread through family groups. When I mentioned
the family response pattern in the Philippines to a visiting theologian from
the States, his immediate reply was, "That's bad, isn't it'?" he probably
pictured the authority figure in the family accepting Christ and then
pronouncing the rest of the family "converted." This was perhaps a
legitimate fear, but it was not happening among the Foursquare people in the
Philippines.
The interviews clearly showed a pattern of each person making a
personal, individual commitment to Jesus Christ. Not once did I have the
feeling that I was talking with someone who had had only a secondhand
spiritual experience. Most of the interviewees could tell me the exact date on
which they had personally accepted Christ. These were not family group
decisions. Rather, the pattern was one of the gospel leaping from one
member of the family to another over a period of days or weeks or years.
The research also showed that the gospel did not consistently flow from
the authority figure in the family. A son or daughter, husband or wife,
mother or father was the first to accept Christ, and from them the gospel
spread to other members of the family. Sometimes aunts and uncles, cousins
or in-laws, were the first Christians in a family.
In further answer to the theologian's question, Dr. McGavran has pointed
out that when converts come to Christ as families, they become stronger
Christians. Families help each other to grow. They attend church together;
they have family devotions; they tithe the family income; parents dedicate
their children for the ministry; they suffer no social dislocation. Each
member can carry on a normal life pattern without undue pressure.
The statistics showed that after one member of the family accepted
Christ, an average of ten other family members followed. The ten included
only those who made a personal and public profession of Christ, and began
to regularly attend a Foursquare church.
Al Chaves and his wife were first introduced to the Lescano family in
Naga, Cebu, by an aunt who had gone to Mindanao and become a
Foursquare Christian. The Chaves' visited the home and Mrs. Chaves
brought the message. (They later learned that while she was speaking, one of
the sons was trying to borrow a gun so he could kill the American woman.)
But the old father and mother, whose lives had been ravaged by excessive
drinking, accepted Christ. The change in their lives at first startled and then
encouraged other members of the family. When I visited the Naga church
some eight years later, the gospel had been accepted by the Lescano's nine
married sons and daughters who had led their wives and husbands and
children to Christ. Three single children of the old Lescanos also accepted
Christ which brought the total number of converts in the Lescano family to
fifty-seven. The church they established was made up of this one extended
family.
My research included interviews with only 217 converts, but by the time
I had finished questioning them, they had told me about another 1,907
family members who had accepted Christ. This represented about 190
different households. But they also told me about other family members who
had not accepted Christ. The total number of people about whom I got direct
or indirect information was 2,124 converts and 542 unconverted family
members -a total of 2,657 Filipinos who had encountered the gospel through
the Foursquare Church.
A study of the still unconverted family members was as enlightening as
the study of the converts themselves. (More than one-fourth of those
interviewed reported that there was no one in their families who remained an
unbeliever. When the gospel came, it literally spread through the whole
household and left none outside the fold.) Two hundred and one (thirty-
seven percent) of the unconverted family members lived in a distant city or
province. Sixty-seven (twelve percent) of the unconverted family members
were spoken of as sympathizers-many regularly attended church though they
had not yet made a personal commitment.
Though many converts said that at first their families were opposed to
their becoming evangelical Christians, only sixteen (three percent) of the
unconverted family members were still violently opposed to them. These
were often referred to as "die-hard" Catholics or Aglipayans or Iglesia ni
Cristos. A number of other hard-to-classify reasons could help explain why
the gospel had not reached all members of the families.
But the basic pattern of these nonbelievers emerged clearly. They either
had little contact with the converted members of their families, or were
already softening their resistance to the gospel.
The basic pattern of the believers also emerged—the Filipino's
responsiveness to the gospel followed the lines of family relationships.
FLORENCIA EUROPA
I had passed hundreds of middle-aged women in marketplaces, in
squatters' huts, by streams where women washed their clothes. Any one of
these could have been a Florencia Europa. She stood less than five feet tall;
she weighed less than ninety pounds. She talked so quietly I had trouble
hearing her, and she nervously twisted a hanky most of the time. She was the
last person I would have thought of as the planter of eleven churches in eight
years with a total of over 500 converts regularly attending. But even that was
only part of her story.
In 1936, Florencia left Ormoc, Leyte, to live with her aunt in Mindanao.
She married a mechanic there, but in several years he died, leaving her with
four children to rear. She supported herself and her family by selling
vegetables in the market. One day in January 1956, she noticed a foreigner
preaching on a street corner, which she passed every day on the way to
work. She heard that someone was praying for the sick.
Florencia was a Roman Catholic, but she was not afraid to attend this
Protestant meeting. Her uncle had become a Baptist and she had attended his
church where she had been favorably impressed with the singing. But for
three months she had been suffering from a severe pain in her lungs, and her
mother also had been quite ill for some time.
At the end of the message, the foreigner, who was Mrs. Evelyn
Thompson, invited those who wanted prayer for healing to come forward.
Mrs. Thompson talked with them and led them to express their faith in
Christ. She then laid her hands on them and commanded the sicknesses to be
cast out in Jesus' name.
"Instantly the pain was gone," Florencia told me. "I could stand straight
for the first time in months. Then I saw my mother and realized that she was
healed also." Both Florencia and her mother accepted Christ that night, and
eventually Florencia's four children also became Christians.
Florencia encouraged her oldest daughter to attend Bible school, but she
wanted to go too. "I did not know much about God and was so eager to
learn," she said.
While in Bible school in Davao, she attended the weekly United
Foursquare Women's prayer meeting. At one of these meetings when she
was praying, she experienced the baptism of the Holy Spirit accompanied by
speaking in tongues.
"What difference did this make in your Christian life?" I asked her.
"A great difference," she explained. "I began to be able to discern much
more clearly the difference between good and bad. I felt so much closer to
God, and the things of the world lost all their attraction to me. But most of
all I had a great desire to serve the Lord."
And serve the Lord she did, even while she was in Bible school. Her first
experience was in the town of Coronon, about eighteen kilometers from the
school.
The missionary, Mrs. Thompson, had been traveling in the area with a
companion when they entered a house where a demon-possessed woman
lived. They found her chained, trying to tear off her clothes, and dancing
around the room as far as the chain would allow. Mrs. Thompson tried to
talk to her through an interpreter, but she did not understand Visayah.
"Why don't you try speaking to her in tongues?" her companion said.
Mrs. Thompson began speaking, and the demon-possessed woman
recognized her native mountain language. Mrs. Thompson told the woman
she needed Christ. The woman accepted Him, and immediately she was
quiet and normal.
This sign opened the way for the beginning of the outstation in Coronon.
Florencia worked there for six months during which time seventy-six
accepted Christ and became faithful members. When Florencia and her
companion left, a full-time worker was sent, and in 1967 the Coronon
church was still thriving.
Her next assignment, an established extension class in Tibungco, lasted
only one month. Florencia particularly remembered one woman who drank
heavily, but attended the service—primarily to disturb it. She was converted
and delivered from drink that month.
Florencia spent the next four months, until her graduation in 1959,
pastoring an established church. During this time about thirty converts were
added to the membership rolls.
Florencia's zeal in serving the Lord, even while she was in school, seems
even more remarkable when it is remembered that she was a thirty-six-year-
old widow with four children to rear. To support herself and the children,
she would arise at two o'clock in the morning to prepare vegetables to sell in
the market that day. Yet she took care of her children, attended classes in the
evenings, studied in the afternoons, and traveled once a week to her
outstations and churches.
Just before she was to graduate, a Christian from another evangelical
church came to Davao for prayer and the healing of a fast-spreading eczema.
After prayer, the disease disappeared, and the healed man went back home
to witness to his family.
That same week Florencia visited his home in Bansalan, a long bus ride
from Davao. She found three families, related to the man, ready to accept
Christ as personal Savior. Six months later, after graduation, Florencia went
to this area as a full-time church pioneer. She rented a little house on the
main road to the mountains for four pesos a month. But she did not content
herself with ministering only to the eight converts. She immediately began
house-to-house visitation in the area, leaving tracts wherever she went.
God's seal upon this ministry--and an indication of the responsiveness of the
people in this area--was that she led three people to Christ in the first house
she visited.
During Florencia's first five months in Bansalan, fifty-six people
personally accepted the Lord and became regular attendants of the church.
With fifty-six converts to train in the Word, to train as teachers, and to
organize and lead into important church responsibilities, she would have
plenty to do. But that was neither her training nor her instinct. There was the
next barrio, the next town, others calling for help.
God led her to another responsive spot, the community of Paco. A
woman suffering from severe headaches had dropped into a Bansalan
service and heard of the healing of others. She had traveled one and a half
hours by bus to be prayed for. Florencia led her to the Lord and prayed for
healing. The headache vanished and the woman returned to tell her family
and neighbors. Florencia followed up this convert and began weekly services
in her home. Within a year they organized a church with seventy-two
converts attending, and a full-time worker came to take over Florencia's
responsibilities.
The Paco church reproduced within two months as the young people, all
new converts, were immediately sent out to witness house to house. One day
the young people visited a home in San Mateo. The man of the house was
sick with a stomach ulcer—he could not even retain water. Florencia prayed
for him and immediately he felt healing--his wife gave him water and he
kept it down. His recovery began from that hour, though it was thirteen
months before he was strong enough to work his farm again. By that time,
however, there were forty-six converts in the church supporting a full-time
worker.
In the two years since the first healing of a man from Bansalan, until the
man in San Mateo was completely healed, three new generations of churches
had been born. More than 170 people had put their personal trust in Christ
and were regularly worshiping Him.
Between 1958 and 1964, Florencia and a co-worker started ten more
outstations within a radius of sixteen kilometers from the Bansalan church.
The total number of converts in these outstations, until they became self-
supporting churches, was 514.
The pattern for each of these ten was much the same. Typical was a
church sixteen kilometers from Bansalan where a member lived. He found it
difficult to travel the distance every Sunday, so he opened his home for
meetings. Within two years there were twenty-seven converts, a church
organized, and a building erected.
And so it went with the other nine outstations as the church continued to
expand in ever-widening circles.
How did the baptism of the Spirit affect the ministry of the full-time
workers?
Since the baptism of the Spirit with the accompanying evidence of
speaking in tongues is a prerequisite for Foursquare ministers, it was
difficult to compare their ministries before and after their experiences. But a
few ministers, who were pastors before their affiliation with the Foursquare
Church, did not have the experience until later in their ministries. Several
students were also ministering and preaching before their baptism and before
they were ordained. They related a great change in their effectiveness.
One of the ministers said, "When I was baptized with the Spirit after
being a Christian for nine years, I felt something different in my life. I
became successful in my ministry. Before, people were not influenced by
my preaching. Now they respond and are happy in their Christian lives."
Another minister realized some practical changes. "I became more
devoted to the work," he told me. "I forgot myself and thought of serving the
Lord only. I went to the forests and gathered posts for our church. Then 1
dug holes for the posts and put them in. After that the members came and we
finished the church."
Pastor Pascual, the pioneer church-builder of Ilocos Norte, had been a
Christian for fifteen years and a minister for several years before his
experience of the baptism of the Holy Spirit.
"I had taught others about the baptism of the Spirit, and some had
experienced it," he told me. "I was not discouraged for myself, because I
really believed that it would come, even after I had been seeking it for five
years. Afterwards, I immediately had a great power to serve the Lord. Now I
was able to give altar calls with success, whereas before it was very hard to
pin down decisions for Christ. I had many more converts. The church I was
pioneering at that time was made up of people who were not my converts.
But since then, I have had more than 250 converts in this one church alone,
and I have pioneered other churches since then.
"It helped me personally as well. Before, I went out to preach because of
a sense of duty. Now it is because I love it. I have no doubt that I am called
to preach, I have a greater power over sin and a better assurance of heaven.
But the greatest part of the new life is in winning souls to Christ."
The young man who was minister of the center church in Manila said that
the experience made a great difference in his life and ministry. He had been
serving the Lord in many capacities and was in his last year in Bible school.
"I felt the presence of the Lord before, but now it was more intense and 1
had a greater reality of Christ. There came a marked difference in my
preaching. I found a great freedom in the pulpit. Before, I was very shy but I
now found what seems to me to be a release, like a dam has been broken.
The message pours forth in great power."
DIVINE HEALING
One day I asked Don McGregor what kind of medical plan the
Foursquare Church had for its pastors and workers. "We don't have any
medical insurance," he said immediately. "We pray for our sick."
Then I remembered the lesson I had learned on that first trip to Cebu and
Bohol: Divine healing is a way of life for these Christians.
At the beginning of the study, I thought I could find one or two examples
of professed divine healing, so I included a question about it in each
interview. I didn't expect to learn much about church growth with this
question, but I thought it might be interesting, at least. I found, however, that
almost all the interviewees firmly believed it is still part of Christ's ministry
to heal the physical man. But more significantly, eighty-three percent of the
interviewees reported that they themselves had experienced some dramatic
physical healing. These ailments ranged from cancer to tonsillitis.
Mrs. Elyira Carbajosa, a minister in Davao, reported a long list of
illnesses. "Before I was saved," she said, "I had anemia, astigmatism, a
goiter, enlargement of the heart, an ulcer and asthma. I was nothing but skin
and bones. For years I had insomnia and little appetite. I went to a special
doctor in Manila, but got no help. After I was prayed for, I slept through the
night for the first time in years. My appetite returned. Gradually I was healed
of all the rest, including the goiter that finally disappeared after seven
months." When I saw Mrs. Carbajosa, she was a bundle of enthusiasm
leading the singing for a Sunday night service at the large Davao church.
I visited the Foursquare churches in Laoag, Ilocos Norte, at the northern
tip of the Philippines for the last series of interviews.
It was almost unbearably hot in one of the Sunday evening services--so
hot I couldn't force myself to take notes on the message. I should have. For
this was the night Rev. Maghirang was to preach his first public sermon on
divine healing.
His manner was light-years away from the "holy roller" stereotype, but
there was no question of his sincerity and the intensity of his belief. He
traced Old Testament prophecies concerning Christ who would come to bear
sins and who through His stripes would provide healing. Then he went
through the healing ministry of Christ and others in the New Testament. He
included an analysis of one of the favorite verses of Foursquare churches:
"Jesus Christ the same yesterday, and to day and forever." (Heb. 13:18,
KJV).
At the conclusion of his message he invited those who desired prayer to
come forward and be healed that night. There were four who went to the
altar. Maghirang asked each one about his illness, laid hands on him, and
implored God to touch the body and bring healing.
Later that evening and the next day I talked with those who had been
prayed for. Juliana de la Cruz said that for six months she had had constant
hip pain. "The pain left immediately when I was prayed for," she said.
Juliana's daughter also came forward. She said she had had a skin disease for
six years, the inflammation sometimes keeping her awake at night. Doctors
hadn't been able to help her. But as she was being prayed for, she said, the
itchiness disappeared.
Elizabeth Concepcion said that she had gone to a doctor who diagnosed
her ailment as an inflammation of the gall bladder, but the medicine he
prescribed did not help. "Before coming to church," she said, "I was pressing
the area with my hands to relieve the pain. The pain was gone immediately
after prayer."
The last person to be prayed for was Marcian Pastor, an old man of
eighty-five in whose home I had been staying. I had watched him take
shuffling, six-inch steps around the house, steering his course so he could
brace himself on the posts that supported his typical Ilocano house. For three
years he had been suffering from stiff knees; a doctor's prescription had
made the stiffness worse. After Pastor Maghirang had laid his hands on him
and prayed, Mr. Pastor began flexing his legs as a substitute football player
does before being sent into a game. Immediately after the service he strode
out of the church, somewhat unsteadily but in great contrast to his previous
shuffling locomotion.
Twenty-two percent of the converts mentioned that healing had a
significant part in their conversions. Antonia Lukban, pastor of the
Odiongan Foursquare Church in Romblon and a former active Roman
Catholic, gave me a graphic account of her experience.
"It was my last year of high school in Quezon City. I was on my way to
school when I noticed an outdoor evangelistic meeting in Cubao [the market
area of the city]. Out of curiosity I stopped and listened. There were so many
people there. I wanted to find out what attracted them.
"This was the first time I ever heard the Word of God being preached that
way. It was inspiring. But I didn't believe it. I thought they were fooling the
people. The preaching about healing was like magic--it was hocus-pocus. I
didn't believe in prayer for healing and reasoned that this must be of the
devil. If someone is to be healed, he must receive medical attention.
"Yet something kept me attending. I skipped school for three nights in a
row just to attend the meeting. On the third night I was standing next to a
woman who had a huge goiter on her neck. I determined to watch her so I
could tell if she got healed. The evangelist was saying, 'I believe God has not
changed. The Bible says that Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, today, and
forever. Jesus wants to heal you tonight the same as He healed twenty
centuries ago.' The evangelist then asked all whose who wanted to be healed
by God to place their hands on the afflicted parts of their bodies and believe
God as she prayed.
"I became so engrossed in what the evangelist was saying that I took my
eyes off the woman with a goiter for a minute. But as the evangelist was
praying, this woman began screaming and shouting and praising the Lord. I
was so amazed to see that the goiter was gone that I stepped over and probed
her neck where the goiter had been. The skin that had been stretched tight
over the goiter was now wrinkled and loose.
"Now I began to really listen to the message of the evening. The text was
'What shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul?'
I had always had great ambition and believed that if one didn't work hard he
would not get far. But I was convicted by the message. I knew then that I
was without Christ and that I must accept Him as my personal Savior. So
that night at the invitation I did."
The goal: the Church's work is to preach the gospel and plant
congregations in every community. Is there any doubt that this is the
supreme goal of the Foursquare Church? Everything the Foursquare people
do in their churches, and much of what they do in their private lives, is
slanted toward evangelism. At the 1968 National Foursquare Convention in
Manila, Don McGregor listed twenty-three standard activities for local
churches that were evangelistic in nature: Sunday school, house-to-house
visitation, literature distribution, men's and women's organizations, and a
score more.
The overriding theme in their planning sessions, national and regional
conventions, messages from the pulpit and Bible school classes was always
evangelism, always the next town, the next barrio, more people won to the
Lord. With a goal so clearly defined and so forcefully pursued, was it any
wonder that they grew?
According to the Wheaton Declaration, the implementation of the
evangelical church's goal is retarded by seven deficiencies.
The first deficiency is: too little sensitivity to the authority and strategy of
the Holy Spirit. Perhaps the main finding of this research was simply a new
appreciation of Acts 1:8: "but you shall receive power when the Holy Spirit
has come upon you; and you shall be My witnesses.... "While the power of
God is absolute, our experience of it is very relative. Perhaps we non-
Pentecostals have been content with too small a portion of His power.
The Pentecostals have been busy teaching God's power, seeking His
power, expecting His power, and experiencing His power. After studying the
Foursquares for two and a half years, I came to the conclusion that their
emphasis on being filled with the Holy Spirit is at the heart of their power in
proclaiming the gospel so successfully. (It seems to me that as long as one
refuses to accept the ministry of the Holy Spirit in Pentecostal churches, he
will misunderstand them. It is as if one wants to understand television, but
refuses to acknowledge the picture tube.)
Their strategy is a natural result of the filling of the Holy Spirit. They
have developed an effective missionary strategy, not because they have
studied church growth principles, but because they have followed the
leading of the Holy Spirit. Where there was weak Pentecostal work, they had
either overemphasized or misdirected the work of the Spirit.
The second deficiency regarding the growth of the Church is: too much
missionary control. One of the reasons I selected the Foursquare Church was
that it had so few missionaries. The missionaries told me again and again
that since they were scattered over five areas of the Philippines and were
growing rapidly in most of these areas, they were forced to depend on local
leadership. On the one hand, the missionaries were taking positive, effective
leadership that was resulting in dynamic growth. But on the other hand, their
leadership was what the word implies: they were leading others into doing
the work.
The missionary of the Foursquare church was not in the frustrating
position of "fraternal worker." The sentiment that we are co-workers and
that the national should be free to build the Church as he sees fit may be
noble. But such an attitude can easily reduce the foreign missionary to the
role of an encouraging bystander.
The indigenous principles of the Foursquare church did not take this
stifling route. The Foursquare missionaries were not trapped at the opposite
end of the pendulum's swing where many other missionaries found
themselves. This kind of situation was observed by the Filipina Christian
education editor of Overseas Crusades' Crusader magazine. She found a
thriving Sunday school that she wanted to feature as an ideal to be copied by
others. Closer inspection, however, revealed that about half of the nineteen
classes were taught by foreign missionaries. Finding the nationals unable to
produce as effectively as the well-trained missionary, the missionaries
simply took over, hoping that some day the national would be equipped to
do as well. The editor quickly dropped the story.
Between the extremes of all-national and all-missionary personnel, the
Foursquare Church has charted a course that could be followed by all
missions concerned with evangelism and church planting. The history and
research of the Foursquare Church makes it clear that the handful of
missionaries was the dynamic behind what had been accomplished. Without
the foreign missionary, the church would have been a collection of good,
sound churches steadily expanding. But with the missionaries, the Church
was like a forest fire, leaping barriers and producing its own ideal conditions
for expansion.
The oldest Foursquare work in the Philippines, begun forty-two years ago
by a Filipino, did not come under the direct influence of the foreigner until
about 1964. It had a brilliant beginning and a fruitful history. But just before
my research began, the congregation was no bigger than it had been twenty-
five years earlier. The Ilocano area had been touched by a foreign
missionary for three years, but the abiding fruit was primarily one man who
persisted and planted ten churches in the next three decades. It was solid but
not phenomenal growth. The work begun in the Romblon area by the one
Filipino convert who returned from the United States was also very
commendable, with seven churches planted by one man in a dozen years.
But when a missionary began working with him, there were thirty-five
congregations within a few years.
The centers pioneered by the foreign missionaries produced dramatic
results, but the Foursquare's 200 planted churches are not tied to the
presence and ability of the missionary. The conclusion, then, is that the
handful of missionaries sent out by the International Church of the
Foursquare Gospel provided the leadership that resulted in the growth. But
with only one foreign missionary in each of five areas, the missionaries
achieved results through the nationals, and not in what they were able to
accomplish themselves. Leadership was turned over to nationals as soon as
the circumstances dictated, which proved to be much sooner than most
evangelical groups thought possible.
The third deficiency is: too much dependence on paid workers. If the
Wheaton Declaration had in mind the dependence on workers paid by the
mission itself, we can say that the Foursquare Church completely avoided
this problem. The source of all salaries for nationals was indigenous. Pastors
were paid by the local church; area and district workers were paid through a
tithe that was sent from the local churches to the district offices.
The fourth deficiency is: too little training and use of the great body of
laymen. We have seen how the Foursquare laymen witness and evangelize,
especially in relation to the ministry of the Holy Spirit in their lives. We also
noted how the gospel spreads through the families.
The fifth deficiency is: complacency with small numbers long after a
larger response could have been the norm. Foursquare workers, if anything,
tend to expect a great deal. Al Chaves was planning his Bible school and
getting ready his church building before there was the first convert in Cebu
City. Mrs. Thompson in Davao didn't take time to learn a word of dialect
before beginning nightly street meetings. She believed a harvest could be
gathered simply by preaching the gospel--without any of the supposedly
necessary preparatory steps being taken. Rev. Mahusay in Bohol went to a
town only because the Lord led him there; he preached in the market with
the expectation of planting a church. Evelyn Quema in Baguio held her first
church service three days after arriving in town. In all these cases and in
dozens more, there was the belief that an immediate harvest was to be
gathered and that the church planters needed simply to begin reaping. Their
hope was not that converts would come some day, but that a church would
begin immediately.
The sixth deficiency is: failure to take advantage of the response of
receptive peoples. When I mentioned the growth of the Foursquare Church
to one missionary, his explanation was that they had gone to Mindanao
where the people were more responsive. His own denomination, he
explained, was growing more slowly because they were working in a harder
Tagalog area where the people were not responding as rapidly. This may
help to explain their slower growth, yet it doesn't explain why they were
content to work only in a slowly growing area when other areas were ripe
for a larger harvest. The Foursquare Church did not sit down to determine
the rapidly growing areas and then send missionaries. It thought of a whole
nation needing the gospel, so it sent missionaries to the slowly growing and
the rapidly growing areas.
The last deficiency retarding church growth is: overemphasis on
institutionalism at the expense of multiplying churches. This criticism could
not be laid at the feet of the Foursquare Filipinos. Their only institutions
were Bible schools, and Christian day schools connected with a few of the
Bible schools.
During the research, I heard a number of missionaries and national
workers refer to the low standards of these Foursquare Bible schools. There
was a notable absence of M.A.s and Ph.D.s on their faculties, and their
libraries seemed woefully inadequate. Certainly the Bible school started in
Mindanao six months after the church was planted would suffer from
makeshift quarters, a patchwork faculty, and a lack of general academic
excellence.
But a realistic appraisal of the schools should be made in terms of their
goals. (You don't judge an agricultural school by the number of poets it turns
out.) From the beginning, the goal of each of the three Foursquare Bible
schools was to train the best leaders to plant growing and reproducing local
churches. In that they were undeniably successful. Their goal was not to set
up a school that necessarily could compare favorably, on an academic level,
with secular schools.
So their Bible schools, in the beginning, admitted some students with less
than a high school diploma and gave them only two years of training. Other
folks shook their heads and said that they would not start a Bible school or
seminary until they were equipped to develop a first-rate school that could
hold its head high in the academic community. But by 1968, a dozen years
after opening their doors, the three Bible schools had graduated 425
students, thirty-eight percent of whom went into full-time ministry. These
served in the 200 churches, most of which were planted by the graduates
themselves, and these graduates were on the front lines in a denomination
growing more than ten times faster than similar evangelical groups.
The academic standards of the Bible schools have been raised. The
entrance requirements have been upgraded; the libraries have been stocked;
the courses have been standardized; the faculties have been improved with
some of their sharpest men taking teaching positions. Their facilities have
grown; the length of the course has been increased to three years, and there
is constant planning for upgrading and improving.
But the Bible schools never became an end in themselves. American
missionaries weren't bogged down in administrative and institutional work,
but were able to continue to lead the young church into forceful evangelism
and church planting. They trained and challenged the national workers to go
back into the barrios, the basic and most productive unit for evangelism, and
pioneer on small salaries and under hardship conditions.
In comparing the strategy of the Foursquare Church with the Wheaton
Declaration of 1966, we find the Foursquare Church on solid ground indeed.
MORE REFLECTIONS
When I came to the end of the two and a half years of interviewing,
studying, and summarizing my impressions in a long written report, I found
that my attitude towards the Foursquare Church in the Philippines had
changed from guarded interest to enthusiastic endorsement. My hope of
finding a "model" denomination that could serve as a challenge and catalyst
to others was, in my opinion, amply fulfilled.
On the other hand, it was obvious that they were still a small band in a
nation whose people seemed ready to respond to the gospel in impressive
numbers. Would they continue to mushroom? Could a nation really he
discipled? Was it too much to hope that apostolic Christianity could indeed
flower lot more than brief periods? Indeed, was it an apostolic church'?
As I write this chapter in late 1974, I observe that their growth during the
past decade has not been quite so impressive. There is mature, solid
expansion; miracles are still taking place. Their foreign and national
ministers are some of the most respected in the Church in the Philippines.
They cooperate harmoniously with other groups in citywide evangelism, in
Sunday school conventions and in a host of boards, organizations, and
committees.
A hot, blazing life they are. But they are no longer a dazzling comet
streaking across the sky. What they are accomplishing, others are also
accomplishing albeit with much more foreign manpower and money.
What can we conclude? That it wasn't genuinely charismatic? That it
wasn't apostolic? That my pragmatic nature takes me right back to where 1
began? That we must, after all, go back to depending on Yankee ingenuity,
American style theological education, Western logic, modern principles of
management, and tomorrow's technology'?
If that's the case, count me out. Having once tasted New Testament fire in
the twentieth century, I'll never be satisfied with anything less. I believe
there was fantastic growth, the miracles did happen, people filled with the
Holy Spirit were used in the way it appeared in this book.
But the Holy Spirit can't be institutionalized. He doesn't belong to the
Foursquare Church, or even the Pentecostal movement of the world. The
Pentecostals don't possess Him: He--obviously in many cases--possesses
them. To the degree He possessed them, He was able to reproduce apostolic
Christianity in the Philippines. God fills, touches, empowers people. He
gives His gifts to whom He chooses find who meet His conditions. That is
what "charismatic" is all about.
Mrs. Evelyn Thompson was such a person. She had apostolic gifts in
such measure that phenomenal church growth resulted. When she left the
Philippines, she did not turn in these gifts to the Foursquare national
headquarters in Manila. She took them with her, and when she eventually
ended up on Korea, the Holy Spirit again used her in an impressive way.
Thousands of students met the Lord and formed a huge and vibrant church
during the first few months of her ministry- -even before she learned the
Korean language.
Don McGregor left the Philippines and took his charismatic gifts with
him too. God gave him the special ability to envision great goals and to lead
his Filipino and American co-workers in striving energetically and
cooperatively towards those goals. In my opinion, the charismatic gift he
held in greatest measure was that of administration--a charismatic gift no
less than those of healing and speaking in tongues.
These two charismatic leaders have left the Philippines. God the Holy
Spirit has not. Perhaps He hasn't given His gifts in the same measure to all
those who were left behind. Perhaps the apostolic dynamic of the Foursquare
Church in the Philippines has been in the process of being sealed off.
This is essentially what I suggested when my study was completed in
1968. I observed that a dramatic event would occur very rapidly for awhile.
Someone would be filled with the Spirit and then lead many of his relatives
and close friends to the Lord in the next few months. This happened, and
then there were no more close personal contacts. They lost contact with the
world. If a body of believers becomes scaled off from the vast world of
unbelievers, will the Holy Spirit continue to pour out His charismata to the
same extent?
The Foursquare church in the little community of Naga, an hour and a
half south of Cebu City, provides an answer. A miracle occurred when a
grandmother and grandfather came to know the Lord after a life of
drunkenness. The change was so great in their lives that the gospel quickly
spread to their sons and daughters, and then to their grandchildren. Within a
few weeks a church with a congregation of around 100 had emerged.
But this rapid growth didn't continue. The family patriarchs had for years
farmed a hillside above Naga. When the many children grew up and
married, they built their nipa huts and continued to farm the family hill. The
gospel had come to this tightly knit clan, and soon there were hardly any
unbelievers on the hillside. The church stopped growing.
If the Foursquare Church in Naga is to grow again the church members
must again establish contact with unbelievers in the world.
This, I believe, is the need for the whole denomination. Instead of a
national average of one or two evangelistic outstations per church, there
should be ten or fifteen or twenty. There must be more of Mrs. Thompson's
kind of public encounter where, night after night in communities all over the
nation, multitudes of Filipinos are confronted with an apostolic Christianity
they cannot ignore.
Five to ten percent of the Foursquare laymen must be recruited, trained,
and sent into homes to share the Word with unbelievers instead of letting the
pastors carry the heavy end of this ministry. National and foreign workers
must be freed from other responsibilities and sent to pioneer in many areas
of the country still awaiting the gospel.
When I review what I've read and observed of this work of church
renewal in the past decade, I conclude that the wind of the Holy Spirit is
blowing according to the promise for the last days. God the Holy Spirit is
touching and recreating His Church as He did in the days of its inception in
times and places of His choosing around the world.
He is irrepressible.