C H A P T E R

Equality
Ashok Acharya

CHAPTER OUTLINE

Introduction 59
Evolution of the Concept 60
Why Equalize? 65
Equality of What? 66
In Conclusion: The Politics of Equality 72
Points for Discussion 72

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INTRODUCTION
Among the billions of human beings in this world, innumerable inequalities abound. People
are different and unequal in many respects. They belong to different races, religions, sexes,
and so on. Their physical, genetic and mental endowments are also dissimilar. People differ
with regard to their dispositions and abilities and the ways in which they lead, and are
taught to lead, their lives. The range of inequalities and disparities that humanity displays
is indeed very wide and this is an empirical fact.
Yet, as humans, we believe, and rightly so, that we are essentially equal and possess equal
worth especially when it comes to realizing this ideal in social, economic and political
structures of our society. We invoke the concept of equality when we want to be counted as
an equal, to be treated—and aspiring or claiming to be treated—as an equal, to be equally
entitled to social goods. But what does it mean to be treated as an equal? What sense do we
make when we say that irrespective of our differences and certain inequalities—whether as
Brahmins or Dalits, black or white, men or women—we, as humans, possess equal worth?
We are clearly here not referring to anatomical similarities, save the difference between men
and women, and the common facts of our social existence that we, as humans, possess:
to wit, the use of language, ability to reproduce, living in societies, and so on. But we are
alike in more fundamental respects. Our capacity to feel pain or to suffer, capacity to ex-
perience affection for others and to be able to bear relevant consequences of the same are
capacities that have a moral resonance. As Bernard Williams (1962) highlights, these are
moral capacities that are universal to humanity. However, there are other characteristics
as well that we possess and these connect us to other humans in important ways. One of
these would be a ‘desire for self-respect’, which helps us unravel our own goals without
being instruments of others’ will. In short, there is something common in our collective
experience that forms the core of our egalitarian beliefs. This makes certain causes worthy
of pursuit and helps realize the significance of some of our struggles against unequal rela-
tionships and social order. Along with other political values such as justice or liberty, equality
offers us a moral framework that we draw upon to make political judgements, and explain,
prescribe or criticize certain political views and forms of political action.
The concept of equality lies at the heart of normative political theory. In a very general
sense, equality is a relationship between two or more persons or groups regarding some
aspect of their lives. The idea of equality is not, however, a simple one and hence it is not
always easy to speak with accuracy what that relationship ought to be and in respect of
what. There is no one way in which we may define a relationship between two or more
persons (or groups), determine the goals of the relationship, and give primacy to one aspect
of it over another by attaching pre-eminent value to the same. There are multiple ways
of doing so. In other words, the suggestion here is that the concept of equality can yield

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various conceptions depending on how we unpack the building-blocks—relationships,

persons, relevant attributes—and propose an appropriate relationship between them.

EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT

The history of political philosophy is replete with many references to the ideal of equality.
Starting from the ancient Greek civilization till the 20th century, notable for its many
egalitarian experiments, the idea of equality has evoked some of the strongest human pas-
sions. The content of the concept has undergone momentous transformations across cen-
turies shaping, and being shaped by, the millions of people that have been inspired to fight
various political battles sometimes against an autocrat, at other times against unjust social
conditions, and on other occasions against undemocratic regimes or policies.
Tracing the history of an idea is fraught with difficulties, one of which is the problem of
recovery of an interpretive exercise. Quite a lot has already been said on how we should go
about interpreting texts and events, the focus of disagreement being on whether or not we
can successfully employ contemporary lenses to judge contributions of past authors. Some
say we can, and others claim this is impossible. Those who deny the possibility suggest
that in order for interpretation to be authentic, it needs to be contextual, not textual. There
are merits on both sides and many scholars are persuaded to adopt a pluralist approach, or
at least concur to the validity of the same. The one further issue that remains, however, is
that either the recovery of an idea can promise progressive revelation culminating in some
contemporary set of ideals or it may very well be an account of degeneration concluding in
a set of dangerous trends visible in contemporary times. The project of recovery, in other
words, is laden with either hope or despair.
Most exercises of recovering the history of normative concepts in political theory aim
at a progressive revival, noting in the process how ideas widen and deepen in scope. This
is usually helped by drawing on the role that other ideas or values have also played in en-
riching the one under study. Thus, an account of the idea of equality cannot be separated
from parallel accounts of liberty, justice, rights, popular sovereignty or democracy from
which it feeds and is inspired by.
In what follows, we will selectively use some thinkers (Aristotle, Hobbes, Rousseau, Marx,
and Tocqueville) who had decisive roles in giving shape to the idea of [Link] we consider
the fact that the idea of equality also derives its strengths from similar normative concepts,
we may well find other chapters in this book complementing the present exercise.
Alexis de Tocqueville, the author of the classic Democracy in America, writes that there
is something irresistible and inevitable about the spread and progress of equality in the
history of humankind. ‘The gradual progress of equality is something fated’, he declares.
The main features of this progress, he claims, are its universality and permanence and the
fact that the ideal ‘is daily passing beyond human control, and every human and every
man helps it along’ (Tocqueville 1969: 12). How did something that is now ‘universal’ and
‘permanent’ ‘begin its journey?

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Aristotle
In what by now are well-known facts of the Greek experiments in popular rule, we are
well aware of how citizens exercised an equal voice in the governance of their city-states.
Aristotle’s Athenian Constitution contains many references of egalitarian reforms initiated
in Athens that prepared the passage for testing the democratic ideal. At the heart of the
reforms were attempts that sought to reduce inequalities in many spheres of social life in-
cluding, most importantly, the ending of aristocratic stranglehold over land, power and
honour. Practices of equality established by law were a sine qua non of democratic rule. A
word that competed in common usage with demokratia in ancient Athens was isonomia,
meaning equality before and within the law, a form of political equality that secured the
equal participation of ‘the many’ who were poor in the regime.
Yet, ancient Athens also had other classes of people who were excluded from the domain
of citizenship: metics (foreigners), slaves and women. Aristotle’s Politics, both documents
and justifies this exclusion. Aristotle’s conception of equality, it is evident, was limited to
the class of citizens only. The political equality of citizens lay in acknowledging the virtue
of ‘ruling and being ruled in turn.’ In Book III, Chapter 9 of Politics, Aristotle draws a
straightforward correlation between justice and equality when he says that ‘justice is held
to be equality, and it is, but for equals and not for all; and inequality is held to be just and is
indeed, but for unequals and not for all’. This is the first classic statement of formal equality,
reiterating the dominant conception of legal equality of treating like cases alike, and unlike
cases unlike. However, unlike other conceptions of formal equality which are generally
shorn of substance, this conception captures Aristotle’s defence of natural inequality among
men to rule. Note that in Aristotle’s view, nature, which does nothing in vain, divides
people into the ruling and the ruled, where, to belong to the ruling category one must have
rational, deliberative and authoritative capacities (true for some men, but not all). This in-
equality between the ruling and the ruled—the unequals—is just.

Hobbes
If Aristotle defends natural inequality and then proposes a corresponding political equality
between some humans (usually male citizens), Hobbes, who quarrels with Aristotle the
most, defends a view of the natural equality between all humans in the state of nature. In
Leviathan, his most famous work, Hobbes claims that

(n)ature hath made men so equal, in the faculties of body, and mind; so that though
there be found one man sometimes manifestly stronger in body, or of quicker mind than
another; yet when all is reckoned together, the difference between man, and man, is not
so considerable, as that one man can thereupon claim to himself any benefit, to which
another may not pretend, as well as he. (Hobbes 1968: 183)

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As to the strength of the body, Hobbes proclaims that even the weakest has enough
strength to kill the strongest either by secret plot or by conspiring with others. In addition,
as to the faculties of the mind, Hobbes argues that prudence, borne out of experience, is
equally bestowed upon men. What Hobbes proposes is the equal ability of individuals in
the state of nature which gives rise to an equality of hope to achieve our ends. What drives
individuals is an equal ability to work as well as an equal and irresistible passion for power.
From this condition of equality, beset however by the passions of self-glorification and
competition for more power, emerges the first threat to equality when men try to dominate
and subjugate others. In this quest for more power, men forgo the need for security and live
in a state of depravity. Unless men agree to cede a part of their power to the political au-
thority and accept to lead a civilized but equal existence under the domination of author-
ity, they can never be fully secure. In the Hobbesian vocation, it is important to acknowledge
the achievement of natural equality among men freed from all non-political sources of
authority, including the religious.

Rousseau on Inequality
In his Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality (also called the Second Discourse),
Rousseau speculates on human psychology and the history of social institutions. This is
where he delves deep into the issue of human inequality, describing its various types that
exist among human beings and determining which kind of inequality are ‘natural’ and which
ones are ‘unnatural’. Rousseau presents his analysis of society and the origins of inequality
as a historical narrative. The narrative is relatively simple but bears a powerful message. For
Rousseau, man in his state of nature is essentially an animal like any other, driven by two
key motivating principles: pity and self-preservation. In the state of nature, which is more
a hypothetical idea man neither is a rational creature nor possesses the concept of good and
evil, has few needs, and is essentially happy. The only thing that separates him from the
beasts is some sense of unrealized perfectibility. This notion of perfectibility is what allows
human beings to change with time, and according to Rousseau, it becomes important the
moment an isolated human being is forced to adapt to his environment and allows himself
to be shaped by it. When natural disasters force people to move from one place to another,
make contact with other people, and form small groups or elementary societies, new
needs are created, and men begin to move out of the state of nature towards something very
different. Rousseau writes that as individuals have more contact with one another and small
groups begin to form, the human mind develops language, which, in turn, contributes to
the development of reason. Life in the collective state also precipitates the development of
a new, negative motivating principle for human actions. Rousseau calls this principle amour
propre, and it drives men to compare themselves to others. This drive towards comparison
with others is not only rooted in the desire to preserve the self and pity others, but it also
drives men to seek domination over their fellow human beings as a way of augmenting
their own happiness.

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Rousseau states that with the development of amour propre and more complex human
societies, private property is invented, and the labour necessary for human survival is
divided among different individuals to provide for the whole. This division of labour and
the beginning of private property allow the property owners and all those who live off the
labour of others to dominate and exploit the poor. Rousseau observes that the poor resent
this state of affairs and will naturally seek war against the rich to end their unfair domination.
In Rousseau’s history, when the rich recognize this, they deceive the poor into joining a
political society that claims to grant them the equality they seek. The universal consent of
humanity is needed to justify the institution of private property. The rich suggest that every-
one associate together to use their common force to ‘secure the weak from oppression, re-
strain the ambitious, and secure for everyone the possession of what belongs to him’. The
naïve and unsuspecting poor ‘ran to meet their chains thinking they secured their freedom,
for although they had enough reason to feel the advantages of a political establishment, they
did not have enough experience to foresee its dangers’ (Rousseau 1964: 159–60). Instead
of granting equality, however, the rich sanctify their oppression and make an unnatural
moral inequality a permanent feature of civil society.
In the progress of inequality through the different epochs of civilization, Rousseau notes
how the changing nature of institutionalized inequality transforms the dynamic of social
relations. If the right to property and the establishment of law was the first stage, it authorized
the status of rich and poor. The institution of magistracy was the second stage and it established
the relations between the powerful and the weak. The last stage effected the transformation
of legitimate power into arbitrary power (which we just discussed above) that authorized the
existence of masters and slaves. In Rousseau’s inequality-continuum, the property owners or
the rich amass power and become masters. For the poor the metamorphosis would follow:
poor→weak→slaves. That is a powerful statement but is soon followed up by Rousseau’s
claims that when no more inequality is possible and things have been stretched to their limits,
‘new revolutions dissolve the government altogether or bring it closer to its legitimate insti-
tution’ (Rousseau 1964: 172).
Rousseau’s argument in the Second Discourse is that the only natural inequality among
men is that which results from differences in physical strength, for this is the only sort of
inequality that exists in the state of nature. As he explains, however, in modern societies the
creation of laws and property has corrupted natural men and created new forms of inequality
that are not in accordance with natural law. Rousseau calls these unjustifiable,unacceptable
forms of inequality. It is, in other words, moral inequality, and he concludes by making
clear that this sort of inequality must be contested. From this analysis and the prescribed
prognosis of ‘new revolutions’, a straight road leads to the work of Karl Marx.

Marx
At one level, Marx’s views on equality can best be described as a critique of liberal equality.
In his polemic against the prevalent socialist conception of equality, Marx derided his con-
temporaries for their inability to account for the materialistic conception of history. It was

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necessary for Marx to correct popular misconceptions surrounding the ideal whose uses
were more in the interest of the bourgeois. In The German Ideology, Marx seeks to unravel
the ideological bind that certain concepts have in a historical period. A ruling class has its
own ideology to which society subscribes. The parallel between Rousseau and Marx here
is pretty evident. As Rousseau laments how the poor get duped by the promises made by
the rich to secure the consent of the former to institute ‘legitimate’ power, Marx also shows
how the ruling class produces a legitimating ideology to perpetuate the system of economic
exploitation. Towards that end, the division of labour in the ruling class of a capitalist so-
ciety will ensure a division between mental and material labour, and correspondingly the
division between the ‘the thinkers of the class’ and the capital owners will emerge. The for-
mer are ‘the active, conceptive ideologists, who make the perfecting of the illusion of the class
about itself their chief source of livelihood’. All historical epochs provide their own ruling
ideas: ‘during the time the aristocracy was dominant, the concepts honour, loyalty, etc.,
were dominant, during the dominance of the bourgeoisie, the concepts freedom, equality,
etc.’ (Marx 1978: 173). These concepts are abstract and hold sway by taking on the form
of universality to which even some socialists sometimes fall prey. But they are hollow and
bereft of substance unless accompanied by a communist vision.
What Marx envisions for the final stage of history—the communist, classless society—
becomes clear only when we understand the impossibility of human emancipation under
conditions of exploitative social relations. The question of human emancipation is linked
to freedom from economic inequalities. The capitalist system intensifies and heightens eco-
nomic inequality. In the transitional socialist stage, emancipation is not complete but equal
access to the means of production is ensured. In this transitional stage many capitalist prac-
tices, including the necessity of labour and material incentives, do not vanish. The distribu-
tive principle in operation during the stage is guided by the principle of ‘to each according to
his work’. Socialism, in the transitional phase, realizes the ethical principle of liberalism.
Here, man is seen only as a worker. In his Critique of the Gotha Programme, however, Marx
declares that in the final phase of communism, society would be able to inscribe on its banner:
‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!’ (Marx 1978: 521). Under
communism, man will no longer be regarded simply as a producer but as a person with
needs and desires, which, rather than his contribution of labour, will be the basis for the dis-
tribution of goods. The distribution of goods, properly understood, is the consequence of
the distribution of the conditions of production. Scarcity and conflict of economic interests
are contingent aspects of class societies. These will disappear with the inauguration of com-
munist society.

Tocqueville
The central thrust of Tocqueville’s work was to study equality as a tendency of modern
history. His study of the American democratic revolution was designed to understand the
historical transition from feudalism to democracy in the Western society as a whole. His
study was not meant to just identify the transition, but to account for it as well. Why was

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the triumph of equality inevitable? The project involved explaining the gradual and progres-
sive development of social equality. Equality as an ideal appeals to people who wish to escape
conditions of servitude and dependence. It makes democratic life possible. In comparing
aristocracy with democracy, Tocqueville notes: ‘Aristocracy links everybody,from peasant
to king, in one long chain. Democracy breaks the chain and frees each link’ (Tocqueville
1969: 508). In democracies, men prefer equality to liberty, and hold on to it tenaciously.
‘The charms of equality are felt the whole time and are within the reach of all; the noblest
spirits appreciate them, and the commonest minds exult in them. The passion generated by
equality is therefore both strong and general’ (Tocqueville 1969: 505). However, Tocqueville
warns us of the dangers of excessive equality. There are times when the passions for equality
may turn into a delirium. Tocqueville is equivocal about the consequences of social equality
on political life. Although passions for equality may be found to exist very strongly in
democracies, it is vital, in his view that a single-minded pursuit of equality at the expense
of liberty may prove detrimental to the political health of democracies.

WHY EQUALIZE?
Reduction of inequalities may be considered as the primary objective of equality. But, why
reduce inequalities? The objective of inequality-reduction can be inspired, for example, by
a commitment to the ideal of uniformity. One way to bring about uniformity in an unequal
world is to fix for everyone equal income irrespective of the individuals’ abilities, or to
design and distribute identical houses irrespective of the size of the family. This we know
raises more problems than helps resolve. For instance, the idea of an equal income militates
against what we deserve by way of differential talents, skills, occupations and efforts. No one
can make a plausible argument that irrespective of our social positions we all deserve equal
income. No one as well can make a convincing case that every family, whatever the size, gets
to have a two- or three-room house. Or, for that matter, no one would ever argue that irre-
spective of performance in the examinations, every student should get the same grades.
Uniformity, in spite of some of its attractions, cannot be the end of equality, at least the
way we understand and extend the latter in distributional terms. Equality must appeal to
some other and better standards. However, a caveat is in order. Uniformity is a valuable
standard when we speak of fair procedures. The idea here is that, rich or poor, high or low-
ranking, each one of us is entitled to the uniformity of equal treatment, say, in the court of law,
where our wealth or social rank should not affect the dispensation of justice. The useful-
ness of the yardstick of uniformity, however, ceases to have a moral significance in the dis-
tributional sphere.
Equality achieves certain ends and, by doing so, augments its moral appeal and its sep-
arate standing as an autonomous value. Equality is valuable for fulfilling four different ends
to which it has an intrinsic connection. First, equality is sometimes required in order to be fair.
If there are benefits or burdens to distribute, then, other things being equal, it is unfair to
distribute them unequally. It is unfair, say, to award unequal marks or grades to two equally

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talented students who have performed identically in their examinations. In the absence of
good moral reasons for an unequal distribution, fairness requires equality.
Second, equality is desirable because some measure of equality is necessary for self-respect.
People may belong to different positions in society but that should not reflect on how
they perceive each other. When a person feels that in spite of the status differences that she
shares with others she is as good as none, her self-respect is in danger. A fundamental way
of understanding the need for self-respect is to acknowledge that the gap between a person’s
self-image and how others who are better off perceive that person is not too huge. Often,
this calls for correcting unjust external conditions—by way of, for example, ensuring a min-
imally just material condition—that have a bearing on a person’s self-image.
Third, equality enjoins a duty to show respect to others. The ability to possess self-respect
is not the only thing that matters, but how one treats others. Showing equal respect implies
recognizing that all people have capacities to deliberate for themselves and to engage in
activities and relationships that are considered intrinsically valuable.
Finally, equality is necessary to foster fraternity. Conditions of equality induce some meas-
ure of solidarity among the inhabitants of a society by way of removing systematic barriers
to social intercourse. Most commuters in buses and on trains do not worry about the caste
or religious affiliation of their fellow passenger. Across caste and communal divide, people
join hands to fight various forms of injustice. This is possible because we believe in the ideal
of equality. Inequalities are objectionable in part because they place barriers to friendship,
community and love.
All the above four justifications for equality are complementary to each other. Together,
they capture different reasons for a general defence of equality and each separately highlights
a special aspect as significant. The argument to be fair on grounds of distributive justice
focuses on the equal satisfaction of basic needs. The argument from the perspective of self-
respect makes a case for equality of status by requiring that material inequalities should not
be glaring. The case for equal respect demands prerequisites of equal opportunities for self-
development. Finally, the argument from the perspective of fraternity makes a case for social
equality (Miller 1996).

EQUALITY OF WHAT?
In contemporary political philosophy, a lot of discussion surrounds the ‘equality of what?’
debate. Any attempt to apply the principle of equality between individuals must first come to
terms with what exactly we must be concerned to equalize. In addition, the ‘what’ of equal-
ity has a distributional aspect to it; we are chiefly talking here about distributional equality.
Although the final word on the debate on ‘equality of what?’ is yet to be said, scholars
generally identify three metrics of equality: welfare, resources and capabilities. Besides the
above, there is an alternative conception of equality that is less a competitor to distributional
equality and more of a complement. This is the idea of complex equality. We shall examine
each one of them below.

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Equality of Welfare
Utilitarians generally argue that the project of distributional equality amounts to the
distribution of welfare. ‘Welfare’ here is primarily understood in two ways. According to
the classical utilitarian thinking, as espoused by Jeremy Bentham (also see Chapter 3),
welfare refers to the happiness which is understood as the net balance of pleasure over
pain that the individual experiences. According to this view, in assessing how well-off
someone is in life, we should look at how happy he or she is, that is, at the net balance of
pleasure over pain in his/her life. In more recent writings, however, welfare is identified
with desire or preference-satisfaction; people have more or less welfare, and so have better
or worse lives in a fundamental sense, depending on how far they satisfy their desires or
their preferences. In deciding which preferences matter most to a person, the person must
be able to form his/her own judgements independently and with full information without
any scope for errors of reasoning.
A society that believes in distributing welfare equally will not worry much about how
much resources individuals get, but whether or not these resources are instrumental in
securing for each individual a level of satisfaction or happiness (whether in terms of pleasure
or preference-fulfilment) equal to everyone else. Under such a scheme, it is imperative that
we fulfil everyone’s welfare equally irrespective of the inequality entailed in the distribution
of resources. Someone who has a taste for an expensive car or jewellery is to be treated
at par with someone who is happy riding a bicycle or owning a lantern. There is a moral
issue here, however, that is bound to engage our intuitive notions of fairness. Should our
society subsidize people’s expensive tastes? Why should those who are unhappy without
expensive cars have more of a claim on social resources than those who are content with
bicycles? Or, for that matter, why should a society underwrite a gambler’s professional risks
and treat it at par with someone who needs much fewer resources to be trained as a car
mechanic? Demands to treat preferences equally can at times be morally worrisome and un-
sustainable. The ideal of equality of welfare, let us be clear, certainly does not promote the
cause of fairness, self-respect, or fraternity. In many ways, the ideal is considered morally
objectionable by most liberals and is held to be unattractive as a yardstick for social policy.

Equality of Resources
The resourcist view of equality or ‘resource egalitarianism’ is most expressly identified with
the views of John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin and Eric Rakowski. Equality of resources, Dworkin
maintains, holds that a distributional scheme treats people as equals ‘when it distributes
or transfers so that no further transfer would leave their shares of the total resources more
equal’ (Dworkin 1981: 186). But one needs to know when precisely equality of resources
is likely to be achieved. Dworkin suggests a two-stage process: (i) the ambition-sensitive
auction, and (ii) the insurance scheme. But let us start with a simpler story, a story—much
like a philosopher’s fiction—that Dworkin himself uses.

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Imagine we are shipwrecked immigrants washed ashore on a deserted island. Let us

further assume for the moment (though we will qualify this later) that everyone has
the same natural talents. Huddled together in an island with abundant resources and no
native population, we set upon the task of equally dividing the available resources. We
elect one amongst us to effect an equal division of resources. The division will follow the
auction procedure. In view of the fact that our goals in life may differ, we need to exer-
cise our choices on which resources we need and hence bid for. To that extent, we are each
given 100 clamshells to bid for all the available resources in the island that are up for sale
in a perfectly competitive market. Each one of us is likely to have different preferences and
our preferences will determine on what we wish to spend our clamshells. Someone who wishes
to engage in farming will spend a major part of the clamshells on agricultural land, and
those others who wish to spend time near the sea will bid for the beaches. And a person
who wishes to set up a dairy farm will bid for cattle and some grazing land. In this manner,
each one will bid for different resources in accordance with one’s ambitions and each will
end up with a bundle of resources that he or she would not wish to trade away with some-
one else’s. The division, so effected by the purchase of a different but equal bundle of re-
sources in the auction, meets the envy test, which implies that ‘no division of resources is
an equal division if, once the division is complete, any immigrant would prefer someone
else’s bundle of resources to his own bundle’ (Dworkin 1981: 285). We could say that if
the envy test is met, then people have been treated with equal consideration, and differ-
ences between them owing to different bundles of resources are a reflection of their dif-
ferent ambitions.
We have just met the requirement of choice in the resource egalitarian conception. However,
in the real world it is difficult to imagine that everyone would be similarly endowed in natural
assets. We are re-opening an issue that we had assumed to be non-existent earlier. Will the
envy test succeed if we assumed that people were differently endowed? Suppose some of us
are physically challenged and are born with natural handicaps, say, without eyesight. Now, in
the auction scheme where all of us enjoy equal ability to bid for equal bundles of resources,
no two persons with different natural endowments will find themselves under conditions
of equal circumstances. A person who is physically challenged, for instance, will have spe-
cial needs and the resources that she purchases with her 100 clamshells will leave her less
well-off than others. She shares the burden of unequal circumstances. Where the more
fortunate than her make more meaningful choices with their resources, a disproportionate
amount of her resources will be spent in meeting her special needs. This is not fair consider-
ing that her handicap was involuntarily acquired. How do we then meet the envy test?
One way out would be to compensate for her natural disadvantage from the common
pool of resources before we start the auction process. In order to be fair to her we may be
required to design a distributional plan that offsets her brute luck before giving her a fair go
at the auction. The plan is simple: we need to be both endowment-insensitive and ambition-
sensitive. This is another way of acknowledging, as Dworkin suggests, that people’s fates in
any distributional scheme is as much determined by their choices as by their circumstances.
Hence, although the auction takes care of people’s choices, compensating people—or, better

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still, securing insurance for them against brute luck—is morally required. However, the
matter is not as simple as it mayfirst seem. One cannot simply concede that we compensate
all natural disadvantages of the unlucky. Some disadvantages cannot just be compensated,
and some need not be a cause of great concern. And in cases where compensation is due we
can only partially equalize unequal circumstances—not wholly—no matter how much we
compensate. We need to strike a balance somewhere between being fair to people’s choices
and taking moral responsibility for their disadvantages. An ambition-sensitive auction needs
to be balanced by an insurance scheme that takes care of natural, undeserved inequalities.
Before the auction can take place, all of us may be required to put aside, say, 25 or 30 clam-
shells to meet the obligations towards the disadvantaged and then bid for the available
resources. A central objective of Dworkin’s proposal is to invite us to see the parallels between
what we commit ourselves to in an ideal setting, and what the transposed implications are
to the non-ideal, real world. A rough parallel of the insurance scheme in the real world is
the practice of progressive taxation. Taxing the rich proportionately more than the poor
enables the state to secure welfare for the disadvantaged. A resourcist conception of equal-
ity lays emphasis on the centrality of state responsibility towards remedying unequal cir-
cumstances among people.

Equality of Capabilities
The economist Amartya Sen pioneers the idea that distributional equality should concern
itself with equalizing people’s capabilities, instead of emphasizing on resources or incomes.
We should be able to, Sen argues, focus on the real freedoms that people enjoy such as
being able to read, being healthy, having self-respect, being politically active, being able
to take part in the life of the community, and so on. The proper focus should be on what
people are able to be and do, that is on their functions, and not on how much resource is
allocated to them. Resources only secure for us what makes us happy, lead valuable lives,
and are therefore, to be considered as means of well-being.
In contrast to the resource approach, Sen proposes the notion of well-being understood
in terms of function. Reading is a function vital to leading a valuable life. However, Sen does
not argue that social policy should be concerned with function. Social policy, according to
Sen, should instead focus on capabilities. A capability is the ability to achieve a certain sort of
function. For example, literacy is a capability, while reading is a function. In a society where
people are illiterate, a state should actively promote people’s ability to read, i.e. literacy.
Whereas a resource egalitarian may insist that resources such as books and educational
services may be provided for in regions that are deficient in literacy, the capability advocate
would argue that more than a provision of external means what matters is the capability—
an internal ability—of the target population to read and write. This way of addressing the
problem of inequality is indeed a novel one.
The novelty of the capability approach is further brought home by Sen’s observation
that a proper analysis of inequality needs to go hand-in-hand with facts of human diver-
sity. We are, Sen argues, ‘deeply diverse in our internal characteristics (such as age, gender,

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general abilities, particular talents, proneness to illnesses and so on) as well as in external
circumstances (such as ownership of assets, social backgrounds, environmental predica-
ments, and so on).’ (Sen 1993: xi) To take one example of an internal characteristic (gen-
der) made worse in the presence of some adverse external factors (discrimination and
patriarchal institutions), Sen points to the mortality differential between males and females
(that also accounts for the phenomenon of ‘missing women’ in countries such as China
and India), especially among rural families in Asia and Africa (Sen 1993: 122–25). If
other social characteristics such as identity and social disadvantage are factored in, our
understanding of inequality deepens. Hence, it will be plausible to maintain, for instance,
that beyond the simplistic account of gender inequality, most Dalit women are worse off
than other women in terms of high mortality. However, the buck may not stop here. It
will be a real test to determine further whether Dalit women of Delhi, for example, fare as
badly as, say, widows from upper-caste rural Rajasthan. Some would argue, and with good
reasons, that the latter—due to rigid external constraints—are probably worse off than the
former. We need to be sensitive to such differences and not be misled by appearances. Since
many characteristics can impinge on people’s functioning, it is essential that policy makers
amass as much information as possible before they design suitable policies to equalize
people’s capabilities. Social policy must be attuned to facts of human diversity. A simple
minded approach (for example, of equalizing incomes) towards correcting complex modes
of inequality will simply not do.

Complex Equality
Michael Walzer gives currency to the idea of complex equality. Walzer is an egalitarian but
finds himself ill at ease with the intellectual enterprise involved in identifying the single
most important metric of equality—welfare, resources or capability. This enterprise, to him,
is somewhat misplaced. It is misplaced due to the egalitarians’ unrelenting insistence on a
single point of access to the plurality of distributive arrangements. This needs unpacking.
Often, in our quest to distribute goods, we harp more on the principles of distribution and
less on what meaning we attribute to goods. Walzer argues that people conceive of and
create goods, which they then distribute among themselves. It is important that we shift our
attention from distribution to the conception and creation of goods. We give meanings to
goods, which determines their social value. The same goods have different meanings in dif-
ferent societies. There is no single set of basic goods which could be universally conceived of
and given the same value. Rawls, Walzer would argue, was off the mark when he suggested
that what mattered was how a set of primary goods needed to be fairly distributed across
societies. If one knew how goods were socially created, one would have difficulty agree-
ing with Rawls in giving a universalist account of justice that would apply across time and
space. ‘All distributions are just and unjust relative to the social meanings of goods at stake’
(Walzer 1983: 9). These meanings change across time and space. For instance, the idea
that childcare is solely a family responsibility no longer holds true in some societies unlike

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in others. Every society will give value to goods in a particular way, and will be sustained
by a shared understanding among members.
What, however, is typical to the understanding of how goods ought to be distributed is
that when meanings given to goods are distinct, distributions must be autonomous. Every
set of goods constitutes a distinct distributive sphere within which only certain criteria of
distribution are appropriate (Walzer 1983: 10). Economists may be right to impute a cer-
tain measure of rationality and acquisitiveness to the behaviour of people in the markets.
However, the same does not hold true in all social domains. Fathers and mothers are
supposed to be loving, trusting, caring and altruistic. Citizens are supposed to be equal,
impartial, and motivated by views of the collective good. Resources within families are not
distributed as wages; political offices in a democracy ought not to be distributed among
relatives. Walzer maintains that there is no reason to expect that the same distributive stand-
ards must prevail in different ‘spheres’ of social life. Thus, the spheres of the market and
political power, to take two examples, are distinct and separate. The norms for distributing
goods within each are internal to each and ideally should not spill over. Critics, however,
may reason that this is easier said than done. Of course, inequalities from economic life do
spill over into political life and vice versa. Wealth can buy votes, and elected representatives
can misuse their offices to further the interests of business. This, Walzer would be quick to
point out, is highly undesirable. Nations do indeed erect barriers, with limited success, to
restrict the extent to which wealth leads to political power.
Within each sphere, there might well be inequalities and there is nothing wrong with
that. If the distributional norm in the economic domain lays emphasis on effort and because
of which inequalities emerge between those who work hard and those who do not, the
indolent or the lazy cannot expect to be similarly rewarded as the diligent. This inequality
is acceptable with the caveat that hard work at times goes unrewarded in some societies.
What is not acceptable, however, is when people who enjoy a certain pre-eminence in other
spheres are disproportionately rewarded in the economic sphere. A case in point could well
be to ask whether reward for work should be related to religious affiliation. In Walzer’s
scheme, it is clear it cannot be. But, what if it does? That would lead to tyranny. Tyranny
is the disregard for the distinctness of spheres and the principles internal to them and in
ways in which it multiplies inequalities. Some groups can monopolize a particular category
of goods and then use their monopoly to achieve unequal distribution of other goods. That
would lead to dominance. Our effort should be on the reduction of dominance. Equality
requires a diversity of distributive criteria that mirrors the diversity of social goods.
Complex equality is the opposite of tyranny. ‘It establishes a set of relationships such
that domination is impossible. In formal terms, complex equality means that no citizen’s
standing in one sphere or with regard to one social good can be undercut by his standing in
some other sphere, with regard to some other good’ (Walzer 1983: 19). The idea of complex
equality is a refreshingly different perspective than those struggling over the metrics of
equality. In contrast to the abstractions of individual responsibility and personhood that
characterizes the three conceptions we discussed above, Walzer’s approach focuses attention
on the social meanings of goods and the plurality of the spheres of justice.

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 72 POLITICAL THEORY: AN INTRODUCTION

IN CONCLUSION: THE POLITICS OF EQUALITY

The politics of egalitarianism in the 20th century was instrumental in justifying the idea
of a welfare state, among other things. That idea, successful in its heyday, has declined
over the past two decades. What went wrong? We cannot detail all the causes, but a short
checklist may help. Many democratic societies today are witnessing the rise of right-wing
politics. This trend started in the 1980s when governments headed by Ronald Reagan and
Margaret Thatcher unleashed a backlash against the welfare state. The legitimacy of the
welfare state was called into question and it was largely discredited for having given short
shrift to individual responsibility, creativity and economic efficiency. Right-wing politics
in recent times is sustained by citizens who wish to pay less tax and consequently vote
to power parties (usually right-wing) who promise less tax. In the global political land-
scape, moreover, one notices a decisive ideological shift toward the right. The politics of
globalization has further caused a setback to the practice of redistribution and the idea of
welfare-state policies.
Yet another distinct political phenomenon is also visible: the political struggles of identity
groups. This parallels new concerns in normative political theory, too. The ‘equality of what?’
debate is being replaced by ‘equality of whom?’. Egalitarians are increasingly shedding their
individualist bias and are keener to engage in concerns surrounding inequality between
groups that owe more to non-material factors. The struggles for greater equality by women,
minorities, Dalits, linguistic groups and others are a pointer to the continuing relevance
of the bases of social equality and a corresponding search for new paradigms of group-
sensitive equality.

Points for Discussion

1. In drawing up a will between five children with different tastes and ambitions, how would a parent
divide the inhertitance among them? The following information is provided about the children:
One is blind.
One does not wish to work and has expensive tastes.
One is a prospective politician with expensive ambitions.
One is a teacher with humble needs.
One is a fashion designer who works with expensive material.
2. As a representative of your class, you have been invited by the college Governing Council to discuss
policy issues related to
(a) The translation of the most popular English textbooks to your native language
(b) The expansion of Braille resources in the college library for visually challenged students
(c) The provision of wheelchair access to the entire college premises

Would you justify any of these policies? Why and how?

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Reading List

Aristotle, Politics, trans. Carnes Lord (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984), an ebook
version from MIT available at [Link]
Cohen, G. A., ‘On the Currency of Egalitarian Justice’, Ethics, 99(4), 1989: 906–44.
Dworkin, Ronald, ‘What is Equality? Part 1: Equality of Welfare’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 10(3),
1981: 185–246.
———, ‘What is Equality? Part 2: Equality of Resources’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 10(4), 1981:
283–345.
Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan (London: Penguin Books, 1968), complete text available at [Link]
[Link]/h/hobbes/thomas/h68l/
Kymlicka, Will, Contemporary Political Philosophy: An Introduction, Indian Edition (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2005).
Lakoff, Sanford A., Equality in Political Philosophy (Boston: Beacon Press, 1964).
Marx, Karl, The Marx-Engels Reader, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: W. W. Norton and Co,
1978).
Miller, David, ‘Arguments for Equality’, Midwest Studies in Philosophy, 7, 1996: 73–88.
Pojman, Louis P. and Robert Westmoreland (eds), Equality: Selected Readings (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997).
Rousseau, Jean Jacques, The First and Second Discourses (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1964).
Sen, Amartya, Inequality Re-examined (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).
Tocqueville, Alexis de, Democracy in America (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), entire text and
background available at [Link]
Walzer, Michael, Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books,
1983).
Williams, Bernard A. O., ‘The Idea of Equality’, in Peter Laslett and W. G. Runciman (eds), Philosophy,
Politics and Society, Series II (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1997).

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