151>13

I Towards a Theoretical
I Approach to the Study
of Cros.5-Border Cooperation
. JONATHAN GRIX

l The existing literature on borders and cross-border cooperation (CBC) and the I
INl'RODUCTION

I role it plays in European integration offers little in the way of a coherent theoreti- l
I cal approach that can explain rather than describe the [Link] or trans- 1
1 boundary exchange. There are many reasons for this lacuna in the scholarly lite-
rature. First, the disciplines involved in the study of borders and CBC are many and
very diverse, ranging from political geography to international relations and eco­
nomics. Second, borders and CBC are themselves so diverse and unique that some l
scholars believe that it is impossible to construct an approach that would be a p - J
plicable across more than one particular area or region.• Whilst acknowledging !'
the diversity of both academic disciplines and particular border areas, I believe i
that it is possible to develop a general approach that can be applied to a wide range
of border regions. Therefore, this paper offers some thoughts on what such a the­
oretical approach to the study of borders and CBC-and the role it plays in
catalysing European integration-may look like.
Existing research offers little insight into the complex 'puzzle' of how formal and
informal integration interact, their effect on and significance for wider EU expan­
sion. This paper proposes an approach with which to analys e the neglected infor­
mal aspect of this dynamic by operationalising a theoretical framework which fo- I
cuses on 'bottom-up', micro-level 'transactions' to play alongside the much more I
1 fully researched formal aspects of integration. Drawing selectively on three small,

I unpublished empirical studies in the German-Polish and German-Czech border re- J

l gions, I will attempt-by adopting a much refined definition of 'social capital'2-
j to show how CBC is capable of generating mutual trust and cooperation between
certain sub-groups of neighbouring populations. As I shall point out, a concept
with normative content, such as 'trust', requires an interpretivist approach to cap- I
ture and uncover it. Quantitative data recording the increase or decrease of trans- I
border flows is very useful, but can take us only so far in understanding the impact !
of cross-border interaction on attitudes of neighbouring populations. What this ar-
tide does not do, however, is discuss in detail the many various types of CBC. It is I
tual understanding of border populations than, say, some forms of economic ex­ I
i quite clear that cultural trans-border exchange may have a different impact on mu-

change. CBC ought to be, however, by definition, taken as something aimed at, and
, motivated by, mutual beneficial action.3
I PERSPECT!v'ES 17/2001 5

I
 CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION
WHY STUDY CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION?
Before introducing the social capital approach, we need to ask ourselves why
I should we study CBC in the first place? Cross-border cooperation in its many forms
can be considered as important and relevant to European integration. The act of
effectively 'knitting' together historically antagonistic neighbouring states at n a ­
tional, sub-national and local levels has been particularly successful in western
Europe, where a myriad of Euroregions function as channels for, and facilitators
of, formal and informal inter-state cooperation and exchange. CBC has been a key
factor in this process and therefore could be seen as a model for many East Central
European post-communist countries keen 10 accede to the European Union.
Before discussing CBC and European integration [Link] us briefly consider the
successful example of the Franco-German relationship.
FRANCO-GERMAN RELATIONS AND CBC
The building of transnational ties to overcome contending national sovereignties
is a tried and tested means of increasing the chances of prosperity and co-opera­
tion which has led to the emergence of a zone of stable peace in western Europe.4
Germany's formerly historically sensitive border regions with France and the
Netherlands are prime examples of what CBC is capable of overcoming. The high­
ly successful Dutch-German CBC has brought not just economic development 10
the region, but gone some way to 'deepen' integration between states, thereby
breaking down the distrust between the two nations.
The Franco-German relationship was driven by elite-led institutionalisation and
interaction and bound by the European integration project, which in turn fostered
a multitude of cross-border co-operation and communications. Currently there is
an unprecedented amount of top level contact (politicians and ministers),S and
a high level of exchange of trade and social and cultural interaction, especially
youth exchanges.
France's motives for wanting to see Germany and its economic resources bound
by institutional arrangements, which would ensure that it never again exerted the
military might of the past-stretching back to lhe 1870s-are understandable.
A recovering German economy needed to be firmly embedded in bilateral and
multilateral ties. The latter was to come in the shape of the European Community,
a project inextricably bound up with, and central to, the Franco-German relation­
ship. For Germany, the close relationship with France allowed her to quickly go be­
yond its severely weak bargaining position vis-a-vis other states by affording it a key
role in the creation of the European Community.
By the 1980s, the volume and the degree of institutional!sation of communica­
tions and exchange between the two states was unprecedented, ranging from fre­
quent contact of top ranking politicians, ministers and administrators to country­
wide youth and culture exchanges.
Bilateral relationships are likely to be crucial to the successful expansion of the
EU and CBC could become the means of building trust between bordering coun­
tries, as it meshes the formal (EU-led initiatives) wilh the multiplication of infor­
mal, socio-economic and cultural interaction. The need for building trust between
neighbours is essential, both between countries which share a border with the
frontiers of the EU and, perhaps more importantly, between former Soviet satellite
1 states in Eastern Central Europe.

6 f£RSPECMS 1712001
 i

!
JONATHAN GRIX I
'
CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATION j
! On the macro-level much work has focused on the fonnal structures of the j
European integration process.6 Proponents of the key approaches, neofunctlonal- ,
j ism and intergovernmentalism, which represent both sides of the 'theoretical di-
i
! vide in EC studies' ,7 have failed to agree on the relationship between formal inte-
1 gration, in the form of institution-building, EU rule structures and EU membership, i
'1

I and informal integration, in the form of social interaction and exchange.8 They I
j tend to lend more weight in their analyses to elite level decision makers, rules, re-
1 gulations and high-level inter-state actions taken by governments; society's aggre-
1 gated articulation of interests via 'civil society' and interest groups is not central to
I their studies. In addition, traditional research has focused on the integration of
I existing EU member states and not on the process of incorporation of 'outsider'
states especially those across former Cold War borders. l
The analysis of multi-level governance9 seems a fruitful approach to the formal
levels of European integration, one which perhaps comes closer to some aspects ,
of CBC, by shedding considerable light on the role of subnational actors and re- !
gional elites in the process of inter-state bargaining. Actors involved in CBC and i
I its implementation, for example, range from the European Commission right I
1i
down to local civic elites. The increasing importance of CBC has in tum led to in-
I creasing autonomy for regional and local governments, who co-operate in sub-
I national, transboundary projects, effectively managing parts of foreign policy at
·· the local level. 10
, The European Commission recognises that promotion of the formerly neglected
i' frontier regions of the EU could actually facilitate and speed up European integra-
lion. 11 The EU's eastern frontier, bordering the countries of Central and Eastern
Europe, is considered particularly important given its historic sensitivity as the for- l
mer demarcation between East and West. Large EU-funded programmes, such as I
PHARE and INTERREG, have provided the financial basis of CBC and a much need- !
ed injection of resources to kick-start cooperation between states. !
The many different forms of cross-border co-operation, cutting across the eco-
nomic, [Link] and social spheres of life, which have increased greatly since the I
I collapse of communist rule and the opening of the borders to Central European I,
I states, contribute immensely to accelerating these state's 'pre-integration' into the 1
I wider supranational [Link] of the EU. Flows of people (travel), communica- 1
i lions, commerce (trade), culture and ideas across borders have proliferated In re-
I cent years.12 II
! The complexity of CBC flows is also to be found in the relationship between the i
' factors making up the wider formal and informal integration processes of the EU i
of which CBC is part. A useful distinction between formal and infonnal integration i
can be found in Wallace (my emphasis):
j
Formal integration,consists of deliberate actions by authoritative policy-makers I
to create and adjust rules, to establish common institutions and to work with I
and through those institutions; to regulate, channel, redirect, encourage or in-
i hibit social and economic flows, as well as to pursue common policies. Informal ;I
I integration consists of those intense patterns of interactions which develop with- I
out the intervention of deliberate governmental decisions, following the dyna-
mies of market, technology, communications networks and social exchange, or

PERSPECTIVES 17/2001 7
CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION
I
the influence of religious, social or political movements. Informal integration is I
thus a ,natter offews and exchanges, ofthe gradual growth ofnetworks of i
interaction. By definition it is a continuous process in which sharp discontinu- I
ities are rare. Formal integration is by definition a discontinuous process, pro- i
ceeding treaty by treaty, regulation by regulation, decision by decision. 13
I propose that CBC, as manifested in joint, cross-border policy programmes of
local/regional authorities and, especially, in intensifying informal social, cultural
and economic cross-border transactions, helps generate a 'social capilal' capable
of underpinning formal EU, national, regional and local elite-level integration ini­
tiatives on-the-ground.
The approach developed in this paper is not intended to replace grand theories
of European integration, but rather to illuminate and theorise the role of CBC in
the integration process by building on current and existing work. Equally, as CBC
promotes both formal and informal processes of integration, it is presented and
highlighted here as a major driving force behind European integration.
TOWARDS AN APPROACH TO THE S1l1DY OF CBC
The core of a new approach to CBC is based on a refinement of the dominant
approach to studies of social capilal. The last decade has seen an explosion of li­
terature on or employing the concept of social capilal in a wide range of acade­
mic disciplines, including politics, social policy, economics and sociology; it covers
a variety of topics and has been linked to a number of issues, including crime
rates, health, economic growth and political parliclpation. 14 Common to all ac­
counts ls the assumption that higher levels of social capital in a given region im­
pact. positively on the object of study. Confusion, however, as to what social capilal
ls, and whether it can be measured, malntained, mobilised or created, remalns.
Broadly speaking the concept has come to refer to the by-product of trust relations
between people, especially within secondary organisations and associations, in
which compromise, debate and face-to-face relations inculcate members with
principles of democracy. Active involvement and interest in civic affairs by citizens
in a particular region generates a collective good that facilitates collaborative ac­
tion for all. It ls through networks of civic engagement that information flows and
is able to be accessed by others. II is the supposed link between the existence of
social capital in a specific region and the positive effect this has on governmental
and economic perforn1ance-and ultimately on democratic governance-that
has caught the eye of researchers and policy-makers [Link]
The first, and by far the most dominant paradigm in social capital research, the
'Putnam School', consists of a group of scholars who seek to employ Robert
Putnam's definition of social capital and, more importantly, though to different de­
grees, emulate the quantitative research methods employed by Putnam to 'mea-
sure' the concept in his study of democracy in ltaly.16
The approach to CBC proposed here utilises an alternative research paradigm
10 develop an alternative understanding, and measurement, of social capllal em- !
ploying an interpretivist epistemology which seeks to situate the understanding of 1
social capital within a discursive analysis of the dynamics of social relations. The i
implications of these differing epistemologies impact, necessarily, on the methodo- !
logy employed and the methods chosen to gather data.17 !

• ,.,,,,en,,,. , =· I
 ' '
I'
JONATHAN GRIX 1
i
Putnam and his followers subscribe to similar ontological, epistemological and I
l methodological premises as the fathers of political culture research, Gabriel i
I Almond and Sidney Verba, whose path-breaking work first appeared in the 1950s.
Civic culture is thus seen as something psychological that [ can) be measured at
I, the individual level in a positivist manner through the concrete and quantifiable
j answers to survey questions. 18 The vast majority of research on social capital uses
! survey questions that were not designed for capturing indicators of what is thought
! to make up social capital. Rather, answers to questions designed for other purposes
I are drawn on to prove the existence or demise of trust and co-operation and thus
[' social capital in society.
An approach to CBC and its effects on 'knitting' societies together, however,
I could take as its starting point an anti-foundationalist ontological outlook-that is,
! an outlook d1at sees die world as not being independent of our understanding of
II it. This means the world is viewed as socially and discursively constructed, a view
diametrically opposed to the dominant positivist paradigm discussed above. As i
1 such, structures in society are believed to exist that are unobservable and the r e - j
I' searcher may use a combination of both quantitative and qualitative methods in or-
der to get at then1. This alternative paradign1 of social capital research considers
social context and structures to be of equal importance to the development, mo- J
'

bilisation and existence of trust relations between actors, as the traditional social !
capital indicators such as voter tum-out, association membership and newspaper !
readership. In contrast to the 'Putnam school', qualitative methods are employed !
to uncover actors' perceptions of their relations with other actors or institutions.
Thus, a more structure-centred approach is adopted, one in which social capital
is seen to reside in social structures, 19 an approach which draws more on the un­
derstanding of social capital developed by Coleman than of Putnam. These struc­
tures are not themselves social capital, rather it is the 'spill over' from the trust re­
lations channelled through specific political opportunity structures and their
effects on collective action through the 'use value' and 'liquidity' of social capital
in specific social contexts. Access is a fundamental factor if social resources are to
be transformed into social capital, and involves first a perception that the re- !
sources exist, and then participation in, or contact to, a social relationship that 1·

connects and facilitates access.20

Such an analysis then seeks to study the quality ofrelations between indivi- l
duals, groups, organisations, institutions and so on. It is this interaction, e x -
change or participation that forms the basis for building trust between actors.
A trust relationship is solidified by access to certain resources or an ability to in­
fluence certain decisions, for successful access/influence tends to lend itself to
deeper trust, as an initial [Link] gamble is seen to pay dividends. It is not neces­
sary for actors to have the same motives for wanting cooperation in the first
place for it to be successful. In the case of former Eastern European countries,
there is an obvious interest in accelerating their accession to the EU by way of !
formal and informal cooperation with existing EU members. On the other hand, i
existing EU countries may be motivated to cooperate by a number of economic I
and social factors. I
Foley and Edwards (1999) correctly point out that there are different sorts of I
ties within a network and the networks themselves are embedded in different po-
sitions throughout society. It is through these networks (or information channels) jl

PERSPECTM:S 17/2001 9 l l
'
1

RDER COOPERATION
ation flows and relations between actors take place, thereby sustaining
context' or structures within which people act.21 Access to information
, as this forms the basis of subsequent action.22
SOCIAL INTERACTION
Some empirical evidence supports the contention that social interaction is the l
essential ingredient in developing social capital.23 In a series of interviews with
members of the Pro Europa Viadrina Euroregion on both sides of the German­ I, ·
_
,

-Polish border, relations bettveen members on the German side were found to be
either non-existent or very exclusive.24 Most members had little or no contact
with one another and the idea of sharing good practice and collaboration on ob­
taining EU funding was alien to them. For social capital to be n1obilised, one
' needs clear [Link] of information and frequent interaction. By isolating themselves
from one another, members of the Verein t,fitt!.ere Oder e.V. are in fact reducing
their chances of success or their levels of influence on specific matters. It is clear
that the Euroregion would benefit greatly from more interaction between its
members and a reinforcement of a common purpose. Thus one of the biggest hin-
l drances to the development of 'between group' social capital-that is actually
across the border-was in fact tl1e lack of 'witl1in group' social capital (i.e. i n ­
teraction among group members, which would lead to trust relations and access
Ii:
.

to information) among actors keen to promote cross-border cooperation on the

respective sides of the border. The type of interpretivist research strategy advo­
cated in this article was able to unravel the lack of opportunity structures through
which information could be shared and personal, face-to-face interaction could
take place. ln this way we were able to gain an overview of the structures that
existed to promote or hinder cooperation and understand the actors' perception
of these structures, including their assessment of their access to specific infor­
mation channels.25
If interaction ls the first stage in the process of mobilising social capital, then
language, central to all con1munication and social interaction, is of great in1por­
tance too. Select results from two unpublished empirical studies confirm that peo­
ple with linguistic competence are far more likely to think positively about their
i,,

, neighbours and about cross-border exchange in the first place. For exainple, in
a study atten1pting to understand Czech attitudes towards CBC with their German
neighbours, language is one of the most important variables.26 Those with CBC ex­
1

perience and a knowledge o.f German were n1ucll more positive towards German­
.Czech relations and the past played less of a role in their assessments of this and
the role of CBC. Almost 90 per cent of those questioned have some degree of
knowledge of the German language. In a further empirical study on the German-
-Polish border, language is once agaln seen as a crucial variable in subjective views I
of each other, especially when assessing the nature and the role of CBC.21 ,1 _ ,
Respondents with better linguistic skills were able to communicate and interact
more freely, leading to them being far more optimistic on a number of issues tllan
tl1eir counterparts who do not share their language abilities. Unsurprisingly, per­
haps, tile Poles were far n1ore likely to speak, read or understand the German lan­
guage tllan the oilier way around, e.g., 41 per cent of the Poles 'can make them­
selves understood' in German, while 21 per cent of Germans could do the same in
Polish. In addition, some 86 per cent of Poles use German media sources eitller
10 -- ,,,,.,, I
 JONATHAN GRIX
'regularly' or 'now and then', whereas the figure for Germans using Polish media
sources is 63 per cent.
If, as I have discussed, interaction (in its many forms, business contacts, face­
-to-face relations etc.) is the starting point of the creation of social capital, then
knowledge of a neighbour's language is essential in promoting the positive cycle of
social capital formation. 1

As interaction takes place, specific networks between actors develop. In both 1

the German-Czech and Gennan-Polish Euroregions analysed In the studies cited I
there is significant empirical evidence to support the emergence of a strong net- I
1 work of political and cultural elites developing, among which CBC is seen as over-
I whelmingly positive and a driver of change in people's attitudes towards the I
I 'Other'. This is not to deny the negative consequences of setting 'unnatural' bor- 1
! ders by the establishment of Euroregions themselves, which necessarily 'includes' I
i some people while 'excluding' others.
I \'
I TIIE MICRO-DYNAMI� OF SOCIAL CAPITAL FORMATION i
If, as I have suggested, there is a relationship between social Interaction or ex- j
change, the creation of trust and trust relationships and access to resources or i n - l
'
i

formation, then the end stage of this cycle is a stock of social capital that can be 1I
1

l drawn on by an individual who has built up trust relationships and has access to
i
1 social resources or can wield influence. A person's or association's ability to a c -
cess resources successfully will impact on the way they assess and invest in the net­
works that facilitated access in the first place. This circular relationship can be de­
picted a s follows:
Social
Interaction/ Trust Acces/ CapitaV
Participation influence Networks

Figure 1. The Micro-dynamics oJSocia/ Capital Fonnatfon

I Social capital resides and is fonned within set social, political and economic
1 networks and structures. Social capital facilitates actions within and between these
structures and networks.28 It is within these established structures that participants
'accomplish far more per unit of time devoted to a joint activity If they draw on
capital resources to reduce the level of current inputs needed to produce a joint i
outcome' .29 Once networks and structures are in place and are seen to function, !
I this promotes the type of behaviour necessary to uphold them. 'Interaction' here
I represents not only social interaction, but also the up-keep of, and experience
l gained within, a network of reciprocal relationships, including economic exchange,
j dealing with business partners and associations dealing with government-all of
which could be seen as a source of trust.
It is clear that the multi-faceted nature of CBC, which by definition entails in­
teraction, could-under the right circumstances-lead to trust generation, the !
first stages of social capital mobilisation. I

PERSPEC1M:S 17/2001 11 I
CROSS-BORDER COOPERATION
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This article has set out some ideas of how we can conceptualise CBC and its e f ­
fects. Whilst far more differentiation regarding types of CBC and the sub-groups of
people who are affected by it is needed, the ideas offered here give us a starting
point in a barren wasteland of e:[Link] models of CBC and its effects. I,r

Among border elites who engage actively in regular interaction with their neigh­
bours, CBC is seen as a crucial driving force behind closer cooperation between
states. II is clear lhat intense interaction between actors in the border region can
lead to the generation of extensive networks or contacts and information. This, in
tum, can lead to the development of social capital in the border region m11ong
thisgroup ofelites. Despite the positive assessment of local and regional elites on
the effect of CBC, it is quite clear that this enthusiasm is yet to trickle down to the
population(s) as a whole. I
The three small empirical studies cited each found three common factors that
hinder the generation of social capital in the border area: language, 1nentalities j1
and economic disparity. [Link] factor has its roots, to some extent, in the past. The :
Cold War era has left its mark on the acquisition of foreign languages, with Russian
a favourite second language in most So\1et satellite states (with the exception of
Romania); on the socialisation of citizens, their attitudes towards politics, politi­
cians and institutions;3° and, of course, on the economic situation of Poland, the
Czech republic and East Germany. Inadequate language competence (i.e., in the
language of the direct neighbours), effects of socialisation (on German, Polish and
Czech citizens) and economic difference all hinder the first stage of social capital
formation: interaction.
However, these factors are very likely to change over time and CBC could pro­
vide one driver of change: language can be learnt (English is on the increase as
a medium between different languages); the effects of socialisation in communist
societies will diminish the further we get away from 1989/90, most probably in
parallel with the stark economic disparities that still exist between the countries
under study. Figure I above suggests the logical and directional relationship be­
tween interaction, trust generation, access to certain information channels or in­
fluence on specific events and, finally, the mobilisation of a stock of social capital.
Therefore, the cycle of mobilising social capital must begin with social interaction,
networking or participation in joint forums and so on. It is perhaps worth noting
that this cycle takes lime to work, but trust can be broken in an instant. There does
not appear to be too much of a problem motivating local and regional elites to i n ­
[Link], as they are usually driven by the desire to cooperate. The problem, which
remains to be fully researched, Is to understand how to extend the social capital
among the local and regional elite to the general population(s) on each side of the
border.

ENDNOTES
1 See "Trans(roolier Co-operatloo-Hlslory and n,eory· by Andersen, M., for a disalsooo of CBC and lheory in:
Brunn, G. and SchniU-Eguer, P. (eds.), (1998) Grenruberscbreitendt Zusam'""111l1fN/t. 1'b«Jrie-Emplm-Pruxis,
Baden-Baden: Nomos Verl:igsgesellschaflen, p p . 73-97.
2 For • full dfllnltioo and exp<>Sitioo of lbe use ol !his term in lhe Social Sdenres see: Grix, J., (2001)
Democroli:llllkm. Vol. 8, No. 3. 189-210.

12 PERSPEC1l\/ES 17/2001
 !
!
'
''

! JONATHAN GRIX
,I 'There m1y be some fomts ol CBC lhill :are more beneficial to bringing bo<dering populallons closer �ether lhan
, odim. Th: poinl n dds anicle is 001 10 weigh up lhe impaa ol 1 join1 sew:ig<! works projool versus a choir m•de
! up o/ people lromiholh sides o/ 1he botd<[Link] inlenlion 10 is 10 m:ikc some progress IO\\'alds a brood,pproach lO
siud)ing CBC, some1hlng dearly Jacking ln lhe dcsuiplive U1er11ure around lhJs con«p1.
, • Singer, M. and Wild.w.<ky, A., ( 1996) Tbtl RIQ/ ll'orld Order. Zonn ofl'l!oce, Zonn ofTurmoil, Oi:lllwn : Challwn
House PubUshers.
!!,·

: ,

s Peder.;m, T., (1998) Germany, Franco and 1b,J111egmlion ofEurope.A Rea/isl lnurp,olali-On,London and New
f
i
York : [Link] 'in1roducUon'. I
6 For an 101horitaUve study ol,pproaches 10 European iniegralioo. see: Rosamund. 8., (2000) Theories ofEuropean I
/nleg,ation, [Link] : Macmilbn. for ao inlereSling discussion on approaches IO CllC see 'The "li<'l,l•ork·
.COOcep1". A Theottlic:d App!02Ch :Ind Anal)1ical lnS1n1men1 for Research on Transnational Regionalism'. in: II
Bn1nn .• G. and Schmiu. P., [Link]. pp. 9S-I 07. .
'Slone S....1, A. aod S..dhollz. w.. (1997) ·European ln1egr.1tioo and Supran1Uooal (,oyemance·, io:jouma/ of I
Europe,,11 Public l'oliq, 4:3 Sq,tember 1997, pp.297-317. here p. 298. l
1 Woolcock, M., (1998) 'Social capillll "'1d ecoaomic de,'C!opmau: Toward a theoretical S)lllhesis 1nd policy lr,me. I
\\Ork', Theory and Society, Rro....J and Crilique in Social Theory; Vol. 27, No.2, pp. I S l 2-08.
'See, for rumple, the woril ol Marils, G., in:Jeffery, C . (ed.) ( 1997) rt,, Rcgi-011111 o;,,,....;,,n of11» European I
Onion. Touvmls a TbirdLft,d in Europe?, Loadon : Frank [Link]. I
"Sd101Ml, J . A., 0993) lnlernali-011111R,iallonso[Social Cba,rg,, Buckinghamll'billdelphla, OIJP. j
"l<ssler, M., (1999) 'J.abora1oiylor European JnttgrJlion. Tbe Euroreglons'. lnltt' Natiooo,, l!asL<·lnlo, Vol. 1999,
No. 14 (European Integration), p. 6.
II Schollll, ibid.p. 47.
'·' Wallace, W., (1990) 'The TnulSlormatioo of Wesiem Europe', Cbalbam Houu Papers, The Royal Jostilute of
lnlcmallonal Af!alrs. Pinier: [Link], p. S4; Wallace, W . (ed.), (1992) rt,, Dynamics ofEuropean lnlegraJion,
Pinter. London, p .9 .
14 Woolcock. M ., op .ciL
I i Grix, j., [Link], p . J 8 9 .
16 For [Link]. see: Hall, P., (1999) 'Social Caplbl i n Britain', in: Brilisb]ouma/ ofPol/I/cal Sckna , 29 : 3 Quiy
1999), pp. 417-461; Slolle, D . and Rochon, T. R., (1999) 'The M)lh ol American ExcepCionalism', in: Socia/
Capital [Link] Democrat:y. [Link]\Y: Roolledge; ll'hileley, P. F., (1999) 'The Origins ol Social Capital',
, Delh, J. W., Mar3ffl, M., Newtoo, It aad Whiteley, P. F. (eds.), (1999) Soc1a/ Capital and European
ia: ...
DemocrtlC!, [Link]/NY: Roudedge.
"Grix, J., (2002) 'Introducing Sludents lO lhe Generic Tenninology ol Social R,search', Po/ilia, Vol. 22, No . 3,
S<piember 2002.
18 Mcfalls, L., (200I ) -[Link] the New [Link] M10, 1 96 1 2 -00J, or Bringing Real Culture Back to Political
Science·, ,.....script, p .2.
19 Colem,,n, J., (1988) 'Social C:tpiw in the Cre:llion of Human Caplw', in: Americanjoumal ofSoci-0/og!, N o .94,
pp. l}-39, reprinted in: Dasgupta and Ser,geldln (eds.), (2000) Social Capllal. A Mu/JifacelNI l'fflpecllt,.,
W:aslling!O<I: The 'florld &nk.
"'Foley, M .W . and Edwards, 8., 0999) 'Is ii nmc 10 Disln•'eSI in Social Capiblr, in :}ouma/ ofPublic Policy, 19, 2.
pp. 141-173, here pp.164-166.
21 Sibeon,
R.• (1999) 'Agenq; Slrud!Jre, and Social Chance u Cross-OiscLplinary Concqns', in : Politics 19 (3)
pp. 139-144, here p. 1 3 9 .
"Coleman,J., o p cit, p. 22.
13 The select resolts :
preseuted below art drown from stlldies o/ k,c,dand ,[Link], lbe datl Is limited 10
only, sm:iU pt'Of)Or1lon ol the border popublions under study.
"'Thiswe S1Udy has been published In lull as a worlcing P1P<f, Grlx,J. and lnoMes, V., (2001) 'Euroregloos and the
Formation o/SocialCapital: The Case o/ lhe Genn"1-Polish Euro region Pro Europa [Link]• ', lnslilu/efor [Link]
Stud/ti ll'<ri/111 Paper, IGS/2001. The inltt'lews reler to: inlffliew with Klaus Baldauf, Special Commissioner for
llllernational Cooperation, Frankfun Ci1y Adrninistralioo on 25 July 2000 in Frankfurt/Oder; inlel\iew wilh Uwe
K<ilbe, He.d ol 1he Office for Propeny and liconomic DeYelopmen1, Oder,Spree, on 23 August2000 In Buskow; in·
temew wilh Ouis1opb Bn1ckholl, Evangelischer lirdienkttls, 25 July 2000 in Frankfun/Oder.
•s This iype ofanaly,is, som,times tenned the 'double hermeneutic', is OOI :acceptab e lO those using • positMSI epis-
l
1emology, as Ibey would noc consider an actor's percepllon o/ his/her si1U11ion ol rd..ance to lbe study or as some ·
lblng 'm.a<urable'.
2' This we saudy W2S undenakeo lor lbe lnstllute lor Geman Sludles by Vaclav lloolvifka, • sociologist in l'lllgue .
A Eu roregioo MS chosen .. the unft ol analysis 1nd respondents wm sent •[Link]>Jre especially designedlor
du,pu.,.,se ol gauging lbe role o/ CBC and lhe dMlopment ol social c1J)ital in lhe :&re1.
"Tbis Sllldy, carried oul by Dr R:limund Ktaelll<l' lrom Potsdam Uol>ersiiy. Germany, -...s cooducled in the summer
ol 2000 for the lnstilule ror German swdles using lbe Euroregioo 'Pro Europa Vladrina' (P£V) ao an am ol locus.
Colenwl, Ibid.
29 Ostrom, E., 'Social Capital: A Fad or a FUndamenlal Concepel', in: Daoguptl and Ser2geldin (eds.), op. cft., p. 17�.
18

io See, for rumple Grix, J., 'East German Political Alliludes: SodaliSI Legacies v. [Link] F1C!Ors-A False
Antithesis', Cmntm Po/Illa, Vol.9, No .2 (August2000), p p . l()l}-124.

PERSPECTIVES 17
/2001 13