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Commentary: Motivation for Learning
Languages Other Than English
in an English-Dominant World
PATRICIA A. DUFF
The University of British Columbia, Department of Language & Literacy Education, 6445 University Boulevard,
Vancouver, British Columbia, V6T 1Z2, Canada Email: [Link]@[Link]

The majority of recent research on language learning motivation has reportedly focused on English as
a target language, typically in relatively homogeneous, secondary and postsecondary ‘foreign language’
settings. How applicable, then, are the theories and findings undergirding that research to our under-
standing of the contemporary challenges and processes involved in the learning of languages other than
English (LOTEs) – whether by non-Anglophones choosing additional or alternative languages, or for
Anglophones choosing to learn a different language? And how is motivation theory itself evolving in
light of the emerging role of English as a global language and a greater emphasis on sociopolitical,
sociocultural, economic, and ideological aspects of language learning in diverse contexts, on the one
hand, and a concomitant de-emphasis of deficit-oriented notions of learners’ shortcomings or traits in
acquiring or using another language, on the other? What research methods are being used? Finally,
how is current motivation research taking into account multilingual experiences (i.e., involving three
or more languages), rather than just the learning of one additional (foreign) language? In this com-
mentary piece, I address questions such as these by drawing on insights from the nine articles and other
related sources and also offer some of my own perspectives drawing from research on Chinese and other
languages.
Keywords: LOTE; global English; Chinese; heritage language; indigenous language; multilingualism

THE MAJORITY OF RECENT RESEARCH ON motivation theory itself evolving in light of the
language learning motivation has reportedly undeniable role of English as a global language
focused on English as a target language, typically and a greater emphasis on sociopolitical, socio-
in ethnolinguistically (relatively) homogeneous, cultural, economic, and ideological aspects of
secondary and postsecondary ‘foreign language’ language learning in diverse contexts, on the one
settings such as in Japan and Hungary (see Ush- hand, and a concomitant de-emphasis of deficit-
ioda, 2017, this issue; Sugita McEown, Sawaki, & oriented notions of learners’ shortcomings or
Harada, 2017, this issue), in contrast with original traits in acquiring or using another language,
contexts of research in officially bilingual Canada, on the other? What research methods are being
for example. How applicable, then, are the the- used in this work? Finally, how is motivation re-
ories and findings undergirding that research search taking into account multilingual learning
to our understanding of the contemporary chal- experiences (involving three or more languages)?
lenges and processes involved in the learning of This commentary piece addresses these ques-
languages other than English (LOTEs) – whether tions by discussing insights from the nine articles
by non-Anglophones choosing additional or and other related sources, some of which concern
alternative languages, or for Anglophones choos- Chinese as a target language specifically. While
ing to learn a different language? And how is my own research in language learning and so-
cialization in multilingual and heritage-language
The Modern Language Journal, 101, 3, (2017) contexts intersects to some (limited) extent with
DOI: 10.1111/modl.12416 the work on motivation represented here, mine
0026-7902/17/597–607 $1.50/0 is based on other theoretical, disciplinary, and

C 2017 The Modern Language Journal
methodological traditions informed by linguistic
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598 The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
anthropology, sociocultural theory, and inter- vis-à-vis others associated with quite distinct kinds
pretive qualitative research, primarily, using case of symbolic and other forms of capital for learners
studies. My remarks are therefore offered with and their communities (e.g., connected with a
admiration for the burgeoning, interdisciplinary particular faith or heritage community, or with
research on motivation represented by this set a high degree of novelty, perceived difficulty,
of articles and esteemed authors. I must also or exoticness; see Dörnyei & Al-Hoorie, 2017,
express some humility as a non-specialist in this and Lanvers, 2017 this issue). And for those for
area grateful to engage with this exciting body of whom English is a native language, there is a
work, which is breaking new ground in applied very obvious (and problematic) inclination to
linguistics. I do so, therefore, without the same be smug and complacent and to maintain the
depth of knowledge in relation to language ideology that additional-language learning is only
learning motivation as these authors have and necessary and useful for non-Anglophones—who
hope that I have not misrepresented their work. must master English. As Lanvers (2017, this issue)
reports, the lack of motivation to embrace the
SETTING THE STAGE: MOTIVATION FOR learning of modern languages (i.e., LOTEs) in
LEARNING LANGUAGES OTHER THAN England, for example, may then be institution-
ENGLISH IN THE 21ST CENTURY alized through vacillating language education
policies, which exacerbate the problem, making
The authors in this special issue offer im- the study of other languages at secondary school
portant, thought-provoking perspectives on the (or university) optional, not obligatory, and
precursors to current motivation theory and its making the provision of good curriculum and in-
subsequent elaboration and new developments. struction more difficult. What is more, students’
Building on a truly impressive body of extant performance on standardized modern language
motivation research (e.g., Dörnyei, MacIntyre, exams at age 16 in England seems to be systemat-
& Henry, 2015; Dörnyei & Ushioda, 2009; see ically assessed more harshly (in terms of scores)
Dörnyei & Al-Hoorie, 2017, Ushioda, 2017, and than in other subject areas, thereby lowering
Lanvers, 2017, this issue), the authors emphasize schools’ performance measures—and lowering
the global status, ubiquity, and cachet of English students’ motivation. These factors may increase
as an international language, one that is heavily the sense of futility connected with LOTE study.
promoted by educational and other institutions as The articles reviewed here include important
well as by popular culture, the Internet, scientific conceptual pieces drawing on previous theo-
knowledge mobilization, and mass media commu- retical and empirical work, quantitative studies
nication as well as social media. The status enjoyed with large-scale survey data, data from somewhat
by English in our otherwise richly multilingual smaller surveys used to conduct quantitative mod-
world raises compelling theoretical, methodolog- eling of relationships among multiple factors in
ical, and practical questions for research: For English and LOTE learning, and an interview-
example, how and why do learners take up (or based qualitative study. In addition, there are de-
not take up) the study of languages other than scriptive case studies of the LOTE situation in
(or in addition to) this linguistic behemoth (En- particular countries, such as Spain. The major-
glish), and to what effect? Indeed, the increasing ity of the studies, perhaps reflecting wider trends,
stature and ‘market share’ held by English in focus on compulsory language study during K–
additional-language curricula and as a medium 12 or university education in the United States,
of education worldwide have perceived—and also United Kingdom, continental Europe, and Japan.
real—consequences for the vitality and standing Others describe voluntary learning by adults in
of many other languages, and for interest in learn- nonformal or noncredit learning contexts (see
ing those languages, whether ‘big’ or ‘small’ (i.e., Lanvers, 2017, and MacIntyre, Baker, & Sparling,
less commonly spoken or taught), indigenous, 2017, this issue). In addition, although the “moti-
heritage, or ‘foreign.’ Thus, a consideration vational selves” (L2 Self System) framework cham-
of the learning of languages other than English pioned by Dörnyei (e.g., 2005, 2009) and other
(LOTE) in motivation research is critical, partic- colleagues over the past dozen years is most com-
ularly now, because theory and findings based on monly invoked as a (or the) core component of
English may not be (as) applicable to these other the theoretical framework, several of the authors
languages in the 21st century landscape. demonstrate how their work aligns with (other)
For speakers from non-Anglophone language new currents in applied linguistic theory, includ-
backgrounds, English is often positioned as a ing in motivation research (as discussed, for ex-
preferred, indeed obligatory, additional language ample, by the Douglas Fir Group, 2016). Together
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Patricia A. Duff 599
the authors reconceptualize, on various scales current and aspirational) are now, increasingly,
(e.g., local, transnational, historical), the teach- being factored into motivation research, thanks
ing, learning, and use of languages (particularly in large part to Ushioda’s significant work (e.g.,
LOTEs) in our rapidly changing world and in spe- 2003, 2009, 2017, this issue; see also MacIntyre
cific local contexts in a manner that is contin- et al., and Thompson, 2017, this issue). This is a
gent, contextualized, and pluralistic. Finally, as a very promising development in my view. Learners’
set, the authors turn from English to a diverse multilingual repertoires, choices, and semiotic
range and combination of other target languages, proficiencies and creativity, seen across a longer
such as Spanish in the United States, Gaelic in timespan and range of experiences and relation-
Canada, German in the United Kingdom, and var- ships than in earlier (typically cross-sectional)
ious LOTEs in Japan, Bulgaria, Spain (including studies, are also now of greater interest within
official minority languages), and the Netherlands. this expanding field (see, e.g., the articles by Ush-
These pairings (and other combinations) repre- ioda, 2017, Henry, 2017, and Lasagabaster, 2017,
sent potential investments by learners in distinct this issue). This development, too, is in keep-
local, ancestral, national, transnational, and cos- ing with advances in other areas of applied lin-
mopolitan identities, as well as particular commu- guistics. It then begs the question of whether dy-
nities of speakers. Their choice of LOTEs also namic, contingent, social, and multilingual con-
reflects students’ “postures” toward local and in- ceptions and ecologies of language learning mo-
ternational languages and identities (cf. Yashima, tivation might not be fundamentally at odds with
2002, cited in Lanvers, 2017, this issue), especially notions of essential(ized), discrete “selves” (ideal,
when those languages are not simply taken by ought-to, experiential, and other; cf. Dörnyei &
default. Al-Hoorie, 2017, this issue) associated with indi-
With only a few exceptions (i.e., passing refer- vidual learners (though reported statistically by
ences to, e.g., Arabic or Chinese), the articles fo- group) and with respect to a single target lan-
cus on European languages primarily, which is per- guage. That is, poststructural, situational, and per-
haps not surprising given the contexts where most formative notions of identities, selves, and motiva-
of the reported research has been conducted and tions in interaction with, and very much a prod-
the languages most commonly studied in those re- uct of their social world (e.g., Kramsch, 2009),
gions. However, this tendency presents an oppor- seem hard to reconcile (at least for this reader)
tunity for motivation researchers to broaden the with more firmly structural, categorical, quan-
linguistic and geographical reach of their work to tifiable ones based on self-reported orientations
other contexts as well. For example, Sharma (in as “selves” at a particular point in time when
press), although looking more at language ide- a questionnaire is completed, for example. Al-
ologies than motivation, per se, examines tensions though Ushioda (2017, this issue) stresses the con-
between the status and learning of Chinese versus cepts of multi-competency, linguistic ecologies,
English in Nepal and explores why adult Nepalis and plurilingualism (and thus the notion of “ideal
working in the tourist economy in Kathmandu multilingual selves”), she nonetheless contends
are now learning Chinese to accommodate the that her theoretical orientation based on these is
growing number of Chinese tourists there. What not incompatible with the “Ideal L2 Selves” ap-
other combinations of learners and languages in proach. She cites research by Dörnyei and Chan
other regions, in both formal and informal learn- (2013) in support of the position that some stu-
ing situations, might offer other new insights? Are dents’ perceptions of their “ideal selves” (i.e., the
Africans who are working with Chinese nationals psychological reality of separate orientations to
in various parts of Africa now also learning Chi- different languages) are quite distinct for English
nese? Or is English the lingua franca for com- versus another language such as Mandarin, in the
munication? And how does language choice and case of Cantonese-L1 learners of both.
use relate to their respective identities (or sense Henry (2017, this issue) shares what I under-
of selves) and their engagements with formal or stand to be Ushioda’s perspective as well: that
informal language learning? identities (selves) need to be viewed as interre-
lated, dynamic, complex systems operating—and
SOCIAL CONTEXTS, HISTORIES, AND emerging—across multiple languages, not as sep-
‘OTHERS’ arate systems, just as linguistic knowledge itself
is not strictly compartmentalized or modularized
Rather than focus on individual learners of a in the mind. (The term “selves” and the selves
single additional target language, broader transna- system still figure prominently in Henry’s work
tional social contexts and reference groups (both though.) Indeed, popular current approaches to
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600 The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
pedagogy emphasize translanguaging as a way to foreign language course, given the importance
capitalize on and mobilize cross-linguistic knowl- of English in society, a common stance in the
edge and awareness. To this end, Henry suggests United Kingdom as well, as mentioned earlier.
that, among other “holistic” pedagogical prac- Thus, even choosing French, a historically very
tices, “abstract construals” of multilingual iden- popular foreign language choice in the United
tities should be cultivated among students in or- States, was seen to be a bit adventurous in com-
der to motivate them to aspire to become truly parison with Spanish, let alone a less commonly
multilingual. Busse (2017, this issue) also argues taught language such as Urdu. Thompson spec-
that diverse, plurilingual identities should be fos- ulated that “in a LOTE context, students could
tered in the European context, as part of forming have two distinct ideal selves: one with a focus on
a “European identity” (in contrast with the unflat- interpersonal communication and the other with
tering perception of monolingual British Anglo- a focus on more general goals of work or study”
phones). Such a strategy, Busse argues, may help (p. 498). This concept that the same person might
to offset the overwhelming impact and social sta- have dual or multiple “ideal selves” vis-à-vis an-
tus of English – as a lingua franca and the most other language was a bit confusing to this reader,
commonly learned (and sometimes mandatory) especially in light of recent work in applied
modern language in Europe. linguistics that aims to not compartmentalize
Some terminology in the emerging psycholog- identities (Norton, 2013).
ical research on motivation may not be intuitive
or appealing to nonspecialists (e.g., “anti-ought- EMBRACING LOCAL OR ANCESTRAL
to self,” discussed by Thompson, 2017, this issue, HERITAGE IN THE FACE OF GLOBAL
to refer to learners’ oppositional or defiant be- LANGUAGES
haviors vis-à-vis expectations of them – choosing
to learn Arabic in U.S. language programs, for In sharp contrast with the abundance of Span-
instance, when recommended to take Spanish). ish language education and language use in the
What is quite intuitive, however, yet important to United States described by Thompson (2017, this
explore further, is the fact that people do not al- issue), MacIntyre et al. (2017, this issue) exam-
ways follow well-intended advice. On the contrary, ined the motivation of a relatively small num-
they may become very motivated to prove others ber of people who use or want to use Scottish
wrong by choosing what is assumed to be a lan- Gaelic on Cape Breton Island, Canada. As the
guage or subject that is somehow ‘marked’ (per- authors rightly point out, this is a very under-
ceived by others to be difficult, uncommon, not studied linguistic context that enjoys a thriving
useful, etc.). This theme of rebellion and the role music culture. This context has some resonance
of others’ expectations or stances in constructing for me personally: My mother grew up hearing
one’s own language choices (including studying Gaelic in Cape Breton when visiting certain rel-
another language rather than take another school atives, and my cousins are now involved in Gaelic
subject as one might be expected to) is also ex- heritage-language rival and music activities there.
plored by Lanvers (2017, this issue). However, as MacIntyre et al. point out, with few
Continuing on this theme of resistance to ad- fluent speakers remaining and also few institu-
vice, norms, or expectations, Thompson’s survey- tional opportunities to formally learn the lan-
based study (2017, this issue) of Florida univer- guage, Gaelic is mostly connected with popular
sity students demonstrated that lower levels of music and dance traditions. The authors there-
reported “anti-ought-to self” (e.g., rebelliousness, fore developed a new kind of “self” concept to
adventurousness, or unconventionality) were as- account for motivation in this learning situation:
sociated with choosing Spanish – meaning, in a the “rooted L2-self.” This concept, according to
sense, that Spanish is the path of least resistance MacIntyre et al., conveys people’s “passions and
for students given its pervasiveness, utility (espe- convictions” for their heritage (or that of Cape
cially in Florida), and its presumed low level of Breton and Scotland, if not their personal her-
difficulty relative to, say, Japanese or Arabic. It itage) and their commitment to maintaining, revi-
functions like English in non-Anglophone con- talizing, and introducing others to artistic expres-
texts as the default language choice. In addition, sion mediated by Gaelic in celebration of these
confirming concerns about the status of LOTEs roots.
discussed in other articles (e.g., Dörnyei & Al- Although it is not an indigenous language in
Hoorie, 2017 and Ushioda, 2017, both in this is- Canada, Gaelic offers obvious points of com-
sue), Thompson noted that people often ques- monality with small, endangered indigenous
tioned why the students would bother to take a and other heritage languages in Canada and
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Patricia A. Duff 601
elsewhere (e.g., Hawai’i) where particular artis- learners to their Sinophone “roots” and possible
tic and other (oral and embodied, through futures. However, those roots may not be deep
dance) cultural traditions sustain certain types of or well cultivated in their current geographical
language use. This occurs even when the language contexts and cultures. There might have been
is not commonly used for everyday communica- intergenerational breaks in roots, hybridiza-
tion otherwise. The music, in fact, becomes a cen- tion through intercultural mixed marriages,
tral instrument for contextualizing (e.g., through or even trauma in some cases associated with
Gaelic lyrics) and animating language learning. having historically been oppressed speakers of
As much of the heritage language literature sug- the language in their countries of origin under
gests, nostalgia and regret for not maintaining the power of other ethnolinguistic regimes, or
heritage languages as well as desire to reclaim in the diaspora (in cases of exile or voluntary
and revitalize traditions are common sentiments migration), or in indigenous contexts in the
where languages that were once a vital part of aftermath of colonization. Furthermore, the
community life no longer are, spurring new gen- particular Chinese language being taught and
erations to seize opportunities to return to these learned (e.g., Mandarin, not Cantonese), and
traditions (Duff, Liu, & Li, 2017). Gaelic in Cape the written variety used (simplified vs. traditional
Breton is but one case of this. It also competes characters), might not represent the learner’s or
with the official languages English and French their family’s specific ethnolinguistic “roots” with
in schools and society. And when people do at- respect to spoken or written language, nor the re-
tempt to learn the language, they report expe- gion they consider to be their symbolic ancestral
riencing hypercritical feedback regarding their home (e.g., Mizuta, 2017). Indeed, they may feel
linguistic accuracy (often self-monitoring unduly quite uprooted, unrooted, or thoroughly trans-
for fear of making mistakes or switching to En- planted. Nevertheless, there is still much research
gish) – which can temper their confidence and potential for examining the complex intergen-
motivation, and thus learning (as reported by erational, familial, institutional, and ideological
MacIntyre et al. 2017, this issue, for Gaelic. This factors related to motivation to (re)learn partic-
unfortunate and counterproductive tendency has ular languages and cultural traditions in heritage
been reported in other contexts of language re- contexts in terms of “roots” or other metaphors
vitalization in communities with few proficient (e.g., imagined communities, diasporic networks,
speakers. Cranmer (2015), for example, observed habitus and field; see, e.g., Mizuta, 2017).
that when, as a mature adult (and grandmother), Another context that calls into question the
she attempted to learn and speak Kwak’wala, an nature of “roots” relates to the learning of Ko-
endangered indigenous language on the west rean as a heritage language at schools in Japan
coast of Canada that she had spoken in early child- by children whose families have resided there for
hood (prior to residential schooling), she en- several generations (e.g., Son, 2017). These chil-
countered similarly demotivating reactions from dren and their families have deep, albeit diffi-
some of her interlocutors. cult, postcolonial histories and roots in Japan but
The aforementioned notion of “rooted L2-self” they typically use Japanese language in many as-
may be quite suitable for characterizing motiva- pects of their daily lives. However, as Son’s re-
tion among the group of Gaelic-background cul- search showed, they view themselves as Koreans
tural artists and aficionados in MacIntyre et al.’s – and, more specifically, as North or South Kore-
(2017, this issue) study, most of whom claim gen- ans from particular ancestral villages that they or
erations of ancestors in Nova Scotia, some of them their parents may never have visited, nor will ever
experts in Celtic music and Gaelic language. It visit. The “roots” in this case are idealized, sym-
might also capture the essence of the aforemen- bolic, romanticized, and closely tied to a particu-
tioned Kwak’wala language learning context and lar sociopolitical context and history in another
the desire to reclaim one’s native roots and knowl- country.
edges. However, it might be more difficult to apply In sum, heritage and indigenous language
this concept to other diaspora heritage-language learning and some of the valued cultural prac-
(and culture) contexts where local geographical tices (habitus) associated with it constitute a
and historical roots are less evident or are far promising direction for future motivation re-
more transnationally distributed and diffused. search. Given my own methodological affinities,
Consider, for example, Chinese and Korean I expect (and hope) that more of this work, like
languages in different diasporic communities. MacIntyre et al.’s (2017, this study) study, will
Learning Chinese as a heritage language in adopt qualitative, interpretive approaches (such
Canada, Indonesia, or Peru might help connect as longitudinal case studies, interview-based
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602 The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
studies, narrative inquiry) or mixed-methods tilingual identity system” and in the Douglas Fir
studies to generate salient themes based on vivid, Group’s (2016) piece, continue to transform re-
personal, detailed biographical accounts from search in second language learning on motivation
research participants of their experiences and and related topics (e.g., language development it-
desires with respect to language learning. self).

TOWARD MULTILINGUAL REPERTOIRES LINGUISTIC TRAJECTORIES AND

AND SUBJECTIVITIES EXIGENCIES
Learners, as complex social beings, are cre- As the authors in this special issue note, the con-
ative actors invested in, and in possession of, a struct of language learning motivation has been re-
range of linguistic and cultural resources, sub- fined in fundamental ways in recent years to rec-
jectivities, goals, agency, and opportunities that ognize the potential fluctuation in motivation to
can be harnessed, transformed, or rejected, as learn/use a particular language across time, lan-
circumstances allow or require (Duff, 2012; Ush- guages, social encounters, and space. No longer
ioda, 2009, 2017, this issue). Their aspirations is motivation categorized in terms of simple, static
and opportunities then lead to a variety of pos- binaries (e.g., as primarily integrative versus instru-
sible engagements and relationships with other mental) that were prominent in earlier decades.
languages and communities. It is for this rea- Indeed, motivation for learning LOTEs, for which
son that the Common European Framework of external rewards, pressures, or stakes may be less
Reference (CEFR) for Languages “Portfolio” ap- significant than they are for English, may wax
proach, for example, fosters the pursuit and and wane across programs of study and across
documentation by learners of their proficiency the lifespan, as they often do for L2 English as
in and experiences with multiple languages in well. In this vein, Lanvers (2017, this issue) sum-
the name of plurilingualism (Council of Eu- marizes empirical research in the United King-
rope, 2001). CEFR and the spirit underpinning it dom documenting shifts in attitudes and moti-
are increasingly being adopted in language pro- vations toward LOTE learning from elementary
grams for both curriculum and assessment be- to secondary school, and then onto higher ed-
yond Europe, as well, to record what learners ucation, with some evidence of flagging inter-
“can do” in various languages and might want est (growing boredom) with increasing years of
to do, and for what purposes, and not what they compulsory study, and then other indicators that
cannot do in relation to a prescribed set of cri- language study in earlier years has little appar-
teria normed on native speakers of the target ent bearing on students’ dispositions at secondary
language. Recent trends in research on linguis- school. However, Lanvers marshals consistent and
tic multicompetence (Cook, 2016) and translan- compelling evidence from her review of empirical
guaging (e.g., García & Li, 2014), furthermore, research of a steady “downward trajectory” of mo-
aim to reduce the strict separation in learners’ tivation through years of compulsory secondary
linguistic knowledge (L1 vs. L2 vs. L3) and use, school modern language study in the United
as well as in educational practice (see Henry, Kingdom (and one that is especially pronounced
2017, this issue). The goal is to make learn- for males). Those who persist with LOTE study
ers more metalinguistically aware of, and strate- beyond the compulsory years are in the (afflu-
gic in, cross-linguistic knowledge construction, ent) minority and, together with their parents,
relationship building (across linguistic systems), seem to have different levels of awareness of the
activation, and performance, thereby expanding potential symbolic and instrumental significance
their communicative repertoires and identities of language study than those who do not persist.
and their facility with language(s) more gener- Monolingual Anglophone parents in the United
ally. More fluid, less criterion-referenced notions Kingdom might therefore be less likely to urge
of competence might, in turn, motivate learners their children to take up modern language stud-
to take part in language study or other activities ies than multilingual parents in other parts of
in support of language development without fear Europe (see Lanvers, 2017, this issue). The rel-
of falling far short of target-language norms that atively few British students who then proceed
might seem unattainable. to study modern languages at university, despite
It will therefore be interesting to see how this their agency in making such choices at this stage
broader orientation to multilingualism in educa- and their positive views, may then encounter some
tion and in society will, as reflected in Henry’s of the same negative biases against LOTEs as re-
(2017, this issue) conceptualization of the “mul- ported elsewhere.
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Patricia A. Duff 603
With respect to a learning trajectory approach, and especially with peers. Within the home,
consider again Chinese heritage learners in meanwhile, combinations of languages may be
North America, a population and context I am used by multigenerational family members and
familiar with and have already alluded to in my acquaintances for different symbolic and prag-
discussion of “roots.” Many case studies exist matic purposes (e.g., He, 2013). The negotiation
of Chinese-heritage children negotiating peer of prevailing ideologies and identities is, without
pressures, intergenerational and transnational doubt, a critical component of language choice,
family pressures, and institutional and societal motivation, and usage in such contexts, whether
pressures, in addition to their own desires and in homes, communities, schools, or workplaces.
goals, with respect to the languages in their midst. But an “ideal selves” approach may not take into
A Cantonese-dominant first-generation or gener- account the high degree of ambivalence often
ation 1.5 immigrant child in the United States or expressed by learners about language learning
Canada will quickly shift to English from the first (including heritage language learning) along
weeks of formal English-medium school-based their multilingual pathways. Their notion of
education, and then will often opt for the study of “ideal” multilingual selves (their own and those
French or Spanish at school (and not Chinese); desired for the next generation; cf. Henry, 2017,
some of these same students may later proceed to this issue) also changes as the younger generation
formal study of Mandarin to fulfill a language re- members reach adulthood and pursue higher
quirement at university or to explore its potential education and careers, and start families of their
usefulness in their lives, relationships, and ca- own (Mizuta, 2017). For some, “good enough”
reers (e.g., He, 2010, 2012, 2014; Li & Duff, 2014; and not “ideal” selves and abilities to commu-
Mizuta, 2017). In their younger years, they may nicate with particular interlocutors for specific
also have attended weekend noncredit heritage- purposes, or to pass exams or meet language re-
language programs, which many youth abandon quirements might be a more realistic description
due to the difficulty of Chinese literacy learning, of their goals. Furthermore, as Ushioda (2017,
uninspiring teaching methods, and other rea- this issue) and Henry (2017, this issue) argue, and
sons. Yet they may subsequently require their own as I noted previously, separating L1, L2 and other
children to take part in heritage-language edu- “selves” as distinct seems to undermine more
cation, coming full circle to where they started holistic understandings of learning motivation,
out themselves. Looking at intra- and inter- multilingualism, and identity.
generational cycles and vicissitudes of motivation
within individuals, in families (e.g., between sib- WHITHER, AND WHY, LOTES (AND
lings, grandparents, parents, and other children), RESEARCH) IN AN ENGLISH-DOMINANT
and in communities, and efforts to learn and use WORLD?
multiple languages and socialize the next gener-
ation(s) into these practices provides important, Why, then, do people continue to learn particu-
complementary, and deeply contextualized ac- lar LOTEs at present, given the seemingly impos-
counts of what we know is a very socially complex, sible competition posed by English and a small
longterm process. Ushioda (in this issue and in set of other powerful world languages? Some of
other publications, e.g., 2009) can be credited these languages, like English, were colonial lan-
with expanding motivation research so as to the- guages that spread to far-flung regions, amass-
orize and empirically document such contextual ing hundreds of millions of speakers in total. Are
factors, just as Norton (2013) has done with re- learners’ future intended uses of the languages
spect to understanding the relationships among for very practical purposes, or to fulfill a particu-
identity, investment, and language learning by lar vision of themselves as successful users of these
drawing on poststructural sociological theory languages, or both? Or are other factors and goals
and considering the role of ideologies and other at play?
social actors and interlocutors in L2 learning. Ushioda (2017, this issue) takes issue with
Identity is naturally a powerful factor con- reductionist, instrumentalist, and sometimes
nected with motivation for both heritage and defeatist views of language learning, especially
non-heritage language learners of Chinese and with respect to English, a language that appears
other languages, but it too is mediated, created, to have become a cog in the neoliberal wheel in
negotiated, and enacted in conjunction with the service of the global marketplace, capitalism,
other factors connected with social integration consumption, and national and global security.
in, and identification with, the Anglophone main- Nor does English have a monopoly in being
stream (e.g., in Canada and the United States), considered a language of high instrumental value
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604 The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
in the current economy. Discourse surrounding factors exist in isolation and therefore they are
the learning of Mandarin Chinese, for example, best also not researched in isolation but rather
whether in media portrayals of the benefits in a more situated, possibly multi-scalar manner.
of learning the language or in learners’ own Sophisticated quantitative approaches exist for
accounts, often also focuses on opportunities multivariate or multifactorial analyses, such as
associated with the “rise of China,” in the world in the structural equation modeling approach
of business especially (e.g., Duff et al., 2013; taken by Sugita McEown et al. (2017, this issue),
Duff et al., 2015; Li & Duff, 2014; Mizuta, 2017; which sought to explore the interrelationships
Sharma, in press; see also, Ushioda, 2017, this among constructs (i.e., self/identity orientations)
issue). This discourse affects both heritage and from three well-known theoretical approaches to
non-heritage learners of Chinese, though each motivation. They compared orientations to learn-
somewhat differently. But perceived exoticness, ing mandatory English versus LOTEs that fulfilled
difficulty, and novelty of the target language— additional language requirements. Despite gener-
from their own point of view and that of others ating elegant representations of the relationships
aware of their learning of that language—is often among orientations, however, such analyses in-
a driving force that learners of Chinese cite for evitably strip away many contextual, biographical,
motivating their study (Duff et al., 2013, 2015). and other sorts of information. For example,
Raising these sociopolitical, economic, and although the discussion regarding changing
language-ideological issues in relation to learn- language educational policies and priorities
ers’ motivation to learn English and/or LOTEs involving English in Japan is very informative
is essential, particularly with the decline in the and timely, differences among the LOTEs studied
formal voluntary and obligatory study of LOTEs by the 250 students surveyed—which included
in both Anglophone and non-Anglophone French, Chinese, Spanish, German, Korean, Rus-
educational contexts. sian, and unspecified other languages—are not
Additional social influences merit considera- explored.
tion in retheorizing motivation beyond the con- Henry (2017, this issue) has adopted a dy-
struct of the individual “self” or “selves” where namical, complex systems approach, which he
(foreign) language learning is concerned. These describes in his conceptual article. The aspira-
influences include learners’ socio-economic class tions one has, the perceived advantages (or liabil-
(cited in Ushioda, 2017, this issue, and Lan- ities) of the study of additional languages when
vers, 2017, this issue; Gayton, 2016), gender (see not mandatory, and assumptions about how one
Carr & Pauwels, 2006; Duff, 2017; and Lanvers, is perceived by others (peers, parents, society,
2017, this issue), parental attitudes (see discus- teachers, as well as by oneself) as a learner or
sion in Sugita McEown et al., 2017, this issue), user of a particular language or set of languages
and teacher quality and teacher–student rap- (e.g., as a teenaged working-class male learner
port (discussed in several articles). Regarding this of French in an Anglophone country versus an
last-listed influence, Busse, (2017, this issue) for upper-middle-class learner of Japanese; or as the
example, cited students’ emphasis on teacher– speaker/learner of an indigenous or heritage lan-
student relationships in learning LOTEs and how guage) all require further attention when consid-
they perceived differences between English and ering why people do or do not choose to study
LOTE teacher quality, thereby affecting their mo- particular languages – or any languages beyond
tivation to study certain languages. their mother tongue. As Lanvers (2017, this is-
A more holistic, interactive, ecological ap- sue) points out, modern language education has
proach (e.g., Douglas Fir Group, 2016) to become a seemingly elite enterprise in England,
motivation and other aspects of language learn- part of a privileged “habitus” cultivated and re-
ing and multilingualism is, in my view, warranted produced across generations, especially by means
and is also supported by several of the con- of private or otherwise well-resourced schools and
tributors to this issue (e.g., especially Ushioda prestigious universities. Such institutions boast
and Henry). Such an approach views macro-, the highest percentage of students pursuing ex-
meso- and micro-level social and other factors, tended modern language study and expressing
including personal and familial histories, as well satisfaction with their choice and reveal deep so-
as the social influences and gaze of others (the cial divides. (For a detailed related discussion of
so-called oughts of teachers, parents, peers, media Bourdieu’s [e.g., 1991] theory of habitus, capital,
discourses regarding LOTEs; see Lanvers, this and fields, and social privilege versus marginal-
issue), as being in constant interaction, and as ization in Chinese heritage language learning or
mutually constitutive. In other words, none of the non-learning in Canada, see Mizuta, 2017.)
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Patricia A. Duff 605
Turning now to an examination of the (of- immigrants in Spain. Immigrant children’s moti-
ten contested) terrain of LOTE foreign-language vations and preferences for learning specific lan-
study at universities in the United States, Thomp- guages are not discussed much (or at all) by
son (2017, this issue) provides an illuminating authors in the other articles included in this spe-
historical sketch of changes in LOTE choice and cial issue. However, Lasagabaster asserts that these
options in higher education between 1960 and “new speakers” are critical to the vitality of mi-
2013. She notes, in particular, the dramatic rise nority regional languages such as Basque and that
in numbers of students of Spanish and the con- they often hold more cosmopolitan, positive dis-
flicting ways (both positive and negative) in which positions toward a plurilingualism that is inclusive
Spanish and its speakers are positioned in Amer- of official national and minority languages as well
ican society, institutions, and political discourse, as more global languages such as English than
ideologies that inevitably influence learners of do their Spanish-born peers or older Spanish citi-
Spanish as well. zens. Together with strong multilingual education
Comparisons across countries in other geopo- policies, and their own keen sense of investment
litical regions, such as Europe, also reveal percep- in learning languages, these students offer hope
tions of not only English but of languages such for the cultivation of multilingual practices and
as French or German that are commonly offered identities in Spain and other countries as well.
as LOTEs. Busse (2017, this issue) conducted a
large-scale survey of the attitudes of European CONCLUSION
secondary school students in four countries
(representing north/south and east/west regions The excellent set of articles reviewed in this
of Europe, and 23 separate schools) toward the commentary piece offer a stimulating overview
learning of English versus LOTEs. Not surpris- and survey of research on motivation for learn-
ingly, she found that students’ attitudes toward ing languages in our complex, contemporary
LOTEs in all four countries were markedly dif- 21st century world. Using a range of research
ferent from their views of English; the latter, as methods, theoretical frameworks and constructs,
a “world language” was considered “particularly and detailed descriptions of particular linguis-
important” or “vital” by most, especially in antici- tic contact situations in Asia, North America,
pation of their future (imagined) work prospects. and Europe, and in both Anglophone and non-
(Students in Spain, she explained, were somewhat Anglophone countries, the authors have explored
ambivalent about the importance of English.) crucial aspects of LOTE education that require
This perception of the significance of English was additional study. Of greatest significance, at least
most strongly expressed by the Dutch students to me, is that the authors collectively raise aware-
in comparison, say, with Bulgarian students, who ness of the importance of understanding lan-
were resigned to learning English but did not nec- guage learning motivation in multifaceted, multi-
essarily enjoy doing so. Such misgivings were also lingual ways in the diverse linguistic contexts rep-
expressed by students in some other countries resented by each research site – with indigenous,
(e.g., Spain), together with the view that English immigrant, global, and national languages that
threatened the vitality and status of minority lan- students may (or may not) want to learn or may be
guages (such as Basque or their own immigrant required to learn through the curriculum. How
languages). Thus, students were both aware and students and adults (e.g., in noncredit extracur-
critical of the status of English and their need to ricular learning situations, such as Nova Scotia)
study it in some contexts. In Spain and Germany, reconcile their own linguistic identities and as-
in particular, students expressed a desire for pirations, as well as local, familial, sociopolitical,
plurilingualism rather than L1-English bilingual- and educational discourses surrounding them,
ism, which was favored by Dutch-L1 students. and the perspectives of others that bear on their
The complex linguistic situation in Spain, one decisions and dispositions, continues to be a criti-
of the countries featured in the previous study, was cal topic for educators and applied linguists. New
also described in detail by Lasagabaster (2017, this understandings and possibilities will result from
issue). He examined several important minority refining theory and methods within motivation
languages in the country—Basque, Catalan, and research, drawing on relevant transdisciplinary in-
Galician—which are spoken in bilingual regions sights in related fields, and applying these insights
of the country and enjoy “co-official” status to- to new as well as previously-researched but ever-
gether with Spanish. Lasagabaster contrasted mo- changing educational contexts in an even wider
tivation to learn these languages and English, pay- range of ethnolinguistic, geographical, and her-
ing special attention to the perspectives of young itage/nonheritage settings.
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606 The Modern Language Journal 101 (2017)
Duff, P., Anderson, T., Doherty, L., & Wang, R. (2015).
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