922564

research-article2020
SREXXX10.1177/2332649220922564Sociology of Race and EthnicitySmith

Contemporary Racisms

Sociology of Race and Ethnicity

Social Movement Framing

2021, Vol. 7(2) 194­–207
© American Sociological Association 2020
DOI: 10.1177/2332649220922564
[Link]

Tasks and Contemporary [Link]

Racisms: Diagnostic and

Prognostic Forms

Wade P. Smith1

Abstract
Increasingly, race scholars define racism as a structural and systemic phenomenon, rather than a matter of
personal prejudice alone. Various theories of racism have been developed by asking “What causes racial
inequality?” and defining as racist those mechanisms that reproduce it. In this essay, I ask a different question
to expand the toolkit from which scholars can identify the racisms that characterize the contemporary
era. Acknowledging that dramatic changes to systems of racial oppression are historically brought about
by social movements, I ask, “What causes anti-racist movements to fail?” and define as racist those factors
that prevent anti-racist movements from mobilizing supporters in the pursuit of change. I thus propose,
define, and describe two forms of racism that connect theories of race and racism to theories of social
movements. To enable success, social movements engage in (among other tasks) diagnostic and prognostic
framing—that is, they identify conditions as problems and propose solutions. I thus propose the following
forms of racism that manifest as sentiments that prevent anti-racist movements from successfully carrying
out these tasks: diagnostic racism and prognostic racism. In conclusion, I explain how this conceptualization
of racism complements and extends prevailing theories of race and racism and underscores the utility of
bridging theories of race and racism and social movement theories in studies of race relations.

Keywords
racism, racial inequality, social movements, social problems, framing

In Portraits of White Racism, David Wellman 2008). For many, including some social scientists,
(1977:40) argued that “racism can be seen as a racism is a social psychological concern (Bonilla-
changing phenomenon, reflecting the sociopolitical Silva 1996, 2014). As prominent race scholar
exigencies of race relations in specific historical Eduardo Bonilla-Silva (2001:44–45) contends, this
periods.” Contemporary race scholars generally “commonsense understanding of racism . . . does
agree, acknowledging that both racial ideologies not provide an adequate theoretical foundation for
and systems of racial oppression change over time understanding racial phenomena.” Defining racism
(Golash-Boza 2016). Though race scholars have as personal prejudice “limits the possibility of
identified a variety of historically situated forms of understanding how it shapes a race’s life chances”;
racism in the United States—scientific racism moreover, embracing this traditional definition
(Barkan 1992), Jim Crow racism (Bobo 2011),
1
laissez-faire racism (Bobo, Kluegel, and Smith Eastern Illinois University, Charleston, IL, USA
1997), and color-blind racism (Bonilla-Silva 2014), Corresponding Author:
to name a few—the widespread understanding of Wade P. Smith, Eastern Illinois University, 600 Lincoln
the concept remains fixated on personal prejudice Ave., Charleston, IL 61920, USA.
(Doane 2006; Schmidt 2005; Unzueta and Lowery Email: wpsmith@[Link]
Smith 195

treats racism as “a static phenomenon” and assumes workshops, [or] tolerance”—responses that may
that today’s racism resembles yesterday’s (Bonilla- combat personal prejudice. “As during the slavery
Silva 1996:467). Given the declining resonance of and Jim Crow periods,” he argues, challenges to
scientific racism, the dismantling of Jim Crow rac- modern racism necessitate “social movements
ism, and the increasing vulnerability of prejudiced [that] fight against contemporary racial domina-
attitudes in the post–World War II era, to make tion” (2015:78; see also Feagin 2010). Even wide-
such an assumption would be naïve. Contemporary spread awareness of injustice and a social interest
race scholars have thus sought to identify, define, in change do not, themselves, provoke it. As Rosino
and observe the various forms of racism that char- observes, though matters of racial injustice have
acterize the contemporary era (e.g., Bobo et al. increasingly come to be understood as human
1997; Bonilla-Silva 2014; Feagin 2004; Oliver and rights violations, that conceptualization alone does
Shapiro 2006). little to combat their persistence. Social change
As Bonilla-Silva (2015:75) argues, “The ana- requires “collective actions that translate that [con-
lytical crux for understanding racism is uncovering ceptualization] into institutional accountability and
the mechanisms and practices . . . at the social, eco- logics of everyday practice” (2018:347). That
nomic, ideological, and political levels responsible which constrains social movements, limits collec-
for the reproduction of racial domination.” In mak- tive actions, or denies them success may, then, be
ing this assertion, Bonilla-Silva reinforces a con- defined as racist if it upholds and preserves prevail-
ceptualization of racism that includes not only ing racist structures. In this essay, I thus propose a
“racist ideologies,” but also “racist structures”: conceptualization of contemporary racisms that
individual acts; institutional conditions, arrange- engages both theorizations of race and racism as
ments, and practices; and laws and policies that well as theoretical work on social movements and
intentionally or unintentionally “reproduce racial collective action. Instead of asking “What causes
inequality” (Golash-Boza 2016:131). Beyond per- racial inequality?”—a question that usefully
sonal prejudice, racism “can be seen or detected in informs various theories of racism—I ask the fol-
processes . . . and behavior which amount to dis- lowing question: “What causes anti-racist move-
crimination” (Macpherson 1999:n.p.). A thorough ments to fail and, in turn, reproduces racial
understanding of racism thus necessitates that ana- inequality and maintains discriminatory prac-
lytical attention move beyond the identification of tices?” The answer I propose below—my sugges-
racists (prejudiced individuals) and include obser- tion that two distinct, yet related forms of racism
vations of the various individual, organizational, prevent anti-racist movements from mobilizing
and institutional “practices that subordinate” supporters in the pursuit of change—supports
(Golash-Boza 2016:131). This requires that ana- Wellman’s (1977:22) contention that “it is neces-
lysts accept Wellman’s (1993) contention that sary to broaden the definition of racism beyond
“prejudiced people are not the only racists in personal prejudice to include sentiments that in
America” (see Bonilla-Silva 2014:8). their consequence, if not their intent, support the
If we observe racism in its outcome—in those status quo.” As I demonstrate in this essay, distinct
“mechanisms and practices” that are “responsible forms of racism are evident in the ideological and
for the reproduction of racial domination” (Bonilla- political conditions that limit, disrupt, and obstruct
Silva 2015:75, emphasis added), “reproduce racial change efforts.
inequality” (Golash-Boza 2016:131, emphasis In the section that follows I discuss the cultural
added), and “amount to discrimination” (Macpherson turn in social movement research that provides the
1999:n.p., emphasis added)—we can define as racist theoretical backdrop for the conceptualization of
those “mechanisms and practices” that prevent the racisms I advance. Then, drawing explicitly on col-
disruption of the prevailing racial order, derail lective action frames and the social movement
attempts to establish racial equality, or constrain framing tasks identified by Snow and Benford
practices that might reduce the effects of or even (1988), I propose, define, and describe the follow-
eliminate discrimination. I thus argue that a thor- ing forms of racism: diagnostic racism and prog-
ough conceptualization of racism necessitates an nostic racism.1 Moreover, I demonstrate the
understanding of what might uproot prevailing racist analytical utility of concepts developed by social
structures and what prevents such a change from movement scholars to interpret and explain these
coming about. forms of racism. In conclusion, I reiterate calls for
According to Bonilla-Silva (2015:78), uproot- a theorization of racisms that moves beyond per-
ing the prevailing racial order in the U.S. “will sonal prejudice, explain the theoretical compatibil-
require more than just racial dialogues, race ity of the forms of racism I propose with other
196 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 7(2)

prevailing conceptualizations and theories of race “political opportunity structure”—that is, theories
and racism, and demonstrate the utility of social that center on social and institutional changes that
movement theoretical propositions in studies of open up possibilities for collective action in its
anti-racist movements and race relations. various forms (McAdam 2013). The body of work
spurred by this theoretical perspective has been
criticized for being structurally deterministic, or at
Social Movements and least inattentive to the subjective perception of
Their Core Framing Tasks opportunities movement participants must have to
Prior to the 1960s, social movements were widely support their participation in a movement (Tarrow
characterized as spontaneous, unstructured, irratio- 1988). As McAdam (1982:48) contends, “Mediating
nal, and reactive events (Morris 2000); however, in between opportunity and action are people and the
the wake of persistent and transformative social subjective meanings they attach to their situations”
movements of the 1960s and 1970s (most notably (emphasis added). Tarrow (1988:430) thus argues
in Western democracies), prominent social move- that scholars must dedicate considerable “attention
ment scholars developed theoretical models that to the perceptions of [movement] participants and
centered on organization, agency, and process to to decision-making within movements” (emphasis
explain the emergence, power, and success or fail- added). While rational choice models can help
ure of social movements. As various perspectives explain the decision-making of movement partici-
developed, many theorists highlighted the cultural pants, Tarrow (1988:435) cautiously notes that
and ideational dimensions of movements. Indeed, “mobilization and demobilization are fundamen-
as some theories began to take root they were at tally social choices.”
times criticized for being acultural, structurally Broadly described, rational choice theories sug-
deterministic, or inattentive to meaning making gest that participation in social movements results
processes. Those expressing these criticisms from a decision-making process in which individu-
advanced a culturally attentive, social construc- als consider opportunities for and constraints to
tionist approach to social movements. Though a collective action, and then behave in ways that
detailed discussion of this cultural turn in move- most clearly benefit themselves (Opp 2013).
ment literature is beyond the scope of this article, Among the critics of this perspective are those who
below are some key theoretical critiques and claims argue that rational choice models often assume “a
advanced during this period of theoretical develop- single, time-bound, rational decision” on behalf of
ment that provide a foundation for the arguments I individuals (Snow et al. 1986:467). Such critics
develop below. observe that movement participants often reassess
In his oft-cited work, Doug McAdam (1982:33) and renegotiate their engagement with a move-
criticizes adherents of resource mobilization theory ment, spending “a good deal of time . . . accounting
for their common assumption of “a constancy to and recounting for their participation” (1986:467).
grievances” among the public—that is, he criti- These scholars argue that the rationale for action is
cizes many proponents of the theory for their negotiated through an ongoing interactional pro-
assumption that the level of discontent necessary cess of meaning making. They contend that ratio-
for collective action is ever present, but access to nal choice models provide an asocial and untenable
the resources necessary to support such activities is view of decision making that fails to account for
not. He argues that there is not only variability in culture and interaction.
access to resources but “enormous potential for As demonstrated here, in the wake of transfor-
variability in the subjective meanings people attach mative movements of the 1960s and 1970s various
to ‘objective’ situations” (1982:34, emphasis scholars sought to insert meaning, perception, cul-
added). He thus proposes that “cognitive ture, and interaction in theoretical approaches that
liberation”—a condition in which “people . . . col- otherwise ignored or inadequately attended to the
lectively define their situations as unjust and sub- ideational and cultural dimensions of movements.
ject to change through group action” (1982:51)—is By the end of the twentieth century Steinberg
a necessary component of social movements. This (1999:736) proclaimed, “Culture is . . . squarely on
perception, he argues, is “the real catalyst of a the agenda of social movement analysis.” Therefore,
movement” (McAdam 2013:1). it is now widely accepted among contemporary
Just as resource mobilization theories have been scholars that there is (to borrow from della Porta and
criticized for being acultural, so too have theories Diani 2006:74) an “attribution of meaning which
of movements that center on changes in the lies behind the explosion of any conflict.” With a
Smith 197

social constructionist focus, a great deal of research identify[ing] strategies, tactics, and targets” of
has focused on the process through which this attri- movement activities (Snow and Benford 1988:201).
bution of meaning occurs and the contextual factors With this task, social movement supporters pro-
that constrain or enable it. At the heart of much of pose long-term solutions or, in the least, “a plan of
this research is the concept of “frames” (Goffman attack, and the strategies for carrying out the plan”
1974) and “framing processes” (Benford and Snow (Benford and Snow 2000:616). The last of these
2000) (e.g., Bloemraad, Silva, and Voss 2016; Hunt, tasks is motivational framing: “the elaboration of a
Benford, and Snow 1994; Reese and Newcombe call to arms or a rationale for action” (Snow and
2003). Benford 1988:202). This framing task involves
Defined by Erving Goffman (1974:21), frames providing clear incentives for action (della Porta
are “schemata of interpretation” relied on by indi- and Diani 2006) and “the construction of appropri-
viduals to make sense of the world around them. ate vocabularies of motive” that solicit collective
Frames “simplif[y] . . . the ‘world out there’ by action and sustained participation of movement
selectively punctuating and encoding objects, situ- participants (Benford and Snow 2000:616).
ations, events, experiences, and sequences of Through successfully carrying out these framing
actions within one’s present or past environment” tasks, social movements are able to garner support,
(Snow and Benford 1992:137). Frames provide an mobilize supporters, and demobilize antagonists
understanding of the world through which “people (Snow and Benford 1988); however, those carrying
filter issues” and explain social phenomena out these tasks face social, cultural, and political
(Bonilla-Silva 2014:74). With an emergent con- obstacles.
structionist approach to social movements, many To be sure, “movements seek to promote
scholars focus not on frames themselves, but rather change, and the status quo inevitably has its defend-
on the act of framing conditions as problems that ers” (Best 2008:66); moreover, ignorance and mis-
warrant a response. To borrow from Blumer, these information can affect the perceived legitimacy of
scholars generally agree that “social problems . . . calls for social change (Blumer 1971), and apathy
are the result of a process of definition in which a and indifference can constrain social movements
given condition is picked out and identified as a (Forman and Lewis 2006). In the context of anti-
social problem” (1971:301)—a process that, when racist movements, obstacles to the effectiveness of
successful, results in “a mobilization of the society diagnostic and prognostic framing may be con-
for action on the social problem” (1971:304). It has strued as racist when they are, to borrow from
thus been observed that social movements engage Bonilla-Silva (2015:75), “responsible for the repro-
in “signifying work” to define a condition as a duction of racial domination” through depressing
problem, propose solutions, and mobilize a society motivation, action, and support of movement activ-
to act (Snow and Benford 1988:198). Benford and ities. I thus propose below the following forms of
Snow (2000:615) thus argue that the success of a racism that manifest as sentiments and practices
social movement depends in part upon its support- that prevent anti-racist movements from success-
ers’ attention to the signifying work and framing fully carrying out key framing tasks that generate
processes that “mov[e] people from the balcony to support, mobilize participants, and make social
the barricades.” change possible: diagnostic racism and prognostic
In their influential work, Snow and Benford racism.
(1988; see also Benford and Snow 2000) suggest
that social movements engage in the following core Anti-racist Movements
framing tasks: identifying a condition as a problem
that deserves to be changed, proposing a solution to and Forms of Racism
the identified problem, and justifying and eliciting As noted above, Bonilla-Silva (2015:75) argues
action in response to the identified problem. They that “the analytical crux for understanding racism
define the first of these tasks as diagnostic fram- is uncovering the mechanisms and practices . . . at
ing—the “identification of a problem and the attri- the social, economic, ideological, and political lev-
bution of blame or causality” (Snow and Benford els responsible for the reproduction of racial domi-
1988:200). This task involves the establishment of nation.” To develop a definition of anti-racist
a condition as a problem and an assertion of its movements that is grounded in theories of race and
cause (or causes) that warrants a response. The sec- racism rather than social movement literature, I
ond task, prognostic framing, involves “not only thus borrow directly from Bonilla-Silva (2015) and
suggest[ing] solutions to the problem but also define anti-racist movements as those movements
198 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 7(2)

that seek to expose, challenge, disrupt, change, and blame or causality” (Snow and Benford 1988:200).
replace “the social, economic, ideological, and A failure to identify the true cause(s) of a condition
political” “mechanisms and practices” that are a movement seeks to change can lead to the pro-
“responsible for the reproduction of racial domina- posal of or support for ineffective or inadequate
tion.” Notably, this definition encompasses, but is solutions that fail to address its underlying cause(s)
not limited to, economic and political institutions and thus contribute to its presence and persistence.
as the target of anti-racist movements. This defini- I thus define diagnostic racism as a failure to rec-
tion thus aligns well with the observation that ognize racial inequality or discrimination, or the
movement goals include political, social, and cul- incorrect or incomplete identification of the
tural change (Andrews 2002), and even collective cause(s) of racial inequality or discrimination that
identity construction and discursive transforma- (1) inhibits an individual’s or society’s commitment
tions (Whittier 2002). Moreover, by grounding this to address it or (2) results in the proposal of or sup-
definition in a conceptualization of racial domina- port for inadequate or ineffective solutions.
tion, it is responsive to warranted claims that social One key obstacle to anti-racist movements and
movement literature is often inattentive, or in the change efforts in the contemporary United States is
least inadequately attentive, to theories of race and a widespread lack of awareness of racial inequality
racism. For example, the definition I propose and discrimination. When asked whether “the aver-
responds to Bracey’s (2016) critique of social age black person is [‘worse off than,’ ‘about as well
movement perspectives that narrowly identify the of as,’ or ‘better off than’] the average white person
state as both the source and target of movement in terms of income and overall financial situation,”
grievances. Anti-racist movements are those that for example, only 49 percent of U.S. adults polled
actively contest and seek to disrupt and change the in a recent study responded with “worse off than”
varied social, economic, ideological, and political (Pew Research Center 2016:71). This suggests that
causes of racial domination. approximately half of U.S. adults are aware of the
As with all social movements, anti-racist move- clear and significant financial disparities that exist
ments depend on the active engagement in and sup- between blacks and whites. Only 49 percent of the
port of movement activities. Movements require respondents in the aforementioned study were
participants and rely to some degree on strategic reportedly aware that, around the time of the sur-
framing to “mov[e] people from the balcony to the vey, the median adjusted household income for
barricades” (Benford and Snow 2000:615). As I whites was $28,000 greater than for blacks, the
assert below, there are sentiments that present as median net worth of white U.S. households was
obstructions to the diagnostic and prognostic roughly 13 times greater than the median net worth
efforts of anti-racist movements that in their conse- for black households, and blacks were slightly
quence preserve the prevailing system of racial more than two and a half times as likely as whites
advantage and disadvantage. After defining and to live in poverty (Pew Research Center 2016). As
demonstrating the forms of racism I propose, I another example, while empirical evidence demon-
return to the frame analytic approach to underscore strates that people of color are treated less fairly
the utility of the framing concept and its “concep- than whites within the U.S. criminal justice system,
tual architecture” (Snow 2013) in understanding the study reported above found that only 50 percent
and explaining diagnostic and prognostic racisms. of white adults reportedly believe that “blacks are
treated less fairly than whites . . . in dealing with the
police” and only 43 percent reportedly believe that
Diagnostic Racism: A Conceptualization “blacks are treated less fairly . . . in the courts” (Pew
In his influential work, Herbert Blumer (1971:301– Research Center 2016:5). Failures to recognize
2) stated that if the members of a society are “not . . . racial inequality and discriminatory conditions pro-
aware of a social problem, [they do] not perceive it, duce antagonists that pose a threat to anti-racist
address it, discuss it, or do anything about it.” The movements and motivated change agents. Through
diagnostic framing of a condition (or set of condi- their failure to recognize inequality and discrimina-
tions) as a problem is thus a highly consequential tion, individuals express a form of diagnostic rac-
task, affecting the presence and persistence of ism that impedes calls for change as they reach an
social conditions that must be “perceived” in order uninformed or unconvinced audience. An individ-
to be challenged and changed. Recall, however, ual will be motivated neither to address nor to sup-
that diagnostic framing involves not only the “iden- port the dedication of resources to ameliorate a
tification of a problem,” but also “the attribution of seemingly nonexistent condition. Through their
Smith 199

color blindness some may even be inclined to dis- present as a form of racism that supports the status
cursively counter those who suggest inequality or quo and preserves prevailing racist structures (the
discrimination exists (Bonilla-Silva 2014). field of education providing only one example).
While a lack of awareness represents one type Another dimension of diagnostic racism is the
of diagnostic racism, this form of racism is also public discourse regarding and widespread under-
evident in incorrect attributions—that is, in a mis- standing of racism. The definition and understand-
diagnosis of the cause(s) of racial inequality or dis- ing of racism that prevails—the diagnosis of racism
crimination. Consider, for example, the various itself—can impede the success of social move-
racial disparities that are evident within the U.S. ments that seek to dismantle its various forms
education system: when compared to their peers (Doane 2006). Within the public domain, racism is
from other racial groups, white and Asian students often understood to be a matter of strongly felt or
have greater levels of access to a full range of math publicly expressed personal prejudice (Bonilla-
and science courses in high school (U.S. Silva 2014; Doane 2003, 2006)—a condition that
Department of Education Office for Civil Rights resides “in the hearts and minds of a small group of
2014a); schools serving primarily black and bigoted men who parade around in white sheets”
Hispanic students have a notably higher percentage (Schmidt 2005:110). When defined or diagnosed in
of first-year teachers and uncertified teachers than this way, the material and structural dimensions of
schools serving primarily white students (U.S. a racist society, conditions and factors that might
Department of Education Office for Civil Rights otherwise be construed as institutionally or struc-
2014b); and there are significant funding dispari- turally racist and in need of remedy, are left unques-
ties between such schools with schools serving pri- tioned and unchallenged. While increasingly more
marily white students receiving notably higher people may be accepting of identifying and con-
funding per student on average (Education Trust demning racists (prejudiced individuals), fewer
2015). Though disparities such as these have been seemingly understand, perceive, and concern them-
found to affect academic performance—resulting selves with the various forms of racism that
in white students regularly outperforming students (re)produce racial inequalities in the United States
of color—disparities in educational achievement (Doane 2006). To end racism, many contend, we
are commonly attributed to (falsely assumed) need only to identify, call out, and eliminate per-
genetic differences, assumed differences in child- sonal prejudice. As Doane (2006:267) suggests,
rearing practices, or presumed differing cultural “To the extent that individual definitions of racism
commitments among racial groups. As summed by become dominant, what emerges is a social world
Darling-Hammond (2010:299), “The presumption in which it is difficult to challenge or even envision
that undergirds much of the usual conversation is institutional racism.”
that equal educational opportunity now exists; As discussed here, a variety of beliefs, assump-
therefore, continued low levels of achievement on tions, and ideas result in a failure to recognize
the part of students of color must be intrinsic to racial inequality or discrimination, or a failure to
them, their families, or their communities.” These accurately identify their cause(s). These beliefs,
assumptions are politically powerful as they can assumptions, and ideas can be intentionally or
affect the level of support given to calls for change unintentionally racist in their outcome if they
or lead to the proposal of inadequate solutions. If inhibit an individual’s or society’s commitment to
racial disparities in academic performance are address inequality or discrimination, or result in the
attributed to assumed biological differences proposal of or support for inadequate or ineffective
between racial groups, they may be presumed to be solutions. By preserving prevailing racist struc-
unchangeable and thus unworthy of the time, atten- tures, these beliefs, assumptions, and ideas thus
tion, and resources called for by those promoting a constitute a form of racism—diagnostic racism—
social response. If families or communities of color as they constrain change efforts and provide ide-
are misdiagnosed as the exclusive causal factors at ational support for the status quo.
play—if the issue is diagnosed as one of “cultural
inferiority” (Forman and Lewis 2006:178)—then
proposed solutions are likely to revolve around cul- Prognostic Racism: A Conceptualization
tural changes at the familial and community levels, In addition to observing, identifying, and problem-
thus leaving the material disparities and the unequal atizing a condition and diagnosing its cause(s),
distribution of resources in place. A misdiagnosis movement supporters engage in prognostic fram-
of the cause(s) of racial disparities can, therefore, ing by specifying “what is to be done” (Snow and
200 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 7(2)

Benford 1988:201). This framing often includes racial inequality or discrimination that might rea-
planning the activities of the movement itself and sonably affect their existence. This refusal and its
proposing long-term solutions to the problem the effects on the persistence of racial inequalities was
movement seeks to address (Best 2008). As with keenly observed by Martin Luther King Jr. in Why
diagnostic framing, those engaged in prognostic We Can’t Wait. “Whenever [the] issue of compen-
framing face obstacles. The proposal of or enact- satory or preferential treatment for the Negro is
ment of disruptive yet effective movement activi- raised,” he observed, “some of our friends recoil in
ties can “alienate sympathizers” or lead to the horror. The Negro should be granted equality, they
active repression of a movement (della Porta and agree; but he should ask nothing more. On the sur-
Diani 2006:174); solutions endorsed by a move- face,” he argued, “this appears reasonable, but it is
ment can face active opposition and counterclaims not realistic” (1964:147). In his opinion and in that
(Benford and Snow 2000); and proposed or imple- of other supporters of the civil rights movement, it
mented solutions may be ineffective in accom- was not enough to grant blacks civil rights—that is,
plishing the movement’s goals (Blasi 1994). legal “protections against discrimination” (Golash-
Prognostic racism thus involves a failure to sup- Boza 2015:396)—in a nation with such glaring and
port the effective activities of an anti-racist move- historically rooted inequities between blacks and
ment, a refusal to endorse a social movement’s whites. “It is obvious,” he thus argued, “that if a
proposed solutions to racial inequality or discrimi- man is entered at the starting line in a race three
nation that might reasonably affect their existence, hundred years after another man, the first would
and the proposal of or support for inadequate or have to perform some impossible feat in order to
ineffective solutions to racial inequality or catch up with his fellow runner” (King 1964:147).
discrimination. While he acknowledged the need for some form of
Simply stated, “social movements derive power compensation for the legacy of racism in America
from disrupting the social order” (Fleming and in order to bring about equitable outcomes—while
Morris 2015:108). Anti-racist movements in the the prognostic framing he and others engaged in
United States have thus historically relied on included the argument that “the nation . . . must
“unruly tactics” and “unconventional . . . methods” incorporate in its planning some compensatory
to achieve success (p. 108). Social movement orga- consideration for the handicaps [blacks have]
nizers often frame disruptive practices as a viable inherited from the past . . . in order to balance the
means to gain the attention of and foster support equation and equip [blacks] to compete on a just
among the masses. While various “unruly” and and equal basis” (King 1964:146–7)—he was
“unconventional” tactics have proven effective in keenly aware of a widespread and adamant refusal
bringing about change or, in the least, dialogue to support proposals for compensatory treatment.
about the need for change, some of these activities He was aware of the presence and long-term conse-
are viewed by many as problems themselves, rather quences of prognostic racism expressed through a
than acceptable and effective forms of protest— refusal to support proposed solutions that might
especially when carried out by people from mar- reasonably help the movement move toward its
ginalized groups. When proposed movement goal of racial equality.
activities and protest methods—activities such as It is noteworthy that prognostic racism often
using a sea of bodies to close down a freeway—are follows from diagnostic racism. Support for pro-
perceived to be “dangerous or morally wrong,” for posed solutions to racial inequality or discrimina-
example, “people [may] define both the issue and tion depends upon the acknowledgment, or
the solution as equally problematic,” effectively diagnosis, of the problem. Prognostic racism is
supporting the status quo through failing to support exhibited, for example, by the many (especially
potentially effective movement activities (Sumerau white) Americans who oppose affirmative action
and Grollman 2018:331). The perception of these programs based on their assumption that racial dis-
activities as problems, rather than as a means to an crimination in education and employment is rele-
end, constitutes a form of racism—prognostic rac- gated to history (as observed by Bonilla-Silva
ism—that upholds the status quo through denying 2014). Additionally, the proposal of effective solu-
legitimacy to proposed movement activities that tions that might reasonably affect racial inequality
disrupt it. and discrimination relies on an accurate diagnosis
In addition to lack of support for movement of their cause(s). As one example, if the black-
activities, prognostic racism includes a refusal to white wealth gap identified above is assumed to
endorse a social movement’s proposed solutions to reflect different spending, savings, and investment
Smith 201

habits of distinct racial groups (as opposed to his- and practices” and antagonists who “[stand] in
torical inequalities and structural racism), the pro- opposition to the protagonist’s efforts” (Hunt,
posed solution may be to provide blacks with Benford, and Snow 1994:186). Often, the conflict
financial education. This, of course, would do little between these groups stems from a frame dispute
to affect the significant wealth disparity that, if not characterized by the endorsement of incompatible,
materially addressed, will perpetuate itself as competing, or contradictory understandings. While
whites disproportionately have access to much frame disputes can emerge over the diagnosed
greater levels of wealth to save and invest. As cause of the condition(s) a movement seeks to
another example, if racism is defined as a social problematize or a viable and preferable solution,
psychological issue, the proposed solution may be they can also include disputes over truth or reality
one of promoting and fostering “race dialogues, (Benford 1997). As Benford (1993:678) suggests,
race workshops, [and] tolerance” (Bonilla-Silva “potential adherents” to a social movement’s cause
2014:78)—a response that does little to address the “are not tabulae rasae upon which activists may
material, structural, and institutional dimensions of draw any picture of reality they would like”; they
our contemporary racist society. When individuals are individuals who maintain their own (socially
and groups perceive racism to be a purely “‘per- constructed) version of reality that may stand in
sonal problem,’” they are likely to propose solu- stark contrast to the version proffered by social
tions that focus on “‘changed hearts’” (Allen movements. Even that which is pointed to as evi-
2000:67) rather than social, cultural, and political dence in support of a claim “is itself subject to
changes that might affect structurally racist condi- debate” (Snow and Benford 1988:208).
tions. To borrow from Wellman (1977:222), sup- While frame disputes may result in very public
port for and the proposal of ineffective solutions and contentious “frame contests” or “fights” (Ryan
such as those identified here constitute a form of 1991), their social significance does not depend on
racism—prognostic racism—when they preserve such contests. Staunch disagreement alone may
racist structures “in their consequence, if not their limit the social support for a movement and con-
intent.” strain or prevent mobilization. Consider, for exam-
ple, the widespread lack of awareness of racial
inequality and discrimination observed above. For
Diagnostic and Prognostic Racisms: those who firmly believe that equality has been
A Frame Analytic Approach achieved or that racial discrimination has, in large
In their original articulation of the core framing measure, been relegated to history, the diagnostic
tasks taken on by social movements, Snow and claims of anti-racist movements that seek to expose
Benford (1988:205) argue that the “mobilizing and highlight persistent inequalities or discrimina-
potency” of these tasks lies, in part, in “the extent to tory practices may be perceived as indefensible.
which the framing effort . . . resonates within the life Even in spite evidence to the contrary, many
world of potential participants”—the extent to which Americans deny the presence and significance of
the proposed frames are believable, palatable, and discrimination today and thus view those identify-
compatible with prevailing beliefs and assump- ing its presence as unjustifiably “‘hypersensi-
tions. They thus argue that scholars must attend to tive,’ . . . using race as an ‘excuse,’ or . . . ‘playing
“the phenomenological life world” of the publics the infamous race card’” (Bonilla-Silva 2014:77).
for which such frames are directed and ask “Does In this context, the diagnostic frames of anti-racist
the framing strike a responsive chord with those movements lack narrative fidelity—that is, the
individuals for whom it is intended?” (1988:205). claims advanced by these movements do not reso-
As I describe below, in the “life world” in which nate “with the stories, myths, and folk tales that . . .
contemporary anti-racist movements take shape, function,” for many, “to inform events and experi-
frame resonance is undermined by frame disputes ences in the immediate present” (Snow and Benford
and widespread beliefs and assumptions that inhibit 1988:210). The diagnostic frames of anti-racist
narrative fidelity. I contend that diagnostic and movements often fall on deaf ears.
prognostic racisms are evident in the lack of frame As another example, consider the contradictory
resonance that results from various frame disputes attributions for inequality generally promoted by
and the lack of narrative fidelity they engender. anti-racist movements and those who attribute
The social contexts within which movements unequal outcomes to individuals or group culture.
take shape include protagonists who “advocate or Though anti-racist movements often promote insti-
sympathize with movement values, beliefs, goals, tutional or structural diagnostic frames for the
202 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 7(2)

conditions they seek to problematize—proposing, are no formal constraints to opportunity (Conley

for example, that racial inequalities in the labor 2010). As Bonilla-Silva (2014:79) contends, the
market, in educational outcomes, and in rates of conceptualization of “equal opportunity” expressed
incarceration are the product of racist institutions, in the latter frame—what he identifies as an ideol-
practices, and the widespread ideologies that sup- ogy of political liberalism—actually “oppose[s]
port them—many dispute such claims, proposing racial fairness” and “safeguards white privilege . . .
instead that these inequalities are the result of indi- by supporting equal opportunity for everyone with-
vidual decision making or cultural deficiencies of out a concern for the savage inequalities between
specific racial groups. Claims of institutionally or whites and blacks.” Prognostic racism is thus evi-
structurally racist causes lack narrative fidelity dent in a reliance on the ideology of political liber-
among those antagonists who embrace, if not out- alism that, when present, precludes support for
wardly endorse, individual or group-level explana- solutions that address such “savage inequalities.”
tions. In turn, not only do structural explanations of Calls for affirmative action, for example, do not
inequality fall on many deaf ears, so too do the pro- resonate with this framing of equality.
posed structural solutions that follow from them
(the prognostic frames anti-racist movements are
likely to endorse). The implications and signifi- Conclusion
cance of this frame dispute—the competing Given that dramatic changes to systems of racial
assumptions that inequalities are individual or oppression have historically relied on social move-
structural phenomena—have been observed by ments (Fleming and Morris 2015) and challenges
social movement scholars. Simply stated, “only to its contemporary forms will arguably require the
system attributions afford the necessary rationale same (Bonilla-Silva 2015; Feagin 2010), I propose
for movement activity” (McAdam 1982:50). As that theories of social movements provide useful
Ryan (1991:70) contends, in the midst of a frame frameworks for theorizing racisms. As social
dispute such as the one described here, explana- movement scholars have demonstrated, a move-
tions that stress the “social character” of the issue ment’s “chances of success” are affected by the
under consideration function as “mobilizing “social, political, and/or cultural context” in which
frames,” and individual explanations function as it occurs (della Porta and Diani 2006:6). When
“demobilizing frames.” In supporting “demobiliz- social, political, and/or cultural contextual factors
ing frames,” individual explanations for inequality constrain anti-racist movements and deny them
present as a form of diagnostic racism. success, they can be defined as racist as they are, in
To be sure, frame disputes involve competing part, responsible for preserving the status quo and
and contradictory understandings about not only reproducing racist structures. I thus proposed two
the proposed presence and causes of inequality forms of racism—diagnostic racism and prognostic
(i.e., diagnostic frames) but also the proffered solu- racism—that bridge contemporary work on race
tions (i.e., prognostic frames). Consider, for example, and racisms with social movements literature.
the arguments of Martin Luther King Jr. described Conceptualizing these forms of racism underscores
above. While he and other activists argued in favor the argument that racism can be found in those
of “some compensatory consideration for the hand- mechanisms that “in their consequence, if not their
icaps [blacks have] inherited from the past” (King intent, support the status quo” (Wellman 1977:222);
1964:146), those who “recoil[ed] in horror” complements and extends prevailing theories of
(1964:147) at such a suggestion endorsed an alter- race and racism; and sheds light on the utility of the
native framing of acceptable and desirable solu- frame analysist’s toolkit in studies of anti-racist
tions that limited the social and political response movements and race relations.
to an extension of civil rights. Expressed in these In his critique of common conceptualizations of
perspectives are competing definitions of equality. racism, Bonilla-Silva (1996:467) argues that the
While those seeking compensatory treatment prevailing definition—one focused on personal
framed equality as “equality of condition”—that is, prejudice—“limits the possibility of understanding
they embraced an understanding of equality as how [racism] shapes a race’s life chances.”
existing when socially and historically produced Similarly, Golash-Boza (2016:131) acknowledges
inequalities are recognized and responded to that a thorough conceptualization of racism must
through forms of redress—their opponents framed include not only “racist ideologies” (which include,
equality in terms of opportunity—suggesting but are not limited to, prejudice and stereotypes)
instead that equality has been achieved when there but also “racist structures” and those “practices
Smith 203

that subordinate.” To be sure, the forms of racism I of minorities), and the minimization of racism (the
proposed above focus explicitly on their manifesta- suggestion that “discrimination is no longer a cen-
tion as mechanisms that preserve those conditions tral factor affecting minorities’ life chances”;
that “shape a race’s life chances” and, in their con- (2014:77)). The conceptualization of diagnostic
sequence, “subordinate.” As described above, diag- and prognostic racisms lends theoretical insight
nostic and prognostic racisms are not limited to into the connection between these color-blind
personal prejudice or race hatred (though they may frames and their effects on anti-racist movements,
result from them) but rather are evident in frame collective action, and the prevailing racial order.
disputes that arise between anti-racist movements Abstract liberalism, naturalization, cultural racism,
and their antagonists that inhibit an individual’s or and the minimization of racism constitute elements
society’s commitment and motivation to address of an observable racial ideology that manifests in
racial inequality or discrimination, prevent indi- sentiments and related practices that limit the abil-
viduals or communities from actively opposing ity of social movement participants and motivated
inequality or discrimination, or contribute to the change agents to successfully carry out their diag-
proposal of or support for inadequate or ineffective nostic and prognostic framing tasks. Color blind-
solutions to racial inequality or discrimination. In ness thus presents as a social and cultural obstacle
denying anti-racist movements success, these to anti-racist movements and collective action.
forms of racism function to maintain racially dis- Conceptualizing and observing the effects of diag-
criminatory and unequal conditions and are there- nostic and prognostic racisms in connection to the
fore racist in their outcome. To borrow from frames of color-blind racism thus answers recent
Wellman (1977:222), the conceptualization of rac- calls for scholars to elaborate on “causal models”
isms I endorse is one whose “essential feature . . . is that explain “how color-blind racism relates to a
not hostility . . . but rather the defense”—that is, the social system based on race” (Hughey, Embrick,
deliberate or even unintentional preservation—“of and Doane 2015:1352). The “social system based
a system from which advantage is derived on the on race” is reproduced in part through a color
basis of race.” blindness that results in diagnostic and prognostic
The conceptual framework I developed above is racisms that constrain those movements that might
not the first theory of race or racism to center on a disrupt it. The frames of color-blind racism provide
conceptualization of frames; however, the insights the content of frame disputes that limit the mobiliz-
I provide complement prevailing theories that do. ing power of anti-racist movements. Such move-
Most notably, the observation of frame disputes ments are also hindered by diagnostic and
and the conceptualization of diagnostic and prog- prognostic racisms supported by what Feagin
nostic racisms I advance here expand upon Bonilla- (2010) terms the white racial frame.
Silva’s (2014) conceptualization of color-blind In his depiction of the white racial frame, Feagin
racism and Feagin’s (2010) formulation of the (2010:3) describes it as “an overarching world-
white racial frame. view . . . from which a substantial majority of white
Studies of color blindness and color-blind rac- Americans” (and to a lesser degree, some people of
ism have arguably constituted “one of the most color) “view our highly racialized society.”
powerful and important bodies of work” exploring Informed by racial stereotypes, fictions about the
racial attitudes and racism in the post–civil rights life chances and life experiences of people of color,
era (Manning, Hartmann, and Gerteis 2015:532). celebratory myths and narratives about whites, and
At the heart of this theory are key frames that structure emotionally charged racialized perceptions, the
many Americans’ (especially white Americans’) white racial frame includes “a positive orientation
perceptions and understandings of race issues. In to whites and whiteness and a negative orientation
addition to the frame of liberalism that is noted to those racial ‘others’ who are exploited and
above to endorse a particular understanding of oppressed” (2010:11). This frame has been “used”
equality and equal opportunity (a political ideology to structure society and societal institutions (in both
that is applied abstractly to make sense of raced overt and covert ways) and rationalize and legiti-
phenomena), Bonilla-Silva’s conceptualization of mize the racialized and oppressive structure of soci-
color-blind racism includes the frame of naturaliza- ety. While the conceptualization and application of
tion (an understanding of racial phenomena as the white racial frame is more nuanced and complex
“natural occurrences”; (2014:76)), cultural racism than suggested in this brief introduction, it is note-
(a reliance on assumptions about racial and ethnic worthy that the “activation of it tends to suppress
group cultures to explain the disadvantaged status alternative or countering frames” (Feagin 2010:15).
204 Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 7(2)

To be sure, the suggestion of “countering frames” only anti-racist movements but theories of race and
implies the presence of a frame dispute. Because the racism as well. To that end, I conclude with a dis-
white racial frame contributes to structural racism, cussion of the “conceptual architecture” (Snow
Feagin observes that emergent counterframes are 2013:2) that the frame analytic approach to social
often “anti-racist.” Indeed, he notes that social movements provides that future studies should
movements can be born “out of” an anti- consider to improve our understanding of racism,
racist frame intended to counter the prevailing and race relations, and anti-racist movements.
persistent white racial frame (2010:170). As with
the color-blind frames described above, the white
racial frame and the anti-racist frames it provokes Directions for Future Research:
provide the content of frame disputes that anti-racist A Frame Analytic Approach
movements confront. When the white racial frame In this article I have focused narrowly on a few
suppresses the anti-racist frames of social move- framing concepts; however, decades of research
ments, it provides the content of diagnostic and have produced a much broader conceptual frame-
prognostic racisms—key mechanisms, I argue, work that informs the study of framing and social
through which a structurally racist society is pre- movements. Steinberg (1999), for example, notes
served and maintained. that social movement frames develop and are pro-
As demonstrated here and in the previous sec- fessed within “discursive fields” that provide the
tions, I provide a theoretical and conceptual link cultural structure, tools, and rules that constrain
between prevailing theories of race and racism and and enable the actions and reactions of framers.
studies of social movements. Future empirical and Future efforts should consider the character of the
theoretical explorations of these and related con- discursive fields within which anti-racist move-
nections may generate unique insights into anti- ments develop. It is noteworthy that discursive
racist movements: their trajectory, their power, and fields are influenced by, for example, other social
their successes or failures. Applications and elabo- movements and countermovements, social move-
rations of the perspective I developed above may ment organizations, cultural frameworks, master
overcome observed shortcomings of current frames, social institutions, organizations, mass
approaches to studying anti-racist movements. media, social and political elites, dominant groups,
In a recent critique of social movement litera- and marginalized groups. A full accounting of the
ture, Bracey (2016:11) argues that social movement presence, strength, (re)production, and (de)legiti-
theorists have failed to explain “how racism impacts mation of diagnostic and prognostic racisms neces-
the emergence and trajectory of antiracist social sitates a thorough and nuanced accounting of the
movements.” Observations of diagnostic racism, discursive fields that both shape these forms of rac-
prognostic racism, and the frame disputes that ism and are shaped by them.
empower them shed light on the impact of distinct While it is necessary that attention be directed at
forms of racism on anti-racist movements. Critical the wider fields within which anti-racist movements
of the application of the frame analytic perspective and countermovements emerge and develop, it is
to studies of racialized social movements, Hughey also important that future efforts explore intramove-
(2015:147) argues that the current approach “lacks ment dynamics. It is noteworthy, for example, not
attention to . . . causal mechanisms” and “fails to just that frame disputes emerge between social
explain when and why frames are not taken up.” As movements and their antagonists but also that there
I have demonstrated, granting attention to frame can be disagreements internal to a movement over
disputes provides useful insights into the reasons acceptable diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational
for which frames may not be taken up; frames are frames (Benford 1993). Moreover, social move-
not likely to be taken up if they do not resonate with ment organizations are strategic in their framing
their audience or if they lack narrative fidelity. efforts and the strategies they employ can affect
To be sure, there are other fair criticisms of the their strength, power, and success (Snow et al.
theoretical and empirical treatment of ant-racist 1986). Future studies should consider when and
social movements. A more thorough consideration why intramovement frame disputes emerge within
of the connections (or disconnects) between theo- anti-racist movements and with what consequences.
ries of race and racism and theories of social move- Furthermore, future efforts should consider what
ments is warranted. This article is a step in that framing strategies anti-racist movements and the
direction. Making these connections has the poten- countermovements they provoke employ. Scholars
tial to inform our understanding of not should consider, for example, whether widely
Smith 205

recognized “frame alignment processes”—such as Note

frame bridging, frame amplification, frame exten-
1. Though not widespread in its application, the con-
sion, and frame transformation (Snow et al. 1986)— cept of diagnostic racism has been referenced in
affect or are affected by the presence and prevalence studies of medical practice and described as “a
of diagnostic and prognostic racisms. medical diagnosis and health history assessment
Here, I have argued that diagnostic and prog- based on race” (University of Maryland, Baltimore
nostic racisms produce frame disputes and affect County 2019). The definition and application of
the narrative fidelity and resonance of anti-racist diagnostic racism I provide in this essay differs
frames; however, I have neither explored the social, from its application in studies of medical practice.
cultural, political, institutional, and historical
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A. D. Morris and C. McClurg Mueller. New Haven,
Author Biography
CT: Yale University Press. Wade P. Smith is a sociology instructor at Eastern
Snow, David A., E. Burke Rochford Jr., Steven K. Illinois University. His primary interests include social
Worden, and Robert D. Benford. 1986. “Frame and cultural change processes with a focus on change in
Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and race relations and racial inequalities.