PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND DEVELOPMENT, VOI.

1 I , 541-559 (1991)

Cities and people: towards a gender-aware urban planning

process?
CAROLE RAKODI
University of Wales, Cardiff

SUMMARY
Recognition of the deficiencies of traditional ‘blueprint’approaches to land use and infrastruc-
ture planning has led to increased emphasis on management of the process of urban develop-
ment. Such management should recognize the distributional impacts of decision-makingand
be responsive to the needs of residents. However, much urban planning activity has been
and continues to be [Link] order to redress this deficiency, it is argued that increased
understanding is needed of women’s economic and social roles in urban society, their exclusion
from economic opportunities and decision-making processes, and the discriminatory nature
of much legislation. Urban residents’ experience is shaped both by household strategies and
by the way in which they are affected by or can affect planning, investment and management
decisions made at the neighbourhood or city level. Differing experiences may be related to
class and ethnicity, but are also likely to be gender-specific. The potential impact of policy
and investment in a variety of sectors of urban development on residents, especially women,
is explored. Recommendations are made for a more gender-aware approach to planning for
economic activity, land and shelter, public transport and infrastructural and social services,
and for specific actions to be taken by both planners and residents.

INTRODUCTION

As with many other activities of government, urban planning has, in the past, tended
to be gender-blind. Even when planning is not regarded as a purely technocratic
activity and people are taken into account, they are labelled as ‘users’, ‘residents’
or ‘households’ and the differing perceptions, needs and experience of men and
women go unrecognized (see, for example, Turner, 1980; Taylor and Williams, 1982).
Thus in setting out criteria for evaluating urban planning and programmes, although
Taylor and Williams include ‘planning for critical needs’ and ‘planning with the
users’, none of their questions about the extent to which needs are met or how
users are affected by urban policies and programmes refer specifically to women.
These days, traditional notions about urban planning are changing. Although
some still see the planning and operation of urban systems as a technical process,
best handled by agencies run by experts, many recognize the deficiencies in such
a view. The latter analysts situate policy formulation and implementation within
an analysis of the interests at work in urban areas and in governments, the nature
of which determine the political and economic power structure as well as access
to urban resources, especially land. Planners may attempt both to take people into

Dr. Rakodi is a member of the Department of City and Regional Planning, University of Wales, Cardiff,
P.O. Box 906, Cardiff CF1 3YN

027 I -2075/9 11060541- 19$09.50

0 1991 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
542 C. Rakodi

account in decision-making and to assess the impact of policies and programmes

on them. Few, as yet, recognize that the needs and experiences of men and women
differ, and that explicit account should be taken of this in attempts to analyse the
outcome of urban policies and improve the future planning and management of
cities.

WHAT IS MEANT BY URBAN PLANNING?

Urban planning has traditionally been concerned with the allocation of land for
various uses, the control of development and the installation of infrastructure.
Increasingly in recent years, it has been recognized that the production of ‘master
plans’, which attempt to set out the desirable pattern of land uses 15 or 20 years
hence, are of limited value,’ and that the preoccupation of urban planners with
the control of development is both a waste of scarce planning resources and serves
to alienate them from politicians, government officers and residents alike. This is
not to say that planning ahead for the allocation of land to guide population growth
and economic activity, and some control over the development of the built environ-
ment, is inappropriate, but that in meeting the needs of urban areas, there has been
a move away from blueprint planning towards a more action-oriented approach
(see, for example, Safier, 1974; Mattingly, 1988). This has focused on project invest-
ment aimed to develop or improve areas for various uses and groups of residents
(World Bank, 1983) and, even more recently, on improving the institutional and
financial capacity for urban management.2
Public sector investment in, for example, physical infrastructure, the development
of industrial estates, or housing schemes has been facilitated by aid, such as that
from the World Bank, which was made available for physical infrastructure (utilities
and transport) in the 1960s and for upgrading and sites and services schemes in
the 1970s and 80s (Domicelj, 1988). However, as important or even more important
in most urban areas is private sector investment, including industrial or commercial
development, the building of residential estates for sale to upper and middle income
households and investment in rental housing, as well as the construction of houses
and businesses by households or small-scale enterprises in unauthorized areas.
Because of the limited resources available to the public sector, direct investment
has had limited impact, while unauthorized development has resulted from the failure
of official supplies of serviced land and housing to meet demand.
Recognition of these deficiencies has led to increasing attention to the urban man-
agement system (Lea and Courtney, 1985; Batley and Devas, 1988; Rakodi, 1990).
Who benefits from such an administrative system will depend on the economic
organization in the country concerned and the class interests which hold political
and economic power. Urban management aims to ensure that the components of
the system are managed so that they make possible the daily functioning of a city
which will both facilitate and encourage economic activity of all kinds and enable
residents to meet their basic needs for shelter, access to utilities and services and

’See, for example, Soussan (1982) and Acharya (1987) on Delhi’s experience; Rakodi (1987) on Lusaka;
Tekeli and Okyay (1982) on Ankara; and Dawam (1988) on Jos in Nigeria.
’The recent shift in World Bank lending to improvement of urban management is described in Urhun
Edge(1987),11 (2and3).
 Gender-aware urban planning 543

income-generating opportunities. This implies the need for both forward planning
of urban systems and their operation and maintenance once installed. Attention
needs to be paid, therefore, to the political and institutional frameworks for decision-
making at city and local levels, and the financial basis for the development of urban
land and operation of utilities and services.
In analysing the capacity of urban management systems to deal with rapid popula-
tion growth, we need, therefore, to analyse the political, institutional and financial
framework at the national and city levels and also the daily experience of urban
living of residents and enterprises. Sometimes, the impact of urban planning on
residents has been considered, although rarely systematically assessed, and only
infrequent opportunities have been provided for residents to have a say in decision-
making. Even more rare has been any attempt to assess the distributional impacts
of policies and investment by class or income group, or, of particular interest here,
by gender. It is even less common for women to be given a say in decision-making.
This paper is primarily concerned with exploring the impact of urban planning
on residents, particularly women, although it is acknowledged that any distributional
assessment must integrate a class-based analysis with analysis by gender (Robertson
and Berger, 1986).Recent work which attempts to understand women’s role in society
and in the economy will be explored next, in order to frame appropriate criteria
for assessing such impacts.

WOMEN’S ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ROLES IN URBAN SOCIETY

Although the gender division of labour varies from society to society, it is possible
to observe a number of general characteristics which seem to typify urban economies,
as well as particular trends which distinguish the cities of particular countries or
groups of countries.
Following recognition that increases in wage employment were insufficient to
absorb the growing labour force, attention shifted in the early 1970s to the ‘informal
sector’. Early assumptions about this sector were gradually tested by research, the
division of the urban economy into two sectors criticized, and perception of small-
scale economic activity as being part of the petty commodity mode of production
led to a greater appreciation of the links between it and the large-scale sector. How-
ever, even much analysis of the informal sector was gender-blind. It was, often impli-
citly, assumed that, as in the large-scale industrial and commercial sector, home
and workplace were spatially separated, that the former was associated with repro-
ductive activity and the latter with production, and that women’s role in the home
was a reproductive one. The nature and organization of the activities undertaken
by urban women were rarely discussed, even when research began to demonstrate
the inability of many men to earn an income sufficient to guarantee household subsis-
tence and reproduction (Heyzer, 1981), the predominance of women in migration
flows in some countries, and the presence of often large minorities of households
headed by women.
Analysis of gender inequalities in access to wage employment is needed (United
Nations, 1980; Anker and Hein, 1986; Ibrahim, 1989). In some cases, most formal
sector wage jobs are mainly or exclusively reserved for men. More recently, factory
jobs have become available for women, in particular in the newly industrializing
544 C. Rakodi

countries (NICs), where multinational corporation (MNC) investment has concen-

trated in the assembly of electrical and electronic goods and textiles (Hong, 1984;
Ariffin, 1984; Jones, 1984). Wage employment, however, should be seen as only
a part of economic activity, which also includes productive and reproductive tasks
undertaken at home (Grown and Sebstad, 1989). Even when women are engaged
in ‘economic activity’, they are often concentrated in poorly paid outwork or in
informal sector activities which require little capital outlay and which are often
restricted to extensions of their domestic roles, partly because these roles are culturally
acceptable and partly because of the need to combine housework and child care
with other activities in time and space (Heyzer, 1981; Burjra, 1986). These activities,
especially retail trade, generally have a low income-earning capacity. Analysis should,
however, be concerned with not only activities which contribute to measured (GDP),
but also the well-being of people and therefore the production of goods and services
to satisfy human needs. The appropriate question is thus not ‘who works?’ but ‘who
does what?’, and ‘how does each of the activities contribute both to the overall
sum of economic activity and to the welfare of the household and its members?’
Refocusing the analysis in this way reveals limitations in conventional concepts and
definitions of economic activity, which exclude the production of use values and
reproduction of labour power (United Nations, 1980; Buvinid, 1983). Urban planning
is often confined to the use of official statistics, thus biasing its policies in favour
of the formal sector and against unenumerated economic activities.
Such a bias is reinforced by the origins and inheritance of town planning. It devel-
oped as a response to the conditions produced in the towns of Europe by the industrial
revolution, in which the poor living conditions of the working class were felt to
threaten both the health of the middle class and the supply of labour. Town planning
developed as a fusion of public health regulations and a belief that improving the
physical conditions of urban life would solve social problems. Single use zoning,
which separated industrial uses from residential, and advocated the suburbs as the
appropriate location for the latter, aimed at improving the physical environment,
given the noisy and dirty industrial technologies of the time, encouraging the ex-
ploitation of economies of agglomeration by industrial activities and facilitating
the domestication of women. Town planning, therefore, reinforced the separation
of home and workplace which had already arisen as a result of industrial reorganiza-
tion, and which had transformed the family from a joint production unit into a
reproductive unit devoted to caring for men and children whose workltraining took
them elsewhere. Such separation and domestication was reinforced after the Second
World War, when experiments with communal domestic work were discontinued
and women were left with individual responsibility for domestic work. Residential
environments were planned, largely by men, with this type of social and economic
organization in mind (Matrix, 1985; Women and Geography Study Group, 1984).
When town planning ideas were exported to the then colonies, rather than urban
patterns based on the mixed land uses of pre-industrial cities, the ideas reflected
the economic and social organization of twentieth century Europe.
The household economy tends to be neglected in research and policy, despite
its importance both in adapting to economic change and in survival strategies. It
includes both production and consumption activities; women may be creating
exchange values domestically as well as use values, and tasks can be either or both
of these at different times (Grown and Sebstad, 1989). For example, cooked food
 Gender-aware urban planning 545

preparation may be carried out for household consumption and for sale (Tinker
and Cohen, 1985); sewing may produce children’s clothes for use, but may also
be undertaken to earn income; and urban agricultural production may be predomi-
nantly to supplement the household diet, but also generate a surplus for sale (Rakodi,
1988a). Women’s economic activities cannot be neatly categorized according to con-
ventional occupational categories. The sphere of reproductive activity has been little
studied in urban areas, although more attention has recently been paid to home-based
enterprise, including manufacturing, services and trade (Strassman, 1987; McCallum
and Benjamin, 1985; Singh and Kelles-Viitanen, 1987). In studying women’s pro-
ductive and reproductive activities, it is important to examine the network of social
relations in which tasks are performed within the household, kinship group or neigh-
bourhood, especially in the absence of state-provided services or restricted access
to those that are available (Dwyer and Bruce, 1988; Dube and Palriwala, 1990).
Social, cultural and religious norms have important practical and ideological effects
on what activities women can undertake (United Nations Centre for Human Settle-
ment, 1985; Lessinger, 1990).3In addition, the technology available to women in
performing these tasks, and the time absorbed by them, affect the scope for participa-
ting in new income-generation, survival or welfare activities on an individual or
group basis.
The daily workload of women based at home, its use of technology and space,
is rarely taken into account in the design of houses, physical infrastructure or residen-
tial areas. Thus the internal environment of the house is often poorly designed and
dangerous, with fumes from open wood and charcoal fires which cause damage
to eyes and lungs (Dankelman and Davidson, 1988). Such unhealthy surroundings
have particularly adverse effects on women living in seclusion (Marker, 1988). In
addition, home-based enterprises may be prohibited; the design of physical infrastruc-
ture, especially sanitation arrangements, deters its use or exacerbates maintenance
problems; house groupings may inhibit rather than facilitate mutual interaction and
assistance with child care (Schlyter, 1988); and the social facilities to which women
need access (clinics, primary schools, day care facilities) may be inappropriately
located.
In many cities, an unrecognized activity is agriculture, including cultivation and
the keeping of livestock. For example, in Kenya, 57 per cent of the urban population
cannot feed itself at current income levels and 64 per cent engage in subsistence
farming, 29 per cent in town. The poor live at high densities and so are forced
to farm on public land, at best with no extension services and at worst subject
to harassment from public health and other officials (Lee-Smith, 1988). In Zambian
towns and cities, between a quarter and a half of households in low-income areas
grow some crops, mainly to supplement household diets. A strategy to increase
food production is often recommended, but must be examined in the context of
household decision-making and the availability of women’s labour time: their
response to opportunities to grow more food will depend on the extent to which
they make decisions about cultivation, the use or sale of produce, and the distribution

’See Sharma (1986) for a study of women’s household work in Shimla, India, in which she details
housework; household management, distinguishing between the management of income and property
and decision-making on household budgets; and social relationships, attention to which is vital for practical
reasons and in maintaining or improving household standing in the local social structure.
546 [Link]

of benefits within the household. No information is available on the productivity

of urban cultivation or its ecological impact, which may differ from city to city
depending on topography, soils, drainage and rainfall patterns. There appears, how-
ever, to be scope for relieving constraints on expanding and intensifying production,
including the lack of accessible land, insecurity of tenure and the high cost of some
essential inputs (Rakodi, 1988a).
Energy may be provided by city-wide systems, such as electricity, or manufactured
energy sources. Access to these is determined primarily by income, but also by whether
households live in serviced areas. However, many poor urban women have to collect
fuel, leading to deafforestation surrounding cities, while charcoal burning may deplete
wood supplies at considerable distances. The implications of dependence on wood
for energy are rarely taken into account in planning for urban development (Brown
and Jacobson, 1987).
Women may have a further role as community managers, mobilizing for and main-
taining community facilities and services. They are often involved in community
organizations formed to press for infrastructure provision, although not often as
leaders. Failure to involve them in the design of utilities may result in inappropriate
standards and technologies, as well as their lack of commitment to maintenance
(Moser, 1987a).

WOMEN AND DECISION-MAKING

Few analyses of the state have considered gender as an issue. Taking it into account
complicates the analysis, but is important, because states are overwhelmingly con-
trolled by men. The colonial state embodied European notions of male superiority
and the rights of men to control resources. Where women attempted to use colonial
institutions to escape traditional patriarchal control, colonial administrators and
powerful local men allied to assert and reinforce their dependence. Such solidification
of male authority later fostered male domination of post-independence state institu-
tions, access to which is essential to political and economic power. Power is based
both on control of the formal decision-making process and on access to the spoils
of political or bureaucratic office (Parpart and Staudt, 1989). Women’s access to
the state is limited, and where they do hold high political office, this is generally
restricted to responsibilities such as community development, education, health,
social welfare and women’s affairs. The question then is how women’s needs may
be put on the political agenda, so that, for example, the differing effects of ostensibly
gender-neutral policies may be evaluated (United Nations Centre for Human Settle-
ments, 1985).
Women may choose to struggle for political power. However, even where there
are women in senior political positions, they may be co-opted by the state, misrepre-
senting the interests of poor women and furthering dominant class interests (Robert-
son and Berger, 1986). Even in socialist states, where women are better represented
in political institutions, they may have limited leverage over policy. Women’s organ-
izations are increasingly attempting to influence decision-making by participating
in mainstream politics, and may be assisted in this by the gradually increasing numbers
of women civil servants sympathetic to their cause. However, other women have
concluded that such a struggle is futile, and may choose to extricate themselves
 Gender-aware urban planning 547

from the political process, probably implying that they then grant the state and
its policies little legitimacy (Parpart and Staudt, 1989).
Although national policies affect urban development, local decision-making and
administration is also important. Typically, resident participation in decision-making
at this level is advocated, although the objectives of such participation are not always
made explicit, particularly whether these are instrumental (aimed at mobilization
of support and resources to improve policy design and implementation) or regard
empowerment of residents as a desirable end in i t ~ e l f There .~ is a tendency to
conceptualize such arguments at the level of the urban poor, or poor households,
but there is a need to look at the desirability of, and opportunities for, participation
by men and women separately (Moser, 1989b).
Analyses of the local state and the distributional effects of local government actions
are not plentiful, and those which look a t the effects of projects and policies on
women are rare. Schlyter (1988) notes that there are few women in local government
in Zambia, either as politicians or as senior officers. Although the women’s brigade
of the political party is powerful in social control and has a considerable welfare
role, it has not participated in making housing demands, nor did it influence decision-
making in the large upgrading project which was implemented in the 1970s. In an
unauthorized area in Guayaquil, Ecuador, Moser (1987b) describes how protest
over issues of collective consumption is seen as women’s work, although social con-
straints on the behaviour of women leaders, and the prevailing view of community
organization as an extension of domestic work, prevent the experience leading to
any substantial challenge to the status quo.
Decision-making at the household level is also important, as it determines the
allocation of work and distribution of benefits between household members (Dwyer
and Bruce, 1988; Brydon and Chant, 1989). Again, very few studies in urban areas
are available, although it is suggested that when women have a say in house design,
they take decisions with the needs of the whole household in mind, whereas men
design houses primarily for their own needs.

WOMEN AND THE LAW

The use of the state apparatus for regulation of urban activities often discriminates
against women. Most crucial is probably land law, but also planning and public
health regulations may restrict women’s activities. Tenure of land is generally given
to men, on the assumption that they head households. The most extreme form of
discrimination is where women are not allowed to own land. Even where this is
not the case, a woman’s investment in house construction and maintenance is often
recognized neither by giving joint title, nor in awarding her title in the event of
widowhood or divorce. Such laws, often originating in customary law, may make
women vulnerable to violent or unstable domestic situations, and reinforce men’s
control over them, as well as depriving them of a source of wealth and security
(Moser, 1987a). Deserted women may be deterred from applying for divorce lest
they forfeit their homes, while de facto women heads of household may have no
legal standing in the absence of their husbands (Schlyter, 1988, 1989).

See Moser’s (1989a) distinction between ‘efficiency’and ‘empowerment’ approaches to ‘women in devel-
opment’ strategies.
548 [Link]

Legislation can, on the other hand, be used to ensure equality in women’s rights
to land and housing. For example, the National Campaign for Housing Rights in
India is aiming to draft a People’s Bill or Housing Rights, which will include the
granting of equal rights to ancestral and matrimonial property (Das, 1988). Housing
projects may also present opportunities to change discriminatory legislation. In
Kenya, women were given their first opportunity to own land in sites and services
schemes in the 1970s, while joint title for husbands and wives was introduced in
the 1980s to prevent husbands taking unilateral action with regard to plot titles
(Nimpuno-Parente, 1989). Soon after independence in Zimbabwe, women were
declared to be majors in legal terms, and gradually discrimination against them
in the allocation of plots and houses is being reduced (Schlyter, 1989). Difficulty
of obtaining title to land also precludes women from getting access to some forms
of credit, for example for house construction, for which land provides one of the
few acceptable forms of collateral. Even if security of tenure is obtained, other regula-
tions may prevent women carrying on a business on the plot, or indeed, elsewhere;
growing food or keeping small livestock; or building in traditional building materials
(Lee-Smith, 1988).
Women’s experience of urban development is thus shaped both by the coping
strategies adopted at a household level and by the way in which they are affected
by or can affect planning, investment and management decisions made at the neigh-
bourhood or city level. The sectors of urban development with which planning is
concerned include economic activity, access to land and shelter, public transport,
the provision of physical and social infrastructure and the administration of develop-
ment. The potential impact of policy and investment related to each of these on
urban residents, especially women, will now be explored. Although systematic evi-
dence of the impact of different policies in particular cities is not available, the
discussion will be illustrated by examples where possible.

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY AND PLANNING

The availability of wage employment has implications for both women’s migration
choices and their needs when in urban areas.

‘On the whole, not much attention has been given to women in planning
urban services-mostly planners have assumed that most women are
dependent wives and that, if they do work, their incomes are not essential’
(Khoo et al., 1984, p. 401).

In practice, as we have discussed above, women’s activities, whether productive or

reproductive, and whether based at home or elsewhere in the city, are vital to the
economy of urban areas and to household survival. The built environment within
which such economic activities take place is, therefore, of crucial importance.

‘Promoting a viable work-residence relationship, . . .especially for the

poor, is a fundamental principle embodied in the master plans of most
cities [in India]. In practice, however, it is based solely on the work-
residence patterns of the male household head. Since proximity to work
 Gender-aware urban planning 549

is undoubtedly more important for women (who carry the double burden
of earning as well as child care and domestic responsibilities) than for
men, priority should logically be given to female employment patterns
when planning for a viable relationship’ (Singh, 1984, p. 100).

Such a comment might equally well be directed at planners in the West, who continue
to separate areas for homes and employment, a pattern which tends to benefit the
minority of employed men with wives and children at home, rather than women
who are trying to run homes, care for children and do jobs (Women and Geography
Study Group, 1984; Franck, 1989).
Although some of the jobs open to women are well paid, the majority are not.
Some women will be married to, or able to become, owner-occupiers, and will have
access to private transport. Khoo et al. (1984) suggest disaggregating low-income
women into groups identified by age, marital status, economic activity and family
responsibilities, in order to design efficient and responsive urban services, and such
a categorization is also useful in guiding the overall planning of urban land uses:

1. Female low-wage employees are generally domestic servants or factory workers,

who face long working hours, low pay, insecurity and a stressful work environ-
ment (see also Ibrahim, 1989). They need access to cheap and secure housing.
Domestic servants may have an advantage here if housing is provided, but
this is subject to all the disadvantages of tied accommodation, and many try
to invest in housing elsewhere. Although unmarried wage employees are less
restricted in their residential choices than married women, safe and cheap public
transport between places of residence and work is needed.’
2. Self-employed women are often married andlor responsible for children and
other dependants, and work at home or on the streets. Such women may be
‘own account’ or outworkers. They need access, in economic, institutional and
physical terms, to credit, supplies of materials and markets.6 Small-scale econ-
omic activity is highly competitive and its viability depends on satisfying con-
ditions for particular businesses, both aspatial (e.g. availability of raw materials,
credit on appropriate terms) and spatial (e.g. a location close to the greatest
possible volume of potential customers). Any attempt to relieve congestion,
improve hygiene (e.g. by moving street vendors into a market), or tidy up
the appearance of residential areas, if it does not take into account the prerequi-
sites for survival of micro-enterprises, endangers their existence and those of
the individuals and households who depend on them. The presence of potential
customers for a business activity may dictate residential location decisions (e.g.
a preference for central area tenements over suburban subdivisions) and house
design.
3. Working mothers fall into a category which overlaps with (1) and (2) above.
These women balance responsibilities for child care with household maintenance

’ The relationship between gender, income, travel needs and personal security in a UK context is discussed
in Grieco el a/. (1989).
‘ Berger (1989) evaluates recent credit programmes for women.
550 C. Rakodi

and food production. Access to child care facilities near their homes or work
places, and convenient and cheap public transport, may be crucial determinants
of their ability to take advantage of work opportunities.
4. Women household heads or sole providers often constitute 20-30 per cent of
all households, and are among the poorest urban dwellers. Such women need
high priority access to programmes offering income generation opportunities
in their homes and have a special need for support services, including transport,
training, credit and child care.

While some women will, given appropriate support services, be able to take advan-
tage of wage employment, the majority are likely to continue to depend on a combi-
nation of domestic and petty commodity production in or near their homes. Even
with wage employment, local opportunities are vital. This implies that in the planning
of industrial, commercial and residential areas, land and services should be provided
for enterprises within easy reach of living areas. Support programmes may include
training for both formal sector job opportunities and self-employment or cooperative
enterprises, and provision of credit for the latter. Such support may meet practical
gender needs of improved access to economic opportunities; whether it also meets
strategic gender needs depends on whether it increases women’s economic indepen-
dence and breaks down the traditional division of labour (Moser, 1989a).
If urban agriculture is taken seriously as an economic activity, especially in lower
density cities, it has implications for the allocation of sites and provision of infrastruc-
ture (Rakodi, 1988a). It may be located on the urban periphery, within the built-up
area on temporarily unused or specially allocated land, or on residential plots. Low
densities, however, increase the cost of infrastructure, especially water supply and
access, and of the operation of services, e.g. refuse disposal and public transport,
while they may also make it more difficult to satisfy criteria for physical access
to social facilities. Where land is used informally, insecurity of tenure prevents invest-
ment in improvements to increase fertility and in crops needing more than one season
to mature. It is unlikely that poor residents could pay for land for cultivation,
although if water is supplied, the surplus for sale yielded by all-year-round cultivation
may enable farmers to pay a small charge.
Yeung (1986) documents attempts to increase urban food production in Papua
New Guinea and The Philippines, where land for allotment gardens is provided--in
Lae, accompanied by programmes to create compost from local solid waste and
technical assistance to combat soil erosion. Many writers have recommended that
land should be set aside for this purpose (Muller with Vos, 1985; Lee-Smith, 1988;
Hosken, 1987). Should promotion of urban agriculture be accepted as desirable,
information will be needed on the constraints on adoption and levels of productivity,
with a view to appropriate land allocation, extension and other policies being
designed. Such policies must also be assessed in relation to policies to promote
alternative economic opportunities, from the point of view of benefits to households,
as well as the real (including opportunity) costs of capital, land and other resources
needed to encourage increased production; the ability of urban surplus produce
to compete with food grown in the rural areas; and the implications of fanning
for planning and managing urban development (land allocation, plot sizes, infrastruc-
ture provision, and an appropriate regulatory system) (Rakodi, 1988a).
 Gender-aware urban planning 55 1

ACCESS TO LAND AND SHELTER

Housing in general is low on government’s lists of policy priorities, and attention

has only been given to women’s housing needs very recently. Key shelter problems
experienced by women include: access to land; the cost and financing of housing;
eligibility requirements; access to information, procedures and regulations; lack of
skills, time and self-confidence; and unsuitable house designs. Each of these will
be discussed in turn and possible ways of reducing the problems outlined (Lycette
and Jaramillo, 1984; United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 1985); Muller
with Vos, 1985; INSTRAW, 1987; Governments of Zimbabwe and Sweden, 1987;
World Bank, 1988).
As noted in above, women are often discriminated against legally with respect
to their rights to land,’ and legal changes may be needed to give women responsible
for households the right to title to land in their own names, to allocate plots to
couples in their joint names, and to ensure that widows, divorcees and deserted
women retain rights to land and/or a share in the proceeds of its sale. Careful consider-
ation needs to be given to the cost of providing land for food production before
committing public and household resources. It should be ensured that any formaliza-
tion does not reduce the value of cultivation to poor households. Opportunities
for encouraging agriculture are much less in some cities than others, especially where
land markets are characterized by speculation, extensive private land ownership and
spiralling prices.
The removal of legal discrimination against women’s property ownership is not
sufficient in itself, because the cost of land and housing is, if anything, a more signifi-
cant obstacle, because of both low incomes and the scarcity of institutional credit
on appropriate terms. The criteria for qualifying for credit, and the terms on which
loans are given, often discriminate against all low-income households. Measures
to make these more appropriate will benefit all such households and not just those
headed by women. Thus, income criteria should be flexible, taking into account
regular income transfers and income from informal sector activities, and accepting
non-traditional collateral, including group guarantees (Moser, 1987a).
A particular problem is the size of downpayment often required, and reducing
this may increase the ability of households to afford housing packages. For example,
in Solanda, a USAID-funded project on the outskirts of Quito, Ecuador, a quarter
of the applicants for plots were households headed by women, but only 9 per cent
had sufficient savings to make the 15 per cent down payment. By reducing the down-
payment to 5 per cent, over 70 per cent could afford to participate (World Bank,
1988). The practical arrangements for obtaining credit can also often be improved,
by simplifying transactions, making outlets available in locations and with hours
suited to low-income clients, requiring joint decisions on taking out a loan, and
allowing flexible repayment schedules. It may be desirable to subsidize credit for
the poorest and to investigate whether rental tenure is preferable and cheaper for
some households, including the lowest income.
It seems to be agreed that households headed by women should be given priority
(United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, 1985). Information on their housing

’ Even a recent discussion on evolving forms of tenure (Doebele, 1987) fails to mention the specific
needs of women.
552 C. Rakodi

situation is mostly available from Africa, where Rakodi (1988b) notes that they
were less likely to take up the option of resettlement during the process of upgrading
in Lusaka. Recent sites and services programmes in Kenya, Botswana and Zimbabwe
do not specifically discriminate against women, who participate in plot development
particularly managing the construction process for most stages of which labour is
hired. However, researchers note that they suffer socio-cultural discrimination by
male project workers and builders. Although households headed by women are under-
represented amongst allottees compared to their proportion in the urban population
as a whole, once allocated a plot, they often invest a larger proportion of their
incomes in housing than households headed by men, albeit gradually over a long
period (Nimpuno-Parente, 1987; Schlyter, 1988, 1989; Larsson, 1988).
Women often lack access to information about the availability of land, housing
construction materials and credit. Owing to their low levels of access to educational
opportunities, literacy levels are often lower than those of men and information
should be transmitted, and their views sought, through verbal and visual media,
including meetings, radio, film, visits, music, street theatre etc. Bureaucratic pro-
cedures may also assume literacy, and pose an obstacle to women’s participation.
Application procedures and forms should be simplified, and restrictions on plot
use limited to those uses which may interfere with neighbours’ rights or create a
public nuisance (Hosken, 1987). Often, while women have responsibility and the
skills for various aspects of house construction in rural areas, insistence on the use
of industrialized materials may increase costs, reduce the cultural acceptability of
women controlling the construction process and lessen their confidence that they
can build. Projects which have included specific provisions for training women in
construction and maintenance skills (generally in separate rather than mixed groups),
with the aims of reducing the cost of housing and providing income generating
skills thereafter, have had some success (INSTRAW, 1987).
The problem of unsuitable house designs occurs in public housing programmes,
in the rental housing market and when standard house plans are provided for serviced
plots. Unsuitability may relate to layout, permitted materials, or required speed
of construction (Schlyter, 1988). Although women are primary users of the home
and surrounding space, they are rarely consulted on these matters (Moser, 1987a).
Houses should not be designed in isolation from their surroundings. In supporting
women’s multiple roles, designers need to know how women use space in caring
for children, maintaining households and generating income and to take these into
account in the layout and servicing of residential areas. Basic services include utilities
and social services, and will be discussed next.

PUBLIC TRANSPORT

Transport systems often do not meet women’s needs. In Bangkok, a survey of female
migrants found that although 60 per cent reported an improvement in their living
standards following migration, a quarter had had (unspecified) problems in adjusting
to the urban transport system (Piampiti, 1984). Low-income women need public
transport for multiple purposes, including shopping and health-related trips as well
as journeys to work, and are ill-served by the withdrawal of services which often
occurs outside peak hours (Moser, 1989a). However, none of the standard public
 Gender-aware urban planning 553

transport literature on the cities of developing countries considers the needs of women
and men separately,* although it is well known in the West that the travel demand
and trip patterns of women differ from those of men and the implications of this
are beginning to be considered in policy formulation (Whipp and Grieco, 1989).
An efficient system of public transport is essential for any city, although the need
for movement can be reduced by shortening the distance between homes and work-
places, of particular benefit to women.

URBAN SERVICES

Under this heading utilities such as water supply, sanitation, refuse collection and
disposal and appropriate energy sources can be included, as well as private sector
services, especially retailing, and services provided by either sector, including edu-
cation, health, day care and recreation. A recent discussion of trends and needs
in urban infrastructure is typical in its failure to mention the needs of women (Cotton
and Franceys, 1988). Planning should take into account what women need from
services, their priorities and their difficulties in obtaining access (Brydon and Chant,
1989). Thus, with respect to utilities, women’s priorities may differ from men’s,
because they use local supplies and facilities more intensively, and have different
social constraints on their actions. Women may, for example, give higher priority
to sanitation than men, both because they may be more aware of its health benefits
and because privacy may be more important. In the design and siting of communal
taps, latrines and refuse collection points and systems, women’s input is crucial.
They are also likely to have a greater interest than men in the maintenance of such
systems, and training of women may be a way of solving some of the problems
of maintenance at the local level. Successful involvement of women in infrastructure
design and installation has occurred in, for example, Wanathamulla, Colombo
(INSTRAW, 1987) and Baldia, Karachi (Turner and Maskrey, 1988).
It is desirable to reduce dependence on wood for fuel (see above), although the
scope for doing this will depend on locally available alternatives. Where electricity,
gas or other fuels are available, support needs to be given to the development of
suitable cheap appliances and education in the use of new fuels. If there is no alterna-
tive to woodfuel, at least in the short term, increased production should be promoted,
as well as more efficient utilization, for example by the development and dissemination
of improved wood or charcoal stoves (Governments of Zimbabwe and Sweden, 1987).
Women’s access to social and retail facilities may be constrained by distance and
mobility, the cost of both the service and transport, and lack of knowledge. Health,
credit and child care services should be designed which are consistent with women’s
needs, i.e. basic, local services (Khoo et al., 1984; United Nations Centre for Human
Settlements, 1985). Thus, local planning should be capable of producing land use
plans for residential areas, in which regulations are kept to the minimum necessary
to protect health, sites for facilities are set aside in appropriate locations within
a maximum walking distance of users, and services are designed with local needs

” A significant text on transport planning in Third World cities (Dimitriou and Banjo, 1990) is almost
totally gender-blind, despite evidence from studies in the US (Gordon et al., 1989), UK (Focas, 1989;
Hamilton and Jenkins, 1989) and other countries that there are significant differences between the trip
patterns of women and men.
554 C. Rakodi

in mind. Child care facilities near the home or workplace are one of the highest
priority services women require. Singh (1984), for example, describes the difference
between Delhi, where construction workers tend to live on site and mobile creches
are able to provide some on-site child and health care, and Bombay, where this
is more difficult because there is less room on-site for workers to live. Although
day care centres are provided in South Korea by private and voluntary agencies,
under government control, the provision is inadequate (Hong, 1984). Health care
facilities, including preventive care and nutrition education, also need to be provided
locally or, in the case of large employers, at work.
However, when services are imposed on residential areas, unless measures are
taken to ensure local inputs into their design, they may be inappropriate and ineffec-
tive. For example, in Indonesia, programmes devised by government departments
and channelled down to the district level include several aimed at women, for example
health, training and welfare programmes. In practice, however, the impact of the
programmes is marginal. Few lower-income women participate, because of lack of
time, the inappropriate nature of the services (which have a middle class bias), and
lack of information on the programmes available. However, where activities are
organized by ‘housewives’ (sic) rather than the wife of the district leader, especially
if they are production-oriented, they are more successful (Karamoy and Dias, 1986).
Similarly, in Kirillapone, Colombo, a project which initially stimulated the election
of a community committee and responded to its stated needs, found that the priorities
were not shared by the majority of women residents. The emphasis was changed
to work with informal groups of women around their interests: economic develop-
ment, training (including construction training), social development, health and nutri-
tion, housing, and infrastructure. Using local women as agents of change, progress
was made in practical terms, and in increasing women’s financial independence and
self-confidence(Fernando, 1987).

ADMINISTRATION AND ACTION

In this paper I have argued the need and potential for moving towards a gender-aware
urban planning process.’ An initial requirement is greater awareness of the distribu-
tional outcomes and impacts of urban planning policies to date, including gender-
specific outcomes. Past policies have had an important impact on the extent to which
women have access to political and economic resources, and in turn, access to these
resources will be crucial in increasing the influence of women over planning in the
future. In this section, I will outline a number of tasks which both urban planners
and women residents must now address, and some of the mechanisms which might
be employed.
First, a specific focus on the needs of women is hindered by a lack of knowledge
of the gender-specific impact of policies. Data collected on economic activity,
migration, household composition, landholding, access to public sector housing pro-
grammes and services, and satisfaction with utility and service provisions should

That developed countries are little further ahead in this process is clear from the report of the Women
and Planning Working Party of the Royal Town Planning Institute of the UK (1989), which considers
issues with respect to women and housing, economic development, shopping, leisure, transport and design,
and makes specific suggestions for a more gender-aware approach to planning.
 Gender-aware urban planning 555

be disaggregated by gender. One attempt to improve knowledge of women's needs

and to feed this into the policy formulation process is the 'working group approach'
experimented with in Jamaica, Mexico and Peru. Planners, researchers and com-
munity workers are brought together into groups to carry out research and make
information on women's needs and experience of urban planning more widely avail-
able, promote collaborative efforts to identify factors causing problems, and design
policies and programmes to meet the needs of women (Schmink, 1985)"
Second, institutions lack the financial and administrative resources to direct pro-
grammes to the special needs of low-income people, including women. Financial
resources are only likely to be forthcoming when women are able to place their
concerns on the national development agenda, through political activism, conscien-
tizing women's leaders, and sensitizing development planners to women's needs.
There are, it is suggested, attempts under way to create a more responsive, public
service-oriented administration, in which governments will concentrate on providing
those activities and services which cannot be supplied satisfactorily by the private
sector, by individuals or by community organizations; providing the environment
and structures within which individuals and community groups can provide for them-
selves; facilitating private sector provision; and contracting for private sector or
community provision of public services (Batley and Devas, 1988). Within such organi-
zations, the training of women for urban management is important (Elias, 1985).
The particular impact of urban planning and management on women must then
be taken into account in formulation of policy and development of administrative
systems at the city level, in programme and project design, and in local planning.
Thus, for example, plans are needed for residential areas which integrate sectoral,
spatial and environmental concerns", and which are prepared with women's as
well as men's participation (Brydon and Chant, 1989). Pilot residential area develop-
ment, upgrading or renewal schemesI2can be used to assess the need and potential
for local economic activity, including food production, and to test programmes of
technical assistance; to devise appropriate designs for water supply and sanitation,
and mechanisms for cost recovery and subsidy where relevant; to assess alternative
residential layouts and forms of tenure; and to provide opportunities for experiments
with locally organized child care, health programmes, training and credit, etc. Women
can be empowered, initially at the local level, by consulting them on proposals which
affect their lives, by their inclusion in decision-making procedures, and by developing
women's organizations to increase their economic independence, self-confidence and
political clout (Elias, 1985).13
The proposals advanced here are essentially concerned with practical gender needs
(Moser, 1989a). They urge the adjustment of existing structures and processes to
meet the needs of women, but will not necessarily alter the status quo. Whether
they can be expected to have more radical results, enabling strategic gender needs
to be met, in the way that the proposed People's Bill of Housing Rights in India

"Oppong and Abu (1985) suggest a methodology for the collection and analysis of data on the behaviour
and expectations of women in their multiple roles.
"See, for example, Kumar's (1986) ideas for the design of resource conserving residential areas in Delhi.
I2SeeTurner (1988) for a range of examples.
13Evaluationsof women's income-generating projects by BuviniC (1986) and McKee (1989) stress their
mixed results and tendency to achieve welfare rather than productive objectives. Women-only development
institutions, it is noted, have both strengths and weaknesses.
556 [Link]
hopes to act as a catalyst for changing gender relationships by humanizing housing
(Das, 1988), is uncertain. The outcome of any struggle for access to and control
over resources depends on the extent to which the interests concerned are able to
exploit any room for manoeuvre which opens up within the economic and political
system as a result of practical changes.

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