NAME: ANURAKTI VAJPEYI

ROLL NO. 212405

SUBMITTED TO: MR. PIYUSH YADAV
SUBJECT: HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (c.1776-1945

Q discuss the organization of labour in 19th century America that gave rise to a national labour union,
knights of labour, the American Federation of Labour and other worker unions.

Introduction
After the Civil War, a remarkable increase in the manufacturing sector and the concentration of
population in cities was seen. The shift from a previously agrarian economy to a business economy
came relatively late in the US. The effects of the Industrial Revolution due to certain factors such as
scarcity of labour, lack of liquid capital, and abundance of rich unoccupied farming land was also
delayed in the country according to Faulkner. According to David Gordon, the loss of touch of the
workers from the means of production along with a revolution in transport and communication were
the consequences of proletarianization.
Ironically, due to the consolidation of labour in big cities, done to increase productivity, ultimately led
to the formation of labour unions as their ideas could travel with more fluidity. The formation of the
Knights of Labour and the American Federation of Labour was due to the underlying effects
concerning poor working conditions, lack of justice from courts, and exploitation of women and
children among others. Another important factor was the change in the relationship between the
employer and the worker due to big corporations taking over the small industries where close personal
relationships were maintained. The increase in the power of capital drove the wage earners to action,
especially those skilled workers whose occupations were jeopardized by the advent of new machines.
The national labour union was established as one of the earliest attempts at organizing labourers in
1866 Under the leadership of W. H. Sylvis. Chinese exclusion, the eight-hour day, and the
establishment of a government bureau of labour were some of the manifestations of the national
labour union. The implication of being industrial soldiers of the managers was their lack of
independence. According to Sylvis, as long as they worked for wages, they would be subjected to
poverty, small pay and all the evils that they were afraid of. A solution would be cooperation which
would ensure the preservation of political and social democracy and economic democracy. However,
the existence of the national labour union was short-lived until 1873 when due to technological
advances, it was skilled labour could now be replaced by unskilled labour coming from Europe and
rural America. This led to unemployment which further led to the dispersion of labour unions.
The demoralization of businesses, unemployment, and desperate, mostly futile strikes, occasionally
coupled with violence and criminal activity (most notably the great railroad strike of 1877), all
contributed to the labour movement's disintegration and partial discreditation during 1873–1880.
During these years, only 18% of the country's labour unions remained active.
The composition of the labour force consisted mainly of immigrants. The antebellum immigrants
included immigrants from Germany, Ireland, Scandinavians, Italians, Slavs, East European Jews, and
Turks. Fredrick Engles describes this situation where workers were separated by a deep chasm of
language, nationality, and race.
The Knights of Labour under the presidency of Terence V. Powderly, was started as a secret
organization. In the 1880s, prosperity to some extent returned which enabled groups of workers to
make unions again and continue protesting against the exploitative conditions that prevailed in the
industries. The Knights of Labour aimed to "make each man his own employer", and guarantee the
wage earner the opportunity to fully enjoy the riches he generates and the leisure time necessary for
the growth of his moral, intellectual, and social capacities. They supported the eight-hour workday,
postal savings banks, tax on inheritances and incomes, workers' compensation for accidents caused by
a lack of appropriate safety measures, and the community's adoption of the unearned increase in land.
Success in the order depended on "agitation, education, and organization," according to the leaders
and a minority of the order, who believed that strikes were not useful in their effect and contrary to the
best interests of the order but according to Powderly, nothing could be achieved without organization.
With it, they hoped to permanently banish the curse of modern civilization which was wage slavery.
By 1886, its membership rose to a million and by 1881 it became a grand national union of workers
starting from a mere federation of craft workers. With its heterogeneous nature, it had both national
trade unions and local assemblies. Unskilled labour and women were also part of the assemblies. A
fraction appeared in the union with one group supporting change through political channels and the
other through direct action.
Due to this fraction and other shortcomings of the Knights of Labour such as unsuccessful strikes,
lack of sympathy from the public, inadequate leadership, and over-centralisation of power, the
American Federation of Labour was formed. The House of Representatives established a standing
Committee of Labor in 1883, and the National Bureau of Labor was founded the following year to
compile information from experts.

The American Federation of Labour was led by Samuel Gompers and Debs. Unlike the radical faction
in the Knights of Labours, they accepted that the means of production would be permanently held by
business leaders. They acknowledged the corporate revolution and accepted their position in that
structure. Their policy included unionism pure and simple. In this aspect, it was radically different
from the Knights of Labours. It only had workers from the craft and industrial unions. This kind of
old-line unionism was inspired by Britain where it was prevalent after the collapse of chartism. The
number of strikes and more importantly successful strikes increased under the Federation. It aimed to
bring recognition along with an increase in the wages.
Craft unionism however could not create an entire stage for itself. Industrial unions were more
effective and widespread. Industrial unionism endured in organizations like the International
Longshoremen's Association, the United Mine Workers of America, which unites all labourers, from
slate pickers to engineers, and the quickly growing textile unions.
The concept of collective bargaining also gained prominence as it minimized the possibility of a full-
blown strike by the trade unions. According to John Mitchell, the hope of future peace in the industrial
world lay in the trade agreements. Throughout its development, the trade agreement took many forms,
from the most basic to the intricate ones used by the International Typographical Union in its dealings
with the American Newspaper Publishers' Association and the organized ready-made clothes sector.
The bomb explosion in the hay market square was a result of the confrontation between the police and
the radical union members who were on strike for shorter hours. The event on 3 May 1886 in Chicago
led to the arrest of eight union members.
There was a conflict of interest between the industrial workers and farmers. Jefferson's ideas were still
preserved by the farmers while for the railroad workers, it was a symbol of a bureaucratic pattern
mobilization. The Homestead Act of 1862 could not be taken advantage of by the whites who were
entitled to 160 acres of farm. The push of railroads to the west was encouraged by the government.
Along this, immigration was also encouraged in the East and Europe by government agents who were
sent to these places.

Race and ethnicity

Diverse ethnic groups existed among the unions. The Catholics were not united and the AFL was
sceptical about reducing the friction between the Catholics and the Protestants. This division in their
ethnicity was exploited by the corporate leaders who used one ethnic group against another.
There has been a prejudice against black workers due to their large population and availability.
Membership to blacks was open in the National Labour Union after the Civil War but this made the
skilled white labour retaliate. Coloured labour conventions were held for a few years but the political
aspect of the white workers supporting the democratic party and the blacks supporting the republicans
made it difficult for the two groups to organize together.
The Knights of Labour attempted to unite the two groups into a union. AFL however took a turn from
the egalitarian policies and advanced exclusion of unskilled labour from the unionisation which
naturally left out the black workers. A counter-attitude towards the unions was seen in the blacks who
wanted to stay on the side of the businessmen. Booker T Washington's antipathy toward unions was
shared.
AFL had always discriminated against the blacks and this racial profiling led to the turning of skilled
black labourers into unskilled labourers. By the end of the 19th century, several unions had opened
membership to blacks.
The United Mine Workers of America who had members such as Richard Davis highlighted the
necessity of overcoming racial prejudices. Gutman claims that the "local world" should be more
focused upon rather than the organizations and leaders. Perry Blatz suggests settlement was not only
for the history of the UMW but also for the future success of unionism among anthracite miners.

The nature and reality of labour in the 19th century were more cyclical than linear. In reaction to the
worker's world of the late nineteenth century, the AFL and its allies developed trade unionism and the
labour movement, which was personified by the UMW in the 1890s. The issue with it, and possibly
with us as well, was that labour responded to innovations made by capital, corporations, and
businesses in an ever-changing worker's reality.

Bibliography
The Origins of the Labor Movement in the United States: Themes From the Nineteenth Century -
Melvyn Dubofsk
U. Faulkner, American Economic History
Eric Foner, America's Black Past.
Gerald N. Grobb and George A. Billias, Interpretations of American History: Patterns and
Perspectives,