LESSON 9
OBJECTIVES
Discuss the
significance of religion in
one’s life
Explain how globalization affects
religious
practices and beliefs
Analyze the relationship between
religion and global conflict, and
conversely, global peace.
Timeline: the Rise, Spread and
Fall of the Islamic State
The Islamic State – also known as ISIS, ISIL, or
Daesh – emerged from the remnants of al
Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), a local offshoot of al
Qaeda founded by Abu Musab al Zarqawi in
2004.
It faded into obscurity for several years after the
surge of U.S. troops to Iraq in 2007.
But it began to reemerge in 2011.
Over the next few years, it took advantage of
growing instability in Iraq and Syria to carry
out attacks and bolster its ranks.
The group changed its name to the Islamic
State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2013.
ISIS launched an offensive on Mosul and
Tikrit in June 2014.
On June 29, ISIS leader Abu Bakr al
Baghdadi announced the formation of a
caliphate stretching from Aleppo in Syria to
Diyala in Iraq, and renamed the group the
Islamic State.
A U.S.-led coalition began airstrikes
against ISIS in Iraq on August 7, 2014, and
expanded the campaign to Syria the
following month.
On October 15, the United States named
the campaign “Operation Inherent
Resolve.”
Over the next year, the United States
conducted more than 8,000 airstrikes in
Iraq and Syria.
ISIS suffered key losses along Syria’s
border with Turkey, and by the end of
2015, Iraqi forces had made progress in
recapturing Ramadi. But in Syria, ISIS
made gains near Aleppo, and still firmly
held Raqqa and other strongholds.
In 2015, ISIS expanded into a network of
affiliates in at least eight other countries. Its
branches, supporters, and affiliates
increasingly carried out attacks beyond the
borders of its so-called caliphate.
In October, ISIS’s Egypt affiliate bombed a
Russian airplane, killing 224 people. On
November 13, 130 people were killed and
more than 300 injured in a series of
coordinated attacks in Paris.
And in June 2016, a gunman who pledged
support to ISIS killed at least four dozen
people at a nightclub in Orlando, Florida.
By December 2017, the ISIS caliphate
had lost 95 percent of its territory,
including its two biggest properties,
Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city, and
the northern Syrian city of Raqqa, its
nominal capital.
The Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al
Abadi declared victory over the
Islamic State in Iraq on December 9,
2017.
But ISIS was still inspiring and
carrying out attacks all over the world,
including New York City.
When Mohammed Atta boarded the airline on September 11,
2001 that soon thereafter slammed into the World Trade
Center towers, he left behind a manual of instruction.
Apparently prepared by his colleagues in the al Qaeda
network, it instructed him and his fellow activists how to
behave and what to do in preparation for their fateful act.
What is interesting about this document is not only the text,
but the subtext.
Lying beneath the pious rhetoric of the manual and its eerie
ties to the World Trade Center tragedy are hints about the
perplexing issue of the role of religion in the contemporary
world, and answers to the persistent question, how could
religion be related to such vicious acts of political violence?
The common sense way of putting this question about the
September 11 attack and all of the other recent acts of
religious terrorism is “what’s religion got to do with it?”
The common sense answers to this question
are varied, and they are contradictory.
On the one hand, some
political leaders—along On the other hand, there
are the radio talk show
with many scholars of hosts and even a few
comparative religion— social scientists who
have assured us that affirm that religion,
religion has had nothing especially Islam, has had
to do with these vicious everything to do with
acts, and that religion’s it—and not just ordinary
innocent images have religion, but a perverse
been used in perverse strain of fundamentalism
ways by evil and that has infected normal
essentially irreligious religion and caused it to
political actors. go bad.
THE ROLE OF RELIGION
The authority of religion In this sense, then, the
has given bin Laden's
cadres the
moral
attack on the World Trade
Center was very religious.
legitimacy of employing
violence in their assault It was meant to be
on the very symbol of catastrophic, an act of
global economic power. biblical proportions.
It has also provided the Though the World Trade
metaphor of cosmic war, Center assault and many
an image of spiritual other recent acts of
struggle that every religious terrorism have no
religion has within its
repository of symbols-- obvious military goal, they
the fight between good are meant to make a
and bad, truth and evil. powerful impact on the
public consciousness.
These are acts meant for
television.
They are a kind of perverse
performance of power meant
to ennoble the perpetrators'
views of the world and to
draw us into their notions of
cosmic war.
ACTS OF RELIGIOUS
TERRORISM
The September 11 attack and
many other recent acts of religious
terrorism are skirmishes in what
their perpetrators conceive to be a
global war.
This battle is global in three
senses.
(1) The choices of targets have
often been transnational. The
World Trade Center employees
killed in the September 11 assault
were citizens of 86 nations.
(2) The network of perpetrators
was also transnational: the al
Qaeda network that was
implicated in the attack--though
consisting mostly of Saudis--is also
actively supported by Pakistanis,
Egyptians, Palestinians, Sudanese,
Algerians, Indonesians,
Malaysians, Filipinos, and a
smattering of British, French,
Germans, Spanish and Americans.
(3) The incident was global in its
impact, in large part because of the
worldwide and instantaneous
coverage of transnational news
media. This has been terrorism
meant not only for television but
for global news networks such as
CNN--and especially for al Jazeera,
the Qatar based news channel that
beams its talk-show format
throughout the Middle East.
EMPOWERING RELIGION
Such religious warfare not only gives
individuals who have engaged in it the
illusion of empowerment, it also gives
religious organizations and ideas a public
attention and importance that they have
not enjoyed for many years.
In modern America and Europe, the
warfare has given religion a prominence in
public life that it has not held since before
the Enlightenment, more than two
centuries ago.
3 Common Attitudes Of
Violent Religious Movements
In Society
by Pierre Bourdieu,
A French Sociologist
1. First, they reject the
compromises with liberal
values and secular
institutions that most
mainstream religion has
made, be it Christian,
Muslim, Jewish, Hindu,
Sikh or Buddhist.
2. Second, radical religious
movements refuse to
observe the boundaries that
secular society has set
around religion--keeping it
private rather than allowing
it to intrude into public
spaces.
3. These movements try to create
a new form of religiosity that
rejects what they regard as weak
modern substitutes for the more
vibrant and demanding forms of
religion that they imagine to be
essential to their religion's
origins.
✓ Migration of faiths across the
globe has been a major feature of
the world throughout the 20th
century.
✓ Transnational religion emerged
through the post-World War II.
✓ Two distinct blends of religious
universalism and local
particularism.
✓ It is possible for religious
universalism to gain the upper hand,
whereby religion becomes the central
reference for immigrants. Religion
transnationalism- “religion going
global”.
✓ It is possible for local ethnic or
national particularism to gain or
maintain the most important place for
local immigrant communities.
✓ Religious ideas, values, symbols
and rites relate to deep issues of
existence; it should not be surprising
the picture in
when religion enters
times of crisis.
✓ The emergence of globalization
brought with it three (3) enormous
problems, namely:
• Identity
• Accountability
• Security
Religion provides answer to
these concerns:
✓ It provides a sense of identity
✓ Traditional religious leadership
provides a sense of accountability
✓ Religion offers a sense of
security
ADVANCING
Religion in the New Global War
Mark Juergensmeyer
When Mohammed Atta boarded the airline on September 11, 2001 that soon thereafter slammed
into the World Trade Center towers, he left behind a manual of instruction. Apparently prepared by his
colleagues in the al Qaeda network, it instructed him and his fellow activists how to behave and what to do
in preparation for their fateful act. What is interesting about this document is not only the text, but the
subtext. Lying beneath the pious rhetoric of the manual and its eerie ties to the World Trade Center tragedy
are hints about the perplexing issue of the role of religion in the contemporary world, and answers to the
persistent question, how could religion be related to such vicious acts of political violence? The common
sense way of putting this question about the September 11 attack and all of the other recent acts of religious
terrorism is “what’s religion got to do with it?”
The common sense answers to this question are varied, and they are contradictory. On the one
hand some political leaders—along with many scholars of comparative religion—have assured us that
religion has had nothing to do with these vicious acts, and that religion’s innocent images have been used
in perverse ways by evil and essentially irreligious political actors. On the other hand there are the radio
talk show hosts and even a few social scientists who affirm that religion, especially Islam, has had
everything to do with it—and not just ordinary religion, but a perverse strain of fundamentalism that has
infected normal religion and caused it to go bad.
The Role of Religion
What is odd about this new global war is not only the difficulty in defining it and the nonstate,
transnational character of the opposition, but also the opponents' ascription to ideologies based on religion.
The tradition of secular politics from the time of the Enlightenment has comfortably ignored religion,
marginalized its role in public life, and frequently co-opted it for its own civil religion of public religiosity. No
one in the secular world could have predicted that the first confrontations of the 21st century would involve,
of all things, religion--secularism's old, long banished foe.
Religious activists are puzzling anomalies in the secular world. Most religious people and their
organizations are either firmly supportive of the secular state or quiescently uninterested in it. Osama bin
Laden's al Qaeda network, like most of the new religious activists, comprise a small group at the extreme
end of a hostile subculture that itself is a small minority within the larger world of their religious cultures.
Osama bin Laden is no more representative of Islam than Timothy McVeigh is of Christianity, or Japan's
Shoko Asahara is of Buddhism.
Still one cannot deny that the ideals and ideas of activists like bin Laden are authentically and
thoroughly religious and could conceivably become popular among their religious compatriates. The
authority of religion has given bin Laden's cadres the moral legitimacy of employing violence in their assault
on the very symbol of global economic power. It has also provided the metaphor of cosmic war, an image
of spiritual struggle that every religion has within its repository of symbols--the fight between good and bad,
truth and evil. In this sense, then, the attack on the World Trade Center was very religious. It was meant to
be catastrophic, an act of biblical proportions.
Though the World Trade Center assault and many other recent acts of religious terrorism have no
obvious military goal, they are meant to make a powerful impact on the public consciousness. These are
acts meant for television. They are a kind of perverse performance of power meant to ennoble the
perpetrators' views of the world and to draw us into their notions of cosmic war. In my comparative study of
cases of religious terrorism around the world I have found a strikingly familiar pattern. In all of these cases,
concepts of cosmic war are accompanied by strong claims of moral justification and an enduring absolutism
that transforms worldly struggles into sacred battles. It is not so much that religion has become politicized,
but that politics have become religionized. Worldly struggles have been lifted into the high proscenium of
sacred battle.
Global War
The September 11 attack and many other recent acts of religious terrorism are skirmishes in what
their perpetrators conceive to be a global war. This battle is global in three senses. The choices of targets
have often been transnational. The World Trade Center employees killed in the September 11 assault were
citizens of 86 nations. The network of perpetrators was also transnational: the al Qaeda network that was
implicated in the attack--though consisting mostly of Saudis--is also actively supported by Pakistanis,
Egyptians, Palestinians, Sudanese, Algerians, Indonesians, Malaysians, Filipinos, and a smattering of
British, French, Germans, Spanish and Americans. The incident was global in its impact, in large part
because of the worldwide and instantaneous coverage of transnational news media. This has been
terrorism meant not only for television but for global news networks such as CNN--and especially for al
Jazeera, the Qatarbased news channel that beams its talk-show format throughout the Middle East.
Increasingly terrorism has been performed for a televised audience around the world. In that sense it has
been as real a global event as the transnational activities of the global economy and as vivid as the
globalized forms of entertainment and information that crowd satellite television channels and the internet.
Ironically, terrorism has become a more efficient global force than the organized political efforts to control
and contain it. No single entity, including the United Nations, possesses the military capability and
intelligence-gathering capacities to deal with worldwide terrorism. Instead, consortia of nations have been
formed to handle the information-sharing and joint operations required to deal with forces of violence on an
international scale.
This global dimension of terrorism's organization and audience, and the transnational responses
to it, gives special significance to the understanding of terrorism as a public performance of violence--as a
social event that has both real and symbolic aspects. As the late French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu has
observed, our public life is shaped by symbols as much as by institutions. For this reason, symbolic acts--
the "rites of institution"--help to demarcate public space and indicate what is meaningful in the social world.
In a striking imitation of such rites, terrorism has provided its own dramatic events. These rites of violence
have signaled alternative views of public reality: not just a single society in transition, but a world challenged
by strident religious visions of transforming change.
Empowering Religion
Such religious warfare not only gives individuals who have engaged in it the illusion of
empowerment, it also gives religious organizations and ideas a public attention and importance that they
have not enjoyed for many years. In modern America and Europe, the warfare has given religion a
prominence in public life that it has not held since before the Enlightenment, more than two centuries ago.
Although each of the violent religious movements around the world has its own distinctive culture
and history, I have found that they have three things in common regarding their attitudes towards religion
in society. First, they reject the compromises with liberal values and secular institutions that most
mainstream religion has made, be it Christian, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist. Second, radical
religious movements refuse to observe the boundaries that secular society has set around religion--keeping
it private rather than allowing it to intrude into public spaces. And third, these movements try to create a
new form of religiosity that rejects what they regard as weak modern substitutes for the more vibrant and
demanding forms of religion that they imagine to be essential to their religion's origins.
(Retrieved from: [Link]
Beyond the Secularization Debate
✓ There is a discontinuity between research agenda that focus on secularization and globalization.
✓ Social Scientists have debated the scope, nature, extent and parameters of secularization in an
effort to unveil the overall patterns and/or trajectories of the modern world.
✓ Initially, secularization had a strong following but eventually it was superseded by re-evaluation.
✓ Various debates lead to re-appraisal.
✓ Secularization debates have been reframed.
✓ Secularization is understood as a shift in the overall frameworks of human condition; it makes it
possible for people to have a choice between belief and non-belief in a manner hitherto unknown.
Transnational Religion and Multiple Glocalizations
✓ Migration of faiths across the globe has been a major feature of the world throughout the 20th
century.
✓ Transnational religion emerged through the post-World War II.
✓ Two distinct blends of religious universalism and local particularism.
✓ It is possible for religious universalism to gain the upper hand, whereby religion becomes the central
reference for immigrants. Religion transnationalism- “religion going global”.
✓ It is possible for local ethnic or national particularism to gain or maintain the most important place
for local immigrant communities.
Religion in Global Conflict
✓ Religious ideas, values, symbols and rites relate to deep issues of existence; it should not be
surprising when religion enters the picture in times of crisis.
✓ The ere of globalization brought with it three (3) enormous problems, namely:
• Identity
• Accountability
• Security
Religion provides answer to these concerns:
✓ It provides a sense of identity
✓ Traditional religious leadership provides a sense of accountability
✓ Religion offers a sense of security
THE RISE OF ISIS
(Reaction Paper)
I. Introduction
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria commonly known as ISIS is a Sunni
jihadist group with a predominantly violent ideology that calls itself a
caliphate and claims religious authority over all Muslims. It was inspired by al
Qaida but later publicly expelled from it. Terrorism experts have been
continuously analyzing the capabilities of this terrorist group in different areas
and found out that their influence and their sources of finance and
organization is particularly from their financing, management, and
organization; their knowledge in using social media for recruitment and
fundraising; and the instability that spawned the group as a regional problem
in the Middle East.
This group has been sending signals and threats to different parts of Asia
and even in the United States as the primary dealer and supporter of Firearms
in Iraq. This emergence of terrorism, even though it is normal in Middle East
has been out of hand since the occurrence of Isis as Middle East in particular,
there are serious cultural and economic impacts as they has ransacked
thousands of ancient heritage sites in Iraq and Syria in 2013. Some reports
suggest that the sale of stolen artifacts on the black market may be ISIS'
second largest source of revenue, after oil. A number of these ancient artifacts
have turned up in London antique shops.
The influence and the capability of Isis to destroy and harm civilian people
has been known for a fact even through these years. This threatens not just the
integrity of Iraq itself but could also lead to the redrawing of borders across
the wider region. This group has been wandering, fighting and killing that
aims to promote reactionary politics and religious fundamentalism. Fighters
are destroying holy sites and valuable antiquities even as their leaders
propagate a return to the early days of Islam. They even hold slaves and
women and kill them eventually, which instills the fear to every citizen once
the group name is being heard.
Honestly, their influence have been felt here in the Philippines as the
terrorist attacks are often linked to Isis even though it is not. Their impact has
been resulting to a widespread fear that is felt in the whole land of Asia.
II. Summary
The story of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) started even before
Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki flew to Washington to mark the occasion. On
the other hand, the graveness of its influence and power to Iraq has burned the
fire on with that meeting held with President Obama, where he stated only
with Iraq with flowery words such as self-governing, that is inclusive and that
has enormous potential. This statement resulted to such disappointments
coming from the people and experts as the U.S President haven’t seen or just
turned blinded on the real issue that is happening in the land of Iraq.
While Maliki was in Washington, Maliki received a phone call from
Baghdad about a terrorist plot implicating his vice president, Tareq al
Hashemi, the most senior Sunni politician in the Shia-led government. It
accused Hashemi’s bodyguards of planning an attack on Shia targets. When
he received the message, he immediately ask President Obama as well
however, the U.S President might have acknowledged it as a threat, but there
is an existing rules in the borders of each country and this problem, as stated
by Obama “an internal hurdle”. With this event, this serves as the green light
for Maliki to arrest Hashemi after he returned to Baghdad.
Back in Iraq, Maliki’s eradications of Sunnis has continued. And Maliki
upped the ante in December 2012, when his police rounded up the bodyguards
of another prominent Sunni leader, Finance Minister Rafi al Essawi, who is on
the other hand, greatly respected by the people knowing that he is a peaceful
man.
They knew that Maliki is a problem, however, because of his great
influence and image to people on how a great influencer he is, it’s been hard
to dethrone him.
Providing assistance to pro-Western Syrian rebels is what the U.S.
ambassador has urged to the administration. Otherwise, they sent waring that
al Qaeda would dominate in Iraq and Syria. Without U.S. arms, the more
moderate Syrian rebels struggled. Al Qaeda, meanwhile, was ready to expand
back into Iraq. In a campaign called “breaking the walls,” they launched a
series of attacks on Iraqi prisons. Al Qaeda’s ranks swelled with newly freed
inmates.
Iraq, with the continuous failure made by Maliki, has voted for a new
government in Baghdad in 2010. However, the opposition’s representatives,
like Hashemi and Issawi, fellow Sunni Arabs, were purged. They were
chastened and people tried to form an alliance region. They tried to exercise
civil disobedience. They were attacked with Maliki’s forces. And so now
they’ve taken up arms.
Three months after Hawijah, ISIS mounted a spectacular attack right on
the outskirts of Baghdad, releasing more than 500 inmates from Abu Ghraib
prison. It was a huge propaganda win for the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. It
was basically—the prison bust-out was a statement of purpose that, “We’re
here. What started after Hawijah, in terms of the bombings, the spike in
violence, we’re orchestrating this. And hell is coming.”
ISIS is a threat to the United States. In the near term, ISIS is an immediate
threat to our interests in the Middle East. There is nothing that would lead us
to believe that they would do anything but ethnically cleanse the region and
absolutely create a Sunni-Shia civil war. Long term, if they achieve the
Islamic State that they’ve declared, then absolutely it will be a threat, initially
to Europe, probably, and ultimately to us.
One week after the president announced he would expand air
strikes into Syria, ISIS besieged the Syrian town of Kobani, right on the
Turkish border. The U.S. is trying to coordinate military help from over 20
countries, but as U.S.-led coalition air strikes bombed ISIS positions in
Kobani, the Turkish army watched from just across the border, refusing to
participate.
On June 6th, 2014, ISIS sent several suicide car bombs into downtown
Mosul, along with ISIS fighters in pickup trucks. The Iraqi army, on the other
hand, was seen as a Shia militia. With no local support, the army had deserted
by June 10th with barely a fight.
Similarly, it took only 800 ISIS militants, with the help of local Ba’athist
military cadres, to secure a city of 1.8 million people. The original
intelligence was that ISIS did not come to invade Mosul. They didn’t come to
take it over. They came to break a bunch of people out of prison. From
Mosul, ISIS rapidly advanced down the Tigris and captured Qayyarah, al
Shirqat, Hawijah and Tikrit, the hometown of Saddam Hussein. There, ISIS
was easily able to round up several hundred Iraqi soldiers. ISIS recorded their
execution.
III. Recommendation
1. The U.S President, Barack Obama, must help Iraq and Syria in terms of
firearms and give some support to the country in fighting the battle against
those terrorist. Not only United States but those countries who have the
capabilities to give support as well. This is because this terrorist group
might be able to spread not just in Iraq and Syria but with the whole world
if not prevented.
2. To the government to take actions and take this as a serious case that is
currently happening to the nation for this is a problem even in the
economic stability of the country. The actions of Isis takes within oil
production and smuggling, taxes, ransoms from kidnappings, selling
stolen artifacts, extortion and controlling crops that are all important in
generation for the country.
3. To the Forces that protects the safety of the civilians. The continuous
emergence of Isis terrorist group is a threat to the security of the civilian.
With this, the forces that protects the nation must be properly trained and
must be prepared with all the possibilities of attack.
4. For the civilians to look after their children and the members of their
families in order to take good care of them from the possible abduction of
Isis terrorists and assure that everyone is far from harm.
5. To all the people who haven’t watch this documentation yet, try to watch
this and be aware of the severity of the influence of the Isis group and the
sources of their power. In order for the people to responsive to the safety
measures provided by the government.
IV. Conclusion
1. Maliki is very much self-reliant that the country of Iraq could be able to
handle the graveness and violence caused by the Islamic State of Iraq and
Syria. Strategy itself, the president is very confident and comfortable with
a limiting principle as it relates to combat forces on the ground.
2. ISIS is now in control of most of Iraq’s Anbar province. American
military advisers are coordinating the war just outside Baghdad. On the
other hand, the lack of support of firearms and army that the United States
must provide made the Isis who they are as of now and how great the
widespread of their influence is.
3. The continuous emergence of Isis has instilled fear to the hearts of
everyone especially with the civilians who do not have the means to
protect themselves against the terrorist attacks. In this topic, the Islamic
State has become the world’s most dangerous jihadist terrorist entity
which poses a threat to both regional and global security and peace. After
its foundation, the Islamic state released its future territory and strategic
objectives, which has been a threat of terrorism to the whole world.
4. The group intends to establish an absolute Islamic religious country. This
will influence the future situation in Syria, and also the unification of Iraq
which will promote the Kurdish independent process in Iraq. ISIS means
to break the original national boundaries in the Middle East and to take
control of Saudi Arabia’s important port, Arar, and to occupy the religious
holy land, Mecca. ISIS has challenged the legitimacy of the prevailing
order of the countries where they operate.
5. Isis is a dangerous group that is needed to be suppress in order for Iraq and
Syria to attain the peace and freedom that they are trying to have even
from the start. The rise of Isis is a threat for the security of the people, the
state and the nation if thus group will continue to grow and prosper even
after years.
V. References
[Link]
caliphate
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
[Link]
islamic-state
[Link]
timeline/timeline-the-rise-and-fall-of-islamic-state-in-iraq-and-syria-
idUSKCN1Q609P
ITO UNG NASA DALAWANG VID SA CANVAS, ADDITIONAL LANG ITO, REPORTERS CAN USE HIS INSIGHTS
"My name is Professor Jeffrey Haynes, and I am the director of the Center for the Study of Religion,
Conflict, and Coopera on at London Metropolitan University. The overall topic of my talk is the impact of
globaliza on on religion. The topic itself is divided into three components.
In the first component, I seek to describe how I understand the term globaliza on. I aim to explain how
globaliza on, in my view, is best characterized by different forms that, when added together, can give us
an overall perspec ve on this controversial yet contested issue. I make the point that, for me, the
important phase of globaliza on to examine more generally is from the late 1980s, with the demise of
the Cold War, the fall of the Soviet Union, and the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. This, I
argue, has given the condi ons for a wider impact of globaliza on, which is linked to the different ways
in which religion has sought to deal with the consequences of globaliza on.
The second component of my talk discusses the no on of the return of religion to interna onal affairs.
The background of this is that un l recently, religion was simply disregarded as an important player in
interna onal affairs. However, in 2013, we might incline to say that religion is an important factor in
interna onal affairs. My aim in the second part is to explain how I understand this return of religion and
what it means for interna onal trade more generally.
In the third part, I seek to emphasize and explain a li le further about how religion links into
globaliza on. I discuss how specific components of globaliza on encourage a greater involvement of
religion in interna onal affairs and a greater involvement of religious leaders in a emp ng to deal with
some of the problems apparent over the last few decades, par cularly linked to social jus ce issues. My
argument is that religion has taken on a wider perspec ve beyond the realms of faith to be involved in
many social issues, which it sees as not conducive to coopera ve development in this world."
The issue of globaliza on and the issue of religion are controversial, whether separately or together. I
want to talk a li le bit about how globaliza on is a phenomenon that we know quite a lot about but is
also controversial and hotly debated.
The word globaliza on has been in common usage for probably two decades. It implies different things
to different people. When it comes to religion, globaliza on is a major factor in how religions talk to
people around the world. Religions respond to changes in the global environment.
I want to say a li le bit about globaliza on as a concept and its history and development over me. The
issue of globaliza on has become very important in the last 20 days, par cularly since the end of the
Cold War in the late 1980s. The Cold War was a period of sustained conflict between the East and West,
the Western liberal countries like the United States, and the Soviet Union, which is now Russia.
When the Cold War came to an end in the late 80s, there was a major shi in emphasis in global poli cs.
The world changed drama cally from the late 1980s to the early 1990s, and it's from this me that the
phenomenon of globaliza on begins to be discussed in various fields, including interna onal rela ons,
poli cs, sociology, economics, and cultural studies.
Globaliza on is a mul -faceted, highly significant focal point of interest about how the world has
changed in recent years following the end of the Cold War around 30 years ago. However, like many big
words and concepts, it's hotly debated and o en unclear.
I want to describe two or three aspects of globaliza on, first of all, which I think are important for our
understanding of how globaliza on affects religion at the current me. I want to talk about what I'm
going to call technological globaliza on, economic globaliza on, and cultural globaliza on.
Technological globaliza on is the process by which people are linked together in ways that are much
more consistent, profound, and significant than in the past. It's an enormous, never-ending process that
has changed the way we communicate and experience the world. The internet, advancements in
technology, and the end of the Cold War have contributed to this process.
Economic globaliza on is the phenomenon of a global economy, and it has been a major force since the
end of the Cold War. It was ini ally believed to be beneficial for everyone, but over me, many see it as
an unstoppable force with both benefits and costs.
Cultural globaliza on is a fuzzy concept, o en associated with Americaniza on or Westerniza on. It
involves the spread of cultural ar facts, values, and ideas worldwide. Migra on is a key component of
cultural globaliza on, leading to ques ons about society, mul culturalism, and ci zenship.
Globaliza on encourages movement of people, and migra on is one of its key components. This
movement can lead to tensions between communi es characterized by different worldviews and cultural
expressions. Religion, o en a component of cultural difference, can contribute to these tensions.
In conclusion, globaliza on is a complex and subjec ve phenomenon with both posi ve and nega ve
dimensions. Technological, economic, and cultural globaliza on are interconnected and impact how
religions are experienced and engaged with in our changing world.