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REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

Forced Eviction

Forced eviction connotes “permanent or temporary removal against the will of individuals,

families and/or communities from the homes and/or land which they occupy, without the provision

of, and access to, appropriate forms of legal or other protection” (ICESCR, 1997, para 3;

Onyebueke et al., 2020). Though often hidden behind non-threatening official tags like ‘inner city

regeneration’, ‘slum upgrading’, ‘urban renewal’, etc. (Du Plessis, Acioly & Rollnick, 2011, p. 1;

Onyebueke et al., 2020). Unplanned and uncontrolled urbanization; city migration; housing

demand and pressure; climatic induced disaster and shocks; globalization; financial; war; and other

global crises have contributed to making forced evictions even more acute and complex (United

Nation-UN, 2014; Dobson, 2017; Munoz, 2018; Popoola et al., 2020). Islam and Mungai (2016;

Popoola et al., 2020) stated that poverty is both a cause and outcome of urban eviction of the poor.

They further argued that in the face of capitalist urbanization, the poor cannot afford facilities that

prevail on the market (such as housing – thus resorting to informal settlements where they are

constantly under the threat of urban management systems. Ensuing displacements do not only lead

to the emergence of informal settlements, but they also increase the vulnerability of the urban poor.

Furthermore, vulnerable communities living on the edge of legality under informal tenure

arrangements are the ones often evicted against their will, without consultation and compensation

or alternative housing. Many evictions are counted not in thousands, but hundreds of thousands of

people. Emerging observations seem to show that the urban poor are among the key drivers of

urbanization (both spatially and demographically) as seen in the proliferation of slums and other

forms of informal settlements. Poor urban management principles especially in managing such

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settlements in developing countries has resulted in labeling such areas as part of the “urban

nuisances” which do not need any other remedial solution other than “removal”. This is a radical

approach to urban management which turns a blind eye to the human factor associated with the

urban poor. The poor living conditions of these informal settlers are aggravated by lack of both

human rights and property rights (COHRE, 2009; Popoola et al., 2020).

Under the Commission on Human Rights of the Philippines’ (CHRP) Human Rights

Advisory No. A2012-002, eviction activities must be exercised with care and caution. Residents

should have legal protection from forced evictions, exploitation, and threats, and equal access to

affordable, culturally friendly housing that promotes cultural identity display. It was stated that

forced evictions are assumed to be contradictory with the state's duty to ensure that all citizens

have functional and decent shelter. Evictions and demolitions of informal settlers, like those of

people impacted by national catastrophes, are likely to conflict with the Philippine government's

commitment to fulfill, safeguard, and uphold their legal entitlement to appropriate housing.

Demolitions or evictions must adhere to fairness and decency, avoiding unjustified violence

against informal settlers and ensuring they do not leave them destitute or violate their fundamental

freedoms (Mawis, 2023). Along with this, it was implied that the threat of forced eviction without

compensation continues to hang over the heads of residents, in practice the amounts of

compensation have risen over the years and closer ‘in-city’ relocation sites have been found for

some of them – thus rewarding those who hold out longer (Arcilla, 2020).

In another local study by Soriano (2021) where he mentioned that the Philippine policy

toward informal settlements is centered on illegal property occupancy. Policy interventions have

addressed this issue by providing legally held houses and property to informal settlers. However,

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practical application reveals that many settlers return to squatting owing to inadequate design,

space, and a lack of job possibilities. This is especially troublesome if a socialized settler decides

to revert to squatting and trading in their units, as this is only a partial answer to spatial justice.

Forced evictions persist on a substantial scale in almost every country throughout the world. This

is despite the numerous excellent changes in the past few decades that considerably strengthened

legal protection, forced evictions are considered an invasion of fundamental rights under

international legislation, despite continued initiatives by human rights organizations to abolish this

custom. According to Jelle (2021), forced evictions affect millions of individuals worldwide each

year. Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), provided detailed statistics of almost 4

million people who were compelled to leave their homes between 2007 and 2008, with violence

being utilized in nearly half of the evictions. The absence of legal tenancy rights, property market

dynamics, a lack of government assistance for the poor, turbulence in politics, ethnic cleansing,

and war were the primary causes of forced eviction. Forced eviction happens frequently to the

urban poor, who may become forced to relocate. Land rights and regulations may provide minimal

protection to evictions due to patriarchal governance, and policy may be primitive, referring to

colonial planning laws and policies that are already no longer applicable. Evictees frequently

rupture those relationships that give a safety net or survival system that provides safeguards against

illness, health, income reduction, or job loss, and which allows for the sharing of many everyday

chores. Forcing evictees to relocate away from their work or source of income might lead to loss

of livelihood opportunities. Women evictees, in particular, face specific problems and suffer

adversely from assault. before, during, and following a forced eviction. Women frequently have

to endure numerous responsibilities as well. Despite the limitations, informal settlers have often

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built their own environments and communities through spontaneous self-management

mechanisms. Recognising informal dwellers' multiple capacities, including their non-obvious

abilities to cope with disasters and resilience, are important to change their often-negative public

image (Carrasco, 2019).

Housing Instability

Two of the most contentious problems in our current political and social climate are

housing instability and mental health disorders. Modern research on housing and mental health

show that the issues are intersectional; people with mental health disorders often find themselves

in less stable housing, and less stable housing often impacts mental health. (Holding et al, 2019;

Phinney et al, 2007; Smith, 2021). Adekola et al. (2017) emphasize that evictees are often

subjected to health challenges, which can be physical, psychological or economic. They argued

that cases of depression are common characteristics of evictees in Nigeria, as most of the process

of eviction does not take into consideration the welfare of the people.

Regardless of the specific causes or contexts, evictees or displacees nearly always suffer

from what Zetter and Deikun (2010, p. 6; Onyebueke et al., 2020) have aptly termed ‘stress-

bundles’ or ‘cocktails of multiple hazards’, consisting of massive losses (physical, economic and

socio-cultural), psychological and health burdens, as well as ruptured lives, family ties, and

communities (Mohindra & Schrecker, 2012; Onyebueke, et. al., 2020) . Just like a climate-driven

disaster, forced evictions often trigger a post-effect shock or struggle amongst evictees

individually. As for households, these shocks and threats to livelihoods have varying effects on

pre- and post eviction experiences of the respondents (Popoola et al., 2020).

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Evictions are psychologically traumatic events, both in the short and long-term. Many

people entering the eviction process already suffer from mental illness, substance abuse problems,

and/or physical relationship problems such as domestic violence (Holding et al, 2019, Singh et al,

2019; Smith, 2021). In a study by Singh et al. (2019), it consistently indicated a positive association

between housing disadvantage and adverse mental health outcomes. The study has provided robust

evidence supporting the notion that prior exposure to housing disadvantage may have long-term

implications for mental health. These findings underscore the importance of addressing housing

inequities to promote better mental well-being in populations experiencing housing disadvantage.

The United States is undergoing a massive housing crisis. Median housing prices have

increased more than four times the rate of annual household income since 1960, accounting for

inflation (Petach, 2022). Although several studies suggest worsened mental health outcomes

among evictees or those who are challenging the eviction filings in court (Hoke and Boen, 2021,

Tsai et al., 2021), much less is known about the mental health burden experienced by people who

are not evicted at the moment but consider themselves to be at a high risk of eviction in the near

future. Eviction is a multi-step process starting with the landlords giving tenants notice of eviction

and case filing, followed by a court hearing, order, and enforcement. In a study conducted by

Archaya B. (2022), a lot fewer facts have been learned about the psychological burden faced by

the individuals who are not already evicted but anticipate that they are at risk to be evicted in the

foreseeable future. Eviction is a multi-step procedure that begins with landlords serving notice of

eviction on tenants and initiating a lawsuit, leading to a court hearing, order, and prosecution. The

perceived danger of eviction precedes the actual eviction procedure, yet individuals may have

increased mental health issues as a result of their fear of potential eviction even before the eviction

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filings occur. Depression affected 18.25% of the general population and 30.87% of those living in

rented housing. Renters who were late on their rent payments had a higher prevalence of despair

and anxiety. The findings of their study indicated that the perceived risk of eviction is connected

with increased mental health problems. Addressing the housing problem could contribute to

reducing the psychological strain placed in lent residences.

Moreover, Newton D. et. al., (2022) pointed out how bad their living arrangements were

affecting their mental health. Many people mentioned their experience with frigid living situations.

The risk of redundancy, financial worries or landlords being unable/unwilling to address poor

housing conditions, and feeling trapped within a situation that could not be improved due to limited

finances. The renters reported extreme feelings of helplessness and the lack of control over their

housing situation especially when lockdowns occur. Many renters expressed the view that

landlords were using the lockdown restrictions as an excuse for not addressing improvements or

repairs that were needed, and again, because this was, to some extent, a reality, renters felt helpless

to control this situation. An additional impact of financial pressures described earlier was the

feeling of being trapped in a situation that was out of their control, that they had no ability to

change, be that increased costs, reduced income or the inability to secure improvements to their

housing conditions.

Urban Development

The phenomenon of forced eviction is not only a legal and political concern but also has

significant implications for public health, urban development, and social justice. emphasized the

need for new approaches to land governance to regulate informal settlements and forced evictions,

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highlighting the urgency of addressing the challenges posed by urbanization (Olatunde et al.,

2021).

Between 2000 and 2010, the global urban population increased from 41.1% to 45.3%, with

forecasts of 50.5% by 2020 and 70 percent by 2050. This rapid expansion, particularly in emerging

regions such as South-Eastern Asia, may result in an affordability crisis leading to informal

settlements where more than half of the country's population lives and works. Urbanization is

posing problems to settlements and advancement, as population increase strains supplies and

amenities. Housing demand is expected to rise, with 3.7 million families from informal settlements

who reside in slums and vulnerable locations. The absence of adequate facilities and the provision

of services are apparent. (UN-Habitat Philippines Country Report, 2023).

Common causes of such removals include, but are not limited to, tenure insecurity,

planning and urban development, large-scale infrastructure projects, climate change and natural

disasters, mega sports/cultural events, and economic forces (COHRE, 2009; Onyebueke, 2020).

Moreover, slum upgrading policies may involve the demolition of slums in desirable areas, leading

to forced displacement of residents (Hussain & Zou, 2021).

The narratives shared by the displaced individuals in the article of Maningo (2021), serve

to underscore the realities of involuntary displacement. Their experiences shed light on the

challenging living conditions and coping strategies employed, highlighting the diminished quality

of life in the aftermath of eviction. The article suggests that revisiting and amending existing laws

could play a crucial role in improving the habitability of resettlement sites, particularly for

incoming residents. Enhancing life prospects post-eviction necessitates the implementation and

refinement of socialized housing policies, as discussed herein. While individual and collective

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empowerment are essential, effective policies addressing livelihood concerns, access to essential

services, and housing standards are equally pivotal in shaping resettlement experiences,

particularly during the initial stages. Strengthening housing legal frameworks could significantly

enhance the narratives of survival among newly relocated individuals.

Dizon (2020) stressed that the public scrutiny faced by the informal settlers stemmed not

only from doubts regarding their eligibility but also from their unconventional method of asserting

their right to the houses. Nevertheless, before resorting to occupation, the occupiers had attempted

various avenues for socialized housing as prescribed by the state, all of which proved unsuccessful.

The application process primarily caters to a limited group of recipients, predominantly those

displaced from inner-city informal settlement areas. It can be inferred that the underlying motive

of the government resettlement program is not solely to provide housing for the impoverished, but

rather to clear urban spaces of undesired settlements and populations, replacing them with more

financially lucrative structures.

Goals and pathways to achieve sustainable urban development have multiple interlinkages

with human health and wellbeing. However, these interlinkages have not been examined in depth

in recent discussions on urban sustainability and global urban science. While the health and

wellbeing of current and future generations is an explicit goal of sustainable urban development

(Elmqvist et al., 2019).

Popoola (2020) concluded that the primary cause of slum proliferation is lack of affordable

housing options in large cities. Us migrants, as well as former evictees and their families, occupy

private and public land without permission, which in turn exposes them to precarious living

conditions and a constant risk of forced eviction. This is the vicious cycle in which the less

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privileged find themselves. In addition, the human security evidence, as revealed from the study,

presents a further increased vulnerability rather than an opening of opportunities as a result of the

eviction process. There also cannot be any sustainable development if the authorities themselves

are responsible for the creation of an enabling environment for poverty to foster.

Nevertheless, one cannot disregard the benefits we can get from the urbanization of areas

in the country. In a study by Recio (2021), it was stated that the corporate-driven urban planning

is a tool to promote the dominant spatial imaginary of a ‘world-class’ metropolis which requires

banishing images of the urban poor in favour of neoliberal vision of urban modernity. With this,

Stenvall (n.d.) implied that the primary objective of an urban designer is to serve as a catalyst for

project development. By recognizing that individuals possess expertise about their own

environments, including their homes, communities, neighborhoods, and cities, the urban designer

facilitates a collaborative process wherein people articulate their narratives, aspirations,

challenges, and proposed solutions. It is imperative for the urban designer to actively listen,

synthesize, and translate these insights into design interventions. Importantly, the urban designer

must remain impartial and refrain from imposing personal preferences onto the design process.

She expounded that by understanding past successes and failures, the urban designer can inform

present-day design decisions and avoid repeating past mistakes. Thus, the urban designer operates

at the intersection of historical precedent and contemporary best practices, continuously seeking

to integrate lessons learned from global urban projects into locally relevant design solutions.

Even Du et al, (2022) pointed out the benefits for urbanization. Firstly, for landlords and

developers, an enhanced environment and neighborhood quality can undoubtedly be seen as a vital

selling point. Those slum development projects which are well planned and implemented are

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capable of enhancing the environment of the vicinity and support the marketability and value of

surrounding properties. Hence, an enhanced environment of the vicinity is like a guarantee or

promise from the authorities of urban development. Therefore, the residential property values will

reach the highest standards. Finally, it helps to surge the competitiveness and marketability of the

properties. Nevertheless, the authorities of urban development and planning possibly will consider

the actual benefits that slum redevelopment creates in the market in particular and the society in a

broad-spectrum. Secondly, the awareness of people about the real benefits of the slum

redevelopment will be enhanced. The positive perception of the general public creates a favorable

impression of the slum’s redevelopment in the society at large. Consequently, the negative

attitudes in particular segments of society about slum redevelopment will be changed. With this,

the roles, mechanisms, and approaches of informal settlement upgrading with a focus on fostering

resilience and supporting city-regional development. It underscores the urgent necessity of

addressing the multifaceted factors contributing to the vulnerability of informal communities,

particularly those disproportionately affected by climate change and rapid urbanization. With a

paradigm shift towards city-led and community-driven approaches to informal settlement

upgrading, there is a notable emphasis on utilizing domestic funding. This shift holds significant

promise for enhancing community resilience, especially in countries and city-regions committed

to fostering inclusive urban growth.

Synthesis of Review Related Literature

It becomes clear that forced eviction, housing instability, and urbanization poses a

complicated and interconnected web of challenges. Addressing one issue without addressing the

others may result in partial solutions. A holistic approach is required, which includes programs

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that focus on mental health care in addition to safe housing. Policies and procedures relating to

eviction processes must be reevaluated to include considerations for individuals’ well-being,

thereby minimizing the negative mental health effects linked with forced eviction. Recognizing

the connections between these concerns allows society to aim for a more comprehensive and

compassionate response, assuring the safety and well-being of those who are most vulnerable.

When dealing with forced evictions extensively, it is clear that long-term solutions must take into

account both humanitarian problems and systemic challenges. Planning frameworks that protect

vulnerable populations must be strengthened, and solutions should be tailored to the unique

problems faced by urbanization, climate-induced disasters, and financial crises. Policymakers and

advocates can seek to mitigate the core causes of forced evictions and create an equitable urban

environment which upholds the fundamental freedoms and integrity of everyone in the community

by realizing the complexities of these issues and taking a comprehensive approach.

Many researchers have published written works investigating this topic, with primary focus

being on the effect on the psychological well-being of the affected individuals. With that being

said, studies that investigate their resilience in the face of this phenomenon need to be further

studied. This study aims to fill these gaps and dedicates itself to contributing knowledge with

regards to the resilience of the individuals facing forced eviction at Paliparan 3, Dasmarinas,

Cavite, with hope of raising awareness and being a voice for these people.

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