Introduction

The government of Ethiopia strongly believes that the national interest and security will be
guaranteed if only rapid economic development is attained. In other words it is only when the
country can effectively defend itself from external security threats. In this regard, rapid economic
development is critical for the protection of the national interests and security of the country.
That is why the Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy, which is under
implementation since 2002, is designed to create a favorable atmosphere to safeguard the
national interest and security of the nation, and should be centered on the economy.
Accordingly, Ethiopia’s foreign policy is centered on development that benefits the people and
creating such conducive development. Since the introduction and practical implementation of the
Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy has begun, the image of Ethiopia has
been changing for the better from time to time over the last couple of years among the
international community than it was before. Ethiopia is no more known by famine and drought as
it used to be. Poverty, civil war and political instability could no more be the corporate identity
of the nation either as in the past. The country, which was known among the outside world as the
world’s most impoverished nation, where periodical drought and famine were claiming the lives
of many citizens, has managed to attain faster economic development in less than two decades
changing its image for the good. Not only Ethiopia has been able to achieve sustainable
development but also been able to join the ranks of the world’s fastest economies like China. In
the political arena, the replacement of the previous dictatorial system of governance by more
democratic system of government, which ensures the equality of nations, nationalities and
peoples had helped end the age old civil war. Today Ethiopia has become one of the most
politically stable countries in Africa. In the area of diplomacy, the country has achieved
successive achievements in the past 20 years. The significant contribution Ethiopia has been
making towards the maintenance of peace and security in Africa in general in the Horn of Africa
in particular has helped it win the trust and respect among the peoples of African countries and
fame, support and acceptability among the international community.
The success Ethiopia has attained in all sectors and areas are attributed on the larger part to the
Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy, sound socio-economic development policies and
strategies designed by the government. Thanks to the Foreign Relation and National Security
Policy and Strategy, which consists of political, economic and public diplomacy, today the
country has managed to have stronger diplomatic relations and bilateral and multilateral
cooperation in the areas of diplomacy, politics and economics with many countries and
multilateral institutions in the world than it did have before. The political, economic and public
diplomacy in which Ethiopia has been pursuing since the introduction of the Foreign Relation
and National Security Policy and Strategy has enabled it to register encouraging achievements.
The friendly relations and co-operations which Ethiopia has been building with various countries
and international organizations around the world, based on mutual interest and benefit, are
getting expanded and strengthened from time to time in the last two decades. The country’s
diplomatic and political ties with many countries in the world are getting high places worldwide.
The building of strong solidarity and diplomatic ties by Ethiopia with foreign countries has
enabled it to transform from political insignificant to an influential nation in the world. Thanks to
the massive and integrated efforts exerted by the public at large and the government that led to
achieve fast socio-economic development, the bad image of the nation has been changing for the
good for the first time among the international community. Ethiopia not only managed to attain
speedy economic growth but also has joined the ranks of the fastest economies in the world in
the last couple of years. This speedy economic growth is still on the right track. All the above
indicated achievements gained by the country are partly attributed to the application of the sound
policies and strategies designed by the government in various sectors, including the Foreign
Relations and National Peace and Security Policy. Thus, this booklet will attempt to review the
achievements gained in certain areas, including in political and economic sectors, with a
particular emphasis on that of the tangible changes brought with help of the Foreign Affairs and
National Security Policy and Strategy consisting of political, economic and public diplomacy. It
will also assess briefly the goals of the five-year Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP)
 The owner and key actors in Ethiopian foreign policy

The actors of Foreign Policy/International Relations are multiple and distinct. A foreign policy
actor can be defined as a person or entity with the capacity of having an impact in international
relations.

Actors of foreign policy are usually divided into two categories: state actors and non-state actors.

The first category comprises States, while the second comprises a multiplicity of actors such as
Sub-State actors, International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs), International
Governmental Organizations (IGOs), Economic Agents and Media. The reason for this
categorisation is that States have typically been considered the main (and for a long period, the
only) actors in Foreign Policy. Modern theories have recognised the impact of actors other than
States in Foreign Policy and therefore the list of actors recognised as such by Foreign Policy
theory has been enlarged. These different actors will be analysed individually below.

State Actors

The most widely used definition of a State in the field of Foreign Policy is drawn from Article 1
of the Montevideo Convention of 1930 on Rights and Duties of States. The Article reads: “The
state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: a) a permanent
population; b) a defined territory; c) government; and d) capacity to enter into relations with the
other states”. While there are alternative definitions of States according to different theories of
Foreign Policy the one codified in the Montevideo Convention is still to be considered common
ground.

The current number of sovereign states differs depending on the criteria used for counting, as
there are several cases where recognition is disputed. It can be said that a State achieves full
recognition once it has been recognised by a significant number of other States and admitted into
the United Nations.
Non-State Actors

As mentioned above this category includes several actors, with the common characteristic of not
being States. They will be analyzed below:

INGOs

The INGOs can be defined as private and interstate non-profit organizations composed of
individuals others than representatives of states or governments. The definition of INGOs is not
a peaceful or settled one, as can be seen in the one suggested above, which could be read as
including terrorist, religious or ethnical groups. These will be studied elsewhere though.

INGOs operate as actors in Foreign Policy mainly through their ability to influence other Foreign
Policy actors. This influence happens either ex ante or ex post facto. In other terms, INGOs may
influence agenda setting (ex ante) and provide legitimacy and/or implement solutions decided
elsewhere (ex post).

The capacity and ability of INGOs to influence the international/global setting of agendas has
been widely recognised. Through their actions, INGOs are able to put certain items on the
agenda of global decision makers.

Once the agenda has been fixed and issues have been tackled, INGOs still play a decisive ex post
facto role, in the two ways mentioned above. First, through their influence in the public opinion,
they are able to provide (or deny) legitimacy to the solutions agreed by international/global
decision makers. Second, they are useful and often indispensable for helping implement the
solutions agreed by the global decision makers.

Examples of prominent INGOs include Greenpeace, Amnesty International, Oxfam

International, etc.
IGOs

International organizations are entities established by formal political agreements between their
members that have the status of international treaties. Their existence is recognized by law in
their member countries and they are not treated as resident institutional units of the countries in
which they are located. They can be divided into different categories:

Global organizations

These are open to States worldwide when meeting certain criteria for admission. There can be
specialized or, on the contrary, cover a wide range of issues. The most salient example of the
latter case is that of the United Nations Organization (UNO), whereas examples of specialized
global organizations include International Criminal Police Organization (ICPO - Interpol), the
World Customs Organization (WCO), etc.

Regional Organizations

These IGOs are open to members placed in a specific region of the world, membership being
limited to States placed in those regions. These include the European Union (EU), the African
Union (AU), the Organization of American States (OAS), the Association of South-East Asian
Nations (ASEAN), etc.

Ethno-cultural organizations

Open to members sharing a common cultural, linguistic, ethnic, religious or historical

background. These organizations include, amongst others, the Commonwealth of Nations (CoN),
the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the League of Arab States (LAS), the
Organization International de la Francophone (OIF), etc.

Economic organizations

The economic organizations are IGOs composed of sovereign States (with the possibility of
limited membership of other IGOs) and that have as their primary goal that of promoting certain
economic objectives. These organizations include the International Monetary Fund (IMF), The
World Bank (WB), World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD), amongst others.
Collective Security Organisations

These organisations have as primary objective the prevention of and counteraction to military
threats or attacks to its members. These organisations are composed by States and are usually
based on the principle of mutual support in case of military aggression. As a consequence, if
a third State or party attacks one of the members of the organisation, all other Member States are
committed to support the attacked member, the degree of commitment depending on the
organisation. The list of Collective Security Organisations includes the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the
Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO),
etc. Additionally, some global or regional IGOs may have a security dimension, as is the case of
the United Nations or the European Union.

Economic Agents

Despite their increasing size and reach, multinational companies do not enjoy the unfettered
power attributed to them by many critics. The long-term, physically static nature of much
investment, coupled with the new transparency through which investors can monitor
performance, mean that the supposed transfer of power from governments to corporations is
largely an illusion. It is true that companies are more involved with and dependent on
international relationships than ever before. Trade and investment have both grown more rapidly
than output. The removal of political barriers has opened new areas to investment, and the
development of communications has created a new degree of scrutiny and a new political agenda
around issues such as human rights and environment, which multinationals cannot ignore. In
response, companies have become part of the process of change and development, and actors in
the international system. The challenge for all concerned is to ensure that their presence and
influence are engaged as a force for positive change

Media

The role of media is essential to shape national/transnational public opinion. Coverage of events
may modify the awareness and attitude of public opinions worldwide, which in turn may
influence international actors. The coverage of certain events by broadcasters such as CNN has
influenced their development.
It is important to keep in mind that traditional media have been in the last years complemented,
and to some extent replaced, by social networks such as Twitter, Facebook, etc.

Other non-State actors

These include criminal, ethnic and religious groupings. These non-State actors are non-
categorised as their aims, structures and means of actions do not fit into the previous categories,
nor are they similar between them.

The fact that these actors do not fit into any of the previous categories does not say anything
about their importance. In fact, many of these actors have contributed to shape, along history,
essential developments in the field of Foreign Policy. Probably, the most prominent example is
that of Al-Qaida, global Islamist organization that has shaped international developments for
more than a decade now.

goals of a foreign policy

Preserving the national interest is the paramount foreign policy objective of every country -big or
small. While its details differ from country to country, national interest essentially revolves
round four inter-dependent core aims namely

1. National security/territorial integrity: Having sufficient capability to counter foreign

aggression and internal subversion by maintaining well-equipped and well-trained armed forces
backed by economic wherewithal, public support and state resources.

2. Economic wellbeing of the people: Improving the quality of life of its citizens through rapid
economic growth based on access to foreign resources and market if needed

3. Preserving internal harmony/promoting its soft image: by promoting its own set of
moral/cultural values outside

4. Ensuring regional/global peace: to ensure the realisation of above three. For a super power like
USA, which is technically if not physically, neighbour of every country, maintaining peace in
every region is part of its national interest.

1.2. Policy Objectives

The failure to realize development and democracy has resulted in the nation’s security being
threatened. It has meant the people in the country have remained impoverished, dependent and
unable to hold their heads high. The prospects of disintegration cannot be totally ruled out. That
is why it is imperative that the nation expedites development and consolidate democracy. In
doing so, the country can consolidate its existence as a nation, and preserve the honor of its
citizens.Thus, the goal of the national foreign and security policy is to ensure international
conditions that are conducive to achieving national development and democratic objectives. The
goal of the nation’s foreign and security policy is defined as realizing development and
democracy. To bring about development and realize it in the framework of globalization, the
country needs extensive market opportunities and, investment and technical support. For some
time yet, the nation also needs grants and loans to finance its development endeavors. It also
requires considerable technical and financial support to build and strengthen institutions of good
governance, so crucial for the growth of democracy. The nation’s main objective will be to
ensure an enabling environment for development and democracy and, in this context, to identify
market, attract investment, solicit grants and loans and technical support and make maximum
utilization of all possibilities. The country’s main diplomacy should be that of economic
diplomacy. Ethiopia’s diplomatic work must aim at eliminating or at least reducing External
security threats. Its policy should strive to widen the number foreign friends that can help to
ensure a regional and global atmosphere conducive for its peace and security. The country’s
diplomatic activity also aims forecasting potential threats and addressing them through dialogue
and negotiation. The policy should also secure allies that can help the country withstand
intractable challenges and threats. As well as creating a favorable situation for the national
development, the foreign policy aims at both individually and collectively lessening the negative
effects that globalization could have on development. This is another reason why Ethiopia’s
diplomacy is centered on economic activity. Basing itself on national efforts to overcome the
danger of strife and collapse emanating from within, the foreign and national security policy has
the objective of resisting external threats to the country’s security and building the nation’s
capacity to reduce its vulnerability.

Forging national Consensus: foreign relations and national security goals are all about
development, democracy and survival. The task cannot be left to a few professional or
politicians. People as a whole can, in manner participate. The foreign and security policies and
strategies including our relations with various countries should be made transparent to the public
so that various sections of the community discuss these Policies, improve on them and reach a
common position. Some analysts have the opinion that a public discussion on foreign and
security policies would be to divulge state secrets and serve the interests of the enemy. But
Ethiopia needs to weigh the pros and cons of public discussion. Open discussions on policies
empower the people to closely monitor the government’s implementation of these policies, and
would ensure the introduction of a culture of transparency and accountability and indeed,
democracy. If members of the public truly understand the objective, goals, strategies and
policies, they can play a positive role in ensuring that policy implementations are on track. Those
who for mistaken reasons believed that the country’s policies threatened them would see from
the publicly available document the need to correct their perception. Public discussion ensures
that the policy remains constant and helps the building of consensus. These are arguments that
are given high regard. All said, the benefits of public discussion on basic policies and directions
in order to reach a common national understanding far outweigh the loss. Creating the possibility
for such debate enables the people to make their own contribution; this should be a priority
above all others.

Capacity Building of Foreign Service Officers: In order to attain the goals of the diplomacy
requires, first of all and most importantly, the building of the capacity of the staff of the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs and other stakeholders in general and the country’s foreign diplomatic
missions abroad in particular so that they can discharge effectively and efficiently their
responsibilities. Well-designed foreign and national policies, objectives and goals, programs and
strategies would lead the country no nowhere, unless 10 Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy and its
Achievements they are properly implemented. That is why the government considers the
building of an effective implementation capacity on the part of stakeholders is regarded as a
basic strategy. Without professional staff functioning within an organization, policy
implementation would not be satisfactory. It is essential that qualified professionals be deployed
in an organized manner.

Qualified personnel need to be capable of carrying out studies and assessments in the areas of
foreign and national security policies, threat analysis and implementation strategies for these
policies. They are expected to elaborate and implementation plan designed to make the policies
effective. It means, above all, ensuring that Foreign Service Officers realize that they are first of
all development officers and that they require the requisite competence to accomplish this
mission. It also means that we should not view our external activities, but rather to place
economic work at the center of foreign relations. Accordingly, in order to bring tangible changes
in this area, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been engaged in building and enhancing the
capacity of the country’s diplomatic and missioners around the world and expanding the nation’s
diplomatic horizon globally in the past years. In this regard, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has
been enhancing the capacity of the members of the diplomatic missions abroad by providing
crash courses and long- term training in the field in sustainable and strengthened manner

Policy outcomes
Foreign policy of Ethiopia during the former governments pursued external relations and
national security policies that disregarded internal problems that were fundamental to Ethiopia’s
national condition. Rather, the effort was to focus on the outside world and to look in from the
outside, as it were. Such an approach could not adequately protect the national interest and
security of the country. However, there is no point in trying to pursue a foreign relations and
national security policy to be implemented externally without a major and effective in-country
effort to realize the vision of development and democratization. Due to this reason, the foreign
affairs and security policy of the previous regimes could not benefit the national interest of
Ethiopia. Although the country is not developed as expected depending on it history, there has
been a developmental symptoms from time to time. And, this rapid economical growth is the
result of good governance in stabilizing the political environment internally and externally. Like
any other country, foreign policy has a great direct impact on nation-building of Ethiopia.
Because an effective foreign relation policy that formulated based on the domestic interest of the
nation, has a primary goal on insuring the national peace and security. And, the policy can able
affect the internal and external environments ether to benefit or harm the interest of the nation in
terms of political, social as well as economical situations. In general, The Ethiopia’s foreign
affairs and security policy has the following policy outcomes within the country itself and the
external environment in general.
  The country starts to show a rapid economic growth;
 The internal political, social and economical disorders are minimized;
 The country become beneficiary on global market and trade relations;
 the country creates a peaceful relations with its neighbor countries (except with Eritrea),
 the policy protects the national interests and it ensures the survival of country,
 the country become the center of diplomats towards international communities;
 the country is attracting foreign investors to its economic development;

Analysis in the implementation of foreign affair and national security policy

Political Diplomacy Achievements

Achievements in Relations with the Horn /African countries

The government of Ethiopia strongly believes that ensuring national security and peace could be
questionable unless supported in particularly the prevalence of regional peace and stability and
by good relations and co-operations from the countries neighboring Ethiopia and other countries
of the continent. One of the strategies that is instrumental in minimizing potential threats
endangering the peace and security of the nation and in ensuring its sovereignty is establishing
good diplomatic relations and friendly cooperation with neighboring countries based on mutual
interest and benefits. It was based on these principles that the Ethiopian Foreign Affairs and
National Peace and Security Policy and Strategy was designed. Pursuing strategies capable of
enhancing sub-regional, regional and international political and diplomatic understandings and
friendly cooperation is the focus areas of the country’s Foreign Relations and National Security
Policy and Strategy.

When one speaks of Ethiopia’s relations with other countries, he/she should first speak of its
neighbors-- the Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, and Kenya. These countries have long
standing links with Ethiopia in such areas as language, culture, history, natural resources, and so
on. Changes in Ethiopia affect them directly, and what happens to them in return has an impact
on the country. There are rivers that connect the country with these nations and have a direct
bearing on its development. This is particularly true of Sudan, Somalia and also Kenya. Ethiopia
is landlocked, while all its neighbors have ports that can provide services. Thus, the country
gives greater consideration to have strong ties with its neighboring countries and pursues
appropriate policy towards them. By taking into consideration the importance of such diplomatic
ties, the Ethiopian government is pursuing strategic directions in which neighboring countries
can play a positive role in the country’s political, social and economic development situations.
Accordingly, the government has established strong political ties with all countries of the sub-
region including Eritrea. In addition to the establishment of strong relations with the countries,
the government has-been engaged in activities that will ensure the peace and security of the sub-
region thereby help the sub-region attain development and prosperity as part of its commitment
to the region.

Helping contain political instabilities recurring in Somalia and Sudan in various forms and levels
is one of the focus areas of Ethiopia’s Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy. Ethiopia’s
principle of not to PM Meles holding talks with President of Transitional Government of
Somalia April 2012 13 interfere in the internal affairs of other countries remains unchanged,
Ethiopia, at all possible times and occasions, has been striving to share its best experiences that
are believed to help the stated countries attain peace and security and to lend its hands to change
the unfavorable political and economical situations in the respective countries. Ethiopia has
made a very tremendous diplomatic efforts geared towards resolving tensions among countries in
the African continent that had enabled to bring encouraging results in line with its Foreign
Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy. The political and diplomatic effort which
Ethiopia has been exerting has enabled to see changes in this regard. The contribution Ethiopia
has made in finding a lasting peaceful solution to the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan
was a testimony for this. Ethiopia has also been playing a significant role in the efforts launched
to resolve peacefully the civil war in Darfur, Sudan by sending its peacekeeping forces to the
conflict area.

Achievements in Relations with the Eritrea

After 20 years of hostility, Ethiopia and Eritrea have resumed diplomatic relations. On 8 July
Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, made a landmark visit to Eritrea’s capital Asmara,
welcomed by cheering supporters. Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki visited Ethiopia, where he
too was greeted by big crowds.. Following Eritrea’s separation from Ethiopia in 1991, a border
dispute contributed to two years of armed conflict starting in 1998, in which about 100 000
people died. The failure to implement a 2002 ruling over the disputed border led to a situation of
‘no war, no peace’ between the two countries. Despite there being no actual wars going on, the
armies of both countries have been on standby, and the tension and potential for war has been
there.

After two decades, the leaders have now agreed to end this situation and forge closer political,
economic and social connections. The easing of tensions is already evident – so far telecom
services between the two have resumed; Ethiopian Airlines is starting regular flights to Asmara;
and Eritrea has reopened its embassy in Addis Ababa.

The resumption of relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea will mean more stability for the whole
region. There has already been talk of readmitting Eritrea into the Intergovernmental Authority
on Development (IGAD). Such an outcome would begin its reintegration into the wider region,
and lessen its global isolation.

Nevertheless, the new situation may also create a dilemma for countries that benefited from the
previous status quo – for example Djibouti. Following the border war, landlocked Ethiopia
moved the main seaport for its imports and exports from Eritrea to Djibouti, which currently
accounts for about 90% of Ethiopia’s port traffic. Ethiopia pays Djibouti about US$1.5 billion
for port services annually. Djibouti’s position could come under threat if Ethiopia starts using
Eritrean ports.

Djibouti was anyway unlikely to maintain its near monopoly on Ethiopia’s import/export traffic
– one port for a rapidly developing country with a population of over a million isn’t enough. And
Ethiopia had already been looking to diversify its port access.

In Djibouti’s favour, however, is that its port infrastructure remains more developed than any of
Ethiopia’s other options. Also, the newly inaugurated Ethio-Djibouti railway ensures a steady
logistical connection; and Ethiopia may take a stake in Djibouti’s main port.
While the impact on port traffic is unclear, the renewed relations could benefit Djibouti as it too
has an unresolved border dispute with Eritrea. As both countries now maintain good relations
with Ethiopia, there may be an opportunity to engage to resolve this peacefully.

Sudan is also probably watching the developments closely. It has oscillated between aligning
itself with Ethiopia and Eritrea and its relations with both countries are at times complicated.
Lately, however, Sudan has sided more with Ethiopia, and in January it closed its border with
Eritrea and deployed troops nearby. Eritrea responded by accusing Sudan of supporting anti-
Asmara rebel movements.

As with Djibouti, however, improved relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea could eventually
reduce the potential threat along the Sudanese border, especially if Eritrea is readmitted into
IGAD and starts contributing towards regional stabilisation through greater integration.

So while the resumption of good relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea is positive for both
countries, the impact will be felt throughout the region. Hopefully the improved relations will
end the cycle of both direct and proxy conflicts that have afflicted the Horn of Africa for far too
long.

Achievements in Relations with Egypt and Other Nile Basin Riparian Countries

Among the encouraging results Ethiopia has attained since recent years in the area of diplomacy
was that the improvement in its relations with Egypt on issues related to the utilization of the
Nile Basin resources. Ethiopia has also contributed a lot for bringing understanding and trust
among riparian nations consisting of Egypt, Sudan, Uganda, Kenya on the equitable utilization of
the basin’s resources that helped ease disagreements and mistrusts among the nations sharing the
Nile Basin that emanated from the unlawful agreements signed by Egypt and Sudan
independently with the colonial powers at the time. An understanding was reached a few years
ago among Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan regarding development activities. The projects include
natural conservation and exporting hydroelectric power in excess of the actual need of Ethiopia
to Egypt and Sudan, as well as engaging in extensive irrigation projects. This agreement may be
viewed as a remarkable and even historic development in the utilization of the Nile water. This is
not, however, the same as saying that a permanent solution has been reached. The continued
diplomatic activities Ethiopia has been carrying out in the past two decades in general and since
the last few years in particular have helped to improve its relations with Egypt. The series of
visits made by the Ethiopian senior government delegations to Egypt has opened up an
opportunity for the two nations for dialogue on the utilization of the Nile basin. Greater effort
has also been made to explain Ethiopia’s objectives and to seek at best the support of the
Egyptian people and of the Arab world orat the very least to ensure that they overcome their
fears and bring their opposition to an end. The exchange of views made during the visits of top-
level government officials of both countries to each other’s nations, especially after the launch of
the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam over the Nile River, has enabled to improve not only the
diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and Egypt but also minimize the wrongly perceived
mistrust of the Egyptian people. Furthermore, Ethiopia has made many diplomatic work aimed at
seeking political and diplomatic support of African brothers and sisters to the same effect. The
political diplomatic effort made by the Ethiopian government in the last couple of years
concerning the equal utilization of the Nile basin water and other natural resources has helped
brought about understanding among the riparian countries

Achievements in Image Building

The political and diplomatic activities in which Ethiopia has been carrying out in the last two
decades in line with its Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy has enabled to become an
influential country in the world politics changing further its image among the international
community for the better. In the political arena, the replacement of the previous dictatorial
system of governance with more democratic system of government, which ensures the equality
of nations, nationalities and peoples had helped end the age old civil war in the country. Today
Ethiopia is one of the most politically stable countries in Africa. In the area of diplomacy, the
country has achieved successive achievements in the past 20 years. The significant contribution
Ethiopia has been making towards the maintenance of peace and security in Africa in general in
the Horn of Africa, in particular has helped it win the trust and respect of African countries and
support and acceptability among the international community.

As a result of these successes achieved in the political and diplomatic sectors, Ethiopia was able
to be nominated as one of the nine Commissioners for Africa (CFA) launched in February 2009
in London by Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. The establishment of the CFA was
aimed at eradicating extreme poverty and hunger from the continent of Africa. Mêlées , one of
commissioners of the 17-member grouping delivered remarkable speech at a relevant meeting at
the time that became the headlines of several foreign media. In his address to a major African
seminar on hunger in the sidelines of the ongoing African Union Summit, Mêlées was quoted by
Pan African News Agency as saying: “What the Commission for Africa can do could come in
handy in this regard, and could facilitate enhanced global partnership for meeting the Hunger
MDG in Africa (and as) consistent with the principles and objectives of NEPAD.” “There is a
real possibility for making real progress in strengthening global partnership for meeting the
Hunger MDG in Africa, including through the contribution that could be made by the recently
established Commission for Africa. Given that Britain will be at the helm of both the G8 and the
EU in 2005, this could present a good opportunity for galvanizing global solidarity for
development as well as the fight against poverty.” Meles added. Moreover, Ethiopia under Prime
Minister Meles Zenawi, has been unanimously elected to represent Africa in the Global Climate
Change Forum and negotiate with developed world and voice Africa’s concern over the change
of global climate change, whose effects have been hitting hard Africa. It was on 31 August 2009,
the African Union Heads of State and Government Summit in Tripoli took the decision to
authorize Ethiopia to lead and coordinate the African Delegation to Global Conference on
Climate Change at Copenhagen held in December 2010.Since then, Ethiopia has continued to
represent Africa in Global Climate Change Forums held in Mexico, South Africa and Brazil. The
country has-been able to get Africa’s voice heard and the region gets proper attention by the
developed countries. The effort Ethiopia has been making in this regard has helped Africa to get
financial assistance from the rich nations for copping up the effects of climate change caused
mainly by carbon emissions from the developed world. In addition to this, Ethiopia has become
one of the few African nations to be nominated to participate in the G-8 and G-20 Summits to
promote Africa’s interest representing the continent under the leadership of Prime Minister
Meles. This has indeed helped Africa to get appropriate attention and enhance its influence in
global politics. The achievements indicated above have helped not only to change Ethiopia’s
previously tarnished image but also has increased its influence in the regional and global politics.

Achievements in Investment

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been playing vital role in the enhancement of the massive
efforts well underway to attract foreign investment as much as possible. Since attracting foreign
investment is at the epic-center of the country’s economic diplomacy, the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, through its diplomatic missions abroad, have launched extensive promotional works
targeted at promoting the country’s vast investment opportunities worldwide plus the favorable
investment atmosphere in which the country has created. Equipped with professional skill and
necessary information, and using exhibitions, trade fair, expos, bazaars, business conferences and
other forums as communication tools, the members of the nation’s diplomatic missions abroad
have done their level best to promote the prevailing excellent investment climate in Ethiopia
among the countries of their Providing all the necessary information about the country’s
investment potentials worldwide to potential investors has and is being given priority while
facilitating dialogue between the Ethiopian prospective investors and their foreign counterparts
and organizing economic events are among the activities in which the diplomatic missions have
been involved. These have enabled to attract dozens of foreign investors in the past years, who
have been injecting billions of US dollars in investment to the country. According to a data
obtained from the Investment Agency, the flow of direct foreign investment (FDI) to the country
has increased at accelerated rate since the last two decades. FDI flow to Ethiopia which was only
54.4billion Birr in 1998 EC jumped to 169.6 billion Birr in 2000 EC showing more than 300 per
cent growth rate. Foreign investments accounted for nearly 40,000 of the 46,740 total private
investment projects Ethiopia licensed over the last two decades (1991-2011). This means, foreign
investment constituted for over 85.5per cent of the country’s total investment projects it licensed
in those years. The share of foreign investment has continued to dominate private domestic
investment in terms of capital flow. Out of the 11.6 billion Birr total investment flow the nation
got in the last one year (between July 2010 and September 2011), foreign investment accounted
for 10.89 billion Birr constituting 93.88 per cent of the total investment. The number of foreign
investors requesting to engage in agricultural development in general in the extensive farming in
particular has increased significantly in the last couple of years. China, India, Germany, Italy,
Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, United Kingdom (UK), Israel, Canada and the United States are
Ethiopia’s major sources of FDI, according to Investment Agency. China and India are the top
two foreign investing countries in the country. Investors from every corner of the world
including from, Saudi Arabia and Sudan have been flooding the country with billions of US
dollars investment. Foreign investors from the USA, Canada, Italy, Yemen, the Netherlands and
Israel have also been spending substantial amount of money on business and investment sectors
over the last two decades. The involvement of foreign investors in the country’s diverse
economic development not only helped to build the nation’s economy but also China-Africa
Overseas Leather Products SC.As the foreign investments in the agricultural and agro-processing
sectors are labor intensive, they are playing prominent role in reducing unemployment in the
country by absorbing as many people as possible. These achievements are partly attributed to the
massive efforts launched by the country’s diplomats and missionaries abroad in effectively
implementing their responsibilities in line with the economic diplomacy in which the nation is
pursuing. The expansion of infrastructural facilities consisting of road and air transport, the
enhancement of electric power supply and telecommunication services due to the huge amount
of investment made on these sectors by the government are the other major factors for the rise in
the rate of foreign investment flow in the country. Liberalization of the economy, good markets
access, availability of cheap labor, reliable natural resource base and commitment of the
government to the private sector are the major factors for the growth in the flow of FDI in the
country.

Achievements in Tourism Sector

The economic diplomacy in which Ethiopia has been pursuing has also significant contribution
in attraction of greater number of foreign tourists. The number of foreign tourists visiting the
county has increased at an accelerated rate in the past couple of years. The increasing
promotional activities and efforts by the Ethiopian diplomatic missions abroad that promote
Ethiopia as a major tourist attraction in major tourist producing destinations such as London,
Italy and even Russia, according to the Ministry. Tourists from America, England, Canada and
Germany are the leading visitors. In addition to that, new tourist producing destinations such as
India and China are emerging showing more interest to come to Ethiopia. The amount of direct
foreign investment flow and the amount of foreign exchange earning the country gets from
tourism has shown a dramatic growth. According to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, the
amount of foreign exchange earnings the nation gets from tourism has increased from 169
million US dollars in 1998 EC to 270 million dollars in 2002EC.

The number of tourists was also raised from 330,000 to 500,000during the same period.
Infrastructural development around tourist sites and prevailing peace and security in the country
are other factors for the increase in the amount of revenue being obtained from the sector and the
rise in the number of tourists. It is also planned to increase tourism revenue by 25 percent at the
end of year of the GTP (2014) from the current 16.4 percent. According to the Ministry of
Culture and Tourism, more than 3.2 million tourists are estimated to visit the country over the
next five years. Nearly 1.8 million visitors have visited the country over the last five years.
According to the plan, Ethiopia is also expected to secure over 1.6 Billion USD in the next five
years against the 948 million USD revenue it obtained from tourism in the past five years. The
tourism development policy is to enhance the share of tourism for the national development. The
aim of the policy is to make Ethiopia competitive tourist destination in the continent. The huge
infrastructural projects that the government is undertaking like that of high ways combined with
the private sectors increasing investment on hotels, lodges and motels will be catalysts for the
sector.

Revisiting the foreign policy of Ethiopia

Foreign policy is a tool for external relations and Ethiopia has had a long history of external
relations. It should be dynamic in line with global changes. Now it is time to revisit the foreign
policy document critically,

Foreign policy is a set of principles of a government that defines its relations with other countries
or groups of countries. States formulate foreign policy in order to attain their domestic policy and
national interests. The current foreign policy of Ethiopia, namely “The Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy” was introduced
in 2002. The foreign policy is designed to attain the national interest of the country i.e. peace,
economic development and democracy. This foreign policy has been formulated based on the
Federal Constitution of Ethiopia that states about the principle of external relations.

The foreign policy of Ethiopia has set various strategies in implementing the core objectives of
the external relations. After the introduction of the foreign policy document in 2002, many
international changes have been noticed. However, the foreign policy document was not revised
until now (October 2017).

Considering internal and external situations, foreign policy document should also be dynamic.
our main purpose here is not to evaluate the implementation of the foreign policy; rather it is to
forward personal comments on updating and revising the foreign policy document. Based on this
understanding we have put forward the following proposals in improving the foreign policy
document of Ethiopia.

The foreign policy as a reflection of domestic policy

Foreign policy document should be dynamic, in accordance with the situation of international
relations and the internal changes of Ethiopia. The foreign policy of Ethiopia clearly states that
the domestic policies of the country are “the basis of our foreign policy”. Currently, the
Ethiopian government’s domestic policy focuses on “Democratic Developmental State”. This
domestic policy is not reflected or mentioned in the foreign policy document of Ethiopia.

Peacekeeping mission of Ethiopia and the foreign policy

Ethiopia is a founding member of the United Nations (UN), as well one of the very few countries
to sign the UN Charter at that time. It also supported the UN Principles of Collective Security
that focus on the global peace and security. By supporting the principle of collective security,
Ethiopia has had participated in different peacekeeping operations of the UN starting from the
1950s. Currently, Ethiopia has emerged as the largest single African troop contributing country
to African and UN peace support operations.

Ethiopia has actively participated in several peacekeeping operations organized and led by the
UN and the African Union (AU) that includes South Korea, Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, Liberia,
Abiye and Darfur (in the Sudans) and Somalia.

Even if Ethiopia is playing a great role in the peacekeeping mission, the foreign policy document
does not mention it. There is no single phrase talking about peacekeeping mission in the foreign
policy document. Ethiopia is currently the chair of the UN Security Council and Ethiopia’s
proposal in the reform of the peacekeeping mission was well received by the Council. However,
Ethiopia’s role in maintaining peace in Africa and in the Security Council is not being supported
by a white paper/foreign policy document.

Tourism as part of the economic diplomacy of Ethiopia

Economic diplomacy has been given priority in the foreign policy of Ethiopia so as to pull
people out of poverty and to reach a middle income country. In this economic diplomacy trade,
foreign direct investment and development assistance (technical support, grants and loans) have
been mentioned in detail. However, the contribution of tourism to the economic benefits and
economic diplomacy is totally ignored in the policy document. As an ancient country, Ethiopia
has so many tourist attractions including natural, historical and cultural sites. Some of them are
registered as World Heritage by UNESCO. But, when compared with some African countries
Ethiopia is not benefiting from tourism. Thus, there is a need to conduct cultural diplomacy to
strengthen the benefits of tourism to economic development. In that regard, the foreign policy
document should incorporate the role of tourism to the economic development of the country.

One continent is not included in the foreign policy document

In the foreign policy of Ethiopia the government has clearly shown its policies towards Africa,
Asia, North America and European countries. However Latin America and the Caribbean, which
incorporates 33 countries, are not mentioned in the policy document at all. In my opinion, at least
the foreign policy document should include Brazil, Jamaica and Cuba, to mention a few.

The foreign policy and international borders

Ethiopia is bordered by six countries. There are common languages with all bordering countries.
Some of the borders are demarcated but others are not yet delimited and demarcated. For
instance, there are still border problem between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The foreign policy
document of Ethiopia does not mention about delimitation and demarcation of borders with
neighboring countries. Demarcation helps to have good relations with neighbors and also to
maintain long-lasting peace and security. It also helps to trade and develop joint projects from
both sides for the benefit of local population.

Updating facts and figures in the foreign policy

The foreign policy document has incorporated a lot of facts and figures. However, this
information should also be updated and show the right facts and figures. For instance, the policy
document says Japan is the second largest economy in the world. Of course, this was the case at
the time of preparing the foreign policy. But now this fact is changed. In fact, China is the
second largest economy in the world. Another example is the number of countries in the
European Union, which is mentioned as 15. However, the number has increased and has reached
28. At the time of preparing the foreign policy Somalia was a failed state; however, now a
government has been established which has its own executive, judiciary and legislative branch of
government. The foreign policy document of Ethiopia should take all these changes into account.

On July 9, 2011 South Sudan seceded from the Sudan and established a new state called the
Republic of South Sudan. Since the foreign policy document of Ethiopia is not yet revised, the
newly born state – the Republic of South Sudan – is not included in it.

Consistency in the foreign policy

The foreign policy of Ethiopia towards Palestine says Ethiopia “should support the right of the
Palestinian people to self-determination, and that the problem be solved peacefully and
juridically”. On the other hand, the policy towards Somaliland and Puntland says:

“Question could be raised regarding the recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.

Taking this initiative is not preferable to Ethiopia because it would create negative feelings on
the part of Somalis living in the rest of Somalia and others would be suspicious of our intent.
Therefore, our cooperation with these regions should not include recognizing the regional
administrations as independent states.”

Both Palestine and Somaliland have ambitions of creating their own internationally recognized
states, but Ethiopia’s foreign policy is not consistent in handling similar issues.

Ethiopia as a seat of the AU

Ethiopia is the seat of the highest continental organization – the AU – and had played a great role
in the establishment of the AU’s predecessor – the Organization of the African Unity (OAU).
The foreign policy document of Ethiopia has mentioned some facts about the AU as a
complementary to the policy of the country towards other African countries.

In mentioning the policy of the country towards international organization, the AU is not
mentioned. Rather the policy mentioned Ethiopia as the seat of the UN Economic Commission
for Africa. In this broad topic the AU should be stated in detail. The description should also
include the recent development of the AU that includes the establishment of the African Standby
Force and the Agenda 2063.

Foreign policy towards Eritrea

The foreign policy of Ethiopia was introduced after the war with Eritrea. Because of this the
document clearly states about the negative role of Eritrean government and some positive
scenario of cooperation between the two countries. After mentioning positive scenarios the
policy document concludes its statement saying “the maximal policy we will pursue regarding
Eritrea will come into play where the regime or its policies have been changed...this scenario
[positive scenario] can only see the light of day if fundamental change comes to Eritrea”. This
policy of Ethiopia is not a proactive policy. Rather it is reactive, and goes in accordance with the
regime in Asmara. In my opinion, the policy should be proactive towards Eritrea.

The foreign policy and sustainable development

Economic development of the country is one of the priorities of the foreign policy of Ethiopia.
But this development should not compromise environmental issues. Ethiopia and its neighbors
are vulnerable to environmental crisis, exacerbated by climate change. This may yet emerge as
the greatest threat to human security in the region. The UN has also developed the Sustainable
Development Goals (SDG) which all member countries are expected to implement.

Ethiopia has also represented Africa in relation to global climate change and its impacts on
Africa.During the 72nd UN General Assembly Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn delivered
his speech by stressing on the impact of global climate change and the need to work seriously.
Based on the above international and national profound issue, the foreign policy document of
Ethiopia should set general directions of economic growth in relation to sustainable
development.

The foreign policy and multilateral forums

There are different approaches in implementing foreign policy of a country. The two most
approaches are bilateral and multilateral forums. When we see the foreign policy document of
Ethiopia, its focus is on bilateral than multilateral institutions at the global, continental and
regional levels. Multilateral forums help execute the foreign policy in collaboration with other
countries. For instance, the Nile Basin Initiative is a multilateral forum which is helping Ethiopia
to utilize the Nile River/Abay. There are other important multilateral forums such as ACP-EU,
South-South Cooperation, FOCAC and AGOA, among others that Ethiopia is working with.
Thus, additional focus should be given to these forums in the foreign policy document.

The foreign policy and migration of people

In 2017, it has been reported that there are 22.5 million refugees in the world. Because of the
volatile situation in the Horn of Africa there is immigration of peoples from neighboring
countries to Ethiopia. There are about 830,000 refugees in Ethiopia. The refugees come from
nineteen countries, with the majority being from South Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea and the Sudan.
Ethiopia is praised in handling these peoples. On the other hand, many Ethiopians have
emigrated and are still emigrating to the Middle East and European countries. International
human trafficking is also a challenge to the continent and the world at large.

This immigration to Ethiopia and emigration of Ethiopians to other countries has its own impact
on the foreign relations of the country. For instance, recently, the Government of Saudi Arabia
expelled many undocumented Ethiopians from their country for the second time. Many
Ethiopians are also victims in Middle Eastern countries as a result of mistreatment by their
“masters”. Such measures of other countries have put pressure on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
and the country at large. Many of the work forces of the Ministry will be busy by such incidents.
Addressing these two issues will help in reducing both internal and external vulnerability. The
foreign policy document of Ethiopia should set general directions on how to handle immigrants
to Ethiopia and those who emigrate to other countries.
The foreign policy and security

The foreign policy is named as “Foreign Affairs and National Security Policy and Strategy”.
This national security is not only about border security; rather, it is also about human security.
There are seven types of human securities that are identified by the UN and other international
organizations. These are economic security, food security, health security, environmental
security, personal (physical) security, community security and political security. They are
interconnected to one another. In the period of globalization, cyber security has also become
crucial for the betterment of governments. Cyber-attack can cause great damage to a security of a
country. Thus, the foreign policy document should be holistic in defining and addressing
security.

The foreign policy and gender

The issue of gender is always important and should be considered. The Government of Ethiopia
has gone far to balance the participation of women in the political sphere. Since the foreign
policy is a reflection of domestic policy, this domestic policy and commitment can be reflected
in the foreign policy. Ethiopia is member to many regional, continental and international
organizations. How is the balance of gender in these organizations? Can Ethiopia forward an
agenda regarding gender balance in such organizations? In my opinion, Ethiopia should also play
a major role in empowering women in regional, continental and international organizations. In
our foreign policy document we do not get a word saying ‘women’ and ‘gender’.

The need to have foreign policy of Ethiopia towards some additional countries

In addition to South Sudan, the foreign policy document should also see some influential
African, Middle Eastern and Asian countries such as South Africa, Nigeria, South Korea and
Saudi Arabia (because of regional rivalry with Iran and the competition between different
Islamism that has an impact on Ethiopia; because of Saudi’s historical relations with Ethiopia,
and since Saudi an influential Muslim country, a member of the Arab League, and an influential
force in the Gulf Cooperation Council). Even if the policy document covers East and some North
African countries (Algeria and Egypt), it has not included the Western and Southern parts of
Africa.
Foreign policy is a tool for external relations and Ethiopia has had a long history of external
relations. During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie I the relations with Western counties were
significant, and at the time of the Derg the relations with Eastern and Socialist countries were
prominent. The current Ethiopian government, which is led by the Ethiopian Peoples’
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), is balancing the relations with both the West and the
East. The present foreign policy is successful in many respects.

Finally, the current foreign policy has served for fifteen years without being amended or revised.
It should be dynamic in line with global changes. Now it is time to revisit the foreign policy
document critically.