1.

Political Ecology (what historical and contemporary ‘powerful forces’ constrain or

The political ecology of Peru consists of its government which has pushed to expand
beyond urban areas and work to develop the remote villages and towns. In the late 1900s the
economy of Peru tripled leading to electricity, running water, and telephones in remote areas.
The government helped to build more health care centers, improve agricultural production, and
build new schools. Once the marginalized communities were able to catch up with the rest
society, they saw an Increasing amount of tourism. This benefited these small village
communities by bolstering household incomes and bringing modernity and globalization. As
Peru continues to develop and grow the environment impacts have increased as well. A big
example discussed in the reading is the plan to mine gold in Tapay and how the engineers, when
they first arrived, tried to convince residents that there would be little disruption to the natural
environment once they began mining. There was discord between people as elders were more
hesitant towards the mining company and younger folks saw it as an opportunity for further
economic growth. Others saw the potential for further environmental degradation as a local creek
had just dried up. The problem soon became that no matter what, the big mining companies were
going to come in because the federal government said they could. The political ecology of the
Andean people has turmoil as the people did benefit from political systems but were and are
taken advantage of by national and international overreach. They do continue to see their culture,
land, and resource access under attack from western society’s ideal approach to conservation.

2. Cultural Ecology (how might their cultural practices stem from local ecology?)

The people of the Peruvian Andes are experiencing climate change in a variety of ways,
from melting glaciers, extreme temperature fluctuations, irregular precipitation, and growing
droughts which have all impacted their cultural ecology. Due to scarcity of water, there has been
a fight between urban and rural communities: “Peru contains 70% of the worlds tropical glaciers,
providing a majority of water used for irrigation and consumption in the country’s rural and
urban areas” (Paerregaard). Studies show that in the next 15 years the glaciers below 5,500
meters above sea level are going to disappear which is frightening for a country with 90% of its
community living in dry and desert areas. The people of the Peruvian Andes rely heavily on the
mountains and glaciers for a fresh, clean water source. The glaciers are not only a necessity for
the people’s livelihoods and health but also a symbol in their culture. The Andean people make
yearly offerings to the Incan Mountain deities for the continuous fresh water. Villages and
farmers up in the mountains constructed reservoirs and created their own governmental system to
decide, “irrigation and drinking water committees, and selecting their own authorities to allocate
water, settle water disputes and collected water tariffs” (Paerregaard 253). They appoint someone
the hatun regidor to be in charge and organize the water allocation and oversee the ritual
offerings to Mount Seprigina at the end of their term. Overall, many of their cultural practices
stem directly to the land they’ve settled upon. Their cultural ecology stems from their deep
connection to the environment, their innovative agricultural practices, ritual/traditions, and their
worldview of harmony with nature.
 3. Ethnoecology (how do they conceptualize the world and humanity’s place in it?)

In regard to ethnoecology, the author addresses concerns for how the people of the Andes
mountains are going react to when their offerings are no longer helping to appease the deities. To
these villagers keeping a good connection and relationship to the mountain deities is crucial for
future well-being of the village and success of the harvest. During an interview in 2011 the
villagers pointed out that Mount Seprigina is now only covered in snow and ice during the rainy
season. Even though many believe that climate change isn’t real and that it’s just local change, it
has caused doubt in previous sacred deities. This led to some Tapay inhabitants converting to
Catholicism and soon rituals such as offerings and cleaning out the canals were turned into
customs. They have begun to see “rising temperature as inevitable, perceived as only temporary,
and like other natural disasters including earthquakes, they will end and be followed by better
times” (Paerregaard 258). Villagers of Tapay are hesitant to the idea of global warming and
climate change happening due to the human modernization. They don’t see the changes to their
environment as a reason to blame other parts of the world. As Paerregaard states “the majority
perceives the climate as an essential element of nature and the nonhuman forces, they believe
regulate humans’ relation to the environment” (Paerregaard 259). They believe it is humans
neglecting to make offerings to the deities as the cause for environmental change. Remote
communities are aware of the changing climate and the impacts it has on their community, but
they believe that they could do little to counteract it. The Andean people have an emphasis on the
coexistence and interdependence of humans and nature.

Video:
- Haiti Reforestation
o Before colonization the Arawak people successfully managed island forests
o Spanish exported the timber from the east side (DR)
o French cleared the forest for sugar cane, coffee, plantations on the west side
o In the 1800s foreign companies came in a clear cut forests and didn’t replant
o By 1900s little remaining of old-growth forests; only ones were located on
difficult to harvest areas like mountainsides and were government owned
o The former plantations and eroisions strupped the soil of nutrients
o Rural families own small plots of land growing cash crops
o Crop yields declined due to poor soil quliaty
 Led to families poaching wood for extra income
 People began flooding from rural to urban
o By 1970s Haiti government ran a campaign to reforest the land (top-down)
 Grew saplings from in state run nurseries
 Public education campaigns related trees to erosions prevention and soil
regeneration
 Rural land-owners asked to plant saplings: reluctance
 o It all failed miserably because farmers wanted to make money with cash-crops
rather than planting trees
 Reduced space available for crops
 Government perceived as the tree owner
 Fear that the trees for serve as pretext for future government
expropriation of the land
o Pwoje Pyebwa anthropology-inspired solutions
 Use fast-growing species that are harvestable in just 4 years; coppice
regeneration
 Micro-saplings easier to transport and plant: farmers can transport 5000
at a time, dig shallower holes than traditional saplings
 Taught border planting and intercropping techniques that retain 4.5 of
land for cash crops (500 trees)
 Landowner is tree owner
 Trees rebranded as cash crops (replacing older messaging related to
erosion prevention and soil regeneration)
 POLITICAL CHALLENGES
 Duvalier dictorial regime
 History of international aid pilfered by bureaucrats
 SOLUTIONS
 4 million USAID funds administrered by Murrary, whose only
qualification was anthrolpology dissertation
o Hired 5 helpers who approached local communities,
answered questions, calculated questions, calculated
familys expected return on tree harvest: gave samplings for
free
o Key outcomes from tree project
 1 million trees planted by 2500 households
 3 million planted; seedling production ramped up to meet increasing
demand
 After 4 years: 20 million trees planted by 75,000 households
o Ecnomic outcomes
 Most trees survived to age 4 years
 Some trees harvested: sold for polewood (lucrative) or made into
charcoal
 Fewer trees harvested than possible; allowed to keep growing despite
regeneration potential
o Trees replaced pigs as “banked resource” for families
 Some saved (allowed to keep growing) even past when they could
technically be harvested
- Political ecology:
o Past French colonization deforested Haiti
o Foreign aid was blocked during Duvalier regime
 o Rural difficulites inspired migration to cities leading to more lumber demand
o Farmers feared loss of alnds right and loss of crops porfits
o US applied political pressure to cull pigs then pig loss incentivized the backup
resources of trees
o Intercropping allowed the addition of trees without interfering
- Cultural ecology
o Crops frequently fail, needed a backup resource
o Species of tree chosen thrive in local conditions
o Something interesting about thieving of neighbors crops (need more context)