Introduction (Persian Gulf and Oil)
The states surrounding the Persian Gulf—Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar,
United Arab Emirates, and Oman—collectively controlled almost half of the world’s known oil
reserves during the late 20th century. These countries significantly influenced the economic
well-being of industrialized nations dependent on oil for industry, transport, and domestic
use. Their political stability was essential for maintaining steady oil prices, which had global
economic implications. However, this region experienced considerable instability with
frequent regime changes, revolts, and wars, often causing economic and political crises in
oil-consuming countries when oil production or distribution was disrupted.
Saddam Hussein’s Rise to Power in Iraq
Childhood and Early Years
Saddam Hussein’s early life did not suggest a path to power. Born on April 28, 1937, in Al-
Ouja, near Tikrit, Iraq, he came from a poor, landless family. His father died before his birth,
and his mother, Sabha, remarried a violent man, Hassan al-Ibrahim, who was abusive
toward Saddam. This challenging upbringing meant Saddam did not start formal education
until he was 10, spending his early years as a social outcast and often carrying an iron bar
for protection.
The Influence of Khairallah Tulfah
Saddam’s life changed significantly when his uncle, Khairallah Tulfah, an army officer
imprisoned in 1941 for anti-British actions, was released from jail in 1947. Khairallah, who
effectively became Saddam’s foster father, introduced him to Arab nationalism and an anti-
Hashemite stance. He also ensured that Saddam received some education and influenced
his move to Baghdad to enter the Baghdad Military Academy in 1955. However, failing the
entrance exam in 1957 was a significant setback for Saddam
Early Political Activity (Simplified)
• Joining the Baath Party (1957): At 20, Saddam joined the Baath Party,
influenced by his uncle, and became involved in violent activities against the government,
including organizing street gangs in Baghdad.
• First Assassination (1958): He assassinated a government official in Tikrit to
prove his loyalty, establishing a reputation for being ruthless.
• Failed Assassination of General Qassem (1959): Saddam took part in a failed
attempt to kill Iraq’s ruler, General Abdul Karim Qassem. He was injured and became one of
Iraq’s most wanted men.
• Exile and Education (1959-1963):
• Saddam went into exile, spending three months in Damascus and then three
years in Cairo.
• He finished high school in Cairo in 1961 and started studying law but left
school after Qassem was overthrown in 1963.
• Return to Iraq (1963): After Qassem’s death, Saddam returned and got a
minor job helping improve conditions for peasants under the new Baath Party government.
Building Up a Power Base
Saddam began building his political power by aligning with Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr, a fellow
Tikriti and his uncle’s cousin. He quickly proved indispensable to Bakr, who led the moderate
faction within the Baath Party. When the Baathists were ousted by President Abdul Salam
Arif in 1963 due to internal conflicts, the extremist wings of the party became discredited,
allowing Bakr and Saddam to strengthen their positions. By February 1964, Saddam was
appointed to the Baath Party’s Regional Command.
Recognizing that armed force was key to maintaining power in Iraq, Saddam took control of
the Baath Party’s military organization. He soon plotted a coup against President Arif for
September 1964, but the plan was uncovered, leading to Saddam’s imprisonment for two
years. He escaped from jail in July 1966.
The July Revolution of 1968 was a bloodless coup in Iraq, led by the Ba'ath Party and key
military officers. After escaping prison, Saddam Hussein focused on restructuring the party,
building security forces, and expanding its influence. Recognizing the party's limitations, he
formed alliances with senior army officers sympathetic to the Ba'ath cause. Saddam
advocated for a temporary alliance with these officers, planning to remove them later. The
coup ousted President Abdul Rahman Arif, who was sent to London, and Ahmed Hassan al-
Bakr became president. For his role, Saddam was appointed Deputy Chairman of the
Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), becoming the second most powerful figure in Iraq.
The road to the Presidency
It took Saddam Hussein 11 years to rise from being President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr's
deputy to becoming Iraq's president. By 1972, Saddam was already the most influential
figure in government, acting almost as an equal to Bakr. Cautiously consolidating power,
Saddam eliminated rivals by using the Ba'ath Party's security apparatus to expose or
fabricate conspiracies, targeting both civilian politicians and military figures. He also ensured
his allies were appointed to the Revolutionary Command Council.
Saddam played a key role in foreign and domestic policy, securing a Treaty of Friendship
with the Soviet Union in 1972 and supporting the nationalization of Iraq's oil industry, which
boosted the nation's wealth and funded public projects. As Bakr's health declined, Saddam
became Iraq's de facto ruler and, in 1979, Bakr resigned under pressure, allowing Saddam
to take over as president at the age of 42.
What was the nature of Saddam Hussein's rule in Iraq?
Saddam Hussein ruled Iraq as a dictator from 1979, holding multiple powerful positions,
including President, Chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), Prime
Minister, and Commander-in-Chief. He modeled his rule on Stalin, using purges, terror, and
brutality to maintain control.
### Purges and Terror:
After taking power, Saddam eliminated rivals and those who questioned his authority. In July
1979, he accused RCC Secretary-General Mashhadi of plotting against the regime. At a
Ba'ath Party meeting, Mashhadi gave a forced confession, and 66 alleged co-conspirators
were named. A special court sentenced 22 to death and imprisoned 33 others. Many party
members and military officers were purged through false accusations, torture, and
executions, cementing Saddam's dominance.
### Repression of Kurds and Shiites:
Saddam sought to unify Iraq by brutally suppressing the Kurdish and Shiite populations.
Between 1987 and 1991, he attacked the Kurds, destroying villages, displacing over a
million people, and using chemical weapons, including the 1988 poison gas attack on
Halabja that killed 5,000 people.
In 1991, Saddam crushed Shiite uprisings in southern Iraq with similar brutality. Civilians
were executed, and women and children were killed on sight. The Marsh Arabs in southeast
Iraq were also targeted, with their population reduced from 250,000 to 30,000 due to
chemical attacks, displacement, and starvation.
Saddam Hussein's Personality Cult
Saddam Hussein understood that his regime could not rely solely on fear, repression, and
military power for long-term stability. To maintain control, he cultivated an image of himself
as a beloved, all-powerful leader. This effort included the creation of a permanent exhibition
about him in Baghdad and extensive media coverage, including newspapers, radio, and TV
glorifying his achievements. His life was immortalized in the autobiographical film *The Long
Days*, produced by the Iraqi Ministry of Information.
The regime commissioned statues, murals, and paintings of Saddam, ensuring that his
image was everywhere in Iraq. Streets and squares were named after him, and the evening
news often began with songs of praise. Additionally, Saddam would visit homes in disguise
to assess public opinion and would surprise citizens by revealing his true identity. He also
used lookalikes to appear at multiple public events, further enhancing his image as a
ubiquitous leader.
Modernization under Saddam
The nationalization of Iraq's oil industry in 1972 dramatically increased revenue, allowing for
widespread modernization. Oil revenue surged from $476 million in 1968 to $26 billion in
1980. With this wealth, Saddam embarked on large-scale projects to modernize the
economy and improve social infrastructure. This included investments in health, education,
and basic services like water and electricity, which helped to build public support for his
regime. He also provided wage increases, tax cuts, and subsidies for essential goods like
food.
Military Expansion
Saddam's oil wealth not only funded modernization but also allowed him to transform Iraq
into a regional military power. The Soviet Union, France, and other nations supplied Iraq with
advanced weaponry, including tanks, helicopters, missiles, and artillery. Iraq's army grew to
10–12 divisions.
In addition to conventional arms, Saddam pursued chemical, biological, and nuclear
weapons. He constructed Iraq's first chemical warfare plant in 1979, producing mustard gas
and nerve agents like Tabun and VX. The biological weapons program also advanced,
producing agents like anthrax and typhoid. His nuclear ambitions, however, were hampered
when Israel destroyed Iraq’s Osiraq reactor in 1981, and Allied bombings during the Gulf
War further stunted progress.
Totalitarian Rule
Saddam Hussein’s regime achieved absolute power by controlling all aspects of life in Iraq.
His small circle of trusted Baath Party members and family relatives oversaw social, political,
economic, and military spheres. Censorship was rampant, and the media was tightly
controlled, ensuring that no criticism of the government could emerge. Opposition to the
regime was a capital offense, and special courts delivered harsh verdicts against dissenters.
From a young age, Iraqis were indoctrinated with Baath Party ideology. Schools and youth
organizations promoted loyalty to Saddam. Membership in the Baath Party was essential for
success in public careers, the army, or higher education, creating a system where allegiance
to the regime was a prerequisite for advancement.
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The Iranian Revolution of 1979
On January 16, 1979, Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi fled Iran, marking the end of the
Pahlavi dynasty and the 2,500-year-old Iranian monarchy. The revolution was led by a broad
protest movement that culminated in the establishment of an Islamic republic under
Ayatollah Khomeini.
Dissatisfaction with the Shah's Modernization Program
The Shah’s modernization, part of the "White Revolution" initiated in 1963, included land
reform, industrial growth, and educational and health reforms. However, many of these
reforms were seen as inadequate or unsuccessful. Land reform left most peasants with
small, barely sustainable plots, and many rural areas continued to lack basic services like
electricity and clean water.
Health reforms increased the number of doctors and hospital beds, but Iran still had one of
the highest infant mortality rates in the Middle East. Educational reforms did not significantly
lower illiteracy rates or increase access to higher education.
By the late 1970s, income inequality in Iran had worsened. The wealthiest 10% of the
population controlled nearly 38% of the country's resources, while the poorest 10%
controlled only 1.3%. The disparity was particularly visible in Tehran, where the rich lived in
luxurious palaces and the poor in shantytowns. The Shah’s regime was perceived as out of
touch, with members of the royal family making comments that reflected their disconnection
from the plight of ordinary Iranians.
Military Expansion and Economic Inequality
Iran’s military was also rapidly expanding during this time, becoming the largest in the
Persian Gulf and the fifth largest in the world by 1975. The military buildup was funded by oil
revenues, which grew dramatically—from $34 million in 1954 to $20 billion in 1975. Despite
the wealth and military power, most Iranians saw little improvement in their standard of
living, fueling widespread discontent that contributed to the revolution.
Resentment at Autocratic and Repressive Government
After 1953, the Shah of Iran ensured that the cabinet and parliament were filled with loyal
supporters, often selecting personal favorites as prime ministers. This created a political
atmosphere where main political parties became ineffective, often referred to as "yes"
parties. In March 1975, the Shah declared a one-party state, establishing the Resurgence
Party, which launched anti-profiteering campaigns and targeted the clerical establishment.
Insensitively, the party also replaced the Muslim calendar with an imperial one, changing the
year from 1355 to 2535.
Opposition was suppressed by SAVAK, a secret police force created in 1957 with help from
the FBI and Israeli Mossad. SAVAK grew to 5,000 agents and was known for its brutal
tactics, including censorship, torture, and extrajudicial killings.
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Causes and Consequences of the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988)
The Iran-Iraq War began with Iraq's invasion of western Iran in September 1980, resulting in
an eight-year conflict that caused significant destabilization and devastation. The war
stemmed from both long-standing territorial disputes and more immediate factors. While
Saddam is often seen as the aggressor, some argue that he aimed to preemptively
neutralize Khomeini's influence.
Territorial Disputes
Key points of contention between Iran and Iraq included the Shatt al-Arab waterway and the
Iranian province of Khuzestan. The Shatt al-Arab, which connects the cities of Basra,
Abadan, and Khorramshahr to the Persian Gulf, was crucial for both nations' oil exports.
Ongoing disputes over navigation rights and border definitions date back centuries, with a
significant treaty signed in 1937 favoring Iraq. However, in 1969, the Shah of Iran rejected
this treaty, escalating tensions.
Khuzestan, an oil-rich province, had a predominantly Arab population with cultural ties to
Iraq. Saddam sought to exploit these ties, encouraging rebellion against the Shah while Iran
supported Iraqi Kurds against Saddam's regime.
Algiers Agreement
Recognizing Iran's military strength in the early 1970s, Saddam signed the Algiers
Agreement in 1975, normalizing relations in exchange for Iran's cessation of support for
Kurdish rebels. However, Saddam viewed the agreement as a setback and, prior to invading
Iran in 1980, renounced it.
Domination of the Gulf
The war was part of a historical struggle for dominance in the Middle East between Persians
and Arabs. Saddam aimed to expand Iraq’s oil resources by annexing Khuzestan and
reasserting control over the Shatt al-Arab, seeking to shift the regional balance of power in
Iraq's favor.
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Resentment Towards the Shah's Regime
Despite increasing opposition to his regime, the Shah relaxed police controls in 1977,
responding to international criticism of human rights violations. This decision included
releasing political prisoners and allowing the Red Cross access to prisons, inadvertently
energizing opposition groups who began to organize protests and publications. Rather than
saving the monarchy, these concessions sparked a wave of mass protests.
Leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini
By the mid-1970s, there was widespread discontent with the Shah's rule, uniting various
groups against the monarchy. Ayatollah Khomeini emerged as a unifying figure, having been
exiled for his opposition to the Shah. He articulated the grievances of ordinary Iranians
through tapes sent from exile, criticizing the Shah for supporting foreign interests, neglecting
rural issues, and prioritizing military expansion.
Khomeini's leadership culminated in his return to Iran on February 1, 1979, after the Shah
left, where he was greeted by over three million supporters. The Pahlavian dynasty soon
collapsed as the army declared neutrality, leading to the Shah's regime's end.
The Opportunity Provided by the Islamic Revolution
In 1975, Iran was clearly more powerful than Iraq, as evidenced by the Algiers Agreement.
However, the 1979 Islamic Revolution shifted the power balance, presenting an opportunity
that Saddam Hussein was eager to exploit. The overthrow of the Shah ended the U.S.-Iran
alliance, leaving the Iranian army without crucial American-supplied spare parts for military
equipment. Additionally, the revolution resulted in a significant purge of the Iranian military's
senior ranks.
Saddam believed that Iran's political instability, diplomatic isolation, and military decline
offered a unique chance to strike a decisive blow against his primary enemy. He feared that
delaying action would allow Iran to recover. This assessment ultimately proved to be a
miscalculation, as Iran was more resilient than Saddam anticipated, and initial Iraqi
successes were quickly reversed.
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Ayatollah Khomeini's Opposition to Saddam Hussein
The Islamic Revolution rekindled tensions between Iran and Iraq, fueled by religious
differences. Iran, as a Shiite Muslim state, contrasted sharply with Iraq's secular
government, dominated by Sunni Muslims, who made up less than 20% of Iraq’s population.
Khomeini viewed Saddam's regime with disdain and, after being expelled from Iraq in 1977,
he began appealing to Iraqi Shiites to rise against the Baath regime and establish an Islamic
republic. This led to anti-Baath riots and a campaign of assassination against Baath officials.
Convinced that Khomeini aimed to undermine his government, Saddam believed that a
preemptive attack was the best defense.
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Western Involvement in the War
Western powers were primarily concerned with maintaining the balance of power in the
Middle East and ensuring the steady flow of oil supplies. The United States, having little
preference for either Saddam Hussein or Khomeini, leaned toward supporting Saddam. A
potential Iranian victory and the establishment of an Islamic government in Baghdad posed a
significant threat to U.S. interests, particularly for its allies in the Gulf region.
Consequently, U.S. policy aimed to prevent an Iraqi defeat. The United States provided Iraq
with arms, intelligence, and financial support, while Britain, France, and West Germany also
supplied military equipment. As the war progressed, a phase known as the "War of the
Tankers" began in May 1984, during which both sides targeted each other’s oil tankers. The
U.S. sent warships to the Gulf to protect oil supplies and conducted strikes against Iranian
assets. By the end of the war, Western support had given Iraq a military advantage,
persuading Khomeini to agree to a ceasefire in August 1988.
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Consequences of the War
The Iran-Iraq War ended in a stalemate, with neither side achieving its objectives. The status
quo was restored, and both Saddam and Khomeini remained in power, with no changes to
the Iran-Iraq border. The war resulted in catastrophic loss of life, with approximately one
million Iranian casualties out of a 50 million population and between 250,000 and 500,000
Iraqi fatalities from a population of 17 million—representing around 2% of each country’s
population. The economic impact was devastating, with Iraq going from one of the richest
countries to a bankrupt state, accumulating $80 billion in foreign debt and halving its annual
oil revenue to $11 billion.
Iran, while facing a smaller foreign debt, also faced severe economic challenges, with its oil
revenues dropping to about $10 billion, leading to a decline in living standards for its citizens.
Despite the war's futility, Saddam claimed a victory for Iraq, asserting that he had halted the
spread of the Islamic revolution and preserved his regime. To commemorate this, an
imposing monument featuring crossed swords was erected in Baghdad. Nevertheless,
Saddam privately recognized that extravagant symbols alone would not sustain the Iraqi
people's support; he needed to find new ways to rebuild the country's wealth.
Reasons for the First Gulf War
On August 2, 1990, Saddam Hussein ordered the invasion of Kuwait, swiftly overpowering
the Kuwaiti army with an Iraqi force of 100,000 troops and 300 tanks. This aggressive act
drew immediate condemnation from the Arab League and the United Nations, which
imposed economic sanctions on Iraq. Saudi Arabia, fearing it might be the next target,
appealed for U.S. military assistance. Despite facing international opposition, Saddam
believed he had compelling reasons for his actions.
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The Historical Claim
Historically, Kuwait was part of the Turkish Empire's Basra province until the end of World
War I, with the ruling Al-Sabah family enjoying a degree of independence. British support for
Kuwait's defense began in 1899, which later established its borders with Iraq and Saudi
Arabia in 1922. This connection to Basra fueled Iraqi claims over Kuwait, with past Iraqi
rulers asserting that Kuwait should rightfully belong to Iraq. Many Iraqis viewed the existence
of an independent Kuwait as a result of imperialist interference, exacerbating regional
tensions.
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Saddam Hussein's Domestic Position
After the Iran-Iraq War, which Saddam attempted to portray as an Iraqi victory, the true cost
of the conflict became apparent. Iraq faced inflation, high unemployment, and unresolved
prisoner issues, leading to increased discontent among its citizens. With numerous
assassination attempts on his life, Saddam sought to secure his regime through external
military action. The invasion of Kuwait would allow him to position himself as a liberator,
enhance Iraq's access to the Gulf, and strengthen his standing in global oil markets.
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Financial and Economic Factors
Saddam's regime was heavily indebted, having borrowed approximately $40 billion from
Saudi Arabia and Kuwait during the Iran-Iraq War. After the war, he sought to have these
debts forgiven, citing the benefits he had provided to the Gulf states by halting the Islamic
Revolution. When both countries refused to write off the loans or extend new financial
support, tensions escalated. Additionally, Iraq was angered by Kuwait's increased oil
production, which reduced oil prices and further strained Iraq's economy. Saddam accused
Kuwait of illegally extracting oil from the Rumaila field, claiming this amounted to economic
warfare against Iraq.
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Establishing Regional Leadership
Saddam's invasion of Kuwait was an attempt to reassert Iraq's dominance in the Gulf region
following the Iran-Iraq War, which had not yielded any territorial gains. If successful, the
invasion would provide Iraq with substantial oil wealth and control over 120 miles of
coastline, enhancing its geopolitical power and positioning Saddam as a leading Arab figure
in the Middle East.
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Expected American Reaction
Had Saddam known that his invasion would provoke widespread Arab and international
backlash, he might have pursued diplomatic avenues instead. Leading up to the invasion,
the U.S. had sent mixed signals regarding its stance on Iraq. In a meeting with U.S.
Ambassador April Glaspie shortly before the invasion, Saddam was led to believe that the
U.S. would not intervene. Misinterpreting this as tacit approval, he concluded that his actions
would go unopposed.
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Operation Desert Shield and Desert Storm
Following Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, a military buildup of American, French, and British forces
occurred in Saudi Arabia. The United Nations passed resolutions demanding Iraqi
withdrawal and imposed economic sanctions. The military phase, Operation Desert Storm,
began on January 17, 1991, involving extensive air attacks on Iraqi military targets. Iraq
retaliated by launching SCUD missiles at Israel and destroying Kuwaiti oil wells. Within 100
hours of the ground war, Iraqi forces were expelled from Kuwait, leading to significant
destruction of Iraq’s infrastructure.
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Consequences of the First Gulf War
Saddam Hussein suffered a significant military defeat, with much of Iraq's infrastructure
destroyed by coalition airstrikes. Despite this devastation, he managed to maintain control
and brutally suppressed uprisings from Shiite and Kurdish groups that emerged in the
aftermath of the war. The war had severe humanitarian impacts, with civilian casualties
estimated at up to 100,000 and significant shortages of food, medical supplies, and clean
drinking water. Ongoing sanctions restricted Iraq's ability to export oil, further exacerbating
the economic crisis.
The U.S. maintained a military presence in Saudi Arabia to enforce no-fly zones and contain
Saddam's regime. While Saddam remained a distasteful dictator, U.S. officials viewed his
leadership as preferable to the instability that might arise from an Islamic revolution. The
conflict established the groundwork for potential future international interventions in Iraq,
contingent on Saddam's compliance with U.N. resolutions regarding his weapons programs.
Throughout the 1990s, regional powers began to question whether their interests would be
better served by Saddam's removal or continued rule.
