Tutor 4
Tutor 4
net/publication/46553790
CITATIONS READS
213 5,386
2 authors, including:
Ju Ho Lee
KDI School of Public Policy and Management
43 PUBLICATIONS 899 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
All content following this page was uploaded by Ju Ho Lee on 16 May 2014.
by
Sunwoong Kim
University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee
Milwaukee, WI, USA
+1-414-229-6924
[email protected]
and
Ju-Ho Lee
KDI School of Public Policy and Management
Seoul, Korea
+82-2-3299-1016
[email protected]
March 2002
* The authors would like to thank Keith Bender, Eric Hanushek, John Heywood, John
Riew, and anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions. And we also
thank Kwang Jun Lee for his research assistance in the data work.
Private Tutoring and Demand for Education in South Korea
Abstract
South Korea’s education sector has expanded dramatically as her economy grew
over the last several decades. In 2000, the government spent more than 3.5% of GDP on
primary and secondary schooling, comparable to the level in the other OECD countries.
Despite the substantial government expenditure, households additionally spent about the
same amount on private tutoring. We argue that the prevalent private tutoring is a market
response to the government’s rigid and uniform education policy. In order to achieve
rapid economic growth, the government pushed hard for universal primary schooling and
the equalization of secondary schools. Unsatisfied demand for education by parents and
students in a highly regulated educational environment has resulted in an enormous
increase in private tutoring despite government's strong policy measures to reduce it.
1. Introduction
Scholars and policy makers have grappled with the issue of the proper role of the
government in the education sector in developing countries.1 When many households are poor
and cannot afford schooling even when the private return in education is higher, Schultz (1961)
argues that investment in human capital through public schooling promotes economic growth.
Empirical evidence on this subject seems to corroborate his thesis.2 Moreover, many studies on
the returns to education (e.g., Psacharopoulos 1994), report that the returns are higher in low-
income countries and that they are higher in primary school level.3 Consequently, the prevailing
wisdom among education planners has been to provide universal public education (at least in the
However, as the governments in those countries typically have limited fiscal resources,
rapid expansion of public education often create severe fiscal stress in the public school system.
Consequently, the public school system in developing countries may result in low teacher
salaries, poor school facilities, and low quality education in general. In this environment,
Private tutoring is widely practiced all over the world, though it is more common in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America.4 In some poor countries in which teachers are paid poorly and the
1
See Lott (1987) or Trosel (1996) for a review of various arguments for the public provision of schooling.
2
For example, by cross country regression on 35 East Asian countries, McMahon (1998) finds that more schooling,
particularly the expansion of secondary schooling, is an important determinant of the growth rates for the last thirty
years. Similarly, Birdsall et al. (1995) presents cross-country regressions showing that higher growth observed in
East Asia can be attributed to the investment in education. They argue that the supply of high-quality education
reduces income inequality, which in turn promotes growth.
3
However, McEwan (1999) argues that the rates of return in developing countries may have been overestimated
since the calculation typically ignores the educational costs paid by households directly.
4
In the monograph on private tutoring, Bray (1999) reports the staggering percentages of students receive private
1
government’s monitoring is not stringent, such as Indonesia, Lebanon, Nigeria, Cambodia, India
and Tanzania, private tutoring is the main source of the teachers’ extra income. Under this
situation, teachers may deliberately shirk in order to create the demand for private tutoring.
Students often take private tutoring from the very teacher after school hours, sometimes at the
same school facility.5 In other countries where teachers are paid relatively well and/or teachers
are prohibited to provide private tutoring, such as South Korea and Japan, private tutoring is
mostly provided by university students and by professional private tutors. Consequently, there
exists a well-developed market for private tutoring out of the formal school system.
Despite its importance, there have been not many studies on private tutoring. This paper
is an attempt to fill the void by exploiting rich datasets on private tutoring from South Korea
(Korea hereafter). We argue that the rampant private tutoring in Korea is a natural market
response to the increase in educational demands that is not satisfied by the uniform public
provision of schooling. In particular, the households with higher demand for education are more
likely to seek for private tutoring, as the gap between the demand and public supply is greater.
Also, the competition for a more prestigious university exacerbates the situation. As private
tutoring is a relatively expensive way to provide educational service, and it is only available to
households who are willing and able to pay for it, the hasty state-led expansion of secondary
The organization of the paper is as follows. In the next section, we describe the rapid
expansion of primary and secondary education led by government policies and mushrooming
tutoring around the world: nearly 70% of students had received tutoring by the time they finished high school in
Japan in 1993; over 50% of students received tutoring in Rio de Janeiro public schools in 1997; 74% of Grade 8 in
Egypt in 1991; 45% of primary school and 36% of middle school in Hong Kong; About 83% by the high school in
Malaysia in 1990; more than half of high school students in Morocco; 70% of Grade 6 in Tanzania; 81% of
secondary schools in Taiwan; and 61% of Grade 6 students in Zimbabwe.
5
Biswal (1999) analyzes the incentive structure and optimal educational system in this situation.
2
private tutoring in Korea for the last several decades. In section 3, we develop a theoretical
model in which private tutoring and public education are perfect substitutes. This model is used
to derive empirically testable hypotheses. In section 4, using the household survey data on
private tutoring practices, we estimate the empirical model of the demand for private tutoring.
It is well known that Korea has transformed herself from a backward agrarian economy
to a fledgling advanced economy during the last four decades by successfully implementing
government-led industrialization policies. During the same time, the government has put major
emphasis on the expansion of public education system (Adams and Gottlieb, 1993 and McGinn
et al., 1980). In 1945, when Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule, only 65% of
primary school aged children and less than 20% of the secondary school aged children were
enrolled in schools. Moreover, the Japanese teachers, who consist of 40% of primary school
teachers and 70% of secondary school teachers returned to Japan soon after the liberation, and
much of the school facilities were destroyed during the Korean War (1950-1953).
Despite the inadequate educational resources, the Korean government wanted to establish
universal primary school (Grades 1-6) education as soon as possible. The strong commitment
for the expansion of primary education by Rhee's government (1948-1960) has resulted in a
remarkable quantity expansion. Several teachers' colleges were established in order to produce
primary school teachers quickly. The government started an aggressive construction campaign
by building more than 5,000 classrooms per year starting in 1954. Consequently, primary school
enrollment increased from 1.37 million in 1945 to 2.27 million in 1947 to 4.94 million in 1965.
3
The number of teachers increased from 20,000 in 1945 to 79,000 in 1965. By 1965, the goal of
universal primary school education had been more or less achieved (see Table 1).6
When General Park took over the power by a bloodless coup d'état in 1961, he started
successful economic growth plans with strong government initiatives. The rising income and the
expansion of elementary school graduates created a strong surge for the demand for secondary
education. Up until then, each middle school and high school, regardless of pubic or private, was
allowed to choose students through competitive entrance examinations. Competition for better
schools became fierce as more students were graduating from elementary schools, and rankings
among middle schools and high schools had been well established. The situation was commonly
called as ipsi-jiok (literally, entrance examination hell). Education policy makers recognized
several problems of such fierce competition including rising private tutoring.7 The government's
The middle school (Grades 7-9) equalization policy was first implemented for Seoul (the
capital of and the largest city in Korea) in 1969, for major cities in 1970, and throughout the
6
However, in order to achieve the early universal primary school education, the government was forced to sacrifice
the quality of schooling. The average student teacher ratio for elementary school was over 60 during this period, an
d class sizes often exceeded 80. Also, the government asked parents to share a significant portion of educational exp
enses such as textbooks, supplies, activity fees and so on.
7
First, the heavy stress of preparing for the entrance exam hinders the healthy (physical as well as psychological)
growth of eleven-year old children. Second, schooling in the elementary schools, particularly in the grade 6, was
geared too much for the preparation of the exam. Therefore, teaching “normal” curriculum was difficult. Third, a
substantial amount of household expenditure was spent for private tutoring to prepare their children for the exam.
Fourth, the quality of middle school education differed very much from school to school, and students and their
parents were obsessed with the most prestigious schools, commonly known as, illyubyung (the disease obsessed
with the first class). Many students who failed to get in to the their desired schools repeated the sixth grade in order
to prepare for the next year's entrance exam. Also, many parents desired to send their children to an elementary
school that is more successful in sending its graduates to more prestigious middle schools. This created unbalanced
demand for elementary school student allocations across school districts.
4
country in the following year. The high school (Grades 10-12) equalization policy was first
adopted for Seoul and Pusan (the two largest cities in Korea) in 1974 and was gradually
expanded to several major cities until 1980. However, during the 1980s the government slowed
down the implementation because of growing opposition, and some small and medium sized
cities and rural school districts are allowed to keep the old system. Also, several types of high
schools for gifted children in arts, foreign languages, music, sports, and sciences had been
with a random allocation of students within separate school districts. Students were randomly
assigned to different schools in the district, regardless of public or private, by lottery as long as
the student passes a nation-wide qualification examination. Under the new policy, private
schools had to give up the rights to select new students and take all students assigned by the
Ministry of Education. It also made levels of tuition, salaries of teachers, and the curriculums of
private schools equal to those of the public schools through strong regulations and necessary
financial assistance to private schools. Accordingly, private schools became almost identical to
public schools in terms of the accessibility to the students, contents of the learning, and the
quality of teachers.
At the same time, the government maintained a quota for the number of university
admissions, and mandated strict student selection procedures for both public and private
8
The establishment of special high schools for foreign languages and for sciences in 1980s was clearly the single
most important deviation from the equalization policy, as these schools attracted most academically gifted students
who had to pass the entrance examination in order to be admitted. It is widely recognized that they are the best
preparatory schools that sent their graduates to the most prestigious universities. As the competition to enter these
schools was intensified, the government prohibited universities to take into account the quality differences among
high schools in their evaluation of students' high school records for the admission purpose. Consequently, many
bright students dropped out of the schools.
5
universities.9 The uniform student selection procedures imposed by the government created
rankings and high school students wanted to enter more prestigious universities.10
Strong regulations and controls by the government have almost eliminated the
competition among secondary schools, but definitely not among students. On the contrary, they
produced runaway escalation in the expenditures on private tutoring. In 1980, the military junta
led by General Chun, who took the power through a military coup in a power vacuum created by
the unexpected assassination of President Park, took a very dramatic measure toward private
tutoring, by banning all forms of private tutoring except a few exceptions.11 However, such a
ban was difficult to enforce, and the private tutoring did not stop.
Even after the apparent failure of the outright ban on the private tutoring in 1980, the
government has maintained the strict legal regulations on private tutoring. Until the banning was
found unconstitutional in 1999, the government has allowed only two types of the private
tutoring: private instruction by university students and hakwon. The government has prohibited
all the other forms of the private tutoring including the private instruction by schoolteachers
outside the school, the private instruction by hakwon instructors outside hakwon, and the private
instruction through the mail, phones, and TVs. Moreover, the Korean government has
9
Due to political pressure, the government was forced to increase the number of university students in early 1990s.
Also, the government started to relax the regulations for admission procedures since 1995.
10
In line with equalization policy, government prohibited universities from weighing the differences in high school
quality in the student selection procedure. As the relative position of student in a school without any information on
the quality of the school does not convey much about the true academic capability of the student, universities rely
more heavily on entrance examinations in the student selection process.
11
There are three major forms of private tutoring catering for diverse market demand. First, individual tutoring for
one or a group of students is provided typically at student’s home. Second, instruction is provided by a private for-
profit learning institution, called hakwon. It has classrooms and instructors, and the instruction is given in a
classroom-like setting. Third, there are self-study sheets delivered and graded by mail or the internet. The
individual tutoring is the most expensive type, and the study sheet is the cheapest.
6
maintained strong controls over hakwon.12 Under this regulatory environment, the number of
hakwons has increased tremendously from 381 in 1980 to 14,043 in 2000, and the number of
students enrolled at hakwons has increased from 118,000 in 1980 to 1,388,000 in 2000.13
Table 2 shows the public and private expenditure in primary and secondary education in
Korea. The out-of-pocket payment by parents for the schooling of their children has been
gradually reduced from 1.6 % of GDP in 1977 to 0.8 % of GDP in 1998. However, the
escalating expenditure on private tutoring far more offset the reduction of out-of-pocket payment
for schooling.14 Since the education reform in 1995, there has been a drastic increase in
government spending on schools, reflected in the jump in government spending from 2.7% of
GDP in 1994 to 3.4% in 1998.15 However, escalating expenditure on private tutoring despite the
big increase in government spending indicates that the mere increase in public spending on
In 1997, more than 70 percent of elementary school students and about half of middle and
high school students are reported to take private tutoring. Many studies show that private
tutoring in Korea is not limited to the wealthy population, and wide spread across groups with
12
Those who want to establish a hakwon should acquire a permit from the government. Instructors at hakwon have
to have the certain required academic qualifications, and lecture rooms should satisfy certain physical requirements.
Also instruction fees should be kept below the guidelines set by the committee headed by the superintendents at the
local education authority.
13
The strong regulation on hakwon by government is a sharp contrast to the laissez-faire approaches of Japan on
juku (the Japanese counterpart to hakwon). The Japanese government has treated jukus like the other small
businesses, does not regulate them. Accordingly, compared to jukus that encompasses a variety of forms of private
instruction and meets the educational demands with flexibility, hakwon is a more narrowly defined form and is made
to be more like schools. In effect, the Korean government has been trying to confine the private tutoring to hakwon,
which is easily put under the tight control of the government.
14
It is highly probable that the expenditure on private tutoring had been underreported in early 1980s because of the
7
different incomes or consumption levels. KEDI (1999) showed that private tutoring expenses
were about nine percent of incomes of the households for all income groups except for the fifth
(highest income) group with the spending of 7.4 percent of their incomes on private tutoring.
Lee and Woo (1998) estimates that Korean households spent 12.4% of GDP per capita per
3. Theoretical Model
In this section, we present a theoretical model that provides not only a theoretical
framework in which private tutoring can be discussed but also testable hypotheses that can be
estimated in the next section. Consider a household i’s maximization problem with respect to
education (e) and a numeraire good (x). Education can be obtained either by formal schooling
(publicly supported and publicly provided education), e1 or by privately paid private tutoring,
e2.17 We assume that formal schooling and private tutoring are perfectly substitutable.18 As the
education is supplied privately as well as publicly, the structure of the model is similar to the
model of public provision of private goods in which the household is allowed to supplement the
public provision with additional purchase in the private market.19 Since we are mainly interested
in the household’s demand for tutoring, our model will be a partial equilibrium model.
8
For the analytical simplicity, we assume that each household has only one child.20 The
child’s scholarly ability at the time is given by ai. In order to capture the heterogeneous
preferences over education across households, we parameterize the preference over education
with parameter θi. The higher the value of θi, the greater its preference for education is.21 We
also recognize the consumption externality of education. The household cares not only about the
amount of education that its child receives but the amount of education of all other children
receives, E-i.22 The tournament aspect of education can be manifested in the labor market.
Despite the fact that college premium in the Korean labor market shows a decreasing trend in
most of 1980s and 1990s as a result of rapid expansion of college education (Kim and Lee, 2000),
there are plentiful reasons for fierce competition to enter a few elite universities in Korea. Kim,
Lee, and Kim (2002) shows that graduates of top six universities consist of 59 percent in the list
of Who’s Who in four major newspapers and 85 percent of who passed exams for high-rank
public officials. Chang (2000) shows the pronounced wage premium of about 40 percent for the
graduates of top five universities in Korea. And 57 percent of members of National Assembly in
However, several authors argued that public provision of private goods is a second best Pareto efficient if there
exists information constraints in which the government cannot use the optimal nonlinear income tax or if there is a
time inconsistency problem (e.g., Nichols and Zeckhauser 1982; Boadway and Marchand 1995; and Blomquist and
Christiansen 1995). In the model in which the public provision can be supplemented with private purchase and the
level of public provision is determined by the majority voting and financed by proportional income tax, Epple and
Romano (1996) showed that total expenditure on the good is higher in the dual supply case than either in the private
supply only case or public supply only. Blomquist and Christiansen (1999) argued that if the government can
exercise a non-linear income tax system, efficient level of public provision can be obtained with majority voting or
two party political system under certain conditions.
20
Allowing more than one children for a household will create a question of how to allocate private tutoring
expenditure among children in addition to the question of how much to spend on private tutoring.
21
Specifically we assume that as θ increases, the marginal utility of education increases and the marginal utility of
other goods decreases.
22
As the level of the education of other children increases, the probability of the household’s child decreases.
Therefore we assume that the marginal utility of own education increases as the other’s education increases.
However, as there is no obvious relationship between the marginal utility of the numeraire good (x) and the other
9
Since there are many households, we shall ignore the strategic interaction between the
households regarding the choice level of education, i.e., we shall treat the other children’s
education (E-i) exogeneous. The household wants to maximize its utility function ui (x, e; ai, θi,
E-i) subject to
(1) e = e1 + e2
(2) e1 = ē1 + α (ā – ai)
(3) x + p e2 = y - η ē1
We assume in equation (1) that total educational services obtained by the household is the sum of
formal schooling (e1) and private tutoring (e2). The second equation says that the education
service received through schooling depends not only on level of education provided by the public
school (ē1) but also on the child's ability (ai) and his peer student. Specifically, there is a positive
peer effect to the student proportional to the difference between his ability and the average
ability (ā) of the children in the classroom whose ability is greater than his.23 In regions under
the equalization policy, where school choices are not allowed, average ability of children in the
classrooms can be regarded as exogeneous. The parameter α represents the degree of this peer
effect. The level of schooling ē1 is determined by the government, and it is provided free of
children’s education (E), we assume the cross partial derivative of the utility with respect to the two variables is zero.
23
We are assuming a type of “baseline model” of peer effects where peer effects have distributional consequences
but no efficiency consequences. Under the model, in order to give one student a better peer, one must take that peer
away from another student; the two effects exactly cancel and total societal achievement remains the same (Hoxby,
2000b).
10
charge.24 However, in order to provide schooling, the government collects the lump-sum tax of
the amount of η ē1. The parameter η (> 1) represents the efficiency of the formal school system.
The lower the value of η is, the more efficient the school system is. The price of x is normalized
to one, and the price of private tutoring is p. Private tutoring is available with continuous
amount e2.
Since the price of schooling is zero, every household will choose to attend schools as
long as the educational service the household receives (e1) is positive. If not, the household will
pull the student out of the formal school system. However, there are virtually no alternatives for
such students within Korea. Some households, therefore, send their children to other countries
for education.25 However, since we are going to examine households who are in Korea, we shall
assume that e1 is positive. Thus, the household's utility maximization problem is reduced to
choose x and e2 subject to the budget constraint (3). The Lagrangian function is written as:
24
The household has to pay nominal amount of tuition for secondary schools in Korea. Since formal schooling is
much cheaper than private tutoring the assumption of free schooling is mostly for analytical convenience. Moreover,
the government recently announced that middle schooling education is free of charge starting in the 2002 school
year.
25
In August 2000, the government started to regulate the studying abroad by primary school and middle school
students. It is estimated that more than 13,000 primary and secondary school students are studying abroad in 1999,
and the number is growing rapidly (Joong-Ang Daily, August 4, 2000). The U.S., Canada, and Australia are the
most favorite destinations.
26
Under the assumption of the uniform distribution of the ability b = (ai – a*)/2, where a* is the highest level of
ability. In general, b will be positively related to ai. If the ability has a bell-shape distribution, the peer effect would
be greater for a high ability student than an average ability student.
11
Assuming that the marginal utility of income (or the Lagrangian multiplier λ, associated
with the income constraint) and the consumption of x is positive, the Kuhn-Tucker conditions for
(5) Lx = ux - λ = 0
(7) Lλ = y - x - p e2 - η ē1 = 0
The household may choose no private tutoring (e2 = 0). In this case, Le< 0. Therefore,
the marginal rate of substitution between education and other goods (ue/ux) is less than the price
ratio (p). On the other hand, the household may choose positive amount of private tutoring. In
this case, ue/ux = p. The idea of the separation between the no-tutoring vs. positive tutoring
households can be illustrated by the Figure 1. In the Figure, indifference curves for the two
households are drawn in the space of (x, e). As households are taxed by the amount of ηē1, the
disposable income is y- ηē1. Since ē1 is provided freely, every household will consume at least ē1.
However, some households will choose point A at which private tutoring is zero, whereas others
will choose point B with some positive amount of private tutoring. For the former households
whose preference for education is lower, the marginal rate of substitution between education and
all other goods is lower than the price ratio between the private tutoring and all other goods.
Alternatively, their marginal utility of education is lower than the price of private tutoring, but is
certainly higher than the price of school-provided education, which is zero. For the latter
27
The second order condition is easily satisfied if each of the marginal utility for x and e are diminishing as the level
of consumption for that good rises and if the cross marginal utility(uxe) is positive. These assumptions seem very
reasonable as education and the numeraire good would be substitutes.
12
households, interior solution obtains. That is to say, the marginal rate of substitution is equal to
the price ratio, or marginal utility of education is equal to the price of tutoring.
The comparative static results indicate the following predictions of the model.28 First, as
the income rises, the demand for private tutoring rises. As long as education is a normal good,
higher income households will have higher demand for education. As the public education
supply is fixed at the level of ē1, they will want to supplement their child’s education with private
tutoring. Second, the higher the child's ability, the greater the demand for private tutoring will be,
as the higher ability child will have the more negative externality due to the equalization policy.
Third, as the price of the private tutoring rises, the demand decreases.29 Fourth, as the level of
education collectively provided by the government rises, the demand for private tutoring
diminishes.30 Fifth, if the public school system is less efficient in providing education, private
28
For the maximization problem has the unique interior solution (e2 > 0), the determinant of the bordered Hessian
matrix (H) of the constrained maximization problem must be positive, that is to say,
u xx u xe − 1
|H| = u ex u ee − p = 2puxe - uee - p2 uxx > 0. Assuming this condition is satisfied, it is straightforward to perform
−1 −p 0
the comparative static exercise for parameters (y, b, α, ē1, p, η, θi, E-i). It can be shown that:
∂e 2 u xe − pu xx ∂e 2 αη(u xe − pu xx ) ∂e 2 bη(u xe − pu xx ) ∂e 2 −η(u xe − pu xx )
= > 0, = >0, = > 0, = < 0,
∂y H ∂b H ∂α H ∂ e1 H
∂e 2 −e 2 (u xe − pu xx ) − λ ∂e 2 − e1 (u xe − pu xx ) ∂e 2 −u xθ + pu eθ ∂e 2 pu
= < 0, = < 0, = > 0, = eE > 0.
∂p H ∂η H ∂θ i H ∂E −i H
29
However, it is not clear whether the total expenditure on tutoring decreases as well, since it will depend on the
price elasticity of private tutoring. If the private tutoring is price inelastic (elastic), higher price will result in higher
(lower) expenses.
30
As this model is for an individual household, and it is assumed that the individual tax contribution to the
improvement of the overall level of public school is ignored, the result follows from the income effect. That is, the
higher taxes for education reduces the household’s disposable income. Higher taxes on education are likely to
increase the level of public schooling and to decrease the level of tutoring. However, the amount of the reduction in
private tutoring depends on the efficiency of the school system.
13
tutoring will increase. Sixth, the higher the preference on education, the greater the demand for
private tutoring will be. Finally, as the education level of other children rises, demand for
The model presented here suggests that the prevalent existence of private tutoring in
Korea may be the result of the various following factors. First, as income rises due to the
tremendous success of economic growth, the demand for education rises as well. However, the
high demand for education for some households is not be satisfied by the formal schooling since
the government uniformly controls formal schooling even in private schools.31 Second, the
equalization policy can be directly blamed for high demand for private tutoring. This demand
would be particularly acute for academically strong students who have good chances of being
admitted to prestigious universities. Under the equalization policy, they do not benefit from peer
group effect in the school they attend. If the school had admitted other academically strong
students, the students would have gotten better education and would have been prepared better
for the university entrance examinations. Third, the high demand for private tutoring may be due
to the ineffectiveness of the public school education provision, as the public education system is
completely insulated from the market forces and local parents’ demand. Finally, the tournament
aspect of entering into better universities brings about an even greater demand for private
tutoring. In short, private tutoring in Korea is the market response to the unsatisfied demand for
31
If the private schools were allowed to operate more independently, private tutoring would diminish as more
households with high education demand send their children to those schools.
14
Based on the theoretical discussion in the previous section, we shall estimate the
= 0, if Xiβ + εi < 0,
variables that affect the level of private tutoring such as student characteristics, household
The obvious choice is to estimate the equation (8) with Tobit estimator. However, as
Deaton (1997) pointed out, household consumption survey data is likely to be heteroskedastic
across income level. Moreover, Tobit estimator is inconsistent when the error term is either
heteroskedastic or non-normal (Arabmazar and Schmidt, 1981, 1982). It is known that censored
consistent and asymptotically normal for a wide class of error distributions. Therefore, we shall
adopt CLAD estimator.32 However, for comparison, we also present results based on ordinary
This paper utilizes two data sets. The first set is the Survey on Private Tutoring (SOPT)
conducted by Korea Institute for Consumer Protection in 1997. SOPT surveyed households with
at least one child who is attending elementary or secondary school or a repeater who is preparing
for the next year’s university entrance exam after graduating from high school. Besides the
general household characteristics, it has detailed information on each child including the
performance in school and the private tutoring expenditure for each child. In order to take
advantage of the detailed information on individual child, we transformed the household data of
32
A public domain STATA routine, written by Dean Jolliffe, Bohdan Krushelnytskyy, and Anastassia Semykina was
15
SOPT into the individual child data. However, it does not contain the information on the
location of the household so that we cannot identify whether the student is in the school district
in which equalization policy is adopted. The second data set we used is the 1998 Annual Urban
Household Expenditure Survey (UHES) by the National Statistical Office of Korea. Although
UHES contains the household location data, it does not contain many variables on individual
student. The SOPT data has 6,804 observations and UHES has 19,389 observations.33 Besides
the common independent variables, we are particularly interested in finding out whether students
with higher abilities spend more in private tutoring in the former data set and whether the
equalization policy decreases private tutoring as the policy makers have hoped in the latter
dataset.
parents, home ownership, computer ownership, number of children in the household, whether
mother works outside of home, and father’s occupation), and environmental characteristics (size
of the city that the household resides, density of the neighborhood, and whether the school
Appendix Table A1 shows the definitions, means, and standard deviations of the
variables in the two data sets. About 75 percent of households in both datasets have positive
private tutoring expenditure. The average expenditure on private tutoring amounts to 4.7 percent
of household income in UHES, and 5.8 percent for the households with positive expenditure. In
general, households with positive tutoring expenditure have higher socio-economic status than
16
The Table 3 includes all independent variables that are available in SOPT (Model 1). In
these tables, Model A uses OLS, Model B uses Tobit, and Model C and D use CLAD. As the
equalization policy mainly targets big cities, leaving small cities and rural areas allow to choose
between the equalization and no equalization policy, we run regressions not only on the whole
sample (Model A through C) but also on Seoul and five next largest cities (Metro Cities) 34 that
Results by different estimators show similar pattern. For many variables, however,
coefficient estimates in Tobit are greater in absolute value and more significant than those in
OLS. Also, some coefficient estimates in CLAD models are substantially different from those
from OLS or Tobit, which indicates that the bias due to censoring, the non-normality and
heteroskedacity of the error term may be non-trivial. Overall, our findings in empirical models
First, as predicted by the theoretical model, a household with higher income spends more
on private tutoring after controlling for other variables regardless of different specifications. The
estimated income elasticity is around .5 for the average household. Second, students with the
highest academic performance (upper 10 percentile) spend significantly more on private tutoring
percentile) after controlling for other variables regardless of different specifications. Furthermore,
the spending on private tutoring increases in proportion to the students’ academic performance;
only the household that has children in kindergarten, primary schools, middle school, or high schools.
34
Metro Cities are large cities (between 2 to 5 million in populations) that are authorized to have autonomous
17
highest spending for students with the highest academic performance, the second higher
spending for the students with the next the academic performance ladder (10 to 30 percentile),
and so forth. Moreover, we found larger coefficient estimates on upper 10 percentile students in
Seoul and metropolitan cities (Model 1D) compared to results over all regions (Model 1C),
though the there is no difference for the students in 10-30 percentile. The above findings are
consistent with the predictions of our theoretic model that the demand for private tutoring is
higher for students with higher ability and this tendency becomes more acute in the region under
the equalization policy. It should be noted that our data on the academic performance of students
is based on the survey to their parents and is significantly skewed toward the higher performance
(Table A1). The resulting paucity of observations on the students with lower academic
performance might lead to the less significant coefficient estimates of dummy variables of lower
academic performance students. However, the result that the student in higher academic
performance might be due to the possibility that more private tutoring improves academic
standing.
Third, households with higher preference for education spend more on private tutoring.
Coefficient estimates on most of the variables concerning preference for education turn out to be
increase private tutoring expenditure. Also, households that own houses, maybe due to the
higher level of wealth, spend more on private tutoring. The household with larger number of
children is likely to spend less on private tutoring per child. This is consistent with the
development literature stressing that a smaller size of family increases per capita spending on
human capital accumulation. Father’s occupation does not turn out to be significant in all
specifications. However, we find some evidence that when mother works out of home, the
18
household spends less on private tutoring. This result may be due to the possibility that wife is
likely to stay home when the household has high preference over education.
We also found the evidence consistent with the idea that the desire to out-compete others
in the university entrance exam increases the spending on private tutoring. Those living in a
high density residential development area are found to spend more on private tutoring probably
because their intimacy with neighbors might provide higher competitive pressures to spend more
on private tutoring for their children. We can also interpret coefficient estimates on dummy
variables of the levels of schools that a child is attending (middle school, high school, and
repeater, compared to elementary school) in a similar line. As a child advances from elementary
school to middle school and to high school, and approaches university entrance exam, the
demand for private tutoring could increase because the latest academic performance weighs more
in university entrance exam. However, in the Korean education system, high school education is
divided into two tracks: academic and vocational. If a middle school student advanced to a
vocational school, the demand for private tutoring for the student is significantly reduced
because of the little chance to take an entrance exam for 4-year universities. Accordingly, we
found large and significant coefficient estimates for dummy variables for middle school students
and negative and significant coefficients for high school students.35 On the other hand, repeaters
are found to spend the highest amount on private tutoring because of the strong need to show
better performance in entrance exam and also because of the lack of proper formal educational
institutions, like community colleges in U.S.A., to accommodate those who failed the university
entrance exam.
35
Unfortunately, we do not have data regarding whether the high school student is attending a vocational school or a
college preparatory school.
19
Interestingly, education of the mother is found to affect private tutoring expenditure more
strongly than that of the father, though this effect seems to disappear in the large cities sub-
sample (Models 1D). This appears to be consistent with the typical division of labor within
family, still prevalent in Asian countries including Korea, where father works outside home for
income and mother takes care of family including education for children. Also, households
with a computer are found to spend more on private tutoring, suggesting that computer cannot be
a good substitute for private tutoring.36 It is also interesting but not surprising to find that the
gender dummy indicates more private tutoring spending for female students. We suspect it is
due to the fact that the female students are more encouraged to take lessons in music and arts,
We need further discussion on the reasons why spending on private tutoring is higher in
larger cities compared to rural areas, after controlling for other factors. One possible answer in
line with our theoretical model is that larger cities are under the stricter control of the state
because the major target areas of the equalization policy is Seoul and the other metropolitan
cities, allowing about half of the medium and small cities and all the rural areas uncovered by
equalization policy. Another explanation could be that the cultural aspect or the life style of the
big city could be related to higher concerns of parents on the relative position of the their
In addition to the problems with unobservables, there may be a sample selection problem.
Many families devoted to educate their children may from rural area to urban area for the better
education of their children. Therefore, rural areas could be left with families that have lower
preference on education. Likewise, one might move to Seoul to find better private tutoring for
36
Again, this is consistent with an alternative view that the household with higher preference over education is more
likely to buy a home computer.
20
their children, which provides potential explanation for the positive coefficient estimates on the
dummy variables of Seoul and metropolitan areas. A higher cost of living in big cities could
Some of the variables included in the models reported in Table 3 may be endogeneously
determined with the level of private tutoring. In particular, the student’s school ranking may be
influenced by the amount of private tutoring, that is, a student who spends more on private
tutoring may have a higher academic achievement. Also, the decision to allow a child to repeat
for the next year’s college entrance examination would be simultaneously determined by the
level of private tutoring expenditure for the student. The decision to work outside of home may
be correlated with the household’s preference over education and the level of private tutoring.
The decision to purchase a computer and the number of children in the household maybe
endogenously determined as well. In Table 4, we report the results of the regression excluding
the variables that are possibly endogeneously determined. The coefficient estimates are very
Next, we turn to the estimation on per household expenditure on private tutoring using
UHES data. The focus of this empirical work is to see whether the equalization policy leads to
lower spending on private tutoring as many education policy makers hoped. In the regions not
covered by the equalization policy (school choice regions), high schools (private or public) can
21
choose students, and students can also choose high schools.37 However, the selection process
regions have well-established rankings in terms of the minimum test scores of the incoming
students. Therefore, students with similar academic capabilities sort themselves and end up with
the same high school as a result of school choices based on the test.
It should be emphasized that high schools in these regions do not have full-fledged
autonomy. Strict regulation over curriculum, textbooks, tuitions, teachers, principals, etc. applies
to both public and private schools regardless of whether the school is covered by equalization
policy or not. Though there are differences among high schools in these regions, the differences
are relatively small as the government tried to equalize virtually all school inputs. The most
important difference between schools covered and uncovered by equalization policy is the peer
group effect due to sorting and competition among students.38 Self-sorting of students according
to test scores (and academic ability) might enable schools to cater to the demands of parents and
students more easily. Also, higher competitive pressures among high schools, particularly to
attract better students, in the regions uncovered by the equalization policy might lead to higher
productivity of schools. Although our theory predicts that higher productivity of school system
reduces private tutoring, it is purely an empirical question whether the potential increase in the
productivity of schooling due to the school choices in the regions uncovered by the equalization
One popular argument is that in school choice regions one would expect more
competition among middle school students or even among elementary students to enter better
37
As was indicated earlier, middle schools (Grades 7-9) are fully equalized throughout the nation.
38
Hoxby (2000a) examines the effects of the greater Tiebout choice on the productivity of public schools in U.S. In
Korea, although regional educational authorities in Korea have very limited financial independence, public schools
in regions uncovered by equalization policies enjoy the same extent of school choices as private schools.
22
high schools, which will fuel the competition for more spending on private tutoring. However,
increase in private tutoring in middle school or even in elementary school to enter better high
school may be outweighed by decrease in private tutoring in high school due to the higher
Therefore, we ran OLS, Tobit, and CLAD on the samples of households with at least one
student in UHES data. In order to test the argument that school choice in high schools may
decrease private tutoring for high school students but increase for elementary and middle school
students, we added interaction variables between school choice and number of children in
various schools. Our findings are reported in Table 5. We found that the results are quite
consistent with the major predictions of the theoretical model and the previous empirical findings.
First, we found that households with higher incomes spend more on private tutoring after
controlling for other variables regardless of different specifications. Moreover, the estimated
coefficients are comparable to those reported in Tables 3 and 4, again suggesting that income
elasticity of private tutoring is around 0.5. Years of educational attainments of the head of
households again exert a significant effect on the spending on private tutoring, and the estimated
coefficients are comparable to those in the previous tables. Households with own houses spend
more on private tutoring, and again the estimates are comparable. Whether mother works
outside of home is not statistically significant for all model specifications, and that result is
consistent with CLAD estimates in the previous tables. As was in the previous tables, the
number of children attending different levels of schooling increases the amount of private
tutoring. The private tutoring expenditure is substantially higher in Seoul compared to small and
23
medium sized cities in all model specifications. However, coefficient for Metro Cities are only
significant in CLAD. It is quite remarkable that all these results are robust to different
Second, the results on the effect of school choice are not as strong as the other
independent variables described above. However, considering the possibility that the effect of
school choice in Korea could be limited because school is not different from each other due to
the lack of school autonomy, the results are consistent with the theoretical discussions above.
Though most of the estimated coefficients involving school choice are not statistically significant,
they have predicted signs.39 That is, under equalization policy there seems to be less private
tutoring for elementary and middle school students and more for high school students. Overall,
equalization policy seems to increase private tutoring. Certainly, it does not decrease private
5. Conclusions
The prevalent practice of private tutoring in Korea can be traced to the paradigm of state-
led development policy that pursued rapid economic growth through industrialization and export
promotion. Following the universal primary school education, the military government has
equalized secondary education so that opportunities for secondary education greatly expanded.
Concerns over the excessive wasteful competition among students to enter better schools during
the period of rapid expansion of school system made the public more receptive to the
government’s policy of equalization policy toward secondary schools. However, the virtual
39
Only exception is the interaction term between the school choice and the number of middle school students in
OLS and Tobit.
24
university admission procedures has resulted in an ever-increasing demand for private tutoring.
Currently, Koreans spend as much money on private tutoring as the government expenditure on
The theory and empirical evidence provided in this paper strongly suggest that rampant
private tutoring is a market response to the under provision of public education and the heavy
regulation and strict controls of the government. It is predicted by our model and confirmed by
our empirical finding that students with high academic ability, high family income, and whose
parents are highly educated, spend more on private tutoring because their educational demands
are not properly met by the formal school system that is provided by the government. Also,
students in regions uncovered by equalization policy and therefore with school choices spend
less on private tutoring, indicating that private tutoring is related to the strict government
regulation on schools.
education is important because of the competition to enter a more prestigious university, private
tutoring practice is expected to flourish. However, it should be recognized that the rampant
private tutoring might be inefficient as well as inequitable. Given that financial market is not
perfect, poor parents who have high demands for private tutoring because of high ability of their
children might end up with lower private tutoring because they are not able to foot the tuition
bills for expensive private tutoring. That inequitable distribution of private tutoring would also
lead to inefficient allocation because marginal rate of substitution between education and a
40
One of possible policy to address the problem is to provide financial assistance for private tutoring to low income
groups. In 2000, one Education Minister actually tried to introduce the policy, which brought about strong
opposition by teachers’ unions and resulted in the resign of the Minister.
25
Although many reform initiatives pushing for deregulation in the educational sector were
implementation of the proposal has been slow due to severe opposition by interest groups as well
as the inertia associated with the legacy of the developmental state. The Korean experience
clearly shows that the runaway escalation of expenditures on private tutoring is strongly related
to strict regulation and controls over schools put in place during the rapid expansion of school
system.
26
References
Adams, Donald and Ester Gottlieb (1993), Education and Social changes in Korea, Garland
Arbamazar, Abbas, and Peter Schmidt (1981), “Further Evidence on the robustness of Tobit
________ (1982), “An Investigation of the Robustness of the Tobit Estimator to Non-normality,”
Besley, Timothy and Stephen Coate (1991), “Public Provision of Private Goods and the
Birdsall, Nancy, David Ross, and Richard Sabot (1995), “Inequality and Growth Reconsidered:
Lessons from East Asia,” The World Bank Economic Review 9(3), 481-482.
Biswal, Bagala P. (1999), “Private Tutoring and Public Corruption: A Cost-Effective Education
Blomquist, Sören and Vidar Christiansen (1999), “The Political Economy of Publicly Provided
Blomquist, Sören and Vidar Christiansen (1995), “Public Provision of Private Goods as a
Boadway, R. and M. Marchand (1995), “The Use of Public Expenditures for Redistributive
Bray, Mark (1999), The Shadow Education System: Private Tutoring and Its Implications for
27
Chang, Su Myung (2002), “Daehak Gyoyuk Uie Gyungje Hak [Economics of Higher
Education],” Rodong Jungchaek Yunkoo [Journal of Labor Poliy] 2(1). [in Korean]
Epple, Dennis and Richard E. Romano (1996), “Public Provision of Private Goods,” Journal of
Frank, Robert (1996), “Consumption Externalities and the Financing of Social Services,” in
Victor R. Fuchs ed. Individual and Social Responsibility, 175-190, The University of
Hoxby, Caroline (2000a), “Does Competition among Public Schools Benefit Students and
Hoxby, Caroline (2000b), “Peer Effects in the Classroom: Learnig From Gender and Race
Kim, Dae-Il and Ju-Ho Lee (2000), “Changes in the Korean Labor Market and Future Prospect,”
in Kenneth Judd and Young Ki Lee (eds.), An Agenda for Economic Reform in Korea:
Kim, Sunwoong, Ju-Ho Lee, and Sung Bo Kim (2002), “Hierarchies and Competition among
Korea Education Development Institute [KEDI] (1999), Sakyoyukui Siltae Chosa [Survey on
Korean Ministry of Education (1998), Kyoyuk 50 Nyunsa [Fifty Years of History of Korean
28
________, Statistical Yearbook of Education, various years, Seoul, Korea.
(http://www.moe.go.kr)
Lee, Ju-Ho and Cheonsik Woo (1998), “Hankoog Kyoyukui Silpaewa Kyehyuk [Failures and
Reforms in Korean Education],” KDI Jungchaek Yunkoo [KDI Journal of Public Policy]
Lee, Maw-Lin, Ben-Chieh Liu, and Ping Wang (1994), “Education, Human Capital
Lott, John R., Jr. (1987), “Why Is Education Publicly Provided? A Critical Survey,” Cato Journal
7(2), 475-501.
McEwan, Patrick J. (1999), “Private Costs and the Rate of Return to Primary Education,”
McGinn, Noel F., Donald R. Snodgrass, Yung-Bong Kim, Shin-Bok Kim, and Quee-Young Kim
(1980), Education and Development in Korea, Harvard University Press: Cambridge, MA.
McMahon, Walter (1998), “Education and Growth in East Asia,” Economics of Education
Park, Se-Il (2000), Managing Education Reform: Lessons from the Korean Experience, 1995-97,
Powell, James (1994), “Least Absolute Deviations Estimation for the Censored Regression,”
29
Econometrica 54, 303-25.
Schultz, T. W. (1961), “Investment in Human Capital,” American Economic Review 51, 1-17.
Trostel, Philip A. (1996), “Should Education be Subsidized?” Public Finance Quarterly 24(1), 3-
24.
UNESCO (2000), World Education Report 2000: The Right to Education, Paris: UNESCO.
30
Figure 1. Household's Choice over Education and Other Goods
all other
goods (x)
A
y- ηē1
31
Table 1. Enrollment Rates (ER) and Advancement Rates (AR)
Source: Data before 1970 are from McGinn (1980), and other data are from MOE (1998).
Notes:
ER = percentage of students enrolled out of corresponding school-aged children
AR = percentage of the students who advance to the next level school
1
1956-57
2
1959-60
3
1954-65
32
Table 2. Primary and Secondary Education Expenditure in Percentage of GDP
Note: The numbers in the parentheses are the ratios to the total expenditure.
33
Table 3. Per Child Expenditure on Private Tutoring in 1997
34
Table 4. Per Child Expenditure on Private Tutoring in 1997
(Models without possible endogeneous variables)
35
Table 5. Household Expenditure on Private Tutoring in 1998
36
Appendix Table A 1. Means and Standard Deviations of Variables
Variables Definition Mean (Standard Deviation)
All Positive No Tutoring
Observations Tutoring Expenditure
Expenditure Only
Only
< SOPT Data: 1997 >
Per Child Expenditure on Monthly spending on private tutoring per child in won 108,177 143,954 0
Private Tutoring (200,731) (220,160)
Household Income Monthly income of the household in won 2,843,705 2,832,930 2,876,324
(8,617,947) (7,808,844) (1,070,000)
Upper 10% 1 if student is above top 10 % of the class; 0 otherwise 0.30 0.33 0.21
10-30% 1 if student is between 10 to 30 % of the class; 0 otherwise 0.27 0.28 0.24
70-90% 1 if student is between 70 to 90 % of the class; 0 otherwise 0.03 0.02 0.07
Lower 10% 1 if student below bottom 10 % of the class; 0 otherwise 0.01 0.01 0.02
Mother Education Years of mother’s education 11.39 (2.81) 11.89 (2.62) 9.86 (2.80)
Father Education Years of father’s education 12.52 (3.11) 13.04 (2.94) 10.94 (3.08)
Mother Working 1 if mother has a job; 0 otherwise 0.30 0.27 0.41
Father Professional 1 if father has a professional job; 0 otherwise 0.10 0.11 0.07
Own House 1 if the household owns one or more houses; 0 otherwise 0.73 0.73 0.73
High Density 1 if high density residential development area; 0 otherwise 0.35 0.40 0.21
Computer 1 if the household owns computers; 0 otherwise 0.49 0.52 0.42
No. Children Number of children in the household 2.07 (0.65) 2.03 (0.59) 2.19 (0.78)
Middle School 1 if middle school student; 0 otherwise 0.26 0.25 0.28
High School 1 if high school student; 0 otherwise 0.25 0.19 0.44
Repeater 1 if repeater; 0 otherwise 0.01 0.02 0.004
Gender 1 if male; 0 otherwise 0.52 0.52 0.51
Seoul 1 if Seoul; 0 otherwise 0.22 0.25 0.14
Metro City 1 if metropolitan city; 0 otherwise 0.27 0.29 0.21
S&M City 1 if small and medium sized city; 0 otherwise 0.28 0.29 0.25
(numberofobservations) 6,804 5,113 (75%) 1,691 (25%)
<UHES Data: 1998>
Per Household Expenditure Monthly spending on private tutoring per household in won 104,247 136,784 0
on PrivateTutoring (119,852) (119,990)
No Equalization 1 if not covered by equalization policy; 0 otherwise 0.29 0.29 0.30
Monthly income of the household in won 2,232,886 2,348,539 1,862,330
Household Income
(1,289,364) (1,309,111) (1,148,125)
Head Education Years of education of the head of the household 12.64 (3.05) 12.96(2.92) 11.63 (3.24)
Mother Working 1 if mother has a job; 0 otherwise 0.33 0.34 0.31
Own House 1 if the household owns one or more houses; 0 otherwise 0.58 0.60 0.50
No. Kindergarten Number of kindergarten students in the household 0.37(0.55) 0.37 (0.54) 0.38 (0.57)
No. Elementary Number of elementary school students in the household 0.63(0.74) 0.68(0.74) 0.44(0.69)
No. Middle Number of middle school students in the household 0.44(.54) 0.43(.55) 0.47(.54)
No. High Number of high school students in the household 0.18(0.39) 0.18 (0.38) 0.18(0.38)
(numberofobservations) 19,389 14,777 (76%) 4,612 (26%)
37