________________________________________________________________

Women Involvement in
Terrorism: Influencing
Regional Studies
Factors and Prevention Vol 42, Issue 1
pp.64-95
Approaches © 2024 IRS
http//[Link]
P-ISSN: 0254-7988
Mubeen Ashraf* E-ISSN:2959-5459
Date of Acceptance: 29 March 2024
Published Online: 25 July 2024

Abstract
In the intricate tapestry of women’s participation in terrorism, especially in the
tumultuous South Asian context, this research delves into the multifaceted factors
motivating their engagement. Drawing upon historical insights and
contemporary case studies, the study thoroughly investigates the compelling
motivations driving women into the shadowy world of terrorism. It examines their
resistance to oppression, pursuit of justice, and quests for revenge within a region
marked by insurgency and conflict. The research methodology employed
comprises qualitative data from interviews, a comprehensive analysis of historical
and contemporary sources, and an exploration of the 3N, and Precht’s theoretical
model. These factors illuminate the complex interplay of state policies, religious
ideologies, coercion, and the harrowing spectre of women trafficking. The
research findings reveal the nuanced nature of women’s roles in these
movements, emphasising the critical need for gender-sensitive counterterrorism
measures. This research equips policymakers, terrorism experts, and scholars with
essential insights, guiding their understanding of the intricate contemporary
landscape involving women in terrorism. Additionally, it contributes to the
discussion on counterterrorism and prevention with timely recommendations
and insights.
Keywords: terrorism, extremism, women trafficking, gender-sensitive
counterterrorism, South Asia

Introduction
The involvement of women in terrorist activities is a complex
and longstanding global phenomenon that extends across various
historical and geographical boundaries. This research aims to explore

*
Ms Mubeen Ashraf is a Researcher at the Global Foundation for Cyber Studies and
Research, Washington DC.
Email: mubeen.0727@[Link]
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the multifaceted role of women in terrorism, offering insights into their

participation in criminal acts, violence, destruction, and, in some cases,
acts of heroism, as exemplified in the life of Joan De Arc.1 These
women often find themselves labelled as criminals or terrorists,
embracing roles ranging from leaders and spies to suicide bombers
within extremist groups and organisations.
The history of women’s participation in terrorism can be traced
back to their engagement in radical and revolutionary struggles of the
past. For instance, the women of Narodnaya Volya2 demonstrated a
remarkable willingness to sacrifice themselves for their cause, often
surpassing their male comrades in dedication. Women have actively
participated in anti-colonial and revolutionary movements in the
developing world for decades.
Women’s involvement in the most extreme forms of
participation in terrorism varies from one group to another and is
influenced by distinct reasons. In regions such as Türkiye and Sri Lanka,
women’s activism has a rich history, with their full participation
permitted even in the early stages of these organisations. In contrast,
the emergence of Palestinian women suicide bombers or isolated
terrorists in Chechnya challenged societal expectations, emerging
more recently, against all odds. It is crucial to recognise that a
patriarchal structure often dominates the societies where these
terrorist organisations are located. Nevertheless, within these
patriarchal frameworks, women’s involvement is often strategically
planned.
Women who engage in terrorism may seem to be both literally
and metaphorically ‘dying’3 to have a more active role in armed
conflict, yet their participation does not shield them from exploitation.
While men often undertake suicide missions motivated by religious or
nationalist fanaticism, women use combat as a means to escape the
confines of predetermined societal roles. When women become
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human bombs, they aim to make a statement, not only in the name of
a country, religion, or leader, but also in the name of their gender.4
The willingness of women to engage in terrorist activities is
harnessed both internally and externally. Within the ranks of terrorist
groups, their eagerness to kill and die is exploited by male leaders.
Externally, women are often portrayed and exploited by the media as
symbols of the desperation of ‘freedom fighters’, blurring the line
between portraying them as cold-blooded murderers and victims
themselves.
This dichotomy is further exemplified by the societal
expectation of women as gentle, submissive, and nonviolent
individuals. Terrorist groups exploit this stereotype to further their
cause, demonstrating that even individuals traditionally seen as ‘good
wives and mothers’ can commit acts of violence in extreme
circumstances, justifying them as responses to unjust and desperate
situations.
Historically, women have played pivotal roles in terrorist
organisations, as seen with Peruvian women of Andean-Indian origin
in the Shining Path. The Central Committee of the militant
organisation had at least eight women holding key positions, with
women comprising nearly 40 per cent of the Shining Path militants.5
The People’s Will, an organisation involved in revolutionary activities,
also witnessed significant female participation, with figures like Vera
Figner, Maria Oshanina, Anna Yakimova, and Sophia Perovskaya being
key members.6 Even today, the legacy of these women continues to
inspire revolutionary movements.
The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) marked a turning
point in the history of women in terrorism, with women comprising up
to 30 per cent of the total number of suicide attackers between 1991
and 2007. Women formed specialised attack (tank) units in the Battle
of Elephant Pass that displayed remarkable success on the battlefield,
challenging conventional expectations.7 In the context of South Asia,
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the region has not been immune to the phenomenon of women’s

participation in terrorism. India and Pakistan, in particular, have
experienced the involvement of women in extremist groups, further
highlighting the complexity and relevance of this issue to the South
Asian region. Various extremist organisations in the region have
harnessed the potential of women, underscoring the need for an in-
depth analysis of this phenomenon in a South Asian context.
The research seeks to address three key aspects: a) a
theoretical model explaining women's involvement in terrorism, b) the
roles and types of female terrorists, and c) the factors influencing
women's participation in terrorism. To fulfil these research objectives,
a mixed-methods approach was employed, utilising both quantitative
and qualitative tools, such as books, journal articles, and news articles.
Additionally, a wide range of interviews were conducted with subject
matter experts, including a former Director General of the Inter-
Services Public Relations, Pakistan (DG ISPR), journalists, and terrorism
studies experts from Pakistan, Kashmir, and Balochistan. While the
focus extends beyond South Asia to encompass real examples from
other regions, there are three theoretical models applied in the
research. The models include the 3N model proposed by Arie W
Kruglanski, another model proposed by psychologists and behavioural
scientists at the Joint Military Information Support Center (JMISC), and
lastly Precht's Model of a ‘Typical’ Radicalisation Pattern. The study
concludes with recommendations based on the findings.

Theoretical Framework
Radicalisation is the process by which an individual adopts
unconventional and often violent methods to achieve their objectives.
The theories on radicalisation have traditionally been non-gendered
and often overlook the role of women in terrorism and extremism. This
oversight is largely due to the perception of terrorism as a male-centric
activity, with women viewed as weak and submissive. However, as
more cases of female terrorism emerge worldwide, there is increasing
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attention to the theoretical roots of women's involvement in terrorism.

For this research, three different models have been selected to
collectively identify the various causes and motivations behind female
involvement in terrorism. The first model is the 3N model and the
second is Precht's Model of a ‘Typical’ Radicalisation Pattern.
The 3N theory, developed by Kruglanski, suggests that
radicalisation results from the interplay of three key factors:
individuals’ needs, the narratives that they encounter, and the
networks that they are a part of. 8

According to this theory, these three elements significantly

influence the progression toward violent extremism. The first factor is
the need, referring to an individual's universal desire for personal
significance. The second factor is the narrative, which shapes how
members of a group seek significance based on the group’s collective
story. The third factor is the network, representing the group
membership that supports the narrative and provides rewards, such as
respect and recognition, to those who adhere to it.9
The second is the Precht model, delineating the stages of
radicalisation, which aligns closely with frameworks developed by
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both the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the New York Police
Department (NYPD) Intelligence Unit. This model outlines a four-phase
progression: pre-radicalisation, conversion and identification with
radical Islam, indoctrination coupled with intensified group cohesion,
and the execution of terrorist activities or formulated plots. Precht
emphasises that the dynamics within small groups and the sense of
identification within these groups often significantly accelerate the
adoption of extremist ideologies.10

Precht's analysis extends to identifying and examining the

factors that drive the radicalisation process in militant Islamists. He
categorises these motivational factors into three groups:
• Background Factors: These involve personal challenges related
to religious identity, experiences of discrimination, and issues
with social integration.
• Trigger Factors: This includes influential individuals, such as
mentors or charismatic leaders, and specific events or policy
decisions that might provoke a reaction or drive activism.
• Opportunity Factors: These refer to the extent of an
individual's access to and the likelihood of encountering
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extremist ideas or individuals. Such factors include physical

and virtual spaces like the Internet, mosques, prisons, and
various social groups or collectives.
The two frameworks offer valuable insights into understanding
the motivations, recruitment strategies, and organisational roles of
female terrorists. However, it is essential to recognise that while these
models provide an initial understanding, they may not universally
apply to every case detailing women's involvement in terrorism.
For instance, the 3N theory's ‘Needs’ component delves into
the personal, psychological, and socio-economic motivations that
drive women to engage in terrorist activities. Examples abound, such
as the Chechen ‘Black Widows’ or female participants in the Palestinian
intifada, who often cite motives like revenge or resistance. Similarly,
female terrorists from the LTTE demonstrate dedication to a cause.
Furthermore, narratives highlight the ideological or propaganda
messages used by terrorists to attract women, as evidenced in cases
involving the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and the Balochistan
Liberation Army (BLA).
Moreover, the social and organisational structures that
facilitate women's involvement in terrorism, often termed networks,
can be illustrated by examples of individuals influenced by familial
bonds or common ties. The second model expands on these examples,
providing a more nuanced understanding by identifying phases and
determinants applicable to many cases. However, it is important to
acknowledge that these frameworks may not fully encompass every
aspect of female terrorism, as individual motivations and
circumstances can vary widely.

Types and Roles of Female Terrorists

Female terrorists and militants can be found across the world,
participating in a wide range of activities within extremist
organisations. Their roles transcend geographical boundaries,
reflecting the global nature of terrorism. These roles can include
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operatives or foot soldiers, suicide bombers, cyberterrorists, lone

wolves, leaders, spies and infiltrators, supporters and financiers,
propagandists, human shields, social and political activists, and
individuals with specialised roles.
Operatives or Foot Soldiers
Women actively participate as operatives in various regions,
such as South Asia where groups like the LTTE had female combatants.
Globally, women have served as operatives in organisations like the
Irish Republican Army (IRA).11
Suicide Bombers
Female suicide bombers have gained notoriety in regions like
South Asia and the Middle East, including instances in Pakistan,
Palestine, and Sri Lanka. Beyond these areas, women have carried out
suicide bombings globally, exemplified by the 2015 Paris attacks and
numerous other incidents. In 2017, following the emergence of ISIS,
local extremist cells recruited Noreen Leghari intending to orchestrate
a suicide bombing during Easter celebrations at a church in Pakistan.12
However, authorities apprehended Leghari before she could carry out
the attack. Subsequently, Leghari confessed to being influenced by
ISIS propaganda. Her case is particularly intriguing because ISIS
generally does not encourage women to primarily serve as suicide
bombers. This underscores the variations in women’s roles, influenced
by the specific local contexts and decentralised ISIS cells and networks
in Pakistan.13
Cyberterrorists
Women with technical skills engage in cyberterrorism, which is
defined as "the convergence of cyberspace and terrorism." It involves
hacking computer systems, disrupting critical infrastructure, or
spreading extremist propaganda online. Sally Jones, also known as
Umm Hussain Al Britani,14 exemplifies the role of a cyberterrorist. As a
British hacker and recruiter for ISIS, she harnessed her technical skills
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to effectively disseminate extremist ideologies and recruit individuals

via social media platforms.
Lone Wolves
Female lone-wolf terrorists typically operate independently
and are not affiliated with any formal terrorist group. They often carry
out attacks driven by personal grievances or extremist ideologies.
Lone-wolf terrorism is defined as "acts of terrorism committed by
individuals acting alone or with minimal assistance, having no direct
connection to any organisation." While female lone wolves are
relatively rare, they are not entirely unheard of. A prominent example
of a female lone wolf is Tashfeen Malik, who played a key role in the
San Bernardino shooting. She and her husband were motivated by
extremist ideologies and carried out the attack without formal
connections with any larger terrorist organisation, embodying the
classic ‘lone wolf’ archetype.
In another case, the lone woman arrested during the Pulwama
investigation was found to have played a significant role in aiding
Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) terrorists who executed a deadly suicide
attack the previous year. According to the National Investigation
Agency (NIA), Insha Jan, aged 23, was linked to the primary conspirator
of the Pulwama attack while Mohd Umar Farooq was the Pakistani
bomb-maker killed by security forces in Kashmir.15
Leaders and Commanders
Women have risen to leadership positions in South Asian
militant groups like the Maoists in India. Globally, female leaders have
been found within organisations like the Revolutionary Armed Forces
of Colombia (FARC) and Black Widows.
Propagandists
Female terrorists globally engage in propaganda, utilising
social media for recruitment. Relevant examples of the
aforementioned include women affiliated with Al-Qaeda and ISIS, who
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are recruited through propaganda and play diverse roles, including

disseminating extremist content online and participating in
phenomena like the "jihadi bride" recruitment strategy.16 Their
involvement highlights the multifaceted roles women play within
terrorist organisations.
Specialised Roles
Women have played pivotal roles within terrorist
organisations, enhancing operational effectiveness both in South Asia
and globally. These specialised roles encompass bomb-making,
medical support, and recruitment. While comprehensive data may be
limited, it is assumed, given the historical involvement of women in
terrorism, that they also participate in bomb-making activities. This
assumption is based on their long-standing contributions to various
aspects of terrorist operations. In addition, women’s roles as medical
personnel and recruiters have been well-documented across right-
wing and left-wing extremist groups, exemplified by the willingness of
female doctors to join organisations such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS in
South Asia.
Women’s involvement in terrorism is not confined to one
particular region; it is a global phenomenon. The roles that they
assume within extremist organisations are diverse, multifaceted and
not limited to the ones stated above, reflecting the varied motivations
and contexts in which they operate. South Asia, with its historical and
ongoing conflicts, serves as a pertinent case study to understand the
dynamics of women participation in terrorism and the enduring and
complex nature of their roles.

Influencing Factors
Women’s engagement in terrorism is driven by a complex
interplay of factors. Understanding the motivations behind their
actions is crucial. Here are some key factors that highlight the
involvement of women in terrorism:
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i. Resistance Against Oppression: Women have actively taken part

in terrorism to resist the oppression of occupying forces in
their regions. Notable examples include Maryam Goris, who
plotted a car bomb attack against oppressors, and Sajida
Mubarak Atrous al-Rishawi, who attempted a suicide bombing
during a wedding party in response to perceived oppression.
ii. Demonstrating Commitment: Engaging in acts of terrorism
demonstrates a strong commitment to a cause. Women, often
marginalised in society, have undertaken extreme actions to
assert their dedication, which has a compelling influence on
male fighters. Other reasons for women's involvement in
terrorism include autonomy, self-determination, and fear of
sexual violence.17
iii. Empowering the Family: Becoming a female suicide bomber
challenges the patriarchal norms and significantly enhances
the social status of the woman and her family. The theatrics of
suicide attacks may solidify the family’s standing in a particular
society.18
iv. Resistance to Suppression: Women have resorted to terrorism as
a response to personal suppression, particularly in
conservative and less educated areas. Notable cases, such as
Noreen Laghari, who felt suppressed at home and
subsequently took action, exemplify this motivation.19
v. Seeking Notoriety: The allure of achieving notoriety through
suicide attacks, often recorded and posted online as
recruitment tools, attracts individuals looking for an escape
from their ongoing circumstances. There are plenty of such
female suicide bomber recruits from South Asia and the West
who joined Al-Qaeda, ISIS and Al-Shabab for it.20 Another
example is Farabundo Marti's preference to join domestic
terrorist groups influenced by the desire to maintain a higher
status and the impact of inequality.21
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To comprehensively analyse the motivations behind female

terrorists and militants in South Asia and worldwide, it is essential to
focus on some other major factors too. Every region and country has
its unique dynamics and challenges, and this holds true for the
motivations of women in these diverse contexts as well. The other
factors include:
Revenge
Revenge serves as a prevalent motive for both men and
women when they join terrorist organisations and engage in extremist
activities. It can be rooted in personal factors, such as the loss of loved
ones or incidents of sexual abuse by foreign soldiers. Additionally, it
may have social origins tied to experiences during an occupation.
Research on gender differences regarding the need for revenge has
yielded varying results. While some studies suggest men may be more
vengeful, others find no significant gender-based distinctions.
Furthermore, the desire for vengeance appears to be unrelated to
gender. Studies focusing on aggressive triggers and capabilities for
revenge indicate that both men and women possess the capacity for
aggressive behaviour and exhibit no gender-based disparities
following frustrating events.
A notable illustration of women motivated by revenge is the
Black Widows. A group of female suicide bombers primarily of
Chechen origin, the Black Widows have played a significant role in the
Chechen conflict against Russia since their first attack in 2000. For
instance, Khava Barayev and Luisa Magomadova drove a truck filled
with explosives into the temporary headquarters of an elite OMAN
(Russian Special Forces) detachment in the village of Alkhan Yurt in
Chechnya. While the group also includes male members, a majority of
the group members are females who serve as suicide bombers and
recruiters, partly driven by their desire for revenge. The motive of
revenge is also found in females from Balochistan as they have seen
their family members go missing or murdered in front of them. To
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avenge their deaths, they take part in terrorist activities and play
various roles including that of suicide bombers, facilitators, etc.22
State
The role of governments is a significant factor in encouraging
women’s participation in extremist activities. A prominent example is
North Korea’s use of Kim Hyon Hui. When Seoul was chosen for the
1988 Olympics, North Korea, viewing it as a political affront, aimed to
deter participation by orchestrating the bombing of Korean Air Flight
858, Kim Hyon Hui, a petite woman, was specifically recruited and
indoctrinated to carry out this act. Her gender made her less
conspicuous, and she was prepared to commit a suicidal act for her
country. The North Korean operative intended to blow up an airline
full of people, an act that took eight days of intense interrogation to
reveal.
According to former DG ISPR Lt. General Asif Ghafoor, a state’s
foremost responsibility is to secure its youth, with education being a
top priority. Weak state authority and poor governance are the root
causes of radicalisation. The state must address these issues to counter
the emerging female involvement in terrorism.23 Also, patriarchal
inequality plays a significant role in society’s downfall. The belief that
boys are more important than girls or that girls require male
protection due to safety concerns can lead to repressive and
submissive behaviour among women, in turn leading to women's
potential involvement in terrorism. Moreover, the changing roles of
women in terrorism and the unpreparedness of political and military
leaders to understand these transformations are other provocative
factors for women. The 4Rs Plus One, i.e., revenge, redemption,
relationship, respect, and rape theory, further explains why women
participate in terrorist groups, underlining the role of government
actions in their recruitment.24
In Nigeria, the abduction of schoolgirls by Boko Haram
highlights the failure to address the root causes of the insurgency.
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Poverty and lack of education in the country’s North East make it easier
for Boko Haram to recruit followers. Allegations of corruption within
the Nigerian military and government have hindered the fight against
terrorism. President Buhari has also cited the pandemic as a factor
allowing insurgents to gain more support.25 These instances
underscore the complex relationship between state actions and
societal norms and the motivations driving women’s involvement in
terrorism.
Religion and Nationalism
Religion and nationalism are prominent motivations behind
female involvement in extremist activities. Group membership is often
the catalyst, fostering a collective identity and shared objectives that
take precedence over individual beliefs. This dynamic leads to de-
individualisation, where individuals shift their focus to group values
and become more willing to carry out suicide attacks in service of the
group’s cause.
In some cases, young individuals who travel to the Middle East
for religious rituals find themselves coerced into performing tasks,
and/or are pressured in the name of religion.26 Certain individuals are
drawn to extremism through their interpretation of Islam and the
concept of Jihad, viewing self-sacrifice for a cause as a more
meaningful alternative to a purposeless existence. It is crucial to
recognise that such interpretations do not represent the true
teachings of any religion, including Islam, as extremist groups
deliberately manipulate these interpretations to influence susceptible
minds.
In Balochistan, ethno-nationalism has fuelled the increased use
of female militants as suicide bombers, driven by a combination of
environmental, organisational, and individual factors. Notably, the BLA
(Bashir Zaib Baloch faction) has employed female suicide bombers. For
instance, Sumaiya Qalandarani Baloch was identified as the second
female suicide bomber for this faction, with others like Shari Baloch
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and Noor Jahan also being trained for suicide bombings. Sumaiya
Baloch, a female suicide bomber, previously worked as a journalist for
the BLA’s media wing for five years. She was associated with Rehan
Baloch and Aslam Baloch and came from Tootak in Khuzdar, a place
where several of her relatives were ‘forcibly disappeared.’27
In a significant development, a woman carried out a suicide
attack in the Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK).
Although her bomb exploded prematurely, it marked a noteworthy
occurrence. A spokesperson claiming to represent the proscribed
Jaish-e-Mohammad militant group took responsibility for the incident.
The act, however, does not come under the definition of terrorism
because IIOJK is a disputed territory—as per the United Nations
Security Council (UNSC) resolutions—under illegal occupation of an
aggressor state. The individuals under occupation resort to violence
because they believe that their basic rights and freedoms have been
denied. They view these rights as essential and are willing to use
various means, including violence, to secure them. In light of this,
females in IIOJK never resort to terrorism. If they use violent means, it
is for a just cause.28
Ideology
Some women are attracted to extremist or terrorist groups due
to their deeply held ideological or political beliefs. They become
radicalised by the ideologies these groups propagate and believe that
violent actions are necessary to achieve their goals. An illustrative
example of this phenomenon can be seen in the involvement of
women in various Maoist insurgencies in Nepal, particularly within the
ranks of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist).
The Maoists have claimed that approximately one-third of the
‘People’s Liberation Army’ is comprised of women. Over a span of
eight years, the Maoist revolution extended its influence from two
districts in Nepal to encompass almost two-thirds of the country.
Women cadres play diverse roles within this movement, serving as
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propaganda activists, members of agricultural production teams, and

even guerrilla fighters. Comrade Parvati, an alias used by a prominent
leader who heads the women’s department of the Central Committee,
highlights the rise of women in significant positions within the
movement, such as battalion vice commanders and political
commissars.
In 2003, a Nepali human rights organisation known as Informal
Sector Service Centre (INSEC) reported that women constituted at
least 159 of the 1,308 individuals killed by security forces. This statistic
underscores the profound impact and sacrifices made by women
within the Maoist movement. The so-called ‘People’s War’ was initiated
by the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) in 1996, to
abolish the monarchy and establish a communist republic. The
ensuing clashes between the Maoists and security forces resulted in
the deaths of over 10,000 individuals. ‘Comrade Prachanda’, the
chairman of the CPN-Maoist, acknowledged that the party was taken
aback by the unexpected response of women who joined the armed
struggle.
A prominent female Maoist leader, Hsila Yami, has emphasised
the emancipatory potential of the movement for women. She
highlighted the benefits that women, particularly from Tibeto-Burman
and non-Aryan backgrounds, especially those from lower castes, stand
to gain from the ‘People’s War’. Yami, who is the wife of the second-
highest-ranking Maoist in Nepal, Baburam Bhattarai, stressed the
importance of women’s involvement in radical activities. She
underlined the significance of women in a subsistence agro-economy,
where half of the households engage in seasonal migration. Women
form the majority of the rural community, particularly in de facto
female-headed households. Yami concluded that an agrarian
revolution cannot materialise without mobilising women and
involving them in activities that support the movement, even donning
guerrilla attire. This reflects the crucial role women play in the
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ideological and revolutionary landscape of Maoist insurgency in

Nepal.29
Family
The pressure to engage in suicide terrorism can often originate
from peer or familial influence. Research indicates that pre-existing
friendship bonds play a significant role in the formal integration of
terrorists, with 68 per cent of them having close friends or
acquaintances within the extremist group. Moreover, familial bonds
also play a crucial role in the recruitment of terrorists. Approximately
75 per cent of terrorists have pre-existing familial ties to individuals
involved in terrorist organisations or join these groups with friends or
relatives. Such kinship links have been identified as influential in
recruiting women as well. For example, the Egyptian religious militant
group Repentance and Holy Flight showed that female terrorists were
often relatives or wives of male members.30
The role of kinship bonds can be observed in the case of the
Hamburg Cell, responsible for the 9/11 bombings. The strong in-group
bonds and radicalisation of ideologies within this cell were facilitated
by intensive interactions among friends and peers, leading to the
absence of extra-group bonds. Both men and women can be
influenced by such peer and familial connections.31
A more recent trend is the mobilisation of entire family units as
suicide bombers32, partly attributed to the Islamic State’s appeal for
increased female participation in terrorist attacks. While Southeast Asia
has been relatively slow in deploying women as suicide bombers,
there have been recorded instances of women’s involvement in
suicide bombing campaigns in places like Sri Lanka and Pakistan. One
significant turning point was the 2018 suicide attack in Surabaya,
which initiated the trend of family suicide bombings in Southeast Asia.
It garnered attention from the media and academia, shedding light on
the exploitation of women and children in terrorist attacks. More
recently, the widows of deceased terrorists have been recruited to
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become suicide bombers in the Philippines. For example, in August

2020, the widows of two deceased terrorists carried out a twin suicide
attack near Paradise Food Plaza in Jolo, and further arrests were made
in a counterterrorism raid on 24 February 2021.33 Another case
involved Ayesha Jannat Mohona, who attempted to pass herself off as
Bangladeshi while being linked to Neo-Jama’at Mujahideen
Bangladesh (Neo-JMB). She had converted to Islam from Hinduism in
2009 and played a role in recruiting members, both men and women.34
The rise of female squads and the involvement of women in
militancy have been notable developments. Counter-terrorism efforts
in Bangladesh have reported the arrests of at least 100 female
members of militant outfits, with 11 female militants losing their
lives.35 Furthermore, in March 2022, Pakistan’s Counterterrorism
Department (CTD) arrested three individuals, including a woman
involved in the 2015 attack on the Pakistan Air Force base in Badaber.
In April, Shari Baloch, a mother of two, conducted a fatal suicide attack
at the University of Karachi’s Confucius Institute, resulting in the tragic
loss of four lives, including three Chinese nationals. In the following
month, Noor Jahan Baloch was arrested in Balochistan’s Turbat region,
allegedly linked to the BLA’s Majeed Brigade and planning a suicide
attack. In June 2023, the BLA employed another female suicide
bomber in an attack on paramilitary troops in Balochistan.
Furthermore, in 2023, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) released two
magazines highlighting the pivotal supporting role women play for
their male relatives actively engaged in jihad.36
Women Trafficking
Human trafficking is a factor often overlooked when
examining the motivations behind female involvement in terrorism.
This issue serves as the root cause of many wrongdoings by women
and plays a significant role in their vulnerability to exploitation by
terrorist groups. In certain cases, young girls and children are trafficked
when they travel to the Middle East for religious duties.37 They are
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often lured under false pretences and not allowed to leave until they
complete the assigned task. This phenomenon is more prevalent in
underdeveloped regions, where girls are exchanged for money that
helps their families survive.
For terrorist organisations, human trafficking serves multiple
purposes. It generates revenue, inflicts terror, and attracts new
fighters. Trafficking tactics are used to deceive and forcibly recruit
both adults and minors into these groups, and to keep them in
exploitative situations. However, it is crucial to recognise that recruits
themselves can be victims of trafficking. To address this situation
appropriately, it is necessary to consider when the legal definition of
human trafficking applies to foreign recruits of groups like ISIS and
why authorities often fail to acknowledge this phenomenon.
The case of Shamima Begum provides insight into these
complex issues. Shamima was only 15 when she left East London to
join ISIS in Syria. She was recruited online by a known female ISIS
recruiter and was swiftly married off to an adult Dutch fighter upon
arrival in Raqqa. She experienced a harrowing journey as a child bride,
giving birth to children who tragically died.38
Detecting trafficking in recruitment or unlawful association
with extremist groups hinges on understanding when individuals may
be trafficked. International law defines trafficking through three
elements for adult recruits: 1) an ‘act’ like recruitment or
transportation, 2) the specific ‘intent’ to exploit, and 3) the use of
certain ‘means.’39 These means can include deception or the abuse of
power or vulnerability. However, trafficking can also occur through an
exploitative process or when an exploitative situation results or is
sustained without a preceding exploitative process. For example,
individuals may be falsely promised jobs that lead to involuntary
recruitment or may be genuinely deceived about the conditions in
extremist-controlled territories. Changed circumstances can also turn
voluntary travel into involuntary captivity.
WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM 83
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The case of ISIS child recruits highlights the complexity of this

issue. Shamima Begum’s recruitment at the age of 15 and her
experiences as a child bride illustrate how children can be trafficked as
well. Her treatment and the legal decisions regarding her case have
raised questions about recognising the trafficking of child recruits
within extremist groups.40
In regions like Nepal, where insurgency and trafficking
intersect, the vulnerability of girls is a grave concern. Young boys may
find employment across the border, but the options for girls are
limited, putting them at risk of trafficking and sexual exploitation. In
Nepal, approximately 5,000 girls are trafficked to India each year.41
Coercion
Coercion is a potent factor driving the actions of many terrorist
and non-terrorist organisations, manifesting in various ways. Women
often find themselves subjected to force and pressure from both
internal and external sources, leaving them with limited choices and a
sense of compulsion.
Internally, women are often pressured to engage in activities
they are reluctant to undertake. Their inner conflict compels them to
comply with these demands, even as their hearts cry out for
autonomy. Externally, terrorist organisations employ coercive tactics,
particularly in recruiting women as sex slaves, irrespective of their
desires. This coercive recruitment is a prevalent aspect of these
groups’ operations, as exemplified by Boko Haram.42
Boko Haram, the Islamic State, Al-Qaeda, Al-Shabab, and
similar organisations employ sexual violence as a means of terrorising
populations into submission. It serves to displace civilians strategically,
instil unit cohesion among fighters, and generate revenue through
trafficking. The suppression of women’s rights not only subjects them
to subjugation but also allows extremists to control reproduction and
exploit female labour.43
84 REGIONAL STUDIES
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In Nepal, young girls like Sharmila Gatri and Sangeeta Chettri

fled their villages in response to forceful recruitment attempts by
Maoist rebels. They sought refuge in Kathmandu but ended up
working in an environment marked by sexual exploitation. Maoist
recruitments in the Lamjung district showed a preference for sending
daughters rather than sons when the rebels called for one family
member to join. This illustrates how coercion and gender-based
violence play a role in recruitment processes.44
Similarly, the LTTE, while initially appearing to have voluntary
female recruits, also had reports revealing coercive recruitment
methods. Some women were mobilised and recruited under duress,
often at the behest of family members or due to gender-based
violence. This recruitment process mirrors the approaches of Jihadi
Salafi groups in Afghanistan, Iran, etc., which exploit women in various
ways, expanding the scope of women’s involvement. A similar case is
examined in Africa where girls who have hardly crossed puberty are
kidnapped and forced to take part in terrorist activities.45
Coercion is a pervasive element in the involvement of women
in terrorist activities, both as a result of internal pressures and external
exploitation. Therefore, understanding the coercive tactics employed
by these organisations is crucial in addressing and preventing the
involvement of women in such activities.
Environment
Environmental factors significantly influence the motivations
and behaviours of individuals in conflict-affected regions. One notable
example is the Palestinian territories, where Fatah Tanzim, a militant
organisation, has incorporated women into various roles, including
battlefield intelligence gathering. Although women like Leila Khalid
were involved in terrorist actions in the 1970s, it was not until 2002
that women achieved equal status with men in terrorist activities.46
The emergence of women engaging in suicide bombings in
the Palestinian territories can be attributed to the prevailing anti-Israeli
WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM 85
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environment in these areas. Environmental pressures, coupled with

hostility toward Israeli occupation, have driven women to participate
in suicide bombings. Palestinian clerics have had to issue fatwas to
rationalise these unexpected events that were not part of their initial
plans. These women, motivated by their self-declared aspirations to
become martyrs, volunteered independently and carried out suicide
bombings. However, not all terrorist organisations, such as Hamas, are
open to the inclusion of women in their ranks.
These environmental factors contributing to female
involvement in terrorism are not exclusive to the Palestinian territories.
Similar dynamics can be observed in the conflict-prone environment,
historical context, socio-political and economic conditions and
ongoing insurgencies in countries like Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan
which have compelled women to participate in extremist activities for
various causes. For example, the role of female militants in
insurgencies in India’s North-Eastern states, such as Assam and
Manipur, offers a lens into the regional dynamics of female
involvement in terrorism.
Weak Counter-Terrorism Strategies
The increasing threat of violent extremism by women
demands a fresh approach to counter it effectively. For too long,
women in extremist movements have been viewed as lacking agency,
often treated as mere accessories, manipulated into embracing
extremist ideologies or assigned peripheral roles. This approach has
consequences; female terrorists are not treated as seriously as their
male counterparts, impacting security. For example, radicalised
American women commit similar crimes with nearly the same success
rates as men but are less likely to be arrested and convicted of
terrorism-related offences.
In recent years, ISIS has recruited an unprecedented number of
women, primarily through tailored, age-appropriate narratives
appealing to Muslim teenagers and young adults worldwide. Similar to
86 REGIONAL STUDIES
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QAnon, ISIS targeted well-intentioned young women with messages

of helping orphans victimised by the Syrian conflict. This approach had
a direct impact on events such as the 2015 San Bernardino shooting,
where Tashfeen Malik played a significant role in radicalising her
husband.47
Western women have also been influential online recruiters,
particularly luring girls from their home countries. Teenage girls, being
cautious when communicating with unknown men online, are less
guarded when connecting with older women who share their interests
and concerns. Hoda Muthana from Alabama and Aqsa Mahmood from
Scotland effectively recruited girls from the United States and the
United Kingdom, respectively.48
The rise of extremist ideologies among women, the success of
female-to-female recruitment, and the changed dynamics of identity
and belonging in the ideological ecosystem underscore the looming
threat that demands immediate attention. Countering this threat
requires a deep understanding of the psychology of belonging,
agency, and identity, as well as tailor-made programs employing
former female recruiters. Unfortunately, policymakers have been slow
to recognise this threat, treating radical women as a curiosity and
failing to create science-driven, gender-sensitive counterterrorism
solutions.
It is essential to acknowledge the historical involvement of
women in terrorism, from early figures like Vera Zasulich to their
participation in European terrorist groups in the 1960s and 1970s. Yet,
women have been marginalised in the fight against terrorism. Female
terrorists have been overlooked as both recruits and victims, with 10-
20 per cent of Westerners joining ISIS being women. In 2017, women
accounted for 11 per cent of suicide attacks and constituted 26 per
cent of those arrested on terrorism charges in Europe,49 in which after
the Paris attacks, women were reported to be 20 per cent from France
alone. The oversight of France's intelligence in recognising women's
WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM 87
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roles in terrorism is evident from the huge ratio of women joining ISIS
and ISIL.50
Omitting women from terrorism prevention efforts squanders
their potential contributions as extremism mitigators. Women can
detect early signs of radicalisation, provide crucial insights, and
influence countering-terrorism efforts in schools, religious institutions,
social environments, and local government. Neglecting the role that
women can play in combating extremism compromises national
security, leaving states less secure. Moreover, Pakistan government’s
inadvertent neglect of gender, particularly women, in its
counterterrorism approach has created a societal vacuum, leading to
gender-based terrorism issues in the country. This gender-blindness in
counterterrorism policy has allowed such issues to flourish.51

Conclusion
The surge in women’s involvement in terrorism and militancy
reflects a multifaceted dynamic influenced by various factors. A closer
examination of the intricate web of motivations, dynamics, and
challenges reveals that women are not mere observers but active
participants in the complex world of terrorism, each with their unique
stories and roles. Notably, areas in South Asia marked by conflicts and
insurgencies witness a higher prevalence of female terrorists,
suggesting a correlation between geopolitical turmoil and increased
female involvement.
Understanding the recruitment and radicalisation of women
into extremist ideologies is crucial for devising effective strategies to
prevent and counter their participation in terrorism. This phenomenon
is not new, yet the persistent negligence by states and their agencies
emphasises the urgent need for an effective application of the
counter-terrorism model that encompasses all the phases including
radicalisation, extremism, terrorism and prevention. Additionally,
adopting a comprehensive, gender-sensitive approach in
counterterrorism efforts is paramount. Traditional perspectives on
88 REGIONAL STUDIES
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extremism and radicalisation fall short as women's roles continue to

evolve, urging policymakers, law enforcement agencies, and civil
society organisations worldwide to adapt strategies that consider the
nuanced realities.
A holistic prevention-extremism framework for females is
imperative. This framework should involve intelligence and security,
counter-radicalisation and prevention, economic development and
social inclusion, rehabilitation and reintegration, and regional and
international cooperation. The urgency of such measures is
underscored by the potential loss of another generation to extremism,
particularly in the context of Pakistan.
It is however noted that non-Islamist terrorist organisations
and left-wing groups distinguish themselves by empowering women
with elevated statuses, including leaders, masterminds, recruiters, and
even hijackers. Conversely, roles assigned to women in so-called
Islamist terrorist organisations or right-wing groups are often
constrained, relegating them to positions such as sex slaves or
sympathisers. This constraint is justified through distorted
interpretations of Islamic ideology or Prophetic traditions. Notably,
there is a discernible shift in this trend, particularly in South Asia, and
Pakistan, where terrorists are increasingly recruiting women for roles
such as suicide bombers, recruiters, and propagandists. Importantly,
each case is propelled by distinct motivations.
It is also observed that familial bonds play a pivotal role in
terrorist recruitment, with approximately 75 per cent having pre-
existing familial ties. These kinship links wield influence in recruiting
women, as seen in the Egyptian religious militant group Repentance
and Holy Flight, where female terrorists often had familial ties to male
members. Similarly, the inclination of women towards terrorism is
depicted as a by-product of societal constructs. This underscores the
assertion that societal structures, norms, and expectations significantly
shape women's choices. Addressing broader social issues, spanning
WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM 89
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cultural, economic, and political factors, is imperative in effective

counterterrorism efforts.
Another interesting revelation dispels the misconception that
women do not operate as lone wolves and brings to light diverse
motivations, ranging from personal reasons and revenge to family ties.
Although examples are currently limited in South Asia, the potential
for increased numbers looms, particularly amid the rising insurgencies
and extremism in Pakistan.
In all interviews that were conducted and literature that was
consulted, the involvement of some states was one of the major
factors. However, it is noted that state involvement takes a dual-
pronged approach. On the one hand, there is direct recruitment of
females for specific acts of terrorism, while on the other hand, state
negligence in providing basic education, safety, protection, and
justice, and maintaining a male-centric counter-terrorism agenda
serves as an indirect provocation for women to turn to terrorism.
Furthermore, religion and nationalism also emerge as
significant drivers for women. Those joining extremist activities due to
religious interpretations and ethno-nationalism, observed in
Balochistan with the BLA emphasise the need to address these
ideological dimensions in counterterrorism efforts. Lastly, it is fair to
state that women's involvement in terrorism transcends regional and
organisational boundaries. Conflict-prone environments, historical
contexts, and socio-political conditions contribute to their
participation, exemplified by instances in the Palestinian territories
and conflict regions in Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan.
In conclusion, unravelling the complexities of women’s
involvement in terrorism requires a nuanced and comprehensive
approach. Adaptive strategies such as robust gendered P/CVE
strategies must be embraced urgently to address the root causes,
safeguard women against exploitation, and prevent the loss of future
generations to extremism. It is imperative for Pakistan, as well as the
90 REGIONAL STUDIES
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regional and global community to foster a more secure and inclusive

world.
WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM 91
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Notes and References

1 Yvonne Lanhers and Malcolm G.A. Vale, “Joan of Arc | Biography,

Death, Accomplishments, & Facts,” Britannica, 23 April 2024,
[Link]
2
James Crossland, “The Women Who Ended an Emperor,” History
Workshop, 21 April 2021, [Link]
violence/the-women-who-ended-an-emperor/.
3
Mia Bloom, Dying to Kill: The Allure of Suicide Terror (Columbia
University Press, 2005), [Link]
kill/9780231133203.
4
Mia Bloom, “Mother. Daughter. Sister. Bomber.,” Bulletin of the
Atomic Scientists 61, no. 6 (November 1, 2005): 54–62,
doi:10.2968/061006015.
5
Nathaniel C. Nash, “Lima Journal; Shining Path Women: So Many
and So Ferocious,” The New York Times, 22 September 1992, sec.
World, [Link]
[Link].
6
Zoe D Fine, “Becoming a Woman of ISIS,” University of South
Florida, Becoming a Woman of ISIS, 2018, 1–311.
7
Mia Bloom, “The Changing Nature of Women in Extremism and
Political Violence,” [Link], 14 July 2015,
[Link]
8
David Webber and Arie W Kruglanski, “Psychological Factors in
Radicalization: A ‘3 N’ Approach,” 2017,
[Link]
cal_Factors_in_Radicalization_A_3_N_Approach.
9
Arie W. Kruglanski, Jocelyn J. Bélanger, and Rohan Gunaratna, The
Three Pillars of Radicalization: Needs, Narratives, and Networks
(Oxford University Press, 2019), doi:10.1093/oso/
9780190851125.001.0001.
10
Randy Borum, “Radicalization into Violent Extremism II: A Review
of Conceptual Models and Empirical Research,” Journal of Strategic
Security 4, no. 4 (December 2011): 37–62, doi:10.5038/1944-
0472.4.4.2.
11
Rebecca Dougherty and P. Kathleen Frier, “Gender and Violent
Extremism: Examining the Psychology of Women Participating in
92 REGIONAL STUDIES
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Non-State Armed Groups,” The George Washington University, 2016,

[Link]
Extremism-Examining-the-Psychology-of-Women-Participating-in-
[Link].
12
Rana Tanveer, “Female Militant Arrested in Lahore Found to Be IS-
Affiliate Who Went Missing,” The Express Tribune, 16 April 2017,
[Link]
lahore-found-affiliate-went-missing.
13
Sara Mahmood, “Negating Stereotypes: Women, Gender, and
Terrorism in Indonesia and Pakistan,” n.d.,
[Link]
g%20Stereotypes-
%20Women%20Gender%20and%20Terrorism%20in%20Indonesia
%20and%[Link].
14
“British IS Recruiter Sally-Anne Jones ‘Killed by Drone,’” BBC News,
12 October 2017, sec. UK, [Link]
41593659.
15
“Pulwama Attack: The 23-Year-Old Woman Insha Jan Who Helped
The Terrorists,” News, NDTV, (August, 2020),
[Link]
old-woman-insha-jan-who-helped-the-terrorists-2285802.
16
Katarina Montgomery, “ISIS Recruits Brides to Solve Middle East
‘Marriage Crisis’,” GIWPS, 8 May 2015,
[Link]
solve-middle-east-marriage-crisis/.
17
Mellisa Martin, “Women’s Participation in Terrorism, Conflict and
Violent Extremism: Gender Equality or Pure Pragmatism?,”
Australian Graduate School of Policing and Security, Charles Sturt
University Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney,
n.d., [Link]
conference-2014/m-martin-ms-
[Link].
18
Rahima Jalal, Involvement of Women in Terrorism: Internal and
External Factors, interview by Mubeen Ashraf, September, 2023.
19
Lt. Gen Asif Ghafoor, Involvement of Women in Terrorism: Internal
and External Factors, interview by Mubeen Ashraf, October, 2017.
20
Fr John Sawicki, “Why Terrorists Use Female And Child Suicide
Bombers,” Health Progress, 2016, [Link]
WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM 93
________________________________________________________________

default-source/health-progress/why-terrorists-use-female-and-
[Link]?sfvrsn=3dc512f2_2.
21
Tanya Narozhna, “Margaret Gonzalez-Perez. Women and
Terrorism: Female Activity in Domestic and International Terror
Groups,” Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 4 (September 16,
2009): 644–46, doi:10.1080/09546550903256713.
22
Rahima Jalal, Involvement of Women in Terrorism: Internal and
External Factors.
23
Lt. Gen Asif Ghafoor, Involvement of Women in Terrorism: Internal
and External Factors.
24
Mia Bloom, “Bombshell: The Many Faces of Women Terrorists,”
GIWPS, accessed 10 December 2023, [Link]
edu/resource/bombshell-the-many-faces-of-women-terrorists/.
25
Joe Parkinson and Drew Hinshaw, “Abducted from School by
Terrorists, Their Kidnap Made Headlines: Why Haven’t They Been
Rescued?,” September 2021, [Link]
home/books/article-9626927/Abducted-school-terrorists-kidnap-
[Link].
26
Jawad Faizi, Involvement of Women in Terrorism: Internal and
External Factors, interview by Mubeen Ashraf, December 2017.
27
Ismail Sasoli, “Police Officer Martyred, 2 Injured in Suicide Attack in
Balochistan’s Turbat,” Dawn, [Link]
news/1761525.
28
Altaf Hussain Wani, Involvement of Women in Terrorism: Internal
and External Factors, interview by Mubeen Ashraf, October, 2023.
29
“War in Nepal - Basic Information > Maoist Woman,” November
2004, [Link]
30
Kenneth Yeo Yaoren, “Family Martyrdom: Examining Suicide
Terrorism Trends in Southeast Asia,” The Diplomat, September,
2021, [Link]
examining-suicide-terrorism-trends-in-southeast-asia/.
31
Joseph Makanda, Emmanuel Matambo, and Vumile Mncibi, “The
Syrian Conflict and ‘Women Terrorists,’” Contemporary Arab Affairs
11, no. 1–2 (March 1, 2018): 239–55, doi:10.1525/caa.2018.000014.
32
Yaoren, “Family Martyrdom: Examining Suicide Terrorism Trends in
Southeast Asia.”
33
Ibid.
94 REGIONAL STUDIES
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34
Kamran Reza Chowdhury, “Indian Woman Recruited Neo-JMB
Militants, Bangladesh Police Allege,” Benar News, July 2020,
[Link]
[Link].
35
Ibid.
36
Dr Amira Jadoon and Iqraa Bukhari, “A Looming Challenge:
Women in Pakistan’s Terrorism Landscape,” 9DASHLINE, 29
September 2023, [Link]
challenge-women-in-pakistans-terrorism-landscape.
37
Jawad Faizi, Involvement of Women in Terrorism: Internal and
External Factors.
38
Jayne Huckerby, “When Terrorists Traffic Their Recruits,” Just
Security, 15 March 2021, [Link]
when-terrorists-traffic-their-recruits/.
39
Ibid.
40
Ibid.
41
“War in Nepal - Basic Information > Maoist Woman.”
42
Jamille Bigio and Rachel Vogelstein, “Women and Terrorism,” 2019,
[Link]
_Bigio_Vogelstein_Terrorism_OR.pdf.
43
Ibid.
44
“War in Nepal - Basic Information > Maoist Woman.”
45
Jayne Huckerby, “When Women Become Terrorists,” The New York
Times, 21 January 2015, [Link]
opinion/[Link].
46
Claire, “Leila Khaled, the Terrorist Who Hijacked the Heart of the
Left,” The Jewish Examiner, 19 February 2021,
[Link]
who-hijacked-the-heart-of-the-left-b928b4d90c04.
47
Farah Pandith, Jacob Ware, and Mia Bloom, “Female Extremists in
QAnon and ISIS Are on the Rise. We Need a New Strategy to
Combat Them.,” THINK, December 2020,
[Link]
qanon-isis-are-rise-we-need-new-strategy-ncna1250619.
48
Ibid.
49
Ibid.
WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN TERRORISM 95
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50
Jayne Huckerby, “When Women Become Terrorists.”
51
Asadullah Khan, Women Involvement in Terrorism, interview by
Mubeen Ashraf, October 2023.