3 PB
3 PB
Abstract
The funeral music of the Vietnamese people in the Northern Delta represents unique type of tra-
ditional musical heritage practiced and passed down by many generations of Vietnamese people
to this day. Vietnamese people often say: “Sống dầu đèn, chết kèn trống” (If you live with lamp oil,
die with trumpets and drums) - meaning that the sound of drums and trumpets at the funeral of
the dead is like fire and oil in human life. However, this unique artistic heritage is facing a risk
of change, as many traditional qualities in this type of music are gradually hybridizing and dis-
appearing. The main research method of this study is qualitative research, focusing on in-depth
interviews with elite artisans - elderly people with good memories and the ability to excel in
practicing funeral music. In-depth interviews are done with artisans in families who have prac-
ticed and taught funeral music for generations. Research results show that the funeral music of
Vietnamese people in the Northern Delta has changed quite a lot compared to tradition; Modern
compositions songs are gradually being practiced in the Vietnamese funeral space here. The main
reason is that the local cultural heritage management and preservation policy, for many years,
was not given much attention. At the same time, pragmatic economic factors resulting from these
artisans practicing this heritage in the face of the impact of the new economic context of society
- are also the central cause of this transformation. The need to preserve this precious heritage in
the cultural and social life of contemporary Vietnamese people is also an issue discussed in this
study.
Keywords: funeral music; unique heritage; Vietnamese people in the Northern Delta; change;
social context; preservation and promotion
How to Cite: Lam, N. D. (2024). Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People in the Northern Delta, Vietnam.
Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education, 24(1), 18-35
Corresponding author:
E-mail: [email protected]
18
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 19
life. However, the author also realized that That is, when someone dies in the village,
practitioners of traditional funeral music people do a ritual to dig up the grave for a
are losing their ways and identity as many bronze drum to perform the funeral. When
run for profit by using non-traditional mu- the funeral is done, people bury this musi-
sic sources to attract customers. Therefore, cal instrument in the ground. This instru-
to gradually decipher the unique values of ment is not kept in the house but is always
traditional Vietnamese funeral music, the buried in the ground, according to their
study will evaluate its changes with the traditional beliefs.
desire to raise awareness among national Funeral music has always shown a
and international researchers related to sad nature. Whether it is the funeral music
traditional performing arts. of the Mường, the Tày, the Thái, or the Êđê
In the cultural life of Vietnamese or whether the music is used in the fune-
people, folk music is part of their lives rals of Catholics, Buddhists, followers of
from birth until death. From lullabies for Cao Đài or other belief systems, most fu-
babies over nursery rhymes for teenagers neral music expresses sadness, pain, and
and children and folk songs that depict the suffering. McFerran and Crooke (2016)
love of adulthood to forms of funeral mu- argue that the age-old relationship bet-
sic that send people off to the other side ween music and emotion makes this con-
– all of these forms of folk music express nection almost inevitable. Therefore, in the
their own unique features and core values traditional culture of Vietnamese ethnic
of a culture with thousands of years of his- groups, regardless of the cultural context,
tory. historical period, or religion, ceremonial
In Vietnam, traditional funeral music music is always a means of expressing the
is a functional art form. As a functional art, thoughts of the living to the dead, that is,
funeral music is performed according to primarily sadness, except for some special
specific principles and regulations throug- cases which will be analyzed below.
hout the funeral until the dead person is Practical research on traditional
buried. Each ethnic group and religion uses folk music in Vietnam over the years has
funeral music according to its principles, shown that most forms of traditional fune-
but each musical element is used as signal ral music are constantly changing. In each
and command to help the funeral processi- historical period, music has changed and
on take place according to these principles, new musical melodies and traditional mu-
sequentially, and with a certain meaning. sical instruments were added and built up.
According to Caswell (2012), both sacred As ethnic communities live in coexisten-
and secular music are common for fune- ce, alternating with each other, they have
rals when personalized for the individual exchanges and import cultural and mu-
passed away. Music in a funeral setting is sical influences of each other. However,
used as a means of control, inclusion and the State of Vietnam attempted to reform
exclusion, a source of collective action, rituals in the period after 1954. This “state
and as a means of creating or transforming functionalism” could not succeed in cont-
emotions and recalling the deceased. Mu- rolling all meanings and values, as funeral
sical instruments are used according to the ceremonies had long become tradition and
specific cultural principles of each cultural a habit deeply ingrained in the social and
group. As such, the H’mông only allow cultural life and community consciousness.
drums when someone dies, and they are Nevertheless, the transformative dialogue
not used at other traditional cultural activi- (According to the traditional Vietnamese
ties. The Chăm H’roi in Phú Yên use gongs point of view: Music functions as a dialo-
when performing the funeral; the Lô Lô in gue between the living, between the living
Cao Bang province use bronze drums for and the dead, and even between humans
the dry ghost ceremony, which must be and gods, in a sense, in indigenous cultural
buried in the ground when someone dies. traditions) began to take place, which was
20 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 18-35
a dialogue with its historical forebears, cre- were not as expected. Identifying funeral
ating a set of rituals and ritual ideas, inclu- music as an issue that needs to be resear-
ding the use of music (Malarney, 1996). ched to supplement the scientific literature
Among the musical heritage of the 54 for ethnography in Vietnam, and so, the
ethnic groups in Vietnam, funeral music is author continued to expand the surveys
the richest form, preserving many tradi- in many other provinces and cities in the
tional elements. Accounting for over 80% northern delta. In addition to identifying
of the population in the region and a rich musical characteristics in this area, the
history, the Kinh in the North of Vietnam work discusses in depth the changes and
have created their own unique traditional causes of any changes. The hypothesis is
culture, of which funeral music is one of that the funeral folk music of the Vietna-
the legacies that can confirm the specifici- mese people in the north of Vietnam has
ty of this region’s funeral music culture. changed but still retains many traditional
The appearance of funeral music, as well values. Thus, preserving and developing
as its constituent parts, will be analyzed in traditional funeral music is also an impor-
depth in the main body of the article. tant measure to preserve traditional Viet-
Research on the funeral music of namese characteristics.
Vietnamese people in the North has been Funeral music is recorded in many
carried out by numerous researchers late- countries around the world and is domi-
ly with different aspects. In 2001, Le Cam nated by folk and traditional music (Cas-
Ly published a study on the cosmology well, 2011; Prelovšek, 2017; Jones, 2008). In
and the Vietnamese people’s view of life Europe’s Primorska region, the practice of
through funeral performances. The aut- contemporary funeral music follows the
hor discussed the issue of funerals from local folk tradition, also with various tra-
an ethical and cultural point of view, con- ditional weeping songs. Funeral and mu-
sidering funerals as a form of promoting sic choices are colored by the presence of
village feelings, filial piety, and devotion. the sea, bringing out the most popular lo-
Issues related to the economics of funeral cal bands and repertoire (Prelovsek, 2021).
workers were also initially studied here. In In Slovenia, according to Prelovšek, folk
2006, researcher Dang (2006) also studied music predominates, followed by popular
this issue, and he approached funerals music; classical music is rarely requested
from a musical and cultural perspective. at funerals (Prelovšek, 2017). And, funeral
He identified the importance of funerals music has more value, more acoustic ener-
in the cultural life of Vietnamese people, gy, more musical expression than non-fu-
as well as other life-cycle rituals, including neral music. Meanwhile, the appearance of
wedding ceremonies. Loan described the dances at funerals is very rare (Hanser et
basic funeral orchestra, including instru- al., 2022).
ments such as traditional woodchips trum- Funeral music emerges from funerals
pet (kèm dăm), nhị (ehu), bass erhu (hồ), tra- and performs specific functions. Funerals
ditional bamboo flute (sáo trúc), traditional constitute expressive action – a communi-
rice drum (trống cơm) and tam instrument cation system that articulates human-to-
(đàn tam). human relationships between humans and
In 2012, during the fourth internatio- the natural and supernatural environment
nal conference on Vietnamese studies, held – and an ethical system encryption is car-
in Hanoi, Loan presented a study on the ried out to achieve certain effects in these
changes in the practice of funeral music of relationships (Hampton, 1982). The music
Vietnamese people in the northern delta, that people choose at funerals provides
focusing on the changes and the direct im- an interesting reflection on a society’s at-
pact of policies and history. However, like titudes towards death and how society
previous studies on funeral music, due to at large over death expresses grief. In a
the lack of survey data, the research results way, funeral music explores the tension
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 21
between fitness and the need for personal of death and mourning, often working to
expression in funerals as exemplified by ease the painful transition for the berea-
musical choices (Sandra and Davidson, ved. The physical, typographic, semantic,
2016). Music can perform a number of va- spatial, and temporal organization of these
luable psychological functions in dealing textual artifacts mobilizes the sentiments
with grief. The music used in funerals has and structures of moral relationships du-
evolved towards interpreting life, and this ring a funeral. Tradition is nourished by ri-
reflects important changes in approaches tual, and it can retroactively limit the pos-
to questions of life and death (Sandra and sibilities for moral conduct (Shohet, 2018).
Waldo, 2016). Emotions in the ringing of For example, music is important in the
bells for the dead in England between AD social life of the H’mông, influencing the
500 and AD 700 mattered in certain com- framing pattern, and it is found in funeral
munities and individuals. Bells announced music. It reflects social organization, the
the cycle of life and death. The bell notified art of language forming, poetic structure,
the whole parish community when some- and graphic design that can be extended
one died, and they are crucial in ritual per- and applied to the qeej’s musical and social
formance, death, burial, and mourning. Si- roles in funerals (Catherine, 2003).
multaneous ringing of bells can unite and Funeral musical variation is a com-
divide parishes, as performing the ritual mon rule. As observed by Chan and Chow
sounds of death, burial, and mourning, (2017), when studying the British presen-
and is special to each emotional commu- ce of traditional Chinese culture in Hong
nity (Dolly, 2016). People who participate Kong in 1841, Hong Kong became an ef-
in music therapy often deal with grief and fective location for the study of Chinese
loss issues related to their other experien- culture, social change, and its impact on
ces with disability and mental and physical funeral rites (Sharon et al., 2017). In Chi-
illness. The age-old relationship between na, social context is important in creating
music and emotion makes this connection music in society. Funeral and ceremonial
almost inevitable (Katrina and Alexander, music underwent various modifications
2016). And, contemporary funeral rites are during the 20th century in the city of Yu-
all concerned with ‘living religion’ – how lin, the regional capital, illustrating the
religion is ‘lived’ both inside and outsi- contrast with the region (Jones, 2009). Ho-
de an institutionalized environment and wever, local traditions are still clearly ref-
how relationships with the deceased are lected in the music in each region. Funeral
not severed but continue. Funeral music ritual music in southern Anhui province,
referring to heaven and angels can also be located just west of Shanghai, has a variety
considered an element of the ritual (Bruin, of Chinese funeral sounds, creating a dis-
2019). tinction between Eastern and Western mu-
Music is also a symbol and signifies sic (Kun, 2014). Funeral traditions in many
the behavior of a society and culture. It parts of China are still maintained, in cont-
supports cultural norms, displaying them rast to some other traditions that were abo-
in symbolic form through public perfor- lished under Maoism. Despite profound
mances, and ensures that acceptance and social upheavals, the meaning of funerals
reinforcement of cultural norms is achie- in rural society has remained unchanged
ved as basic characteristics of the commu- enough for associations to maintain (Jones,
nity. Funeral music is also highly political 2008). Similarly, Japanese funeral music
because the people who practice the music has many variations from tradition (Hi-
communicate social issues. Thus, politics rochika, 1986).
and social context govern funeral music; In many traditions, funeral music
conversely, funeral music has an impor- can be traced back to ancient songs and
tant place in society (Woma, 2012). chants designed to ward off spirits. Tradi-
Funerals constitute the social nature tion remains important for individuals in
22 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 18-35
choosing funeral music over music of per- tural values of traditional Vietnamese mu-
sonal significance in that it relates to the sic, particularly traditional funeral music.
individual’s memories, values, and beliefs. Funeral music has had changes and
It illustrates how the music played at fune- impacts from policies and social contexts
rals, to some extent, reflects the changing in many aspects, most clearly since Đổi
attitudes towards death in society at large. mới (1986). Historically, around the mid-
However, with the changing practice of dle of 1980, the domestic economy fell into
funerals today, including the increasing a serious crisis, and people suffered as the
problem of cremation in secular funerals cooperative economy revealed many ina-
in the 20th century, musical choices began dequacies. Facing that crisis, in December
to change. Most of the music chosen for fu- 1986, the Sixth National Party Congress
nerals in modern Western cultures reflects was held and set the direction for urgent
personal values, regardless of whether and comprehensive strategic change, inclu-
those values include religious beliefs (San- ding the agricultural and rural economy.
dra and Jane, 2016). Previously, Vietnam’s economy was self-
Thus, funeral music exists in each sufficient with centralized bureaucratic
culture and accompanies the culture from subsidies under the direct management of
a very early age, with traditional music as the state. At the congress, the multi-sector
an important background. The emergen- economy, including the private and indivi-
ce of funeral music also demonstrates the dual economy, began to be discussed, cre-
symbolism and values of indigenous cul- ating conditions for people to develop. Ac-
ture, in which music functions according cording to Do (2009), the 1986 reform has
to the individual philosophies of each par- made way for sociocultural and religious
ticular cultural community. transformations in Vietnam in line with
The northern delta, also known as Vietnam’s reintegration into the world
the Red River Delta, combines various markets.
subcultures with great similarities in geo- The Central Resolution No. 10-NQ/
graphical and cultural characteristics and TW from April 5, 1988, on rural economic
includes the provinces and cities Hà Nội, renewal of the Politburo stated that one
Hải Phòng, Hải Dương, Hưng Yên, Nam key content was to create economic auto-
Định, Thái Bình, Hà Nam, Vĩnh Phúc, and nomy opportunities for households. The
Bắc Ninh province. Apart from Thái Bình following Resolution of the Fifth Conferen-
and Hưng Yên, there are no mountains. ce of the Seventh Central Committee of the
The rest of the provinces have only small Party dated June 10, 1993, on continuing
mountains and hills (Thong, 2006). innovation and rural socio-economic deve-
In this paper, the author hypothesi- lopment put the agricultural and economic
zes and shows that the funeral music of development in the direction of commodi-
the Vietnamese people in the northeastern ty production in the process of industriali-
region has been preserved and promoted zation and modernization of the country,
until now because of its function as an considering it a strategic task of top impor-
environment and performance space. It tance (Communist Party of Vietnam, 2007).
should be added that the Vietnamese here The Resolution of the Fifth Plenum of the
practice traditional ancestor worship be- Central Committee (Term VII) focused on
liefs, not monotheistic religions. However, promoting the industrialization of agricul-
many Vietnamese practice a larger religion ture and rural areas, along with restructu-
(such as Catholicism) and ancestor wor- ring the rural economy (Communist Party
ship. Whereas in the West, those would be of Vietnam, 2007). However, besides the
mutually exclusive, these syncretistic be- socio-economic renewal through these
lief systems work in Vietnam. Although it resolutions, it is impossible not to pay at-
has changed alarmingly, it is necessary to tention to the strong and comprehensive
research and, from there, preserve the cul- impact on folklore in the villages. Com-
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 23
logy, the author conducted in-depth inter- colors have symbolic meanings, clearly
views with insiders (người trong cuộc), representing the Chinese theory of the ori-
those who directly practice funeral music gin of the universe. During funerals, the
and those who hire musical groups to per- “qupai” (a type of music) is chosen from
form funerals for their loved ones. a variety of more than 100 tunes, the cho-
The survey sample is made up of ice of which depends on the age of the
those who practice and teach talents in deceased. During such a 3-day ritual, the
funeral music practice, especially fami- Chinese perform most of the day in front
lies with a multi-generational tradition of of their home (Iguchi Junko, 2004). Thus,
practicing this type of music in Bắc Ninh the use of music is disciplined and strictly
and Hải Dương, Hanoi, Nam Định, Thái regulated, similar to Vietnam.
Bình, and Hưng Yên – all localities where
there are still many talented artisans. The RESULT AND DISCUSSION
interviews focused on the history, names,
and characteristics of funeral music in ge- Functions of funeral music and its
neral and the different genres of singing fate in comparison with some other regio-
and instrumental music and performances nal folk music genres
used in funerals. The interviewer also at- The traditional funeral music of the
tended the musical performances and ob- Vietnamese people in the northern delta
served the instruments in each locality. In consists of three components:
addition, several religious experts were se- One is the system and organization
lected for in-depth interviews to clarify is- of the orchestra. The system includes the
sues. Interviews specifically focused on fa- Lâm khốc system, including Lâm khốc ai,
milies of musicians with many generations Lâm khốc xuôi, Lâm khốc ngược, Dàn Thưa,
of funeral music practice, including 25 Bản Chở, and Thái Bình. Lâm khốc means
interviews with people who practice and the forest weeps with a sadness that can-
teach funeral music, five interviews with not be expressed in ordinary language, but
local shamans (thầy cúng); five interviews only with the Lâm khốc melody in tradi-
with people in the area, and three religio- tional Vietnamese funeral music. In it, Lâm
us experts. Although the number of inter- khốc ai is performed at all stages of the fu-
views was only 35, the author found that neral ritual, from the time of admission to
focusing on older, experienced people led the end of the burial of the dead; The Lâm
to reliable research results. They are peop- khốc xuôi is the music used when bringing
le who have been involved in the creation, the coffin (quan tài) of the dead from the
practice, and teaching of funeral music. In house to the cemetery for burial; Lâm khốc
addition, relevant experts and individuals ngược is a piece of music used to perform
who have a profound understanding of ac- when the burial of the dead is completed –
culturation and folk art were selected for performed on the way back to the home of
interviews. the dead, at the end of the funeral rite. Dàn
Through religious research, funeral thưa, Bản chở, and Thái Bình are songs
music is shown to perform a sacred func- that are used interchangeably during the
tion at a funeral. In other words, the songs funeral process, similar to Lâm khốc ai,
of the music used in the funeral are perfor- used mainly when the coffin of the dead
med according to the regulations in each has not been taken to the cemetery to bury.
funeral procession; lyrics cannot be prac- These songs are used and performed by
ticed spontaneously like in entertainment the orchestra, in which the trumpet plays
music outside a funeral. This is true not the melody mainly.
only in Vietnam but also in neighboring In the music system, there is also sin-
China. For instance, the number of perfor- ging, often accompanied by “crying trum-
mers in Chinese funeral music should be pets” (Khóc kèn), and the actual crying of
odd, usually 5 or 7 people. Numbers and the deceased’s loved ones when they visit
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 25
sic to be maintained to promote, develop, a new trend. In music culture alone, the
and make up the body of Vietnamese fu- musical reform movement in the 1930s,
neral rites. If this condition is lost, it means which began as a means of translating and
the loss of function as well as no reason putting lyrics into Western music tunes,
for the existence of funeral music. Herbert began to gain popularity. After the August
Spencer (1820-1903) stated that any stable Revolution of 1945, the public education
system is composed of different but inter- movement (Bình dân học vụ) was foun-
related parts, which work together to form ded, launched, and put into operation by
the whole, creating the system stability. President Ho Chi Minh, once again cont-
The contribution to the stable operation ributing to bringing popular culture to a
of the system is called a function (Bui and higher level. Its influence spread to most
Dinh, 2021). Looking at the social function provinces and cities nationwide. Since the
of folk music in the northern delta, we can mid-20th century, it was possible to see the
see this clearly. In the past, in pure folk two traditional cultural flows of Vietnam
cultural activities, musical forms such as and the West gradually merging. Many
wallets, drums, and storks were used as new cultural forms were born and chan-
means for people to follow. At each age, ged. Especially after the new Vietnamese
village people would express and convey music scene appeared, the public’s musical
their thoughts, feelings, and emotions to tastes changed a lot, gradually replacing
themselves, their family, their children, traditional folk music with the main crea-
and their friends and lovers. By the se- tions of scholarly and professional music,
cond half of the 20th century, that functi- which was theoretically absorbed from the
on had gradually been disappearing and Western music background.
is now completely lost. This comes from New lines of music, composed and
the fact that its traditional living environ- performed in new forms, appeared. The
ment and performance space no longer theatricalization of previous traditional
exist and instead become a professionali- music forms – such as Tuồng, Chèo, and
zed environment. In the words of resear- Đờn Ca-Tài Tử (Cải Lương theater) be-
cher Nguyen (2006), this phenomenon is gan to develop and influenced many tra-
the “shifting from the living environment ditional art forms. As mentioned above,
to the artistic environment.” Looking back when people’s needs change, the means
at history, from the second half of the 19th of serving those needs change at the same
century to the middle of the 20th century, time. It may not be difficult to explain why
after Western missionaries were coming today’s young generation no longer uses
to Vietnam, the country’s cultural life has the tunes of lullabies to convey affection
been interwoven between traditional and and moral education to children from the
non-traditional cultures. This period can moment they lie in the crib. Children no
be considered when non-traditional cul- longer play folk games and create rhymes.
tural flows penetrated strongly and con- Young men and women no longer use
tinuously in several waves. Books on the songs like Ví singing, Đúm singing, and
culture, society, and science of countries Trống quân singing to reciprocally sing to-
such as France, England, and Germany gether to express their affection, love, and
were gradually translated and dissemina- feelings towards one another. The perfor-
ted to the intelligentsia and those who ser- mance environments and spaces changed,
ved the purpose of exploiting the colonies their function ceased to exist, and thus,
of the French colonialists. Marxist and Le- their nature changed. A basic summary of
ninist books and newspapers representing some of those changes in some art forms
the working class were also translated, can be seen in Table 1.
published, and propagated into Vietnam. We can see that the original content,
In general, it can be seen that many aspects form, and performance spaces of the above
of social life in the country also followed folk music genres disappeared and beca-
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 27
Table 1. Comparison between the content, form, and performance space of some folk songs in
Bắc Ninh and the northern
Old Now
Category
Content Form Space Content Form Space
Lull the In the cradle/ Collect,
Lullaby sing- Improvi- Solo per- On the
baby to In the ham- memo-
ing sation formance stage
sleep mock rize
Ví singing
Outside the
Đúm singing courtyard,
Reciproc- Collect, Collective Perform-
Trống quân Improvi- around the
ity (collec- memo- perfor- ing on
singing sation village well, stage
tive) rize mance
under the ban-
Xa mạc/Bồng yan tree
mạc singing
Source: Survey in 2012-2022 in Bắc Ninh and Thái Bình province
me art forms that are gradually being spe- professional experience, the materials ob-
cialized on the stage. It also shows that it tained from them are reliable and among
no longer exists when its traditional social the most original sources that the author
function is no longer synonymous with synthesizes and presents within the formal
reason. system (of songs and musical works, that is
Looking at funeral music, we see that Lâm Khốc, Bản Chở, Thái Bình, Dàn Thưa,
the above argument is not entirely true etc.), the organization of the orchestra, and
for this genre. Vietnamese funerals can the performances.
be considered a constant in Vietnamese
culture, so up to this time, funeral music In a formal system
still retains its function, closely associated When recognizing the changes in the
with its living environment as well as its Vietnamese people’s funeral music practi-
meaning, role, and position in the cultural ce in the northern delta, the study first exa-
and spiritual life of people in Bắc Ninh and mines the changes in the formal system.
the northern delta. Thus, one might won- In addition to the rhythms in the perfor-
der: While many other forms of folk music mance, which will be analyzed later, four
have been and are in danger of being lost, main songs are still maintained and used:
disappearing, and deformed, in what sta- Forest of tears - ”Lâm khốc” (including
te is the funeral music of the Vietnamese “Lâm khốc xuôi” and “Lâm Khốc ngược
people in Bắc Ninh province? This questi- ai”); Seamless - Thái Binh (“Dàn Thưa
on will be the focus of the analysis in the – Thái Bình” (also known as “Cách cú”);
section below. Ban Choo (“Bản Chở”); and ”Sing - cry”
(“hát khóc”), used with trumpet and drum.
Changes in funeral music today In addition, those who are long-lived also
When comparing the changes in fu- use Lưu Thủy. This is one of the songs in
neral music practices of Vietnamese peop- the formal system of Nhã Nhạc, but it has
le in Bắc Ninh province, the author focus- been used in funeral rites of Vietnamese
ed on conducting in-depth interviews and people in the northern delta and Bắc Ninh
observations, including with some artists for hundreds of years and is part of the tra-
whose families have worked in funeral dition of Vietnamese funeral music. The
music for many generations. They are re- above compositions, in terms of musical
ferred to as professional funeral trumpet properties, can be divided into two types:
players (“nghề thổi kèn đám ma”) who deep, sad tones – such as Lâm khốc ai –
chose to perform as a career. With their and sad tones, such as Lâm khốc xuôi and
28 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 18-35
Dàn thưa. Artists use the adjective “fresh” ai ứa performed with all its elements – a
to describe their music. Traditionally, the- sequential opening, middle, and end part
se songs will be used with a specific fun- – now, people only use parts of it. In such
ction. A typical funeral procession with a practice process, as long as one person
Lâm khốc ai and ”Sing - cry” could look as in the orchestra improvises a tune or sen-
follows: Starting with the Phát Phục (wea- tence in the song, the others can follow it
ring funeral attire) ceremony over reciting right away. According to field research,
and placing the dead body in the coffin this stems from the breaking of traditional
to burying the dead person’s coffin in the principles from the past, such as “Trống
ground, the two songs Lâm khốc ai and đánh xuôi, kèn thổi ngược” – (that is, the
Lưu Thủy (for the old people in the past) drums always play one rhythm, but the
are used; When the grave is lowered and trumpets play another. This transformatio-
buried, the funeral procession uses the two nal step is also caused by the metamorpho-
songs “Dàn thưa” and “Lâm khốc xuôi”; sis of the concept of “death with oil lamps/
When the dead are summoned, attendants death with drums” (“Sống dầu đèn, chết
mainly use the “Thái Binh” song; “Sing – kèn trống”) (any death must have trumpet
cry” is used when a tenant’s family mem- and drum sounds as a means of expressing
ber cries. the pain of loss of family members). Third,
However, what are the aspects that in the “Sing – cry” form, there are also ex-
changed over time? They can be generali- pressions of borrowing and integrating
zed into the following three issues: First, some non-traditional tones (Traditional to-
the omission and addition of musical nes here are understood as those used in
instruments in the practice process. In the indigenous Vietnamese people mourning
past, the song Lâm khốc ai was used in the ceremonies). Especially for the last one
form of “the drums are played forward or two decades, people who cry for hire
/ the trumpet blows back” (“Trống đánh get a fairly high “remuneration”, so some
xuôi, kèn thổi ngược”) – that is, a small have professionalized this genre by ad-
drum is used to beat and keep at the first ding more musical instruments. While in
beat (regular rhythms) not divided into ac- the past, after each “cry” sentence would
cents – and two trumpets go against each be an unanswered passage with two or
other, then that principle was later broken three trumpets (“Kèn tiểu, kèn trung, or
and lost. This is expressed through two Kèn đại”) along with a small drum, today,
points: the drum can be supplemented people in Bắc Ninh city have often added
with a large drum and a gong placed in the drums and other musical instruments to
lying position, keeping the rhythm (“trì accompany the rhythmic sounds in the
tục”) with regular rhythmic sounds. The form of a professional traditional folk or-
two trumpets go in the direction of each chestra. The melody of the “Sing – cry”
other (both play the same musical melo- genre has been losing its inherent charac-
dy, but one has a low pitch and the other teristics. Instead, it is influenced by some
a higher one), and there are additional nhị other musical genres, including Chèo
instruments, sáo flute, and đàn bầu instru- singing, making the method better than
ment. Compiled from in-depth interviews before. Talking about this phenomenon,
with practitioners, the author gathered practitioner 3 added that when teaching
that adding drums and string instruments children in the traditional way, the elders
will make the sound richer and better and taught them again, but when they practice,
thus will be more suitable for listeners. Ho- they do it their way, so they also change
wever, it would be important that during their practice a lot. In the author’s opinion,
the performance, the substitution between this phenomenon comes from the change
the members of the orchestra will help in musical aesthetic perception.
the trumpet player and the drummer lose Thus, the changes in the formal
more energy. While in the past, Lâm khốc system of funeral music compositions,
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 29
Table 2. Comparison of transformational aspects in Lâm khốc ai before and after the national
innovation period
Before innovation After innovation
1. Has been irreversibly altered;
Melodies in verse order, deep and sad
2. Influenced by non-traditional melodies such as
Performing in the form of “backward-
Chèo singing, especially modern songs: Tình Cha
beating drums and backward trumpets”;
by Ngọc Sơn and Tình Mẹ by Y Vân;
Mainly uses drums (mostly one) and
3. Breaking the rules and very little first-form
trumpets (one to three)
4. Arranged into an orchestra
Source: Author’s direct survey from 2012 to 2021
through the analysis of Lâm khốc ai, clear- ched), middle, and big (lower pitch). The
ly show four sequential levels of melody, two main instruments, drums and trum-
tonal nature, performance form, and addi- pets, are present in the funeral from the
tional instrumental accompaniment. The casketing of a body until the burial. The
same is true in other cultures. According gong (also known as “Lệnh”) only per-
to Prelovšek, A., music at a traditional forms the function of notifying attendees
funeral usually includes an orchestra or before and during the process of bringing
trumpet in Ljubljana and the surrounding the deceased’s coffin to the cemetery.
areas. But by 2016, this music was increa- As for the Orchestra of the Eight
singly replaced by a girl’s voice and an Sounds, the instruments added were for-
instrumental ensemble (Prelovšek, 2017). merly not part of traditional funeral music
The northern delta of Vietnam has the but folk ceremonies (originating from the
most notable additions of modern, non- royal court) and associated with the com-
traditional songs, which will be analyzed munal house ceremony and were a product
in more detail below. of the cultural institution of Confucianism.
Their presence in funerals is the result of
In orchestra organization a move from court music to folklore and
Orchestral organization is a concept village tutelary rituals and, possibly, from
the author borrowed from professional performing for the emperors. The elderly
modern music to easily analyze the chan- practice the Orchestra of the Eight Sounds
ges in Vietnamese funeral music, including in the village god’s ceremony (“Chấp lễ”)
the additions and variations in the practice of the communal house. However, it was
of funeral music. only acceptable at funerals of older people
In the funerals of Vietnamese peop- aged 70 and over; young people who died
le in the northern delta, two orchestras are were not allowed to use this orchestra.
now commonly used, with drums, gongs, But after 1986, the Orchestra of the Eight
and trumpets, forming the Orchestra of the Sounds was used in many funerals in the
Eight Sounds (“dàn bát âm”). According to north, no longer distinguishing young and
some older people who are still practicing old, which means it changed the function
funeral music, before the 1980s, there were and taboo from before. Currently, there is
only drums, gongs, and trumpets in Viet- no document that specifically records and
namese funerals. The drums consist of a big details this step, but based on the history of
drum (Trống lớn: Drum surface diameter traditional music and in-depth interviews
is about 45-50 cm, with an average height with older people working in the professi-
of 65-75 cm), a small one (Trống ban: The on, the move seems logical.
drum surface diameter is about 30 cm, the Called Orchestra of the Eight Sounds
average height is 18 cm); a gong (chiêng: (Bát âm), in the northern delta, this or-
The gong surface diameter is about 25 cm, chestra is popular with the following
the average height is 10 cm), and trumpets, instruments:
popularly three: minor (higher, high-pit- • The erhu (Nhị)
• The bass erhu (Hồ)
30 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 18-35
• The Flute (Sáo) Father’s Love (Tình cha) and Mother’s Heart
• The bass Flute (Tiêu) (Lòng mẹ) – which are new music that was
• The Tam instrument composed in the last decades of the twen-
• The one string instrument (Đàn bầu-”Độc tieth century.
huyền cầm”)
Thus, through the analysis of the Or-
• The rice drum (Trống cơm)
chestra of the Eight Sounds and its parti-
However, the number of musical
cipation in the funerals, we see a change
instruments and participants in this or-
in the organization of the funeral music.
chestra is not always sufficient because
It manifests itself in the introduction and
of the family’s economic condition of the
mixing of the two above-mentioned musi-
deceased or because gathering the full
cal organizational structures and in the use
number of people participating in a fune-
and principles. These are the most remar-
ral orchestra is very rare. In addition, three
kable points in the transformation of the
other musical instruments – the rice drum,
funeral orchestra from the previous tradi-
the zither, and sinh tiền instrument – are
tion. This is also the result of the process
only common in some localities such as
of changing aesthetic tastes, which leads to
Bắc Ninh, Hưng Yên, and Thái Bình.
a change in the concept of using musical
It should be added that the concept
instruments, which could eventually lead
of “Bát âm” does not depend on the num-
to the disappearance of some of these tra-
ber of instruments used. Centuries ago, the
ditions.
name of the orchestra was derived from
the eight instruments. But now, people
In folk drama
only keep the name of this orchestra, and
The changes in the practice of fune-
the number of instruments is not eight like
ral music are not only limited to the two
before, maybe just 5-6 instruments. Practi-
above-mentioned aspects, but also mani-
tioner 23 said the musical instruments used
fest profoundly in the performances. In
in funerals in Bắc Ninh today are mainly
Bắc Ninh, Hưng Yên, and Thái Bình, there
three: the đàn nhị, the đàn bầu instrument,
are four traditional funeral acts:
and the sáo flute.
• Mục Liên – Thanh Đề
Regarding the changes in the organi- • Twenty-four filial piety (Nhị thập tứ hiếu)
zation of the orchestra and its conception • Horse spear boating (Chèo đò giáo ngựa)
and usage, we can see three points: 1) Whi- • Uncle Tau listens to the trumpet (Chú Tàu
le in the past, the “Bát âm” orchestra was nghe kèn)
only used when the mourners were elderly However, two of these acts remain
people, today it is present in most funerals only in the memory of the older practitio-
in villages in Bắc Ninh; 2) Stemming from ners. Practitioner 7 said Chú Tàu nghe kèn
the break in principles and conceptions of and Chèo đò giáo ngựa had practically ceased
using musical instruments, today, in the to exist. Thus, this paper focus on analy-
funeral process, the above instruments zing the changes in such acts through ex-
(drums, gongs, trumpets, and octaves) are cerpts from Mục Liên - Thanh Đề. Mục Liên
combined and used in a unified orchestra; was a disciple of Buddha, and Thanh Đề
3) The function of this orchestra has chan- was the mother of Mục Kiền Liên or Mục
ged in that, in the past, they only perfor- Liên. This play is a folk performance based
med their compositions (drums and trum- on a story recorded in Buddhist scriptures
pets played Lâm khốc, Dàn thưa, and others about a mother and son with two opposing
– the Orchestra of the Eight Sounds played qualities. Practitioner 2 explained Thanh
Lưu Thủy and Thái Bình). Today, the two Đề is the mother of Mục Kiền Liên (also
orchestras – that is, drums and trumpets known as Mục Liên) who lives greedily
and the Orchestra of the Eight Sounds – and cruelly, creating many sins. So, when
have been harmonized, especially when she died, she was banished to evil paths
performing non-traditional songs such as and reborn as a hungry ghost. In contrast,
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 31
Mục Liên, with his holy, predestined natu- ry. This is also the aspect that changed the
re and determination to practice cultivati- most noticeable in terms of musical com-
on, became one of the ten great disciples of position and performance. It should be ad-
the Buddha and was considered talented ded that, because the methodology in the
and virtuous. After seeing that his mother performances lies in its unified system, re-
was placed on the path of hunger in the latively independent of the formal system
depths of hell, suffering under torture, he in other musical components of the funeral
had pity on her and was very sorrowful. rites, they are separated here for analysis.
He returned to tell Buddha everything and According to Practitioners 1, 2, and 3, this
begged for a way to save his mother. The situation stems from two main reasons:
Buddha taught that although his filial pie- First, although full plays take about 4-6
ty was great, he needed to rely on the bles- hours, nowadays, local authorities only al-
sing power of monks and nuns in the ten low funerals to perform funeral rites until
directions to liberate his mother. And so, 10:30 pm due to concerns about noise pol-
he followed Buddha’s words to find a way lution in the community. It should be ad-
to save his mother. ded that, the duration of the performances
The Mục Liên - Thanh Đề funeral depends mainly on the use of the above tu-
play focuses on the excerpts from the story nes. The string is the main reason why the
and consists of three parts: musical composition system in Mục Liên
• Head spear (“Giáo đầu”), performance in funeral music has formed
• The way to save mother (“Con đường cứu and developed many unique features. The
mẹ”), and time limit is one of the reasons why the
• The Mother Rescue section(“Giải cứu cho show has to be shortened, and the use of
mẹ”).
melodies is therefore cut off and gradually
Through research in the area, and disappearing. Next, those who practice fu-
with the characteristics associated with neral music today, in addition to a few el-
the central sub-region and developed re- derly people or those who have been han-
ligious centers such as Luy Lâu, Thăng ded down from the family’s professional
Long, and Nam Định, we found this show tradition, are mostly young, so learning
to be imbued with Buddhism; it can even and practicing mourning music is essen-
be considered part of the Buddhist cultu- tial. However, the main ceremony stops at
re. This can be seen clearly from the study the drum trumpet, so the performances are
of the performances and melodies, which not well-learned, mainly grasping stories
have characteristics close to those of many and then reciting, singing, and speaking
genres of Buddhist music in this region. them based on some Chèo tunes.
When conducting in-depth interviews Thus, the environment and age fun-
with Practitioners 1, 2, 3 and 20, 21, and damentally change the aesthetic concepts
22 – all of whom are talented artisans in and tastes in those who learn to practice
Bắc Ninh and Thái Bình – the author noted funeral music. This can explain why in
many unique genres of singing and spea- the current Mục Liên – Thanh Đề perfor-
king performances – four of these stand mances in some localities only use Chèo
out the most: singing but not some traditional songs.
• Singing giàu History
• Đàn thảm
Besides the change and disappearance of
• Kể Thập ân ancient singing tunes, the introduction of
• Kể hạnh many Chèo melodies along with changes
These melodies are now also only in performance and costumes, are also the
in the memory of a few artists and rarely underlying causes. The most obvious ma-
used in any funeral rites nowadays. When nifestation is the professionalized costu-
old people die, the old women (known mes. In the past, performers mainly wore
as “Các già”) organize a team to perform brown áo dài with “thâm đất” material
while others bring the coffin to the cemete- (also known “vải phim”), but today, peop-
32 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 18-35
le have moved to the costumes of profes- and career problems. This was the cause of
sional. the socio-economic change. This is also an
The most obvious changes in the important cause leading to the uncontrol-
Vietnamese mourning acts are seen in the led changes of funeral music in this area,
reduction of excerpts, the theatricalization which makes it necessary to find suitable
of the performances expressed in the per- policies to protect the traditional values of
formers’ demeanor and costumes, and the this unique art form.
disappearance of ancient songs that were As change is a historical category, it
replaced by some modern Chèo tunes. can reflect both positive and negative di-
Those are the fundamental changes and, rections. It can be seen that the transfor-
at the same time, the most remarkable core mation and change in traditional culture
points when looking at the changes in fu- and music without being built on the tra-
neral music performances today. ditional foundation will risk the loss of
ancient values that the Vietnamese have
Discussion created for centuries. This second aspect
The development and transformati- can be seen when considering the changes
on of folk and funeral music through diffe- in the practice of Vietnamese funeral mu-
rent periods is inevitable. This is not only sic in Bắc Ninh province. Many traditional
happening in Vietnam but also in other forms of music have been and are in dan-
cultures and can be described as a global ger of disappearing as many new things
trend. In China, Hwee-San Tan recorded that are not part of tradition are introdu-
in a memorial ceremony for the dead in ced. This is the reason the religious beliefs
Minnan (southern Fujian) called Gongde, of the Vietnamese are facing erosion and
possibly performed by experts in Buddhist metamorphosis, threatening to degrade
rituals. Such changes – such as in musical the fine customs and traditions in culture,
composition systems and musical perfor- such as ancestor worship customs and fu-
mances at funerals – were due in part to neral rituals.
state control and partly to Buddhists’ rede- Change is inevitable, but policy is an
finition of ideological orthodoxy, the basis important factor in that general direction
of which lay in an early Buddhist reform of change, which can go in one direction or
movement in the 20th century (Tan, 2002). another. When formulating economic de-
Each genre is historical, so cultural policy velopment policies, following correspon-
and social context are directly affecting the ding cultural and social policies is often
preservation of the function and traditio- necessary to ensure common sustainable
nal values of funeral music in contempo- development. Reasonable policies will
rary society. This can easily explain why motivate and impact the consciousness
some genres are now gone while others and responsibility of all subjects in society.
continue to exist and develop. As for fu- In other words, in cultural preservation,
neral music, to continue its mission, it has the role of the masses is decisive, thereby
constantly changed to adapt to the specific providing policies and strategies in which
living environment. That is a social envi- education, promotion, and public orien-
ronment in which the influence of political tation work towards sufficient awareness
and cultural institutions leads to a change of cultural heritage. If we have a consen-
in the aesthetic tastes of the subject who sus, we can build a traditional culture in
created it. Before 1986, the self-sufficient relation to the whole community. Cultural
and cooperative economy made people’s development policy can only be effective
economic thinking and perception, in and practical with the participation and
general, passive, while the multi-sector support of the entire community, based
economy with private enterprises has hel- on a common understanding of those tra-
ped them to be proactive in accessing met- ditional values. The government needs to
hods of household economic development preserve traditional culture in the best way
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 33
possible, avoiding situations like Fjelstad people. The analysis of the changing fu-
and Nguyen TH’s stated: “Vietnamese neral music in the northern delta can ser-
people have engaged more in displays of ve as a necessary element for conducting
rituals, constructed more temples, renova- further studies on the issue. The author’s
ted places of worship, traded religious ob- future research will also be conducted in
jects, and participated in public and priva- the same direction.
te rituals. Strikingly, some prevalent ritual
practices once regarded as backwardness, ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
superstitions, or even social evils boomed
again in Vietnam”(Ngo, 2018). This research paper is solely funded
by the VNU University of Social Scien-
CONCLUSION ces and Humanities, Hanoi under project
number USSH - 2024.18.
Traditional music comes from cultu-
re in its respective context. Traditional art REFERENCES
develops aspects that are consistent with
the general cultural development history Bruin, M. J. (2019). Funeral Music between
of a community and humanity. However, Heaven and Earth. Bingley: Emerald
cultural policy could destroy many precio- Publishing.
us traditional values of Vietnamese ances- Caswell, G. (2012). Beyond Words: Some
tors and bring many other negative conse- Uses of Music in the Funeral Set-
quences in contemporary social life. ting. OMEGA - Journal of Death and
Over thousands of years, the Vietna- Dying, 64(4), 319–334. https://doi.
mese have shaped traditional music with org/10.2190/OM.64.4.c.
its nuances, of which funeral music is an Catherine, F. (2003). If you have good
important and indispensable part of the knowledge, close it well tight:
cultural life of the people. However, along Concealed and framed meaning
with other traditional folk art forms, for a in the funeral music of the
long time, the policy of focusing on econo- Hmong qeej. British Journal of Ethno-
mic development has led to a negligence musicology, 12(2), 1-33,
of many traditional cultural and artistic Communist Party of Vietnam (2007). Com-
aspects, including funeral music. This is plete Party Document, vol. 52, Nation-
a critical issue for the study of traditional al Political Publishing House, Hanoi.
arts. Artists who practice folk and funeral Dang, H.L. (2006). Vietnamese folk filial mu-
music do not have the opportunity to ex- sic, Scientific Notice. Hanoi: Institute
press their identity and talent, as well as of Music.
protect the heritage handed down by their Do, Q.H. (2009). Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo: Nhân
forefathers. Therefore, as soon as possible, vật và Sự kiện [Religious studies: Per-
the government should come up with sui- sonages and events]. Ho Chi Minh
table policies to protect artisans and the City: Ho Chi Minh General Publish-
traditional folk heritage of the country, in- ing House,
cluding traditional funeral music. Dolly, M. (2016). The Ceremony of Tolling the
From the field studies, the article has Bell at the Time of, in Music and Mourn-
recognized an important problem in the ing, Chapter 4. London: Routledge.
study of funeral music in the northern del- Glenys, C. (2011). Death as a Fateful Mo-
ta: Before studying the unique characteris- ment? The Reflexive Individual and
tics of this art form, it is necessary to evalu- Scottish Funeral Practices. Sociologi-
ate its status, and at the same time, provide cal Research Online, 16 (3), https://
the rationale for making policies to preser- doi.org/10.5153/sro.2450.
ve and promote this artistic heritage in the Hampton, B L. (1982). Music and Ritual
cultural life of contemporary Vietnamese Symbolism in the Ga Funeral.Year-
34 Harmonia: Journal of Arts Research and Education 24 (1) (2024): 18-35
book for Traditional Music, 14, 75 – 105. tion of funerary ritual in contem-
Hanser, W. E., Mark, R. E., & Vingerhoets, porary northern Vietnam. American
A. J. J. M. (2022). Music and Lyric Ethnologist, 23(3), 540-560.
Characteristics of Popular Dutch Nguyen, T C. (1996). From the definition of
Funeral Songs. Journal of Death and culture. in the book General Fire Sci-
Dying, 89(2), 452-469. https://doi. ence and Cultural Foundations of
org/10.1177/00302228221075471. Vietnam. Hanoi: Social Science Pub-
Hirochika, N. (1986). Continuity and lishing House.
Change: Funeral Customs in Mod- Nguyen, T.L. (2006), “A book of changes
ern Japan. Japanese Journal of Religious in the singing style of Quan ho Bac
Studies, 13(2),177-192. Ninh”, printed in Quan ho Bac Ninh
Iguchi, J. (2004), “The Restoration of Tra- cultural space: preservation and pro-
ditional Music of a Rural Chinese motion, by the Institute of Culture
Village,” printed in Traditional Eth- and Information and the Depart-
nic Music in the Context of Global- ment of Culture and Information Bac
ization, Century International Con- Ninh Province News published, Ha-
ference within the framework of noi, 389.
ASEAN countries, China, Korea and Nguyen, T.L. (1993). Vietnamese musical
Japan, published by the Vietnam porcelain (Textbook for undergraduate
Academy of Music, Hanoi, pp.321- level). Hanoi: Conservatory of Music
327. Music Publishing House.
Jones, S. (2009). Ritual and Music of North Ngo, D.T. (2018). The Mother Goddess
China: Volume 2: Shaanbei (1st ed.). religion: its history, Pantheon, and
Routledge. practices. In: Fjelstad K, Nguyen TH
Katrina, S.M., Alexander H.D.C. (2016). (eds) Possessed by the spirits. Ithaca:
Music Therapy and Mourning, in Mu- Cornell University Press.
sic and Mourning, Chapter 9. London: Prelovšek, A. (2017). Musical Practices in
Routledge. the Funeral Context: A Case Study of
Kun, Q. (2014). Sonic Expressions of Cos- Cemeteries in the Ljubljana Region
mological Awareness: A Compara- in 2016. Musicological Annual, 53(1),
tive Study of Funeral Rituals Among 217–241. https://doi.org/10.4312/
Han Chinese Living in the Yangzi mz.53.1.217-241
River Valley. Yearbook for Tradition- Prelovsek, A. (2021), The Influence of the
al Music, 46, 159-169. Doi:10.5921/ Mediterranean on Funeral Ceremo-
yeartradmusi.46.2014.0159. nies and Funeral Music in Slovenian
Le, N. H. (2011). History and theory of so- Coastal Areas. International Journal
ciology. Hanoi: Publishing House of of Euro-Mediterranean Studies, 14 (2),
Vietnam National University. 40-60.
Le, T. (2006). Geography of Vietnam Stars Shohet, M. (2018). The limits of “state func-
and Cities, Volume I. Red River Del- tionalism” and the reconstruction
ta Provinces and Cities: Publishing of funerary ritual in contemporary
House. Education. northern Vietnam. American Ethnolo-
Le, C.L. (2001). Vietnamese people’s view of gist, 45 (1) 60-73.
the universe and human outlook through Sandra, G., Jane, W. D. (2016). The Modern
funeral performance. Hanoi: Publish- Funeral and Music for Celebration,
ing House Ha Noi National Univer- in Music and Mourning, Part 1. Lon-
sity. don: Routledge.
McFerran and Crooke (2016). Music Ther- Sandra, G., Waldo F. G. (2016). The Psycho-
apy and Mourning, Routledge, 17. logical Function of Music in Mourn-
Malarney, S.K. (1996). The limits of “state ing Rituals, in Music and Mourning,
functionalism” and the reconstruc- Chapter 6. London: Routledge.
Nguyen Dinh Lam, Changes in Funeral Music Practices of Vietnamese People 35
Sharon S. Y. C, Amy Y. M. C. (2017), A Cul- Tan, H.S. (2002), Saving the soul in
tural Sociological Review of Chinese Red China: Music and ideol-
Funeral Rituals, in Handbook of the ogy in the Gongde ritual of merit
Sociology of Death, Grief, and Bereave- in Fujian. British Journal of
ment. London: Routledge. Ethnomusicology, 11(1), 119-140.
Sandra, G., Jane, W. D. (2016), The Modern Thong, H. (2006). Geography of Vietnam-
Funeral and Music for Celebration, ese provinces and cities, 1, Red river
in Music and Mourning, Chapter 2, delta provinces and cities. Hanoi:
Part 1. London. Routledge, London. Education Publishing House.
Stephen, J. (2008), Chinese ritual mu- Woma, B. (2012). “The socio-political di-
sic under Mao and Deng. mension of Dagara funeral ritu-
British. Journal of Ethnomu- al, music and dirge” Thesis. Indiana
sicology, 27-66, https://doi. University August.
org/10.1080/09681229908567280.