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 Placental and Gestational
Pathology

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India
79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

[Link]
Information on this title: [Link]/9781316632536
DOI: 10.1017/9781316848616
© Cambridge University Press 2018
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2018
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A.
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Redline, Raymond, editor.
Title: Placental and Gestational pathology / edited by Raymond Redline, Case Western Reserve University,
Cleveland, Theonia Boyd, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Drucilla Roberts, Harvard Medical School, Boston.
Description: New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018012356 | ISBN 9781316632536 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Placenta – Diseases. | Pregnancy – Complications.
Classification: LCC RG591 .P65 2018 | DDC 618.3/4–dc23
LC record available at [Link]
ISBN 978-1-316-63253-6 Mixed Media
ISBN 978-1-107-18131-1 Hardback
ISBN 978-1-316-84861-6 Cambridge Core
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
................................................................................................................................

Every effort has been made in preparing this book to provide accurate and
up-to-date information that is in accord with accepted standards and
practice at the time of publication. Although case histories are drawn from
actual cases, every effort has been made to disguise the identities of the
individuals involved. Nevertheless, the authors, editors, and publishers can
make no warranties that the information contained herein is totally free from
error, not least because clinical standards are constantly changing through
research and regulation. The authors, editors, and publishers therefore
disclaim all liability for direct or consequential damages resulting from the
use of material contained in this book. Readers are strongly advised to pay
careful attention to information provided by the manufacturer of any drugs
or equipment that they plan to use.

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 Placental and Gestational
Pathology

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 Diagnostic Pediatric Pathology
Series editors
Marta C. Cohen
Sheffield Children’s Hospital NHS FT & University of Sheffield
Irene Scheimberg
Royal London Hospital

Forthcoming
Investigation of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome
Edited by Marta Cohen, Irene Scheimberg, Bruce Beckwith and Fern Hauck
Pediatric Bone and Joint Pathology
Edited by Paul Dickman
Pediatric Dermatopathology
Edited by Isabel Colmenero, Antonio Torrelo and Luis Requena
Pediatric Soft-Tissue Tumor Pathology
Edited by Rita Alaggio, Eduardo Zambrano and Sheri Spunt

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[Link] [Link]
 DIAGNOSTIC PEDIATRIC PATHOLOGY
SERIES EDITORS: MARTA C. COHEN AND IRENE SCHEIMBERG

Placental and Gestational

Pathology
Edited by
Raymond W. Redline
Case Western Reserve University

Theonia K. Boyd
Harvard Medical School

Drucilla J. Roberts
Harvard Medical School

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India
79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

[Link]
Information on this title: [Link]/9781316632536
DOI: 10.1017/9781316848616
© Cambridge University Press 2018
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2018
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A.
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Redline, Raymond, editor.
Title: Placental and Gestational pathology / edited by Raymond Redline, Case Western Reserve University,
Cleveland, Theonia Boyd, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Drucilla Roberts, Harvard Medical School, Boston.
Description: New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018012356 | ISBN 9781316632536 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Placenta – Diseases. | Pregnancy – Complications.
Classification: LCC RG591 .P65 2018 | DDC 618.3/4–dc23
LC record available at [Link]
ISBN 978-1-316-63253-6 Mixed Media
ISBN 978-1-107-18131-1 Hardback
ISBN 978-1-316-84861-6 Cambridge Core
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
................................................................................................................................

Every effort has been made in preparing this book to provide accurate and
up-to-date information that is in accord with accepted standards and
practice at the time of publication. Although case histories are drawn from
actual cases, every effort has been made to disguise the identities of the
individuals involved. Nevertheless, the authors, editors, and publishers can
make no warranties that the information contained herein is totally free from
error, not least because clinical standards are constantly changing through
research and regulation. The authors, editors, and publishers therefore
disclaim all liability for direct or consequential damages resulting from the
use of material contained in this book. Readers are strongly advised to pay
careful attention to information provided by the manufacturer of any drugs
or equipment that they plan to use.

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 Placental and Gestational
Pathology

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 Diagnostic Pediatric Pathology
Series editors
Marta C. Cohen
Sheffield Children’s Hospital NHS FT & University of Sheffield
Irene Scheimberg
Royal London Hospital

Forthcoming
Investigation of Sudden Infant Death Syndrome
Edited by Marta Cohen, Irene Scheimberg, Bruce Beckwith and Fern Hauck
Pediatric Bone and Joint Pathology
Edited by Paul Dickman
Pediatric Dermatopathology
Edited by Isabel Colmenero, Antonio Torrelo and Luis Requena
Pediatric Soft-Tissue Tumor Pathology
Edited by Rita Alaggio, Eduardo Zambrano and Sheri Spunt

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 DIAGNOSTIC PEDIATRIC PATHOLOGY
SERIES EDITORS: MARTA C. COHEN AND IRENE SCHEIMBERG

Placental and Gestational

Pathology
Edited by
Raymond W. Redline
Case Western Reserve University

Theonia K. Boyd
Harvard Medical School

Drucilla J. Roberts
Harvard Medical School

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India
79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

[Link]
Information on this title: [Link]/9781316632536
DOI: 10.1017/9781316848616
© Cambridge University Press 2018
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2018
Printed and bound in Great Britain by Clays Ltd, Elcograf S.p.A.
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Redline, Raymond, editor.
Title: Placental and Gestational pathology / edited by Raymond Redline, Case Western Reserve University,
Cleveland, Theonia Boyd, Harvard Medical School, Boston, Drucilla Roberts, Harvard Medical School, Boston.
Description: New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2018. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018012356 | ISBN 9781316632536 (alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Placenta – Diseases. | Pregnancy – Complications.
Classification: LCC RG591 .P65 2018 | DDC 618.3/4–dc23
LC record available at [Link]
ISBN 978-1-316-63253-6 Mixed Media
ISBN 978-1-107-18131-1 Hardback
ISBN 978-1-316-84861-6 Cambridge Core
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
................................................................................................................................

Every effort has been made in preparing this book to provide accurate and
up-to-date information that is in accord with accepted standards and
practice at the time of publication. Although case histories are drawn from
actual cases, every effort has been made to disguise the identities of the
individuals involved. Nevertheless, the authors, editors, and publishers can
make no warranties that the information contained herein is totally free from
error, not least because clinical standards are constantly changing through
research and regulation. The authors, editors, and publishers therefore
disclaim all liability for direct or consequential damages resulting from the
use of material contained in this book. Readers are strongly advised to pay
careful attention to information provided by the manufacturer of any drugs
or equipment that they plan to use.

Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
[Link] [Link]
 Contents
List of Contributors vii
Preface ix

Section 1 Introduction Section 4 Fetal Stromal-Vascular

1 Normal Development 1 Pathology
Mana Parast
9 Fetal Stromal-Vascular Developmental
Abnormalities 79
Raymond W. Redline
Section 2 Early Pregnancy
Pathology 10 Fetal Vascular Malperfusion 93
Theonia K. Boyd
2 Early Pregnancy Loss with Normal
Karyotype 9 11 Loss of Fetal Vascular Integrity 104
Raymond W. Redline Drucilla J. Roberts

3 Early Pregnancy Loss with Abnormal

Karyotype 16 Section 5 Inflammatory Processes
Raymond W. Redline
12 Placental Infections 115
4 Gestational Trophoblastic Disease 21 Drucilla J. Roberts
Bradley J. Quade
13 Chronic Villitis / Villitis of Unknown Etiology
(VUE) 137
Section 3 Maternal Mana Parast

Uteroplacental-Vascular 14 Chronic Inflammatory Lesions Sometimes

Associated with Villitis of Unknown Etiology
Pathology (VUE) 145
5 Maternal Vascular / Trophoblastic Suzanne M. Jacques and Faisal Qureshi
Developmental Abnormalities 49 15 Chronic Histiocytic Intervillositis 152
Raymond W. Redline Raymond W. Redline
6 Distal Villous Hypoplasia, Focal and
Diffuse 58
Brendan Fitzgerald and Sarah Keating Section 6 Other Pathologic Processes
7 Maternal Vascular Malperfusion 62 16 Placental Size, Shape, and Umbilical Cord
Abnormalities 157
Raymond W. Redline
Raymond W. Redline
8 Loss of Maternal Vascular Integrity 70
17 Perivillous Fibrin Deposition 181
Drucilla J. Roberts
Drucilla J. Roberts

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[Link] [Link]
 Contents

18 Atypical Intraplacental Hemorrhages / Section 9 Clinicopathologic

Thrombi 188
Brendan Fitzgerald and Sarah Keating Correlations: Placental Pathology
19 Meconium Effects 199 and Adverse Pregnancy Outcomes
Theonia K. Boyd 31 Spontaneous Preterm Delivery (Premature
20 Increased Circulating Fetal Nucleated Red Labor, Premature Rupture of Membranes,
Blood Cells 206 Vaginal Bleeding, Cervical Insufficiency) 307
Theonia K. Boyd Raymond W. Redline

21 Early and Late Membrane / Amnion Rupture 32 Fetal Growth Restriction 312
and Amnion Nodosum 214 Ann Folkins
Suzanne M. Jacques and Faisal Qureshi 33 Fetal Death 316
22 Metastatic Tumors 220 Theonia K. Boyd
Drucilla J. Roberts 34 Central Nervous System Injury 322
23 Heterotopias and Germ Cell Tumors 230 Raymond W. Redline
Suzanne M. Jacques and Faisal Qureshi 35 Recurrent Pregnancy Loss 327
24 Lysosomal Storage Disease, Bartter Theonia K. Boyd
Syndrome, and Mimics 235
Raymond W. Redline

Appendix 1: Common Clinical and Biologic

Section 7 Pathology of Multiple Abbreviations 331
Gestations Appendix 2: Gross Examination 333
Appendix 3: Placental Weights: Means, Standard
25 The Pathology of Monochorionic Deviations, and Percentiles by
Placentation 241 Gestational Age 336
Monique E. De Paepe Appendix 4: Fetal-Placental Weight Ratios,
Means, Standard Deviations, and
26 Dichorionic and Higher Order Multiple
Percentiles by Gestational Age 337
Gestations 262
Appendix 5: Mean Weights and Percentiles for
Monique E. De Paepe Twin Placentas 338
Appendix 6: Umbilical Cord Length by Gestational
Age 339
Section 8 Uteroplacental Appendix 7: Umbilical Cord Coiling Index 340
Pathology Appendix 8: Placental Histologic Features in
Stillbirth by Time Interval before
27 Abnormal Placental Location 275
Delivery 341
Kelly Devereaux and Ann Folkins Appendix 9: Means and Standard Deviations for
28 Morbidly Adherent Placenta 283 Placental Weights and Dimensions,
Linda M. Ernst Birth Weights, and Fetoplacental
Weight Ratios by Gestational
29 Uterine Rupture/Dehiscence 296 Age 342
Sydney Card and Ann Folkins Index 344
30 Postpartum Hemorrhage 299
Koah Vierkoetter and Ann Folkins

vi

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 Contributors

Theonia K. Boyd, MD Sarah Keating

Boston Children’s Hospital Mount Sinai Hospital
Sydney Card, MD, FRCP(C) Mana Parast, MD, PhD
Stanford Medicine University of California San Diego School of
Medicine
Monique E. De Paepe, MD, MSc
Women & Infants Hospital of Rhode Island Bradley J. Quade, MD, PhD
Brigham and Women’s Hospital
Kelly Devereaux, MD, PhD Department of Pathology
Stanford Medicine
Faisal Qureshi, MD
Linda M. Ernst, MD Hutzel Women’s Hospital, Detroit Medical Center,
Northshore University Healthsystem Wayne State University School of Medicine
Brendan Fitzgerald Raymond W. Redline, MD
Cork University Hospital University Hospitals Cleveland Medical Center
Ann Folkins, MD Drucilla J. Roberts, MD
Stanford Medicine Massachusetts General Hospital
Suzanne M. Jacques, MD Koah Vierkoetter, MD
Hutzel Women’s Hospital, Detroit Medical Center, Stanford Medicine
Wayne State University School of Medicine

vii

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Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
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 Preface

Interest in the critical role that the placenta plays in coverage of early pregnancy pathology and the pathol-
pregnancy disorders and the subsequent health of both ogy of the surrounding gravid uterus, and how they
mother and child has dramatically accelerated. Seminal relate to findings in later placentas and overall preg-
concepts including the fetal origins of adult disease nancy outcome.
(David Barker) and the role of evolutionary maternal- We anticipate that this book will be of use to
fetal conflicts in pregnancy outcomes (David Haig) pathologists at all stages of training and practice ran-
combined with unprecedented advances in fetal ima- ging from first-year residents to subspecialty pediatric
ging, biochemical monitoring, and genomic analyses and perinatal pathologists. Pathologists in training
have coalesced to properly identify the placenta as will appreciate the concise descriptions and illustra-
a central orchestrator of successful pregnancy outcomes. tions of each lesion. Experienced pathologists will find
Pathology is widely recognized as the critical link it useful to have the latest information for each lesion
between abnormal pathophysiology, clinical disease, and will appreciate the unique insights provided by
and adverse outcomes in other organ systems. Yet individual chapter authors, each of whom is not only
placental pathology has lingered for many years as a recognized expert in placental pathology in general
an understudied, underappreciated, and esoteric side- but has also published widely on his or her individual
show largely ignored by basic scientists and clinicians. chapter topic. We also strongly believe that this book
This is no longer true. A diagnostic framework has will be of use to clinicians, including obstetricians
been established, reproducibility has been demon- ranging from general practitioners to maternal fetal
strated, and uniform diagnostic criteria and nomen- medicine specialists, neonatologists, child neurolo-
clature for common lesions have been disseminated gists, and clinical geneticists, and to basic scientists
by the Amsterdam International Consensus Group. interested in development, perinatal physiology, and
Continuing meetings of this group have been planned the gestational origins of childhood and adult
to complete these tasks for less common processes. diseases.
Efforts in the US, such as the NIH Human Placenta Finally, the impetus for this textbook and our
Project and the NICHD Placenta Atlas Tool, and large underlying approach to placental pathology can be
studies around the world now all include a rigorous largely attributed to Dr. Shirley Driscoll, and we ded-
assessment of placental pathology. icate this book to her. Her vast experience in gesta-
The purpose of this book is to present a compre- tional pathology was imbued either directly or
hensive overview of the new international consensus indirectly to us through our training and experiences
framework for placental pathology using a concise in the Women’s and Perinatal Pathology Division of
descriptive format that provides preferred nomencla- the Brigham and Women’s Hospital from 1985 to the
ture, alternative terms, definitions, proposed patho- present. Although Shirley retired from clinical prac-
genesis, clinical correlation, gross and microscopic tice in 1989, the principles she established, working in
features, prognostic implications, key references, and concert with other outstanding pathologists such as
illustrative examples for every lesion. In addition to its Arthur Hertig and Kurt Benirschke, have guided each
focus on new terminology and its very specific out- of us throughout our subsequent careers and are
lined format, this book varies from other placental responsible for any success we have had in moving
pathology textbooks by including comprehensive the field forward.

ix

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Downloaded from [Link] Stockholm University Library, on 03 Apr 2020 at [Link], subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at
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 Section 1 Introduction
Chapter
Normal Development

1 Mana Parast

Early Development of the Placenta embedded within the endometrium, the TE rapidly
expands, giving rise to two cell populations:
Development of the placenta begins with cavitation of
a mononuclear cytotrophoblast (CTB) and a multi-
the morula, the compact sphere of cells, and transi-
nucleated syncytium. The latter secretes enzymes that
tions to the blastocyst stage of embryonic develop-
degrade the surrounding tissue and also tap into
ment. At this stage, the first lineage segregation takes
maternal sinusoids, finally giving rise to blood-filled
place, with a single layer of cells on the outer part of
lacunae that are lined by this syncytium. In the mean-
the blastocyst forming the trophectoderm (TE), the
time, the mononuclear CTBs proliferate, forming a
precursor to trophoblast, the epithelial cells of the
shell around the implanted blastocyst[2] (Figure 1.1a).
placenta[1]. Cells remaining in the middle of the blas-
Invaginations of CTB within this shell begin the for-
tocyst are referred to as the inner cell mass (ICM),
mation of primary villi, while the invasion of these
which gives rise to all embryonic structures, as well as
structures with mesenchymal cells leads to the forma-
some extraembryonic structures (see below). TE cells
tion of secondary villi (Figure 1.1b).
have tight junctions, which are required for fluid
accumulation within the blastocoel cavity. Unlike
cells in the ICM, TE cells are also characterized by Cytotrophoblast as the Trophoblast Stem
apico-basal polarity, a process that sets into motion
signals leading to trophoblast lineage specification[1]. Cell
Once formed, the polar TE (cells nearest to the Akin to stem cells in other stratified epithelia, such as
ICM) is responsible for attachment to the endome- skin, the cytotrophoblast (CTB) reside adjacent to
trium. Attachment is rapidly followed by invasion of villous stroma and sit atop a basement membrane.
the blastocyst into and below the uterine lining. Once Similar to stem cells in these other organs, CTB

Figure 1.1 Cross-section through a 4-week gestational age embryo. (a) Placenta (the cytotrophoblastic shell, or CTB) makes up a much
greater proportion of tissue compared to the embryo-proper (E). (b) Secondary villi containing mesenchyme (M) surround lacunae (L) 1
containing maternal blood.

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 Section 1 Introduction

Figure 1.2 Early (8-week gestational age) implantation site. Anchoring villi (V) with trophoblast cell columns (CC) growing toward the uterine
wall. The proximal CC (pCC) consists of p63+/Ki67+ cells, which are gradually lost in the distal CC (dCC), containing mature EVT which express
HLA-G, among other markers.

express the N-terminal truncated isoform of p63 attach the feto-placental unit to maternal tissues.
(ΔNp63), an oncogene and member of the p53 At the proximal portion of the cell column, trophoblast
nuclear protein family, which is lost quickly upon proliferate, differentiating from CTB into extravillous
differentiation of CTB, as they move away from the trophoblast (EVT) as they move further away from the
underlying villous stroma[3]. Other markers expressed mesenchymal villous core (Figure 1.2). This transition
in CTB include membrane proteins E-Cadherin, is accompanied by changes in gene expression, includ-
EGFR, and integrins alpha-6 and beta-4; as they are ing loss of p63, and gain of other transcription factors
proliferative cells, they also express Ki67[4]. such as ASCL2. There are also changes in membrane
Whether the proliferating CTB layer, or the TE protein expression, with loss of E-Cadherin, EGFR,
from which it arose, contains true trophoblast stem and integrins alpha-6 and beta-4; and gain of
cells (TSC) – cells which can give rise to all trophoblast MelCAM, the nonclassical histocompatibility antigens
subtypes – is not known. Unlike mouse TSC, which HLA-G, HLA-C, and HLA-E, and integrins alpha-5
have been derived from both pre-implantation blasto- and beta-1 (Figure 1.2)[3][4]. As the cells approach the
cysts and post-implantation extraembryonic tissues[5], uterine wall, they lose their tight epithelial morphology
human TSC have yet to be characterized or derived[6]. and begin to dissociate from the column, developing
While there is not a clear consensus, data point to the more elongated and mesenchymal morphology and
early post-implantation villous placenta as the most gaining invasive potential. Distal cell column and
likely niche for human TSC[6]. In addition to p63, at mature EVT at the implantation site are characterized
least a subset of CTB in 5–8 week gestation placentae by integrins alpha-1 and beta-1; they retain expression
also express CDX2, a homeobox-domain containing of HLA-G and MelCAM[4].
transcription factor, which defines TSC in mice; this Mature EVT invade the uterine wall, either staying
CTB subset greatly diminishes by the end of the first within the decidua or myometrium as interstitial
trimester[7]. Nevertheless, isolation and further char- EVT, or remodeling maternal vessels as endovascular
acterization of this subpopulation, including its capa- EVT. Most mature EVT are mononuclear, though
city to differentiate into all trophoblast subtypes binucleate and multinucleate forms can occur
(“multipotency”), have yet to be evaluated. (Figure 1.3a–b). EVT nuclei often appear irregular
with prominent nucleoli and are surrounded by abun-
dant eosinophilic-to-amphophilic cytoplasm. As
Implantation and Differentiation of these cells are fully differentiated, mitotic forms are
Extravillous Trophoblast rare. As interstitial EVT, these cells invade the uterine
At the basal plate, anchoring chorionic villi extend cell wall, singly or in groups, extending into the inner
2
columns towards the uterus, which serve to firmly third of the myometrium. As endovascular EVT,

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 Chapter 1 Normal Development

Figure 1.3 EVT at the implantation site. Interstitial EVT can be either (a) mononuclear or (b) multinucleated. Endovascular EVT invade and
remodel maternal spiral arterioles: (c) shows arterioles prior to remodeling, (d) an arteriole with an EVT “plug,” and (e) a vessel in process of
remodeling, still retaining some smooth muscle in its wall. In (f), the remodeled vessel is lined by endovascular EVT (arrowheads).

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Versailles, and on Murray’s explaining the reason of his visit, Amelot
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behaviour of Balhaldy and Sempill, a state of mind which grew later
to absolute frenzy. When arranging for the interview with Amelot,
they hinted very plainly to Murray that he must exaggerate any
accounts he gave of preparations in Scotland. He came to the
conclusion that they were deceiving the French minister by
overstating Jacobite prospects at home, and after the interview he
was further persuaded that Balhaldy and Sempill were similarly
deceiving the Jacobite leaders with exaggerated accounts of French
promises. He was further mortified to find that the Earl Marischal,
who was much respected in Scotland, and to whom the Jacobite
Scotsmen looked as their leader in any rising, would have nothing to
do with Sempill and Balhaldy; while, on their part, they described the
earl as a wrong-headed man, continually setting himself in
opposition to his master and those employed by him, and applied to
him the epithet of ‘honourable fool.’
Apparently about this time the preparations of the English
Jacobites were languishing, and Balhaldy, proud of the Scottish
Association which he looked upon as his own creation, volunteered
to go over to England and arrange a similar Concert among the
English leaders. He and Murray went to London together, and there
Murray took the opportunity of privately seeing Cecil, the Jacobite
agent for England. Cecil explained his difficulties, told him of the
dissensions among the English Jacobites, and of their complaints
about Sempill, who, he considered, was being imposed upon by the
French Ministry. It is characteristic of Jacobite plotting to find that
Murray concealed, on the one side, his interviews with Cecil from
Balhaldy, and, on the other, he kept it a secret from Cecil that he had
ever been in France.[49] Disappointed with his mission both in
France and England, Murray returned to Edinburgh in March or April.
Meanwhile, Balhaldy was busy getting pledges
in England and making lists of Jacobite adherents
avowed and secret. Though they said they were Butler’s mission
willing to rise, he found they absolutely refused to to England.
give any pledge in writing, and he suggested, through Sempill, that
the French minister should send over a man he could trust to see the
state of matters for himself. Amelot selected an equerry of King
Louis’s of the name of Butler, an Englishman by birth. Under
pretence of purchasing horses, Butler visited racecourses in
England, where he had the opportunity of meeting country
gentlemen, and was astonished to find that at Lichfield, where he
met three hundred lords and gentlemen, of whom, he said, the
poorest possessed £3000 a year, he found only one who was not
opposed to the Government. On his return to France, Butler sent in a
long report on the possibilities of an English rising. He told the
French Government that after going through part of England, a
document had been placed in his hands giving an account of the
whole country, from which it appeared that three-quarters of the well-
to-do (‘qui avaient les biens-fonds’) were zealous adherents of their
legitimate king, and that he had been enabled to verify this statement
through men who could be trusted, some of whom indeed were
partisans of the Government. He was amazed that the Government
was able to exist at all where it was so generally hated. The secret,
he said, was that all positions of authority—the army, the navy, the
revenue offices—were in the hands of their mercenary partisans.
The English noblesse were untrained to war, and a very small body
of regular soldiers could easily crush large numbers of men unused
to discipline. It would be necessary then to have a force of regular
troops from abroad to make head against those of the Government.
 Butler and Balhaldy returned to France in
October. During their absence things had changed;
the battle of Dettingen had been fought (June 27th, French
1743), although Great Britain and France were determine on an
Invasion.
technically at peace. King Louis was furious, and
he took the matter up personally, and gave
instructions to prepare an expeditionary force for
the invasion of England. The main body was to Letter of Louis
xv. to Philip v.
consist of sixteen battalions of infantry and one
regiment of dismounted dragoons, under Marshal Saxe, and was to
land in the Thames. It was further suggested that two or three
battalions should be sent to Scotland. Prince Charles Edward was
invited to accompany the expedition, and was secretly brought from
Rome, arriving in Paris at the end of January 1744. There was no
affectation of altruism for the Stuart exile in King Louis’s mind, but
the zeal of the Jacobites was to be exploited. He wrote his private
views to his uncle, the King of Spain, communicating a project that
he had formed, he said, in great secrecy, which was to destroy at
one blow the foundations of the league of the enemies of the House
of Bourbon. It might, perhaps, be hazardous, but from all that he
could learn it was likely to be successful. He wished to act in concert
with Spain. He sent a plan of campaign. Everything was ready for
execution, and he proposed to begin the expedition on the 1st of
January. It would be a very good thing that the British minister should
see that the barrier of the sea did not entirely protect England from
French enterprise.[50] It might be that the revolution to be promoted
by the expedition would not be so quick as was expected, but in any
case there would be a civil war which would necessitate the recall of
the English troops in the Netherlands. The Courts of Vienna and
Turin would no longer receive English subsidies, and these Courts,
left to their own resources, would submit to terms provided they were
not too rigorous.[51]
The story of the collapse of the proposed
invasion is too well known to need description. Ten
thousand troops were on board ship. Marshal Saxe Collapse of
French
and Prince Charles were ready to embark. On the Expedition.
night of the 6th of March a terrible storm arose
which lasted some days. The protecting men-of-war were dispersed,
many of the transports were sunk, a British fleet appeared in the
Channel, and Saxe was ordered to tell the Prince first that the
enterprise was postponed, and later that it was abandoned. Charles,
nearly broken-hearted, remained on in France, living in great privacy,
and hoping against hope that the French would renew their
preparations. For a time he remained at Gravelines, where Lord
Marischal was with him. He longed for action, and implored the earl
to urge the French to renew the expedition to England, but Marischal
only suggested difficulties. Charles proposed an expedition to
Scotland, but his lordship said it would mean destruction. Then he
desired to make a campaign with the French army, but Lord
Marischal said it would only disgust the English. Charles removed to
Montmartre, near Paris, but he was ordered to maintain the strictest
incognito. He asked to see King Louis, but he was refused any
audience. His old tutor, Sir Thomas Sheridan, was sent from Rome
to be with him; also George Kelly, Atterbury’s old secretary, who,
since his escape from the Tower, had been living at Avignon. He took
as his confessor a Cordelier friar of the name Kelly, a relative of the
Protestant George Kelly, and, sad to say, a sorry drunkard, whose
example did Charles no good. These Irish companions soon
quarrelled with Balhaldy and Sempill, who wrote to the Chevalier
complaining of their evil influence, while the Irishmen also wrote
denouncing Balhaldy and Sempill.
Charles left Montmartre. His cousin, the Bishop of Soissons, son
of the Marshal Duke of Berwick, kindly lent him his Château
Fitzjames, a house seven posts from Paris on the Calais road, where
he remained for a time. Another cousin, the Duke of Bouillon, a
nephew of his mother, also was very kind, and entertained him at
Navarre, a château near Evreux in Normandy. But his life was full of
weary days. He could get nothing from the French, and ‘our friends
in England,’ he wrote to his father, are ‘afraid of their own shadow,
and think of little else than of diverting themselves.’ Things seemed
very hopeless: the Scots alone remained faithful.
 From the time that Murray left London in the
spring of 1743, the Jacobite Associators had
received no letters from Balhaldy. The suspense Suspense in
was very trying; indeed Lord Lovat felt for a time so Scotland.
hopeless that he proposed to retire with his son to France and end
his days in a religious house.[52] Lovat’s spirits seem to have risen
shortly after this owing to some success he had in persuading his
neighbours to join the Cause, and he eventually resolved to remain
in Scotland. It was only from the newspapers the Jacobite leaders
knew of the French preparations, but towards the end of December a
letter was received from Balhaldy, which stated that the descent was
to take place in the month of January. Other letters, however, threw
some doubt on Lord Marischal’s part of the enterprise, which
included an auxiliary landing in Scotland, and once more the
Jacobite leaders were thrown into a state of suspense. They felt,
however, that preparations must be made, and an active propaganda
began among the Stuart adherents.
In due course news of the disaster to the
French fleet reached Scotland, but no word came
from Balhaldy or Sempill, and it was then Murray’s
determined to send John Murray to France to find interview with
Prince Charles,
out the state of matters. Murray tells the story of August 1744.
his mission in his Memorials. He met Prince
Charles at Paris on several occasions, and told him that so far from
there being 20,000 Highlanders ready to rise, as was the boast of
Balhaldy, it would be unwise to depend on more than 4000, if so
many. But in spite of this discouraging information, the Prince
categorically informed Murray that whatever happened he was
determined to go to Scotland the following summer, though with a
single footman.[53]
Murray hastened home, and at once began an active canvass
among the Jacobites; money and arms were collected, and
arrangements were made in various parts of the country. Among
other expedients was the establishment of Jacobite clubs, and the
celebrated ‘Buck Club’ was founded in Edinburgh. The members of
these clubs were not at one among themselves. Some of them said
they were prepared to join Prince Charles whatever happened, but
others only undertook to join if he were accompanied by a French
expedition. At a meeting of the Club a document was drawn up by
Murray representing the views of the majority present, which insisted
that unless the Prince could bring them 6000 regular troops, arms for
10,000 more, and 30,000 louis d’or, it would mean ruin to himself, to
the Cause, and to his supporters.[54] This letter was handed to Lord
Traquair, who undertook to take it to London and have it sent to
Prince Charles in France. By Traquair it was delayed, possibly
because he was busy paying court to the lady who about this time
became Countess of Traquair,[55] but to the expectant Jacobites for
no apparent reason save apathy. After keeping the letter for four
months he returned it in April 1745, with the statement that he had
been unable to find a proper messenger. Another letter was then
sent by young Glengarry, who was about to proceed to France to join
the Scottish regiment raised by Lord John Drummond for service in
the French army. It was, however, too late; the Prince had left Paris
before the letter could be delivered.
Distressed that the King of France would not admit him to his
presence; wearied with the shuffling of the English Jacobites and the
French ministers; depressed by Lord Marischal, who chilled his
adventurous aspirations; plagued, as he tells his father, with the
tracasseries of his own people, Charles determined to trust himself
to the loyalty of the Scottish Highlanders. He ran heavily into debt;
he purchased 40,000 livres’ worth of weapons and munitions,—
muskets, broadswords, and twenty small field-pieces; he hired and
fitted out two vessels. With 4000 louis d’or in his cassette he
embarked with seven followers at Nantes on June 22nd (O.S.).
On July 25th he landed in Arisaig,—the ’Forty-five had begun.
 PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF
BROUGHTON
These papers, picked up after Culloden, are fragmentary and are
not easy reading without a knowledge of their general historical
setting, and this I have endeavoured to give in brief outline in the
preceding pages. They are particularly interesting as throwing
glimpses of light on the origins of the last Jacobite rising. They were
written before the collapse of that rising and before Murray, after the
great betrayal, had become a social outcast. Murray’s Memorials,
edited for the Scottish History Society by the late Mr. Fitzroy Bell,
were written thirteen years after Culloden as a history and a
vindication. These papers may be considered as memoranda or
records of the business Murray had been transacting, and they view
the situation from a different angle.
Some of the events mentioned in the Memorials are told with
fuller detail in these papers; they also contain thirteen hitherto
unpublished letters, consisting for the most part of a correspondence
between Murray and the Chevalier de St. George and his secretary
James Edgar. But to my mind the chief interest of the papers lies in
the fact that they present a clue to the origin of the Jacobite revival
which led up to the ’Forty-five; that clue will be found in Murray’s
note on page 25.
In 1901 the Headquarters Staff of the French Army issued a
monograph based on French State Papers, giving in great detail the
project for the invasion of Great Britain in 1744, and the negotiations
which led up to it. The book is entitled Louis XV. et les Jacobites, the
author being Captain Jean Colin of the French Staff. In his opening
sentence Captain Colin tells how the Chevalier de St. George was
living tranquilly in Rome, having abandoned all hope of a restoration,
when about the end of 1737 he received a message from his
subjects in Scotland informing him that the Scottish Highlanders
would be able, successfully, to oppose the Government troops then
in Scotland. In no English or Scottish history, so far as I am aware,
has this message from Scotland been emphasised, but in the French
records it is assumed as the starting-point of the movement on the
part of the French Government to undertake an expedition in favour
of the Stuarts. Murray refers to Glenbucket’s mission in the
Memorials (p. 2), though very casually, and as if it were a matter of
little moment, but the insistence in French State Papers of the
importance of the Scottish message made it necessary to investigate
the matter further.
The first step to discover was the date of the sale of the estate of
Glenbucket, the price of which was probably required for the
expenses of the mission, and it was found from Duff family papers,
kindly communicated by the authors of The Book of the Duffs, that
Glenbucket sold his estate to Lord Braco in 1737. The next step is
told in the pages of James Francis Edward, where it is narrated that
Glenbucket was in Paris about the end of that year, that he there
presented to Cardinal Fleury a scheme for a rising in Scotland, which
he proposed should be assisted by the Irish regiments in the service
of Louis xv. The same work tells how Glenbucket went on to Rome
in January 1738, and there conveyed to the Chevalier satisfactory
assurances from the Highlands, but few from the Lowlands.[56] The
result was that William Hay was sent to Scotland on the mission
which eventuated in the ‘Concert’ of Jacobite leaders, Highland and
Lowland, and Balhaldy’s subsequent mission to Paris and Rome.
It would be interesting to know who the Highlanders were who
entrusted Glenbucket with the message to Rome. Murray, in his
jealous, disparaging way, remarks that it could only be Glengarry
and General Gordon, but either he did not know much about
Glenbucket or he was prejudiced. In an account of the Highland
clans preserved in the Public Record Office, and evidently prepared
for the information of the Government after he had turned traitor,
Murray writes: ‘I have heard Gordon of Glenbucket looked upon as a
man of Consequence, whereas, in fact, he is quite the reverse. He is
not liked by his own name, a man of no property nor natural
following, of very mean understanding, with a vast deal of vanity.’[57]
But this word-portrait does not correspond with that drawn by a writer
who had better opportunities of knowing Glenbucket. The author of
the Memoirs of the Rebellion in the Counties of Aberdeen and Banff
particularly emphasises the affection he inspired in the Highlanders,
and significantly adds:—
‘It is generally believed he was very serviceable to the
court of Rome, in keeping up their correspondence with
the Chiefs of the Clans, and was certainly ... of late years
over at that court, when his Low Country friends believed
him to be all the while in the Highlands.’[58]
It may be that Lovat was one of those Highlanders who joined in
Glenbucket’s message. About this time he had been deprived of his
sheriffship and of his independent company, and, furious against the
Government, had almost openly avowed his Jacobitism. In 1736 he,
as sheriff, had released the Jacobite agent John Roy Stewart from
prison in Inverness and by him had despatched a message of
devotion to the Chevalier,[59] but of his co-operation with Glenbucket
I have found no hint. The sequence of events here narrated make it
plain that whoever it was for whom he spoke, it was Gordon of
Glenbucket whose initiative in 1737 originated the Jacobite revival
which eventually brought Prince Charles to Scotland.
Analysis of the papers is unnecessary after the admirable
introduction to the Memorials by Mr. Fitzroy Bell, but it may interest
readers of that work to refer to two letters mentioned in the
Memorials. The first of these was a letter Murray says he wrote to
the Chevalier giving an account of his interview with Cecil in London.
[60] Mr. Bell searched the Stuart Papers at Windsor, but failed to find
it. I think the letter printed on page 20 is the letter that was intended,
though it is addressed not to James but to his secretary Edgar. The
other letter mentioned in the Memorials was one to the Earl
Marischal written about the same time. It was entrusted for delivery
to Balhaldy and Traquair, but to Murray’s intense indignation they
destroyed it. In the Memorials he expresses his regret that he has
not a copy to insert. There is little doubt that the letter on page 27 of
these papers is the draft of the letter referred to.
 The account of the interview with Cecil (pp. 16, 21) makes
pathetic reading. Murray, the Scottish official agent, fresh from
seeing Balhaldy and Sempill, the official agents in Paris, is conscious
that the latter are deceiving both the French Government and their
own party. Murray conceals from Balhaldy that he is going to
interview Cecil; from Cecil that he has been in Paris. Cecil, on the
other hand, makes only a partial disclosure of his feelings in
Murray’s presence. He is contemptuous of his Jacobite colleagues,
the Duchess of Buckingham and her party, and he has not a good
word to say of Sempill. Murray again ridicules Cecil, of whom he has
a poor opinion.
How could a cause served by such agents ever prosper?

This copy of John Murray’s papers and the three following

documents were found among some papers relating to the ’Forty-five
collected by a gentleman of Midlothian shortly after the Rising. Many
years ago I was permitted to copy them, and from these transcripts
the text has been printed.
 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE
HIGHLANDS
In 1898 the late Mr. Andrew Lang edited and published a
manuscript from the King’s Library in the British Museum, which he
entitled The Highlands of Scotland in 1750. Mr. Lang was unable to
discover the author, but conjectured that it was written by Mr. Bruce,
a Government agent employed to survey the Highland forfeited
estates after the ’Forty-five. A close scrutiny of Mr. Lang’s volume
along with the Memorial here printed has convinced me that they are
the work of the same hand. Whoever wrote the manuscript in the
King’s Library, the information contained therein came from the
author of this ‘Memorial.’ The manuscript in the British Museum
contains a good deal more than this Memorial, but the views
advanced are generally the same, the sentiments are similar, and
occasionally the phraseology is identical.
The manuscript from which the ‘Memorial Concerning the
Highlands’ is printed is holograph of the Rev. Alexander Macbean,
minister of Inverness at the time of the ’Forty-five. Macbean was well
qualified to write on this subject. I have been unable to discover the
place of his birth, but it may be conjectured that, if not actually born
in the Macbean country, his family came from there, i.e. that part of
Inverness-shire lying to the east of Loch Ness, of which The
Mackintosh was feudal superior. The earliest information that can be
gleaned from ecclesiastical records is that he received his degree of
Master of Arts from the University of St. Andrews in 1702, and that
he was employed as schoolmaster at Fort William from 1701 to
1709. That his salary was slender may well be believed, but its
tenuity was aggravated by the fact that it was not paid regularly. We
find that as late as 1717 the Commission of the General Assembly
applied to the Treasury for arrears due to Macbean, and was bluntly
refused on the ground that the Treasury was not responsible for
debts incurred before the Union of 1707.
Alexander Macbean went from the Western Highlands to
Roxburghshire, where he became chaplain to Douglas of Cavers,
and was licensed as a probationer by the Presbytery of Edinburgh in
1711. In the following year the right of presentation to the parish of
Avoch in the Black Isle, Ross-shire, having fallen to the Presbytery of
Chanonry, jure devoluto, Macbean was selected to fill the vacancy,
and was ordained minister of the parish in June 1712. His
appointment met with fierce opposition. His predecessor had been
one of the pre-Revolution episcopal ministers who had retained his
living, and the parishioners, for the most part episcopalians, resented
his intrusion and fretted him with litigation. He became so unhappy
that he obtained permission to resign his charge. In 1714 he was
presented to the rural parish of Douglas in Lanarkshire, and there he
remained for six years. In 1720 he was back in the Highlands as
minister of the ‘third charge’ of Inverness; and in 1727 he was
transferred to the ‘first charge’ of that important town, and there he
remained until his death in 1762.
In Inverness he made his individuality strongly felt as champion
for the Government. He was ‘the John Knox of the North,’ and one
who exerted himself to suppress the spirit of rebellion in and about
Inverness in the years 1745 and 1746.
On one occasion he nearly fell a victim to his interest in the
struggle. Having gone with many others to the Muir of Culloden to
witness the battle, one of the flying Highlanders attempted to cut him
down with his broadsword, but the blow was warded off by a
bystander.
Alexander Macbean was the father of a very distinguished son,
Lieut.-General Forbes Macbean (1725-1800) of the Royal Artillery.
This officer was educated at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich,
was present at Fontenoy in 1745, and at Minden in 1759. At Minden
he so distinguished himself that he was presented with a gratuity of
five hundred crowns and a letter of thanks from the Commander-in-
Chief, Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, written with his own hand.
Forbes Macbean subsequently became Inspector-General of
Portuguese Artillery, 1765-69; served in Canada 1769-73 and 1778-
80; but his principal claim to the gratitude of posterity is a collection
of manuscript notes recording the early history of the Royal Artillery.

Of Alexander Macbean’s ‘Memorial’ it is perhaps enough to say

that it is, considering the times, fairly impartial, and corresponds on
the whole with authentic information gleaned from other sources. I
have taken the opportunity of supplementing, perhaps overloading,
his text with notes detailing, so far as I have been able to discover
them from various sources, the names of the principal Highland
gentlemen who were concerned in the Rising of the ’Forty-five.
 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE
REBELLION FROM ROSS AND
SUTHERLAND
The author of this narrative was Daniel Munro, minister of the
parish of Tain. His origin was probably humble, as in Scott’s Fasti it
is stated that owing to his knowledge of the Irish (i.e. Gaelic)
language, he was educated on the Church’s charitable funds, and
held a bursary from the Synod of Ross at Marischal College, and the
University of Aberdeen. Munro was minister of the parish of
Auldearn, near Nairn, from 1736 to April 1745, when he was
translated to Tain, where he remained until his death in 1748. Of his
life and work I have found little record. Andrew Henderson, the
author of the Edinburgh History of the Rebellion, who knew this
country well, says that he was ‘an uncouth man, a monster of
impiety, wickedness, and ill nature.’ He further states that he was
turned out of his church for ‘fighting and other immoralities.’[61]
This ‘Account’ is a very meagre one. The important fact in the
history of Ross in the ’Forty-five was that the head of the house of
Seaforth forsook the family tradition and took active part with the
Government against the old royal family. It was a heavy blow to
Prince Charles when Lord Macleod, eldest son of Lord Cromartie,
who went to Glasgow to see the Prince in January 1746, informed
him at supper that Seaforth had furnished two hundred men for the
service of the Government. Charles turned to the French minister
and gasped, ‘Hé, mon Dieu, et Seaforth est aussi contre moi!’
Kenneth Mackenzie, known as Lord Fortrose (which was really a
Jacobite title), would have been the sixth Earl of Seaforth but for the
attainder. His wife was Lady Mary Stewart, eldest daughter of the
Earl of Galloway. She held Jacobite principles and raised many of
her husband’s clan for the Prince, while most of Fortrose’s men
eventually deserted to the Jacobites.
The principal operations in Ross and Sutherland began after
Inverness had been taken by the Jacobite army. Lord Loudoun then
retired to the shores of the Dornoch Firth. Lord Cromartie was sent in
pursuit. Loudoun had boats, and when Cromartie approached him,
he crossed the Firth to Dornoch. The Jacobites had to go round by
the head of the Firth, whereupon Loudoun returned in his boats to
the southern shore at Tain, and went back to Sutherland when
Cromartie came to Ross. Cromartie was superseded by the Duke of
Perth. Land operations seeming to be useless, a flotilla of boats was
secretly collected at Findhorn and taken to Tain under shelter of a
dense fog. On March 20th, 1746, Perth crossed over the Meikle
Ferry, and completely defeated Loudoun at the bloodless battle of
Dornoch. Lord Loudoun, along with Duncan Forbes, Sir Alexander
Macdonald, Macleod of Macleod, fled to the Isle of Skye, while the
chief of Mackintosh was taken prisoner.
On March 25th, the Hazard, a sloop of war which had been
captured by the Jacobites at Montrose four months previously and
sent to France, when returning with money, stores, and recruits, was
forced to run ashore in the Kyle of Tongue by four men-of-war. Lord
Reay, the Whig head of the Mackays, took possession of the wreck
and its contents, including 156 prisoners and £12,000, the money
being sorely needed by the army. Lord Cromartie and his son, Lord
Macleod, were sent with a force of 1500 men to expostulate with
Lord Reay, and if possible to recover the spoil. In this they naturally
failed, but they continued the march as far as Thurso, beating up for
recruits and levying the land cess upon the inhabitants.[62] On the
way back, Cromartie and his son paid a visit to the Countess of
Sutherland at Dunrobin. There, on the day before the battle of
Culloden, they were made prisoners by the clever trick of a certain
Ensign Mackay, while their followers, then at Golspie, were beaten
and dispersed in an action sometimes called the battle of the Little
Ferry.
 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN
THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND
BANFF
This manuscript bears neither signature nor date, and gives no
indication of authorship. There can, however, be little doubt that the
author of the narrative was a minister belonging to Aberdeen or
Banffshire, and that it was written at the same time as the two
previous papers, about the end of 1746 or the beginning of 1747.
The story of the events of the Rising in the north-eastern counties
is recounted with much fulness of detail, and with a minute
knowledge of the country and the people. It is told, moreover, with
marked fairness. Although the writer is a Whig, he speaks kindly of
the Jacobite leaders, and he does not conceal the cruelties
committed by the Government troops.
He tells the story of the skirmish of Inverurie in greater detail than
is found elsewhere, and he gives picturesque touches in places that
add to the interest of his narrative. Specially graphic is his account of
Macleod’s famous piper, MacCrimmon, who was captured in that
action.
The condition of parties in the north-eastern counties was not
what it had been in the ’Fifteen. At that time the great lords of the
counties had been Jacobite, whereas in 1745 most of the
Aberdeenshire peers were supporters of the Government. None of
them, however, took a prominent lead in the struggle. It is interesting
to read the reasons given by the author of these Memoirs for the
reticence of the Whig peers. The Duke of Gordon was prevented by
indisposition. Lord Findlater’s sickly condition quite disabled him, and
Lord Kintore’s incumbrances on his fortune were a drawback. Lord
Forbes again had by no means an estate suited to his ability, while
Lord Saltoun had no weight in the county. As for Lord Braco
(afterwards Earl Fife), the newness of his family would have marred
any project of his forming. The author considers, however, that
something might have been expected of the Earl of Aberdeen.[63]
These explanations carry no conviction, and there can be little
doubt that, in the beginning, these Aberdeenshire lords were more or
less sitting on the fence. Nor is this to be wondered at; family
tradition and family connection would make them very chary of
taking any prominent steps against the Jacobites. The Duke of
Gordon, whose mother was a daughter of the Earl of Peterborough,
had been brought up a Protestant and a Whig in defiance of the
Catholic religion and Jacobite principles of his predecessors. Yet he
must have had some sympathy with the family tradition. Early in
September his father’s old factor, Gordon of Glenbucket, carried off
horses and arms from Gordon Castle while the Duke was there,
apparently with his connivance. Moreover, Sir Harry Innes of Innes in
writing of this to his brother-in-law, Ludovick Grant, adds: ‘I am sory
to tell yow that the Duke is quite wronge.’[64] By the end of
November, however, he had pronounced for the Government. Lord
Findlater was a Jacobite in the ’Fifteen, and had then been
imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. Lord Kintore’s father had fought at
Sheriffmuir, and been deprived of his office of Knight-Marischal as a
punishment. Lord Braco’s family was deeply concerned on the
Jacobite side; his son-in-law, Sir William Gordon of Park, his brother-
in-law, William Baird of Auchmedden, his nephew, a son of Duff of
Hatton, were all ‘out,’ and his eldest son was only kept by force from
joining the Jacobites.[65] Lord Aberdeen had only in March
succeeded his father, who, it is known, had intended to join the
Stuart cause.[66]
Lord Forbes, whose traditions were Whig, and whose father was
Lord-Lieutenant of the county in 1715, might have acted, but his
family connections were nearly all Jacobite. He was the brother-in-
law of Lord Pitsligo and Gordon of Park, while his three daughters
were married to prominent Jacobites.[67]
Nor on the Jacobite side were there any noted personages. The
two most prominent Jacobite leaders were Gordon of Glenbucket, a
tenant farmer, and Lord Pitsligo. Though of small estate, Lord
Pitsligo was universally respected for his high character and his
personal piety. He knew his own mind and never faltered. He had
been out in the ’Fifteen, and was sixty-seven years of age. In a letter
to a friend, he confesses that what really troubled him was the fear of
ridicule that a man of his age should take part in the adventure; but
he thought, and weighed, and weighed again. His enthusiasm was of
the coldest kind, but duty called him and he obeyed. His example
influenced many Aberdeen and Banffshire lairds, and he gathered a
considerable contingent of horse and foot. It is related that when he
was ready to start to join the Prince, and had put himself at the head
of his troop, he turned his face upwards and prayed aloud, ‘O Lord,
Thou knowest that our cause is just,’ and then quietly gave the order
to march.[68]
To understand these Memoirs fully, it is necessary to place them
in their historical setting, and to give a brief outline of the military
operations during the campaign.
On August 31st the corporation of Aberdeen, thoroughly alarmed
at the news of the advance of Prince Charles, determined to put the
city into a position of defence. Lists were made of all available
citizens, who were embodied into a force of twelve companies of
infantry and a detachment of artillery, while arms and ammunition
were collected for their equipment. Sir John Cope, who had left
Inverness on September 4th, reached Aberdeen on the 11th. Finding
guns placed to defend the harbour and citizens fully armed, he
commandeered both cannon and small arms, and carried them off,
alleging that otherwise they might fall into the enemy’s hands. Cope
left Aberdeen by sea for the Firth of Forth on September 15th, the
city being left without any defence.
Meantime the Jacobites were not idle. Gordon of Glenbucket,
now aged seventy-two, had been bed-ridden for three years, but he
no sooner heard of the Prince’s arrival than he experienced ‘a kind of
new life.’[69] Although bent nearly double on horseback, he hurried
off to the West Highlands, and met Prince Charles at Kinlochmoidart
on August 18th. He was back in Banffshire raising men by
September 5th.[70] John Hamilton, the Duke of Gordon’s factor in
Strathbogie, also quickly raised a contingent, and ten days after
Cope’s departure, on September 25th, he marched into Aberdeen,
where he proclaimed King James at the Cross, and perpetrated the
somewhat ludicrous outrage on the provost and magistrates narrated
on page 119. From that time until the last week in February,
Aberdeen was under Jacobite government. Men were hurriedly
collected; and on October 4th Glenbucket joined Prince Charles at
Edinburgh with 400 men from Strathavon and Glenlivet, Hamilton
also arrived in the city with 480 from Strathbogie and the Enzie. On
the 9th Lord Pitsligo followed with 132 horse and 248 foot.
In the last week of October Lord Lewis Gordon, brother of the
Duke of Gordon, a young naval officer who had joined the Prince in
Edinburgh, was sent north as Lord-Lieutenant of the counties of
Aberdeen and Banff. He found his task harder than he expected,
being grossly thwarted by ‘the vile and malicious behaviour of the
Prysbiterian ministers.’[71] Towards the end of November, to his
intense surprise, his brother, the Duke, instructed his vassals to
disregard Lord Lewis’s orders.[72] In spite of discouragement, Lord
Lewis worked on. Moir of Lonmay was appointed deputy-governor of
Aberdeenshire and Baird of Auchmedden of Banffshire. Three new
regiments were raised under Moir of Stonywood (Lonmay’s brother),
Gordon of Avochy (Glenbucket’s nephew), and Farquharson of
Monaltrie, a cadet of Invercauld; rates and taxes were imposed and
collected; and a good deal of hardship was inflicted on the lieges.
After the battle of Prestonpans (September 21st) Lord Loudoun,
who there acted as Cope’s adjutant-general, had gone to London,
where he received a commission to return to Inverness to command
an army of Highlanders friendly to the Government, then being
organised by Duncan Forbes of Culloden.
By December Loudoun was able to send an expedition under
Munro of Culcairn and Macleod of Macleod to relieve Aberdeen.
Lord Lewis Gordon, reinforced by some of the French troops of Lord
John Drummond, which had landed in November at Stonehaven,
Peterhead, and Montrose, met the invaders at Inverurie on
December 23rd. He defeated Macleod completely, and forced him to
retire across the Spey, thus freeing Aberdeen and Banff from all
enemy troops.
Lord Lewis now collected all his available forces and marched to
Stirling to join Prince Charles, who had returned from his English
expedition; and by the first week in January 1746 Aberdeen was left
without Jacobite troops. The battle of Falkirk was fought on January
17th, and on February 1st the army of Prince Charles began its
retreat to the north. One column under Lord George Murray, taking
the coast road, marched through Aberdeen and on to Elgin; another
proceeded by Glenshee and Braemar, occupying for a time the
northern districts of the county; the main body of the Highlanders
went by Blair Atholl and Badenoch to Inverness. Two small French
contingents landed at Aberdeenshire ports on February 21st and
22nd, but on the 23rd the last of the Jacobite army had left the town
of Aberdeen.
Meantime, Cumberland’s army was in full pursuit. It left Perth on
February 20th, and the van reached Aberdeen on the 25th, the Duke
himself following two days later. The Earl of Albemarle and General
Bland, along with Brigadier Mordaunt, occupied Strathbogie, the
Jacobites retiring before them. Lord John Drummond was entrusted
with the defence of the passage of the Spey, but some troops were
left under John Roy Stewart and Major Glascoe to carry on a
guerrilla warfare. Glascoe, on March 20th, surprised a detachment of
Campbell’s and Kingston’s horse at Keith, and captured nearly the
whole garrison.
Hitherto the loyal inhabitants of Aberdeen had murmured at the
excesses of the Jacobite troops, but their complaints were more
bitter at the excesses of those of the Government.[73] Houses were
plundered and burned, the chapels and meeting-houses of Roman
Catholics and Episcopalian non-jurors were destroyed, and the
inhabitants were more or less terrorised. In the General Order Book
of the Duke of Cumberland, an instance is given of the kind of
punishment that was meted out. There was a certain loyal
schoolmaster in the parish of Glass, who, having learned that John
Roy Stewart intended to spring a surprise similar to that at Keith,
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