DOI:10.17951/k.2018.25.2.

53-65

ANNALES
U N I V E R S I TAT I S M A R I A E C U R I E - S K Ł O D O W S K A
LU BLI N – P O L ONIA
VOL. XXV, 2 SECTIO K  2018

Jagiellonian University in Kraków. Faculty of International and Political Studies

MAGDALENA CYRAN
ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8645-3681

Radicalization of Public Sentiment in Sikh Society after 1947

ABSTRACT

In founding a new religious denomination – Sikhism – Guru Nanak in a way combines two rival
religions – Hinduism and Islam. The tolerant nature of Sikhism garnered him many proponents, which
contributed to the establishment of the Sikh Empire in the 19th century. The Empire flourished until it was
overthrown by armed forces of the British Crown. After the departure of the British colonizers in 1947,
the idea of creating a sovereign Sikh state called Khalistān arose in the Punjab – the cradle of Sikhism
in India. Gradually, the sentiments of large portion of the Sikh population became radicalized. A terrorist
organization, formed by the Sikh fundamentalist Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and supported by many Sikhs,
began persecuting the followers of other religions and fighting for the creation of a Sikh state in Punjab. The
radicalization of public sentiments among the Sikh population led to mass pogroms, a military operation in
the Sikhs’ holy place and the assassination of Indira Gandhi, the prime minister of India.

Key words: Sikhism, India, fundamentalism, separatism

INTRODUCTION

The division of British India in 1947 had a very strong impact on the area of
the Punjab, which was located in the north-east of the colony. Although it is mostly
inhabited by Muslims and Hindus, the Sikhs are one of the most important religious
groups in the area. Sikhism was founded in the 15th century by Guru Nanak, who,
living in a time of conflict between the followers of Islam and Hinduism, decided to
create a religion that would unite elements of both religions.
The aim of the article is to analyze the events that led to the intensification of
radical tendencies among the Sikh community in India and to evaluate which factors
54 MAGDALENA CYRAN

had the greatest influence on the changes in attitudes among the members of this
religious group. Particular attention will be paid to the activities of the central gov-
ernment of India in cooperating with the Sikh community and finding compromise
solutions, as well as to actions by decision-makers to calm down the mood in the
Punjab and to combat terrorist groups.

DEVELOPMENT OF SIKHISM IN INDIA

Sikhism, like Islam, is a monotheistic religion [Igielski 2008: 66–68], in which

god is an abstract and is not represented in art, unlike Hinduism, where images of
gods are known and can be seen in temples, in films and even in fairy tales. In turn,
Sikhism draws from Hindu views on such issues as the problem of sin, the idea of
reincarnation, as well as some holidays. Unlike Hinduism, the liberation from the
cycle of subsequent incarnations does not, however, come from sacrifice or rituals,
but from thinking about god, living in harmony with the teachings of the guru and
doing work in the service of others [Cole, Sambhi 1987: 8]. Pillars of Sikhism in-
clude praying to god by saying his name, working honestly in the service of other
members of the community and sharing one’s possessions [Igielski 2008: 62–65].
To this day, at every gurdwara (a Sikh temple), there is a generally accessible eatery
where everyone, regardless of their religion or origin, can eat a free meal. Within
the Sikh temples there are often places where people can spend the night for free,
which is used by many pilgrims who come to holy places. Another vital change
which Sikhism introduced to everyday life of its adherents was the so-called “dig-
nity of work”. This principle is based on the assumption that work is worth every
effort, including physical effort. According to traditional Indian thinking, any work
requiring physical effort is unsuitable for people born in high castes and can only
be done by low-born people. In Sikhism, physical work is considered to be a means
of bringing people closer to god. A very strong emphasis was placed in Sikhism on
tolerance towards other religions [Igielski 2008: 62–65]. The persecution suffered by
the Sikh community at the hands of the Islamic rulers who held power in the Indian
Peninsula has strongly influenced the Sikh perception of other religions.
For the twenty-five years of the existence of Sikhism, the main figure in the Sikh
community was the so-called guru, the successor of the founder of religion, who
cared for the strengthening of the religion and was a kind of enlightened teacher,
leading Sikhs to the knowledge of god [Igielski 2008: 9]. Ten gurus have appeared
in the history of Sikhism. Each of them chose their own successor. Over time, the
gurus have risen to the rank of saints. Gobind Singh, the tenth guru, played a very
important role in building a sense of separate identity among the Sikhs. He introduced
five symbols that distinguish Sikhs from followers of other religions, including the
characteristic turban that covers the long hair of every Sikh, as well as the dagger.
In addition, he established a military order, Khalsa, to defend the followers of Guru
 Radicalization of Public Sentiment in Sikh Society after 1947 55

Nanak against Muslim invaders. It was the beginning of military traditions in the
Sikh community, which today characterize this religious minority [Igielski 2008:
89]. The changes introduced by Gobind Singh reinforced the sense of separateness
of the Sikhs and allowed for quick identification of their fellow believers, as well
as strengthened the division into “us and them”. Moreover, before Guru Gobind
Singh died, he appointed as his successor a collection of texts collected by previous
gurus, i.e. the Holy Book [Igielski 2008: 50]. The Guru Granth Sahib is the Holy
Book in which the sacred hymns and texts contained are treated with reverence and
considered to be the living eleventh guru. It has been kept until today in Amritsar at
the Golden Temple – the most sacred place of the Sikhs [Cole, Sambhi 1987: 56].
In 1801, one of Sikh maharajas was able to establish a Sikh state, often referred to
in literature as the Sikh Empire [Grewal 2008: 99]. Its core was an army made up of
the Khalsa brotherhood. It is significant that in the Sikh Empire, the followers of the
religion constituted only about 10% of the entire population. The remaining religions
in the Sikh state were Islam, whose followers made up as many as 80%, and Hindu-
ism and other religions. In spite of this, the authorities of the Empire did not repress
representatives of other faiths and there were no wars on religious grounds in the Sikh
Empire [Duggal 1983: 63]. The Sikh state, despite the great political and military power
at its disposal, did not survive the conflicts with the British, who were conquering ever
larger territories. Due to the strong military traditions in the community, the Sikhs soon
became one of the most important groups in the colonial army of British India. The
Sikhs contributed to the suppression of the biggest uprising against colonial rule. The
so-called Sepoy Mutiny broke out in 1857 and in a short time, encompassed almost all
of British India. However, it ended with the defeat of the insurgents, thanks in part to
the contribution of the Sikh soldiers to the operations of the British army [Kieniewicz
1985: 617]. The British rewarded the Sikhs’ loyalty by giving them management over
the gurdwaras, and in particular over the Amritsar Golden Temple complex.
In the history of the Sikhs, the colonial period is also known as a time of reli-
gious renewal of this community. The British treated Sikhism as one of the factions
of Hinduism, which the followers of that religion strongly opposed. At that time,
organizations such as Singh Sabha, Khalsa Diwans, Akali Dal and the Shiromani
Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee were established, which worked to strengthen the
cultural separateness of the Sikhs through, among others, education and management
of temples and ceremonies performed in them. Organizations started to open their own
schools, even universities, which led to the strengthening of the whole community.
Members of the Sikh community continued to play an important role in the British
Army, accounting for approximately 30% of its soldiers. This was not even half of
the army, but it should be remembered that the Sikhs at that time accounted for only
about 2% of the total population of British India. The followers of Guru Nanak also
took an active part in the armed activities of the First and Second World Wars. In total,
during the First World War, over 97,000 Sikhs fought in the British Army, while as
many as 300,000 Sikhs fought during the Second World War [Shani 2008: 31]. The
56 MAGDALENA CYRAN

British promised volunteers a high salary and a peaceful life when they returned to
India. However, the situation turned out to be completely different. After leaving the
service on the fronts, such as those in Europe, the Sikhs did not receive the salaries
promised by the British – this included the pensions for veterans who were often no
longer able to work after returning to the Punjab. This was one of the reasons why
they joined the national liberation struggle waged in 1919 by Mahatma Gandhi against
British colonizers, which ended in success and the creation of two new independent
states: India and Pakistan.

SITUATION OF THE SIKHS IN INDIA AFTER 1947

When establishing the new borders of India and Pakistan in 1947, the decision was
made to divide the Punjab. In India, a new state called Punjab was created from the
eastern Punjab, while in the western areas of the Punjab, which was located in Paki-
stani territory, a province of the same name was established. As in other border areas,
attempts were made to determine the border in accordance with the religious beliefs of
the inhabitants of these areas. It was not possible for all Muslims to be on the Pakistan
side, or for all Hindus and Sikhs on the side of India. Thousands of families began their
journey to their “proper” countries because they were afraid of pogroms. It was one
of the biggest migrations in history. There are big differences in the data provided by
different centers. However, it is estimated that about 5.5 million people moved from
the Indian Punjab to Pakistan – mostly Muslims, while about 4.5 million Hindus and
Sikhs moved from the Western Punjab to India [Singh 2008: 31]. The entire popula-
tion of the Punjab included about 61% of Muslims, 26% of Hindus and 13% of Sikhs
[Chima 2010: 29]. During the migration, there were mass attacks on travelers with all
their belongings in these areas, resulting in the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives.
As a result of the resettlement after independence, the number of Sikhs in the
population of the Indian Punjab changed significantly. Before the division, the fol-
lowers of Guru Nanak accounted for about 12–15% of the total population in the area.
After the division and the massive scale migration, they accounted for about 33% of
the total population in the Indian Punjab. Following the establishment of the Indian
state, the organization Akali Dal, which became the most important Sikh political
party, began working to grant special rights to the Sikhs and to create a state in which
members of this religious group would constitute the majority of the population.
The first Indian prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, did not want to make any further
divisions and was afraid of Sikh separatist tendencies, did not agree on the grounds
that India was supposed to be a country unrelated to any religion [Dębnicki 2000:
160–161]. The ratio of Hindus to Sikhs was also very important in this period. Many
devotees of Hinduism treated Sikhism as a part of their religion, and attempted to
persuade the devotees of Guru Nanak to return to their true roots. As a result, the Sikhs
felt the need to mark their religious identity. The radicalization of Sikhs’ attitudes
 Radicalization of Public Sentiment in Sikh Society after 1947 57

was particularly strongly influenced by the provision in the Constitution of India of

1950, which defined Sikhism, together with Jainism and Buddhism, as one of the
trends of Hinduism. Despite protests from the Sikh community, the constitution with
such a provision was passed. In opposition to this open discrimination, members of
Akali Dal, who were members of the Constitutional Assembly, refused to sign the
new Indian constitution. There were mass protests in the Punjab; however, Indian
authorities did not change the provision concerning Sikhism [Shani 2008: 43].
In the 1950s, the Akali Dal party, seeing that the assumptions of secularism, which
were the basis of the newly formed Indian state, would not allow the creation of
a Sikh-only state, decided to achieve their goal in a different way. During this time,
a process of reorganization of some states had begun in India, based on language cri-
teria. Although Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, reluctant to face further divisions,
did not agree with this proposal, in the end the government agreed to the separation of
some territories. As the majority of Sikhs used the Punjabi language, Akali Dal started
to fight for the creation of a separate state in which the majority of the population would
use the language. Prime Minister Nehru, seeing the determination of the followers
of this religion, did not want to agree to such a solution. In the name of the idea of
Punjabi Suba, i.e. a state in which Punjabi would be the main language, there were
mass demonstrations and protests in the Punjab. Hindus living in the Punjab opposed
Akali Dal’s proposal. Conflicts and tensions became more frequent in the territory of
the state [Shani 2008: 45]. Increasingly, protests ended in street fights. About 60,000
members of Akali Dal were arrested during the protest and riots at the time [Chima
2010: 29]. The proposal put forward in 1956 by Jawaharlal Nehru was to create zones
within the Punjab, where the main language was Punjabi (among others, the decision
was made to introduce it to schools as a primary language). Akali Dal accepted the
central government’s compromise proposal and the situation in the Punjab seemed to
have been under control. However, it was then that Hindu activists took the floor, who,
with the founding of the Save Hindi movement, protested against the decisions of the
central government and Akali Dal. This once again aroused radical moods among the
Sikhs [Grewal 2008: 188–197]. The strengthening of the divisions between Sikhs and
Hindus, who until recently were on the same side of the barricade in the fight against
Muslims, was of great concern to the authorities in Delhi. They were afraid of the
escalation of violence in the Punjab, whose inhabitants had not yet shaken off their
memories of the tragic events of 1947.
The death of the first Indian prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, in 1964, had
a major impact on the development of the situation in the Punjab. His successor,
Lal Bahadur Shastri, took a different stance in the Sikh case. In 1966, the Shastri
government decided to accept the Akali Dal postulates and to divide the Punjab on
the basis of language criteria [Singh 2008: 32–33]. However, the creation of a state
with a majority of Punjabi speakers did not take place with the participation of the
second prime minister of independent India. He died in 1966, during peace negoti-
ations with the president of Pakistan, Ayub Khan, in Tashkent. His direct successor,
58 MAGDALENA CYRAN

Indira Gandhi, like her father Jawaharlal Nehru, was against the division of the Punjab
and the creation of a new Sikh state. The death of Shastri and the postponement of
the decision by Indira Gandhi once again led to radicalization among Sikh society,
and mass protests and demonstrations started in the Punjab territory. At the time,
a special committee published an approved plan for a “new Punjab”, which includ-
ed the separation of areas where Hindi was the main language spoken. A new state
called Haryana was created in the separated areas. In addition, a part of the area of
the Punjab, where the Pahari language of the Himalayas was spoken, was annexed
to the existing state of Himachal Pradesh [Singh 2008: 32–33]. One of the reasons
for the central government’s decision was the fact that the Sikhs, who at the time
were a very strong element of the Indian army, contributed significantly to the victory
in the war with Pakistan in 1965 [Cheema 2006: 73].
Thus, on 1 November 1966, for the first time in their history, the Sikhs obtained
a territory in which they constituted the majority of the population. This was not even
the case during the Sikh Empire in the 19th century, when the Sikhs made up only
about 10% of the total population of the Empire. In the new state, which mainly used
the Punjabi language, the Sikhs accounted for 60.22% of the population, while the
Hindus accounted for 37.54%. This was undoubtedly a very great success for the Sikh
community, although it was stressed in the Punjab that not all of Akali Dal’s demands
had been met (among others, a few areas where the Punjabi language was spoken were
not included in the new Punjab) [Chima 2010: 32]. In addition, the idea of creating
Khalistān, the sovereign state of the Sikhs, continued to emerge among the Sikhs.
However, the division of the Punjab in 1966 was defective from the very beginning
and became the source of another conflict between the Sikhs and the central govern-
ment. Indeed, the Indian authorities decided to establish the city of Chandigarh as the
capital of both the new Punjab and the new state of Haryana. It was left as a union
territory over which the central government exercised direct authority. The city of
Chandigarh was desirable due to its modernist character. The establishment of Chan-
digarh as the capital of both the Punjab and Haryana met with great opposition from
the societies of both states. In particular, in the Punjab, the struggle for Chandigarh
was supported very strongly by organizations bringing together the Sikh community.
Since India regained its independence, the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee
(SGPC) had been gaining an increasingly strong position. Over the years, it started to
play a major role on the political scene in the Punjab, despite its non-governmental
nature. This organization became known as the “mini-parliament of the Sikhs”. It was
undoubtedly the largest and most important non-governmental bureaucratic institution
in the Punjab. Members of Akali Dal very often sat on the SGPC, which shows that
in the Sikh state, religious, cultural and political elements were constantly intertwined
[Chima 2010: 24–25]. As part of the fight for Chandigarh, meetings, protests and man-
ifestations were organized, in which millions of people were involved. Delhi received
increasingly alarming signals from the Sikh state. As a result of negotiations, Indira
Gandhi, wishing to stop the radicalization of the Sikhs in the Punjab, announced on
 Radicalization of Public Sentiment in Sikh Society after 1947 59

26 January 1970 the decision to award Chandigarh to the Punjab as the sole capital.
However, the actual handover of Chandigarh never took place [Grewal 2008: 199–209].
The 1960s in India were a period called the Green Revolution, which was initiated
by Indira Gandhi. Crop yields in many Indian states increased thanks to government
investments. However, nowhere was the development of agriculture and infrastructure
as dynamic as in the Punjab. The improvement of the operation of the largest farms
allowed for the enrichment of the better-situated part of the Punjab community. Smaller
farmers became less and less competitive on the market, which resulted in their farms
going into decline. This led to a significant stratification of the Punjab population.
Social inequality once again led to radicalization in the Punjab.
After the declaration of the state of emergency in 1975, due to the political situ-
ation in the country, the Punjab opposed the actions of the central government. Akali
Dal formed a social movement called Save Democracy. Again, protests and demon-
strations, similar to those of colonial times, were held in the Punjab, and the fight to
create a new state for those who spoke the Punjabi language was renewed. The Sikh
resistance movement quickly spread from the Punjab to almost all of India [Chima
2008: 33]. There were mass arrests of persons participating in the activities of Save
Democracy, which only strengthened the power of the protests. Until the lifting of the
state of emergency and the holding of new elections, about 40,000 members of Akali
Dal were arrested [Grewal 2008: 214].
After the defeat of the National Congress in the elections of 1977, the right-wing
Janata Party took over the power in the country. At the state level, a coalition of Akali
Dal and Janata Party won the elections in the Punjab. The social and economic prob-
lems of the population in the Punjab that followed the Green Revolution led to the
radicalization of a large part of society. Akali Dal, taking advantage of the mood of
dissatisfaction among the Sikhs, began to call upon them to demand justice in the name
of religion [Jetly 2008: 66–67]. Increasing fundamentalism in society led, among other
things, to the tragedy in Amritsar in 1978, during which the Sikhs attacked a group
of Nirankari – followers of a religious movement originating from Sikhism, who be-
lieved in the existence of a living Guru, instead of the Holy Book. As a result of the
fighting, 13 members of Akali Dal and 6 Nirankari died. Researchers refer to this as
the beginning of Sikh terrorism, which led to Operation Blue Star, carried out by the
Indian army in Amritsar in 1984 [Paroha 1993: 239–240].

DEVELOPMENT OF SIKH FUNDAMENTALISM

After the National Congress returned to power in 1980, the situation in the Punjab
became increasingly tense. Economic and social problems, which were transferred by
Akali Dal’s rhetoric to religious ground, strengthened fundamentalism and, consequent-
ly, xenophobic sentiments among Sikhs. At that time, the ruling Akali Dal party was
divided into many factions without an unequivocal leader for the entire organization.
60 MAGDALENA CYRAN

Other Sikh organizations continued to play a very important role. In one of them, Dam-
dami Taksal, founded by the fifth guru of the educational organization, Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwale, began to play an increasingly important role. At the end of the 1970s,
he began to travel around the Punjab and called on the Sikhs to renew their religion.
He persuaded his fellow believers to follow the path of the guru. He paid particular
attention to the recommendations of the fifth guru, Gobind Singh, who introduced the
“Five K” rule, including the obligation to wear a short dagger. However, Bhindranwale
convinced people to also equip themselves with newer weapons, such as rifles or pis-
tols. He was a very charismatic speaker, with a unique ability to quote texts from the
Holy Book, and very quickly won the hearts of members of Sikh society. He formed
his own political party, Dal Khalsa. The National Congress decided to take advantage
of Bhindranwale and to support him, taking part of the Sikh electorate away from
Akali Dal, thus securing his victory in the next state elections in the Punjab. However,
Bhindranwale eventually did not decide to permanently support the Congress, while
the rhetoric of Dal Khalsa became increasingly radical and directed against the central
government [Paroha 1993: 238–239].
In 1981, an event took place that was important for the development of Sikh
separatism. In March of that year, a Sikh immigrant living in the United States,
Ganga Singh Dhillon, gave a speech in Chandigarh, in which he called the Sikh
community a nation that was ready to proclaim an independent state in the Punjab.
Dhillon’s words became a kind of turning point for the Sikhs, who from that moment
on, started to speak openly about the idea of creating Khalistān and about their own
identity [Oberoi 1987: 39]. The determination of the Sikh diaspora, the financing
of fundamentalism in the country and the constant proclamation of Khalistān idea
by many emigrants from the country contributed significantly to the successes of
Bhindranwale’s followers in the Punjab [Tatla 2014: 499]. In 1982, the President of
the World Sikh Convention, Harchand Singh Longowal, recommended that Akali
Dal, together with Bhindranwale, begin planning a real dharmyudh, i.e. a just war
for the creation of Khalistān [Grewal 2008: 219].
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale began to speak openly about the fact that the Sikhs
were a second-class nation in India and slaves who must free themselves from the yoke
of power in Delhi. He urged everyone to fight [Iwanek, Burakowski 2013: 326]. High
popularity combined with discontent and increased fundamentalism led to a large part
of the Sikhs supporting Bhindranwale. The support of young people, often university
graduates, was particularly strong, as they were unable to find employment in the Pun-
jab and succumbed to religious extremism, thus finding a purpose in their lives. Bhin-
dranwale was actively supported by the All-India Sikh Student Federation, numbering
300,000 members in 1981, who became the most loyal activists of the Bhindranwale
movement [Kiss 2009: 12]. With time, their activities increasingly frequently took the
form of bloody attacks on people of other faiths. Bhindranwale gathered around him
a group of the most radical followers of Sikhism, who were ready to do anything in
the name of religion. A large part of the Sikh community in the Punjab supported their
 Radicalization of Public Sentiment in Sikh Society after 1947 61

activities. Radicalization of attitudes among the Sikhs led to an increase in radicalism

among Hindus as a result. Attacks on the Sikhs took place both in the Punjab, as well
as Rajasthan and Haryana [Singh 1988: 750–751]. Bhindranwale organized a strong
terrorist group of several hundred, which terrorized the whole state, supported by
many of its inhabitants. Every day there were attacks on Hindus, arson of entire Hindu
villages or various acts of vandalism. The “killer troops” created by Bhindranwale
attacked buses on the roads, killing all those who did not wear a turban. Terror reigned
throughout the Punjab and the state authorities and police were unable to deal with it.
In 1982, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale annexed the entire area of the Golden Temple,
where he settled with a group of several hundred terrorists. He was afraid that in any
other place in the Punjab, he would be arrested by the state authorities. In addition,
the establishment of a holy place as his home was intended to strengthen his authority
among his fellow worshippers. From there, he commanded terrorist attacks throughout
the state. The terrorist leader did not refrain from killing his fellow worshippers if they
opposed his methods of fighting for the freedom of the Sikhs. There were also attacks
on police officers working in the Punjab [Jetly 2008: 67]. In the Punjab, the Sikhs
accounted for as much as 65% of all policemen. Therefore, they were the guardians
of law and order, which meant that they were often the focus of Bhindranwale’s fun-
damentalist activities [Kiss 2009: 11]. A great deal of publicity throughout India was
given to the murder of the Deputy Inspector General in Amritsar, who was shot dead
after praying at the Golden Temple [Grewal 2008: 219–242]. In addition to the signif-
icant contribution of the Sikh diaspora to the financing of terrorists, the government of
Pakistan has also contributed to their activities. Authorities in Islamabad, like members
of the diaspora, supported Bhindranwale’s terrorists by providing them with funding.
In addition, special training camps for Bhindranwale’s terrorists were organized in the
border areas on the Pakistani side [Grewal: 2008: 245].
Both open and secret meetings between representatives of Akali Dal and members
of the government continued to take place in order to find a solution to the situation
in the Punjab. However, despite the compromises reached on some issues, the two
parties were not able to reach an unambiguous agreement. The last, fruitless meeting
of the Indian prime minister with representatives of the Sikhs took place in May
1984 [Singh 1988: 752–755].
For a very long time, the central government refrained from intervening directly
in the Punjab. It was feared that attempts to control the situation in the Sikh state
by force would lead to even more radicalization of the followers of Guru Nanak’s
religion. In 1980, the National Security Act was adopted, which partially restricted
constitutional freedoms and allowed uniformed services to arrest and imprison people
threatening the security of the state for up to two years. In 1982 and 1983, further
legal acts were introduced, among others, significantly extending the powers of the
police. However, these efforts did not have the desired effect and the bloody attacks
by the Bhindranwale terrorists continued. In the face of such a large scale of violence,
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi agreed to conduct counter-terrorism operations on an
62 MAGDALENA CYRAN

unprecedented scale in India. On 3 June 1984, with the support of tanks, artillery
and rocket grenade launchers, the army surrounded the sacred area of the Sikhs – the
Golden Temple complex. All roads leading to Amritsar were closed, journalists were
ordered to leave the city centre and a curfew was put in place. Many soldiers were
afraid of carrying out such a great profanation of the sacred land of the followers of
Guru Nanak, on which they did not even walk while wearing shoes. However, the
fact that Bhindranwale organized the command post for terrorist actions in the whole
territory of the Punjab in the complex of the Golden Temple left the Indian military
with no choice. The situation was also logistically difficult, because it was not clear
what kind of weapons the terrorists had, how many there were and where exactly
they were located. Terrorists were well prepared to defend the holy place. Akali
Takht – one of the buildings in the temple complex – was very carefully fortified.
The terrorists even had anti-tank weapons, which were directed against the tanks
of the Indian army. The day chosen for the operation was not without significance.
The 5th of June is a Sikh holiday, commemorating Guru Arjan becoming the first
Sikh to suffer martyrdom for his faith. Such an important ceremony was attended
by thousands of Guru Nanak’s followers, who came to the holy site in Amritsar
from all over the country [Hassner 2009: 175]. The battle between the Indian army
and Sikh terrorists lasted two days. Several hundred terrorists hiding in the temple
complex and thousands of innocent pilgrims were killed during the operation. Many
buildings around the Golden Temple were ruined. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, who
was almost immediately declared a martyr and a saint by many Sikhs, was among
the dead on the terrorist side.
During this time, Operation Woodrose was conducted throughout the Punjab and
in some parts of India, during which the military took control of the gurdwaras and
thousands of Sikhs were arrested, including the leaders of major Sikh organizations
and political parties. The action was aimed at preventing a violent reaction to the
Operation Blue Star. Despite the additional military operation, the Indian authorities
were not able to fully control the mood of the community. Many Sikhs, who had not
been previously involved in the fight for Khalistān, became radicalized in the face of
such an open profanation of their sacred place. During this time, about 2,500 Sikh
soldiers left the Indian army throughout the country [Grewal 2008: 228]. In a retali-
atory act for the military operation in the Golden Temple, two Sikhs murdered Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi in front of her home on 31 October 1984 [Kalmar 1989: 281].
The death of Indira Gandhi at the hands of Sikh fanatics was very important for
the later history of the Punjab. The news of the murder of the beloved Mother India
immediately spread across the country. Millions of people came to Delhi to say good-
bye to Indira Gandhi. Mass pogroms against the Sikh population began throughout
India. The events in the capital city took a particularly drastic course, with the whole
city being searched to find the hiding Sikhs. From infants to old men, the followers
of Guru Nanak who were caught were murdered with particular cruelty. Not only did
the police and the army not stop the crowds, but they also often joined in the torture
 Radicalization of Public Sentiment in Sikh Society after 1947 63

and murder of Sikhs. It was three days after the assassination of Indira Gandhi until
troops were sent into the streets of Delhi. The decision was made by the son of the
late prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, who was spontaneously appointed by the Indian
President as the next prime minister without any legal grounds. By that time, about
three thousand Sikhs had died in the streets of the city [Singh 1988: 775].
In the aftermath of mass Sikh pogroms throughout India, followers of the perse-
cuted religion began to flee to the Punjab in search of shelter. Every day, hundreds
of thousands of Guru Nanak’s followers arrived in the Sikh state. The survivors of
the Sikh pogroms shared their stories with the people who lived in the state, which
led to even greater radicalization among the Punjabi community. For this reason,
Hindu families began to flee from the Punjab at that time, also becoming victims of
pogroms. It is estimated that about a thousand Hindu families fled from the Punjab
within a few months. From all over India, about 26,000 Sikhs came to seek shelter
in the Punjab. The migration in 1984 influenced the demographic situation of the
Punjab. The percentage of Sikhs in the total population of the Punjab increased,
which, combined with the radical mood of the community, led to an even stronger
conviction of the Sikhs in their right to self-determination in the area [Tatla 2014: 33].

THE SITUATION OF THE SIKHS AFTER 1984

The new Indian Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, much like his mother and grandfa-
ther, faced the problem of calming down the radical mood among the Sikh community.
He launched a series of political movements to ease the tensions between the Punjab
and the central government. Among other things, he released the leaders of Akali
Dal from prison and set up a special commission to investigate the events in Delhi
following the death of Indira Gandhi. He also announced that Chandigarh would be
declared the sole capital of the Punjab. However, the date of the event was postponed
several times, which again led to an escalation of tension among the Sikhs and further
terrorist actions in the Punjab. The mood in the Sikh state deteriorated once again
[Jetly 2008: 68]. The 1985 terrorist attack on an Air India aircraft carried out by Sikh
terrorists, during which all the passengers were killed as a result of the detonation
of explosives, echoed worldwide. There was an ongoing counter-terrorist campaign
carried out throughout the Punjab, but it did not bring about a marked improvement of
the situation. Chaos and anarchy still reigned in the Punjab. It was not until 1992 that
the central authorities declared victory over the Sikh separatists, although in practice,
attacks and an anti-terrorist operation continued in the Punjab. It was important to
stabilize the situation in the Punjab and weaken the separatist forces, and to gradually
reduce their financing from Pakistan [Jetly 2008: 70–72]. The actions of the central
government in relation to Sikhs after 1984 are another controversial issue in relations
between Sikhs and central authorities. During the counter-terrorist operation, thousands
of Sikhs suspected of terrorism were taken without explanation from their homes, to
64 MAGDALENA CYRAN

which they never returned again. Among other things, the subject of the dispute is the
fact that entities operating within the framework of a government operation often did
not admit to taking specific persons. In his book on the history of Sikhs, Mewa Singh
states that from the beginning of anti-terrorist activities in the Punjab until 1995, about
30,000 to 60,000 Sikhs disappeared. The fate of most of them is still unknown, but
reports from the human rights body of Akali Dal show that mass cremations took place
in the vicinity of Amritsar during that time [Singh 2010: 507].
Gradually, the situation in the Punjab began to stabilize. In the following years,
the political scene of the Sikh state saw an exchange of power between Akali Dal and
the National Congress. The economic development of the state in the following years
contributed to the reduction of radical sentiment in the Sikh community. However,
demonstrations for the establishment of Khalistān continue to be held by Sikhs around
the world, but they are peaceful in nature. Many of them are organized outside of India.

CONCLUSIONS

The history of the Sikhs shows how a community that has peace and helps others
in the face of danger at its core can become radical and, supported by the interests
of external actors, become the nucleus of unrest and conflict throughout the country.
Among the causes of the growing radical tendencies in the Sikh community, several
factors can be distinguished. One of them is the need to defend their fellow believers
against attacks from the followers of another religion, as happened during the division
of the sub-continent in 1947. The desire to have one’s own place in a newly estab-
lished country is also important. Another issue is the assistance given to the radicals
by external actors, including Pakistan, which was in competition with India, and the
wealthy Sikh diaspora. Furthermore, the identification of Sikhism with the most popular
religious trend in India, i.e. Hinduism, additionally influenced the need for members
of this religion to prove their separate religious identity. The radicalization of the Sikh
community was also caused by the socio-economic problems and increasing social
stratification in the Punjab. Undoubtedly, one of the most important elements in the
Sikh situation were decisions taken by the Indian government. The actions taken with
regard to the Sikh community in the subsequent years cannot be unequivocally assessed
positively. Analyzing the history of the Punjab, it can be clearly seen that promises
made by successive politicians, which were then not fulfilled, were one of the most
important factors in the growth of radical tendencies in the community.
At present, Sikhs are perceived positively in India. Organizations such as the
Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee continue to play an important role in
the Sikh community. As in previous years, the Sikhs are still an important part of the
Indian military, often holding high ranks in the army. Many researchers describe the
Sikh community as the strongest religious minority in India [Cheema 2006: 67]. The
best evidence of the change in the perception of the Sikh minority by other Indian
 Radicalization of Public Sentiment in Sikh Society after 1947 65

citizens is the fact that in 2004, Manmohan Singh was sworn in as the fourteenth
Indian prime minister, becoming the first practicing Sikh Indian prime minister, and
held this post until May 2014.

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BIOGRAPHY

Magdalena Cyran, MA, she is a doctoral student at the Jagiellonian University in

Kraków, Faculty of International and Political Studies. E-mail: [email protected]