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Christian Concepts in K'iche' Texts

This document analyzes the linguistic strategies employed by Dominican and Franciscan missionaries to create a Christian discourse in the K'iche' language during the colonial period. It highlights the differing theological orientations of the two orders, which influenced their translation methods and the incorporation of indigenous terminology into Christian texts. The study emphasizes the significance of these translations in understanding the continuity of pre-Hispanic ideologies and the impact of missionary efforts on K'iche' cultural practices.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
15 views23 pages

Christian Concepts in K'iche' Texts

This document analyzes the linguistic strategies employed by Dominican and Franciscan missionaries to create a Christian discourse in the K'iche' language during the colonial period. It highlights the differing theological orientations of the two orders, which influenced their translation methods and the incorporation of indigenous terminology into Christian texts. The study emphasizes the significance of these translations in understanding the continuity of pre-Hispanic ideologies and the impact of missionary efforts on K'iche' cultural practices.

Uploaded by

Ju Lt
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd

In La transmisión de conceptos cristianos a las lenguas amerindias: Estudios sobre textos y contextos en la época

colonial; Sabine Dedenbach-Salazar Sáenz (ed.): 93-116. Collectanea Instituti Anthropos, Sankt Augustin: Academia
Verlag, 2016.

The Expression of Christian Concepts


in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts
Frauke Sachse

Abstract. - This contribution analyses the linguistic methods employed by Dominican and
Franciscan missionary authors to create a Christian discourse in the Highland Maya lan-
guage K'iche'. It can be shown that both Mendicant orders pursued different strategies of
translation, based on their theological orientations. The discussion focuses on the terminol-
ogy of K'iche' religious discourse which is reused in doctrinal K'iche'. Through the analysis
of the translation of the two Christian concepts of 'faith' and 'divine glory' it is also exam-
ined whether the use of indigenous ritual terminology in Christian discourse may have pro-
vided a means for the continuity of pre-Hispanic ideology. [Christianisation, Dominicans,
Franciscans, Highland Guatemala, K'iche' Maya, Translation]

Introduction

The Highland Maya language K'iche' has one of the longest written traditions in
the Americas. Colonial K'iche' language materials encompass an extensive body of
material produced by missionaries as well as an impressive number of texts written
by indigenous authors, including chronicles such as the famous Popol Vuh 1 and the
t{tulos, notarial and quasi-notarial documents, autochthonous calendars and dance
dramas. This paper is primarily concerned with the corpus of missionary data
which comprises doctrinal texts (i.e. Bible translations, catechisms, confession-
aries, sermons) and descriptive materials such as dictionaries and grammars. The
majority of these sources are as yet unpublished. The record is lamentably under-
studied, despite the fact that the corpus of doctrinal texts contains a large amount
of data which can help to advance our understanding not only of colonial, but also
of pre-Hispanic and modern Highland Maya culture.
The first section of this study revisits the historical context of evangelisation,
specifying some of the circumstances in which the introduction of Christian termi-
nology and its subsequent standardisation took place. The second part will provide
an overview of the linguistic methods employed by the missionary linguists to ere-

1 The Popol Vuh is the most significant early colonial document written in a Mayan language. First
recorded between 1554-58 by indigenous authors in K'iche', it describes the creation mythology and
origin of the K'iche' and can be regarded pivotal for the understanding of pre-Hispanic religious tradi-
tions. The existent document dates from 1701--04. The text has been edited various times and translated
into different European languages (e.g. Schultze Jena 1944; Christenson 2003; 2004; Sam Colop 2008).
94 Frauke Sachse The Expression of

ate a Christian discourse in K'iche'. It will be argued that the different theological Western Highlands (Eai
orientations of Dominicans and Franciscans led them to favour different transla- and doctrinal materials
tion strategies, which is reflected in the doctrinal record. The last section will fo- made Kaqchikel the ma
cus on how K'iche' semantics were modified in order to convey central concepts languages, and the first
of Christianity. Looking at the translation of two Christian key concepts, we will them as comparative w,
scrutinize whether the reuse of indigenous terminology in a Christian context may The relationship bet1
have provided a means for the continuity of pre-Hispanic ideology. without conflict. As dei
different theological-ph
general questions of the
Theological Positions and the Creation of Doctrinal K'iche' publication of the Franc
cida en lengua mexican
Christian mission in Highland Guatemala began in 1530 with the arrival of bishop The two orders mainta
Francisco Marroquin and the establishment of the secular Church. About a dec- tion of Christian concep
ade later, the Mendicant orders arrived in the region, first the Mercedarians (1537) driven by the fear of mii
and then, in the 1540s, the Franciscans and the Dominicans (Garcfa-Rufz 1992: seven doctrinas cristia,:
87-88). dispute about the epist(
The Franciscan and Dominican orders had enforced evangelisation in the native between 'nominalism' i
languages since their arrival in New Spain, which was at first against the Church's The Franciscans we1
concept of trilingualismo, which only considered Hebrew, Greek and Latin as ac- ent as inseparable, rejec
ceptable languages for preaching the gospel (Garcfa-Rufz 1992: 84-85). Later the gy could therefore not l
Church rejected the Crown's order for 'castellanizaci6n' not only to assure the suc- Franciscan view, would
cess of conversion, but also to maintain control (Phelan 1970: 87-88; cf. Garcfa- (Garcfa-Rufz 1992: 91;
Rufz 1992: 86). ogy, they saw the intro,
In Guatemala, the project of language description focused first on Kaqchikel, that were either borrow
the closely related sister-language ofK'iche', which was spoken in the area around The Dominicans, on
the newly founded capital of Santiago de los Caballeros, in the present-day depart- dition of Thomas Aqui
ment of Sacatepequez. It was mostly Franciscan missionary linguists who concen- being detached and aut
trated their efforts on the language of the Spanish allies and attempted to turn it minican point of view,
into a lingua franc a for the conversion of Highland Guatemala (Recinos 1950: 31; ideology was a prereqt
Garcfa-Rufz 1992: 84). Kaqchikel was therefore labelled the lengua metropolitana Sparks 2011: 87.)
or lengua guatemalteca, while K'iche' became known as the lengua utlateca, the In Guatemala, the ai
language of the former kingdom of Utatlan which constituted the dominant power could and should be en
in the Highlands at the time of the conquest. 2 tween the friars. The De
In pursuing their missionary purposes, the Franciscans and Dominicans divid- op Marroquin ordered
ed the region between them. Whilst the Franciscans concentrated their linguistic Franciscans published t
and missionary efforts on more densely populated areas in the centre and the east voked their right to wr
of the country, the Dominicans expanded into the predominantly K'iche' -speaking (Garcfa-Rufz 1992: 90-
At the core of the dis
2 It is ironic that Kaqchikel became the "language of Guatemala", given that the name 'Guatemala' of the doctrina, the Frar
derives from the term cuauhtemallan, 'land of many trees', which is the Nahuatl translation of the word ish term 'Dios' into K,
k'iche' (k'i, 'many'+ che', 'tree'). Dominican order (Gare
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 95

1e different theological Western Highlands (Early 2006: 150-154). As a result the majority of descriptive
1vour different transla- and doctrinal materials on K'iche' stem from Dominican authors. The Franciscans
he last section will fo- made Kaqchikel the matrix language for the description of other Highland Mayan
Jnvey central concepts languages, and the first vocabularies and grammars of K'iche' were designed by
key concepts, we will them as comparative works.
Christian context may The relationship between the Franciscans, Dominicans and the Church was not
deology. without conflict. As described by Garcia-Ruiz, Franciscans and Dominicans had
different theological-philosophical orientations and became seriously divided over
general questions of the Christian doctrine. The dispute started in Mexico after the
rinal K'iche' publication of the Franciscan Alonso de Molina's Doctrina cristiana breve tradu-
cida en lengua mexicana in 1546 and was continued in Guatemala a decade later.
th the arrival of bishop The two orders maintained different theological positions regarding the transla-
Church. About a dec- tion of Christian concepts into the indigenous languages. The resulting conflict was
e Mercedarians (1537) driven by the fear of misinterpreting the gospel and led to the production of at least
ns (Garcia-Rufz 1992: seven doctrinas cristianas between 1546 and 1553. Garcia-Rufz characterises the
dispute about the epistemology of translation as one of a diametrical opposition
1gelisation in the native between 'nominalism' and 'Thomism'. (Garcia-Rufz 1992: 84 ff.)
st against the Church's The Franciscans were nominalists who, seeing a term and its meaning or refer-
Greek and Latin as ac- ent as inseparable, rejected the idea of translation as such. Indigenous terminolo-
992: 84-85). Later the gy could therefore not be used to express Christian ideas, which, according to the
only to assure the suc- Franciscan view, would inevitably lead to misunderstandings in faith and to heresy.
170: 87-88; cf. Garcia- (Garcia-Rufz 1992: 91; Sparks 2011: 87.) In order to create a Christian terminol-
ogy, they saw the introduction of neologisms as the best solution, i.e. new terms
;ed first on Kaqchikel, that were either borrowed or artificially created.
>ken in the area around The Dominicans, on the other hand, were Thomists who, in the intellectual tra-
:he present-day depart- dition of Thomas Aquinas' realist scholasticism, saw the theological concept as
linguists who concen- being detached and autonomous of its linguistic form. Accordingly, from a Do-
1d attempted to tum it minican point of view, the reuse of indigenous terminology to express Christian
ala (Recinos 1950: 31; ideology was a prerequisite to a successful conversion. (Garcia-Rufz 1992: 92;
! lengua metropolitana Sparks 2011: 87.)
1e lengua utlateca, the In Guatemala, the argument about the degree to which indigenous discourse
~d the dominant power could and should be embedded in doctrinal texts even turned into a conflict be-
tween the friars. The Dominican chronicler Antonio de Remesal reports that Bish-
md Dominicans divid- op Marroquin ordered Franciscans and Dominicans to cooperate, but when the
ntrated their linguistic Franciscans published their own doctrina cristiana in Kaqchikel, Marroquin re-
the centre and the east voked their right to write doctrinal texts and transferred it to the secular clergy
antly K'iche' -speaking (Garcia-Rufz 1992: 90-91).
At the core of the dispute was the translation of the word for 'God'. The author
1that the name 'Guatemala' of the doctrina, the Franciscan Pedro Betanzos, had refused to translate the Span-
huatl translation of the word ish term 'Dios' into Kaqchikel as k'ab'owil, which caused complaints from the
Dominican order (Garcia-Rufz 1992:91). The Franciscans were opposed to using
96 Frauke Sachse The Expression

the term k'ab'owil, or k'ab'awil in K'iche', as it referred to indigenous concepts of Strategies fo


divinity represented in sacred stone images. Consequently, the term became used
to refer to these 'idolos' and was therefore not seen as suitable to refer to the Chris- The linguistic strateg
tian concept of a transcendent god (Bredt-Kriszat 1999: 189; Dlirr 2011). introduction of new
The theological dispute is reflected in the doctrinal texts and descriptive ma- properties and basic I
terials which were often written by the same authors who frequently copied from Thomas Smith-Stark
each other, even including the works produced by members of the other order. terminology by mean
For instance, the Dominican Domingo de Basseta most likely compiled his com- 68). He defines 'neol
prehensive colonial dictionary for K'iche' (1698) drawing on earlier Kaqchikel tional expressions" (:
dictionaries by Franciscan authors. One of the surviving copies of the so-called we will distinguish b
Vocabulario en lengua castellana y ... cakchiquel chi, which has been attributed aphrasing and neoloi
to the Franciscan Felix Solano (Carmack 1973: 118-119; Smailus 1989: 12-14), of the semantic refen
can be clearly identified as the handwriting of Domingo de Basseta. The copy is While identifyin~
dated to 1695 and was therefore made three years prior to the compilation of the straightforward proc1
K'iche' dictionary. ardised Spanish or Li
The most significant doctrinal text ever composed in a Mayan language was mons, salutations anc
the Theologia Indorum, written by Domingo de Vico in K'iche' between 1545 and translation chosen b)
1555. It survives today in several complete and partial copies in various archives. 3 or the reuse of an ex
Comprising two volumes of over 200 folios each, the text can be regarded as the information is availal
first Christian theology to be written in an indigenous language of the Americas. tested elsewhere.
Already in the course of the 16th century translated into several Mayan languag-
es (Kaqchikel, Tz'utujil, Q'eqchi'), the Theologia Indorum had great impact and
shaped the Christian discourse of the Maya Highlands significantly. Vico's writings
were widely known and also used among the indigenous population throughout co-
lonial times. Ximenez reports that at the beginning of the eighteenth century, doc- The simplest way of 1
trinal texts by Vico were read in liturgical contexts in church (Bredt-Kriszat 1999: duction of Spanish o
185). Even today, early colonial K'iche' prayers are still spoken and sung during elude 'misa' ,4 'parai:
Sunday mass in the church of Santo Tomas in Chichicastenango. firming the subject c
Thus, in order to understand the impact the creation of doctrinal K'iche' had in Franciscans, the use ,
the field of the Christian conversion in Highland Guatemala, we will not only have It has to be noted 1
to look at the different strategies of translation which were favoured by Dominican time. To express the
and Franciscan missionary linguists, but furthermore we need to identify the Chris- marily the K'iche' te1
tian terminology which actually entered indigenous cultural practice and belief. as 'it is made good'.
that later missionary
Whilst some Span

3 Sparks (2011: 393-474) provides a complete list of the known manuscripts of the Theologia Indo- 4 Anonymous Franciscai
rum and compares their contents. Based on the more complete copies it is possible to reconstruct the The most complete cop
contents and scope of the original text. To date there is no complete edition of any of the surviving and is held in the Special
manuscripts; only selected chapters have been published and translated (Acufia [1554] 1992; L6pez manuscript, Vocabulario d
[1554] 2010; Sparks 2011). Accordingly, no systematic comparative research on the actual text has of the province of Guatem
been undertaken so far. Franciscan Dictionary" (S
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 97

indigenous concepts of Strategies for Introducing Christian Terminology into K'iche'


, the term became used
ble to refer to the Chris- The linguistic strategies to express Christian concepts in K'iche' include both the
~9; Dtirr 2011). introduction of new and the reuse of existing terminology. Analysing the formal
cts and descriptive ma- properties and basic principles oflexicography in New Spain between 1492-1611,
frequently copied from Thomas Smith-Stark points out that the early missionary linguists introduced new
,ers of the other order. terminology by means of neologisms, loanwords and loan translations (2009: 65-
cely compiled his com- 68). He defines 'neologisms' as "newly coined expressions or novel uses of tradi-
g on earlier Kaqchikel tional expressions" (Smith-Stark 2009: 66). For the purpose of the present paper
copies of the so-called we will distinguish between neologisms introduced by means of descriptive par-
1ich has been attributed aphrasing and neologisms created by the extension or complete reinterpretation
Smailus 1989: 12-14), of the semantic referent of an original K'iche' term reused in a Christian context.
le Basseta. The copy is While identifying Christian concepts in the doctrinal literature is a rather
, the compilation of the straightforward process for catechisms which are direct translations of a stand-
ardised Spanish or Latin text, this tends to be more problematic in the case of ser-
:1Mayan language was mons, salutations and other texts not based on a given template. Here the form of
lche' between 1545 and translation chosen by the author, i.e. a loan translation, a descriptive paraphrase
les in various archives. 3 or the reuse of an existing concept can only be identified if sufficient contextual
can be regarded as the information is available or if the semantic referent for the new terminology is at-
guage of the Americas. tested elsewhere.
everal Mayan languag-
n had great impact and
ficantly. Vico's writings Loanwords
pulation throughout co-
:ighteenth century, doc- The simplest way of expressing Christian concepts in K'iche' is through the intro-
;h (Bredt-Kriszat 1999: duction of Spanish or Latin terms. Loanwords attested throughout the corpus in-
poken and sung during clude 'misa' ,4 'paraiso' or 'Pascua' (Basseta [1698] 2005: fol. 115r, 116v). Con-
nango. firming the subject of the historically attested dispute between Dominicans and
ioctrinal K'iche' had in Franciscans, the use of loanwords is more prominent in the Franciscan sources.
a, we will not only have It has to be noted that the number of Spanish and Latin loans increases through
favoured by Dominican time. To express the concept of 'sacred', for instance, the early sources use pri-
ed to identify the Chris- marily the K'iche' term utzirisam, a descriptive paraphrase that literally translates
al practice and belief. as 'it is made good'. Comparison with eighteenth-century doctrinal texts shows
that later missionary authors prefer the Spanish term 'santo' or Latin 'sanctus'.
Whilst some Spanish or Latin loans remain unchanged, others are phonetically

:cripts of the Theologia Indo- 4 Anonymous Franciscan Dictionary (1787: fol. 142r).
is possible to reconstruct the The most complete copy of this colonial dictionary was produced by Fermin Joseph Tirado in 1787
lition of any of the surviving and is held in the Special Collections of Tozzer Library at Harvard University. The title page of the
(Acuna [1554) 1992; Lopez manuscript, Vocabulario de Lengua Kiche, attributes its authorship to the "apostolic zeal of Franciscans
search on the actual text has of the province of Guatemala"; Munro Edmonson accordingly named the manuscript the "Anonymous
Franciscan Dictionary" (Sachse 2009).
98 Frauke Sachse The Expression of C

assimilated to K'iche' (e.g. tyox, Spanish 'dios') or can be inflected with gram- (4) <Dios Kahauixei>
matical markers, e.g. santo-il (sacred-Abstractive), 'sacredness'. In all doctrinal dios qajawixel
sources Spanish loanwords can also occur as part of descriptive paraphrasing: 5 dios qajaw-ixel
N:god N:our lord,
(1) <can[u]ban missa> 'god our father'
ka-nu-b'an misa "Dios Padre"
k-0-nu-b'an misa (Anonymous ca. 170
INC-3sA-lsE-VT:make N:mass
'I make misa = I read the mass'
"zelebrar misa"
(Anonymous Franciscan Dictionary 1787: fol. 142r)

Rather similar to the pre


terminology by means oJ
Loan Translations tivity associated with a <
the ritual act of baptism.
Loan translations, or calques, are literal translations of a Spanish, Latin or Hebrew erally 'the descending o
form into K'iche'. One of the prime examples is the word 'amen'. Whilst Span- literally 'to make descen
ish prayers ended in 'Amen Jesus', the K'iche' version keje' chuxoq was literally of the actual practice car
translated from the Hebrew 'amen' (Ex. 2), which means 'so be it'. The verb form tion of the Christian con1
chuxoq is widely attested in the Popol Vuh and other texts written by indigenous
(5) <u cahic uha Dios>
authors, but the combination with the adverb keje', 'so', only occurs in missionary u-qaj-ik
sources and is therefore probably a neologism. 3sPOSS-descend-VN
'the descending of the
(2) <quehe chuxok>
"bautismo, el acto de
keje' chuxoq
(Basseta [1698] 2005
keje' ch-0-ux-oq
ADV:so IMP-3sA-Vl:happen, [Link] For the purpose of conv,
'so be it!' phrasing had a great ad,
"amen"
(Anonymous ca. 1700-50: 59) process of acquiring knc
new terminology. DescriJ
A further example of a loan translation is the term qaqajaw, which literally can also refer to the char;
translates into Spanish as 'Padre Nuestro', 'Our Father', and is commonly used by translation of 'dios todop
Franciscans to refer to the Christian god in K'iche' (3). In the same way, the ap- sitional phrase which rea
pellation 'Dios padre' was translated literally into K'iche' (4).
(6) <utzinizai re ronohel:
(3) <cacahau> utzinisay re ronojel
qaqajaw utz-i-n-isa-y
qa-(q-)ajaw ADJ:[Link]-l
1pPOSS-( 1pPOSS)-N :lord, father 'the one who causes a
'our lord, father' 'almighty (God)'
"Padre nuestro" "Todopoderoso"
(Delgado 1725: 19) (Basseta [1698] 2005

5 The abbreviations for linguistic glosses used in this paper are listed in a separate section before the This example shows tha1
References. quires a fair command oJ
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 99

: inflected with gram- (4) <Dios Kahauixel>


lness' . In all doctrinal dios qajawixel
>tive paraphrasing: 5 dios qajaw-ixel
N:god N:our lord, father-ABS
'god our father'
"Dios Padre"
(Anonymous ca. 1700-50: 69)

Descriptive Paraphrasing

Rather similar to the process of loan translation is the introduction of Christian


terminology by means of descriptive paraphrasing which is used to express an ac-
tivity associated with a Christian concept. A prime example is the description of
the ritual act of baptism. The concept is rendered in K'iche' as qajik uja' Dios, lit-
IIlish, Latin or Hebrew erally 'the descending of the water of God' (3), or qasaj uja' Dios ... [pa uwi'],
'amen'. Whilst Span- literally 'to make descend the water of God [on one's hair]'. Thus the description
,, chuxoq was literally of the actual practice carried out in the ritual act of baptism becomes the designa-
>be it'. The verb form tion of the Christian concept in K'iche'.
written by indigenous
(5) <u cahic uha Dios>
r occurs in missionary u-qaj-ik u-ja' Dios
3sPOSS-descend-VN 3sPOSS-N:water N:God
'the descending of the water of God'
"bautismo, el acto de bautizar"
(Basseta [1698] 2005: fol. 25r)

For the purpose of conversion, these neologisms introduced by descriptive para-


phrasing had a great advantage over the other techniques as they facilitated the
process of acquiring knowledge about Christian cultural practices along with the
new terminology. Descriptive paraphrases are not restricted to ritual acts alone, but
rajaw, which literally can also refer to the characteristics associated with divinity itself. For instance, the
is commonly used by translation of 'dios todopoderoso' is attested as an agentive form preceding a prepo-
the same way, the ap- sitional phrase which reads literally as 'the one who causes all to become well' (6).
~ ).
(6) <utzinizai re ronohel>
utzinisay re ronojel
utz-i-n-isa-y r-e r-onojel
ADJ:[Link]-ANTP-CAUS-AGT 3sPOSS-BEN 3sPOSS-RN:all
'the one who causes all to become well'
'almighty (God)'
"Todopoderoso"
(Basseta [1698) 2005: fol. 150r)

separate section before the This example shows that descriptive paraphrasing is a creative process which re-
quires a fair command of the language as well as good knowledge of word forma-
100 Frauke Sachse The Expression o

tion patterns and derivational morphology. However, Christian terms translated by self applied the word :
means of descriptive paraphrasing can turn out to be grammatically wrong. It is, for ly referred to pre-His1
instance, quite common in doctrinal texts that transitive verb forms in initial position charged with negative
of the clause are marked with the modal suffix -o, which regularly occurs on transi-
(8) <cabauilah>
tive verbs in the final position of a phrase (Kaufman 1990: 72). Example 7 below k'ab'awilaj
illustrates the grammatical inconsistency in the first line of the "Apostles' Creed": k'ab'awil-aj
(7) < canucoho Dios Kahauixel> N :deity/image-DEi
kanukojo Dios Qajawixel "to worship" ~
ka-0-nu-koj-o (Basseta [1698] 2m
Dios qajaw-ixel
INC-3sA-lsE-VT:believe-MOD N:god N:our lord-ABS Similar semantic shifts
'I believe in God father'
(Anonymous ca. 1700-50: 69) the underworld and no
Kriszat 1999: 192-l9l
The statement of faith would correctly be expressed as kanukoj ( ri) Dios Qajawixel, refer to the 'Devil' wh
or, as in the modem K'iche' creed: kinkoj ri qaqaw~ 'I believe in our father'. As the The original meani1
majority of cases where -o is maintained in non-final position, are verb forms in ed from the contextual
the first person singular, it is possible that the missionaries added the modal marker is attested with its ori
on purpose to emulate Latin 'credo in deum patrem'. digenous authors or sti
that survives. This can
sionary sources are dn
Reuse of K'iche' Terms the Popol Vuh. A passa
point. The text refers t,
From a cultural point of view, the most interesting translation technique is the in- lates as 'owl and eagle-
troduction of new Christian terminology by means of extension or complete re- to the character of a pe
interpretation of the semantic referent drawing on the field of religious K'iche'
(9) < ri Judas Scariode
discourse. In this process, Christian concepts are modelled onto existing K'iche' ri Judas Escariot xo
terms, which results in the modification of their meanings. ri Judas Esca
To exemplify this practice, which essentially corresponds to the Thomist the- ART N:Judas Is<
ological position of the Dominicans and their understanding of the autonomy of 'the Judas Iscariot, ,
concept and form, we will return to the dispute between the two Mendicant orders (Vico ca. 1554: 443
about rendering the term for 'god'. Whilst the Franciscans would only use the Span- The term is attestec
ish loanword 'Dias' or descriptive paraphrases such as qajaw, 'our father', the Do- crite' or 'traitor'. But ai
minican Vico introduces the name of the K'iche' creator god: Tz'aqol B'itol, 'mak- lation of 'hypocrite', th
er (and) modeller'. Though he treats both terms at times almost synonymously, it it remains unresolved v
seems that the K'iche' term is employed to explain the meaning of Spanish 'Dias'. and whether its meanir
Sparks (2011: 171) identifies this as a theological strategy because Vico in chapter
25 of the Theologia Indorum discredits the worship of stone idols and claims that Table 1: Translations of the

the Maya should return to the practice of their ancestors and pray to the one and Hipocrita
only god, named Tz'aqol B'itol. Behind the reuse of the term in a Christian con-
< xoch tucur ucux >
text it was clearly the missionaries' intention to re-analyse the underlying concept.
<ah caib CUX>
Notwithstanding the fierce dispute between Dominicans and Franciscans about
the use of the term k'ab'awil to refer to 'god', as we have just seen, Vico him- < ah caib uach >
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 101

tian terms translated by self applied the word as a referent for stone idols. Thus, the term which original-
atically wrong. It is, for ly referred to pre-Hispanic Maya deities came to express the concept of idolatry
forms in initial position charged with negative attitudes:
;ularly occurs on transi-
(8) <cabauilah>
72). Example 7 below k'ab'awilaj
the "Apostles' Creed": k'ab'awil-aj
N:deity/[Link]
"to worship" ~ "idolatrar", 'to practice idolatry'
(Basseta [1698] 2005: fol. 85r)
3S Similar semantic shifts occurred in the case of xib'alb'a which originally referred to
the underworld and now became synonymous with 'Hell' and 'Purgatory' (Bredt-
Kriszat 1999: 192-194), or the term k'axtok which colonial missionaries used to
toj (ri) Dios Qajawixel, refer to the 'Devil' while its original meaning was probably 'deceiver'.
ve in our father'. As the The original meaning of such re-analysed forms cannot easily be reconstruct-
tion, are verb forms in ed from the contextual information in the missionary sources. Unless such a term
dded the modal marker is attested with its original semantic referent in colonial sources written by in-
digenous authors or still exists in modern K'iche', it is only the Christian concept
that survives. This can become a substantial problem when lexical data from mis-
sionary sources are drawn on for translations of indigenous text sources, such as
the Popol Vuh. A passage from the Theologia Indorum may serve to illustrate this
point. The text refers to Judas Iscariot as xoch tukur uk'u'x, which literally trans-
ion technique is the in- lates as 'owl and eagle-owl are his heart', the term 'heart' metaphorically referring
:!nsion or complete re- to the character of a person or a person's essence:
Id of religious K'iche'
(9) <ri Judas Scariode xochtucur vcux>
i onto existing K'iche' ri Judas Escariot xoch tukur uk'u'x
ri Judas Escariot xoch tukur u-k'u'x
ds to the Thomist the- ART N:Judas Iscariot N:owl N:eagle-owl 3sPOSS-N:heart/character
ng of the autonomy of 'the Judas Iscariot, owl and eagle-owl are his heart(= character)'
(Vico ca. 1554: 443)
: two Mendicant orders
ould only use the Span- The term is attested in Basseta's K'iche' dictionary with the meaning 'hypo-
w, 'our father', the Do- crite' or 'traitor'. But as the dictionary also lists other K'iche' terms with the trans-
i: Tz'aqol B'itol, 'mak- lation of 'hypocrite', the semantic referent of xoch tukur uk'u'x is not clear-cut and
most synonymously, it it remains unresolved whether the expression defines a new or an original concept
1ing of Spanish 'Dios'. and whether its meaning may have changed.
ecause Vico in chapter
1

.e idols and claims that Table 1: Translations of the term 'hip6crita' in Basseta ([1698] 2005: fol. 88r)
nd pray to the one and Hipocrita
rm in a Christian con-
< xoch tucur ucux > xoch tukur uk'u'x 'owl-eagle owl is his heart'
he underlying concept.
<ah caib CUX> aj ka'ib' k'u'x 'he of two hearts'
and Franciscans about
e just seen, Vico him- < ah caib uach > aj ka'ib' wach 'he of two faces'
102 Frauke Sachse The Expression

In a K'iche' almanac from 1722 (Weeks et al. 2009) which gives prognosti- eral religious terms.
cations for the individual days of the Maya calendar, the expression xoch tukur the sources and can l
uk'u'x is used to specify the character of a day. The prognostication of this day is would expect that th
essentially negative: the more likely one ,
13 E ltzel q'ij 13 E An evil day, is not necessarily the
13 K'at wak'al re 13 K'at arrayed are the teeth, One concept close
13 Ajmaq wak'al rixk'aq 13 Ajmaq arrayed are the claws The Spanish term 't
13 Q'anil xoch' tukur 13 Q'anil of owl and eagle-owl means 'to speak wel
13 Junajpu chuwi' 13 Junajpu above
infusing someone or
ro'ichal wa'e qij (on) all five of these days
in doctrinal K'iche' c
(Weeks et al. 2009: 117)
translation techniqm
The parallelism referring to the "teeth and claws of owl and eagle-owl" might well as Franciscan sc
suggest a different meaning of the concept from that of hypocrisy or treason, as someone or somethi1
owls are generally associated in Maya culture with death and war (Grube and alabar'), as well as tl
Schele 1994). In the Popol Vuh, owls function as messengers from the underworld ciscan sources give 1
Xibalba which is generally thought of as a realm of death: (Molina 1555: fol. 3:
Are' k'ut kisamajel ri tukur The owls then are their messengers: of blessing. 6 It rema
Ch'ab'i Tukur, Arrow Owl of 'to bless' occur in
Juraqan Tukur, One-Legged Owl, The translation of
Kaqix Tukur, Macaw Owl, ety of Christian cone
Jolom Tukur ke'uchaxik, [and] Skull Owl they are called,
with multiple Spanisl
usamajel Xib'alb'a the messengers of Xibalba.
late two rather distin
(Papal Vuh: fol. 13v)
terms are rendered b
We can conclude from this that the missionaries reused an essentially negative in- While the Latin tern
digenous concept to refer to the traitor of Jesus Christ. Whether colonial indige- God's favour" (Cross
nous authors may have used the term xoch tukur already in partial reference to its tually change the per
Christian meaning cannot easily be determined. protection, the conce
Such negative notions are quite openly labelled after pre-Hispanic concepts in recipient, elevating t
both Dominican and Franciscan sources (e.g. xib'alb'a, 'Hell', k'axtok, 'Devil', fining their meaning
k'ab'awil, 'idol'). On the contrary, Franciscan authors by and large avoid the re- The expression of be
use of terms that express positive notions of Christian belief (e.g. Tz'aqol B'itol, this distinction inacc
'creator'; raxal q'anal, 'divine glory'). In doctrinal disco
can occur as a paral
where we find an adj
Variation in Doctrinal K'iche' praised', which com
the prayer (10), as w
The translation of Christian concepts into K'iche' shows considerable variation vientre)' (11). Sparki
across the missionary sources, which can in part be attributed to the different the- late K'iche' ritual dii
ological orientations of Dominican and Franciscan authors and their respective-
ly preferred strategies of translation. Christian concepts can occur with multiple
K'iche' renderings and, vice versa, K'iche' neologisms are used to translate sev- 6 See the dictionary entr
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 103

'hich gives prognosti- eral religious terms. Such variation and inconsistency is attested within and across
~xpression xoch tukur the sources and can be identified in dictionaries as much as in doctrinal texts. One
,tication of this day is would expect that the more central a concept is to Christian belief and practice,
the more likely one would find standardised forms and reduced variation. But this
rn evil day, is not necessarily the case.
rrayed are the teeth, One concept closely associated with the Christian doctrine is the act of blessing.
rrayed are the claws The Spanish term 'bendecir' derives from the Latin 'benedicere' which literally
fowl and eagle-owl means 'to speak well (of)', referring to an expression of praise or a benign wish
bove
infusing someone or something with holiness or divinity. The concept is expressed
Jn) all five of these days
in doctrinal K'iche' discourse in a variety of forms which are the result of different
translation techniques. Besides using the Spanish term 'bendito', Dominican as
and eagle-owl" might well as Franciscan sources indicate the descriptive paraphrases utzirisaj, 'to make
pocrisy or treason, as someone or something to become good', and qajarisaj, 'to praise' (Span. 'afamar,
and war (Grube and alabar'), as well as the loan translation utz b'ij, 'to speak well'. Furthermore Fran-
; from the underworld ciscan sources give the verb tewichij - a loan from Nahuatl teochiua, 'bendecir'
(Molina 1555: fol. 32r) - which is used in modem K'iche' to express the concept
eir messengers: of blessing. 6 It remains to be established whether all of these K'iche' renderings
of 'to bless' occur in the same structural and semantic contexts.
The translation of Christian terminology into K'iche' may also reduce the vari-
ety of Christian concepts, as is shown where some of the neologisms are attested
f are called,
with multiple Spanish translations. The term utzirisaj, for example, is used to trans-
ibalba.
late two rather distinct Christian concepts: 'bendecir' and 'consagrar'. That both
terms are rendered by the same K'iche' form is theologically by no means trivial.
ssentially negative in- While the Latin term 'benedictio' refers to an "authoritative pronouncement of
ether colonial indige- God's favour" (Cross and Livingstone 2012: see 'benediction') which does not ac-
partial reference to its tually change the person or object that is being blessed, but merely requests divine
protection, the concept of 'consecratio' designates a ritual act that transforms the
-Hispanic concepts in recipient, elevating the person or object permanently into sacred status and rede-
ell', k'axtok, 'Devil', fining their meaning or function within society (Schulte 1908; McKim 1996: 59).
nd large avoid the re- The expression of both concepts through the same descriptive paraphrase makes
:f (e.g. Tz'aqol B'itol, this distinction inaccessible for the K'iche' -speaking convert.
In doctrinal discourse, the two descriptive paraphrases utzirisaj and qajirisaj
can occur as a parallelism or couplet, such as in a version of the "Hail Mary",
where we find an adjectival form of the couplet utz qajarinaq, literally 'good- be
praised', which corresponds to the phrase 'bendita eres' in the Spanish version of
the prayer (10), as well as the nominal form utz uqajarik, 'bendito (el fruto de tu
onsiderable variation vientre)' (11). Sparks (2011: 185-187) points out that such pairs attempt to emu-
:d to the different the- late K'iche' ritual discourse and high register speech, which is structured in cou-
and their respective-
1 occur with multiple
used to translate sev- 6 See the dictionary entries in Henne Pontius (1980: 188) andAjpacajil Tum et al. (1996: 391).
104 Frauke Sachse The Expression

plets. The mentioned couplet is, however, not used in the writings of indigenous Table 2: Selected K'iche'
authors and, thus, confined to the discourse of Christianisation.
Convertirse
(10) <lal vtz, lal i;aharinac> <utzir u coheic>
lal utz, lal qajarinaq
lal utz lal qajar-inaq < canah u mac>
2sF ADJ:good 2sF VI:be praised-PART
<canah itzel be>
'Thou are good, thou are praised= thou are blessed'
(Delgado 1725: 19) < hachom ranima rue
CaxtoE>
(11) <chf vtz, v&aharic lowbabal, la, Jesus> < tzolEomifj u4oheic >
chi utz uqajarik loq'ob'al la Jesus
chi utz u-qajar-ik loq'-ob'al la Jesus
PREP ADJ:good 3sPOSS-VI:be praised-VN VT:love-INSTR 2sF N:Jesus
'for good and praising of thy means ofloving, Jesus= blessed is the fruit of thy womb'
(Delgado 1725: 19)

An example of a Christian key concept which displays not only the lack of Having identified difl
standardisation in doctrinal K'iche' but also the theological differences between tral notions of Christ
the Mendicant orders are the various translations for the term 'conversion' in the ing the different theo
missionary sources. Basseta indicates several descriptive paraphrases which ren- recent treatment of V
der the Spanish verb 'convertirse' in K'iche', of which the primary one is utzir gy of Dominican mis
uk'oje'ik, 'to become good one's existence'. The causative form of the phrase utz- and change their me2
irisaj uk'oje'ik, 'to make become good one's existence', is applied to refer to the tion which results frc
transitive concept of 'converting someone'. Other expressions in Basseta include minology ultimately
kanaj umak, 'to leave one's sin', kanaj itzel b'e, 'to leave the bad road', or ujachom digenous convert, or
raninma ruk' k'axtoq', 'having broken one's soul with the devil'. What is strik- a means for the conti
ing about these expressions is that conversion is conceptualised in the Dominican To explore this is1
sources in a rather simplified way as a process of passing from 'sin', 'evil' or the pertinent to the procc
'devil' to being 'good'. The Anonymous Franciscan Dictionary, on the other hand, of 'glory' as an attrib
has the descriptive phrase tzolq'omij uk'oje'ik, 'to tum around one's existence',
thus expressing conversion as an inner change of one's self rather than as a transi-
tion from 'bad' to 'good' (Table 2).
The variation and inconsistencies in the creation of the new Christian discourse
show that the conversion of the Highland Maya was a dynamic and unstandardised In Christian theolog)
process which did not only entail the deliberate simplification, and even 'indigeni- standing of the doctr
sation', of theological concepts, but may also have generated diversity in the in- tive of human 'belief
digenous understanding of Christianity. scriptures which con
virtue whereby belie
stone 2012: see 'faitl
lief' is reflected in do
terms. The Spanish t
derings: kojb'al and c
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 105

.vritings of indigenous Table 2: Selected K'iche' renderings of the Spanish term 'convertirse'
:ion.
Convertirse
<utzir u coheic> utzir uk'oje'ik 'to become good one's Basseta [1698]
existence' 2005: fol. 42r
< canah u mac> kanaj umak 'to leave one's sin' ib.
<canah itzel be> kanaj itzel b'e 'to leave the bad road' ib.
<hachom ranima rue ujachom raninma 'having broken one's ib.
Caxtoe> ruk' k'axtoq' soul with the devil'
< tzoleornifj u4oheic > tzolq'ornij uk'oje'ik 'to tum around one's AFD 1787,
existence' fol. 51 V
Jesus
'e-INSTR 2sF N:Jesus
l is the fruit of thy womb'
Comprehending Christianity

s not only the lack of Having identified different methods of translation, we shall now focus on how cen-
tl differences between tral notions of Christianity were mapped onto pre-existing K'iche' concepts. Tak-
rm 'conversion' in the ing the different theological orientations of the Mendicants into account, Sparks'
araphrases which ren- recent treatment ofVico's Theologia Indorum shows that it was a deliberate strate-
! primary one is utzir gy of Dominican missionaries to take religious terms from K'iche' ritual discourse
'orm of the phrase utz- and change their meaning to the new Christian ideology (Sparks 2011). The ques-
applied to refer to the tion which results from this practice is whether this reuse of K'iche' religious ter-
)ns in Basseta include minology ultimately proved successful and made Christianity intelligible to the in-
bad road', or ujachom digenous convert, or whether it sabotaged the project of conversion and provided
devil' . What is strik- a means for the continuity of pre-Hispanic ideology.
ised in the Dominican To explore this issue, we will look at the K'iche' renderings of two key terms
:om 'sin', 'evil'orthe pertinent to the process of conversion: the abstract concept of 'faith' and the idea
ary, on the other hand, of 'glory' as an attribute of Christian divinity.
mnd one's existence',
rather than as a transi-
Faith
:w Christian discourse
tic and unstandardised In Christian theology, faith is seen as an act of will that requires thorough under-
,n, and even 'indigeni- standing of the doctrine. 'Faith' (Latin 'fides') is the object as well as the objec-
.ed diversity in the in- tive of human 'belief' in God (Latin 'creditur'). It refers to the divine truth of the
scriptures which constitutes the basis of belief and is at the same time the act and
virtue whereby belief is achieved (Kasper ed. 1995: 673-674; Cross and Living-
stone 2012: see 'faith'). This close semantic connection between 'faith' and 'be-
lief' is reflected in doctrinal K'iche', as both concepts are translated using the same
terms. The Spanish term 'fe' is given by Domingo de Vico with two K'iche' ren-
derings: kojb'al and okisab'al (Vico 1554: 136). Both terms are nominalisations of
106 Frauke Sachse The Expression

the K'iche' verbs kojo and okisaj which are attested as translations of the Spanish Wa' k'ute kik'atonik ux
verb 'creer' in Dominican as well as Franciscan sources. And this is yet what the
In modem K'iche', the transitive verb kojo carries several meanings, including (Popol Vuh: fol. 41 v; Cb
'to put', 'to place', 'to use' and 'to believe'. The root is attested only in the Great-
er K'iche'an variety which makes it difficult to identify the etymology of the term In non-doctrinal K
(Kaufman 2003: 777-778). The verb okisaj is a causative verb which is derived means of placing/usin
from the motion verb okik, 'to enter', and can be literally translated as 'to cause refers to the process
somebody or something to enter', which refers to the act of 'placing somebody/ seems to suggest that
something'. In colonial dictionaries the verb is attested with the translations 'po- ated by the missionar:
ner' and 'creer' and thus essentially with the same meanings as kojo, i.e. 'to put', originally have refem
'to place', 'to believe', but not 'to use'. Thus, both K'iche' verbs denote in the first 'handling' of offering:
instance a concrete physical activity, i.e. the placing of an object or a person, and Schultze Jena (19:
only in the second instance the more abstract concept of 'faith' or 'belief'. the "placing (of cerem
In the doctrinal sources, the verbs kojo and okisaj are used in exactly the same includes ceremonial a
way as the Spanish form 'creer', as can be seen, for example, in the "Apostle's Jena 1933: 48), porox
Creed": kanukojo Dios Qajawixel, 'I believe in God Father' .7 In contrast, when 1992: 59) or q'ijixik,
analysing the occurrence of both terms in the indigenous sources, there are two tochthonous concepts
surprising results. phrases referring to th
On the one hand, indigenous authors do not use the term okisaj at all, which ish term 'costumbre',
seems to support the idea that this form is a neologism created by descriptive para- tional Maya religion,
phrasing. It has to be noted that doctrinal Kaqchikel sources, which were primarily term kojb'al.
compiled by Franciscan missionaries, do not use the terms kojo or kojb'al, but trans- Translating the Ch
late the concept of 'faith/belief' as okib'al, lit. 'means of entering' (Coto [ca. 1650] to the ritual practice c
1983: 230), or okesab'al which is derived from the verb okesaj, 'meter algo, creer' within the frame of reJ
(Saenz de Santa Marfa 1940: 294). This rendering is not unlike the Franciscan trans- converts may have ur
lation of the Christian concept of 'belief' into Yukatek Maya as ookol 6ol, 'entering modem K'iche' kojb't
of heart' (Hanks 2010: 131). A direct relation between the Yukatek and the K'iche' ated with traditional ~
translation can probably be excluded, as the doctrinal sources in the Highlands are faith, belief' (Sparks 2
of an earlier date. But it remains to be investigated, whether the choice of the verb the meaning of religic
'to enter' is connected to a particular Franciscan understanding of 'faith' or 'belief'.
The verb kojo, on the other hand, occurs in the indigenous sources rather fre-
quently. In the Popol Vuh it is attested exclusively in semantic frames which per-
mit a translation as 'to put/place' or 'to use'. The document does not include a sin-
gle case in which a translation of kojo as 'creer' would in any way be meaningful. 'Glory' (Latin 'gloria
The nominalised form kojb'al occurs in the Popol Vuh in a context which suggests fining the "divine esst
that the form refers to the concept of an 'offering' presented to the K'iche' patron (McKim 1996: 114).
deity Tojil: of the Holy Trinity an
2012: see 'glory').
7 Anonymous (ca. 1700--50: 59). A literal translation of the phrase which accounts for the presence of
The Spanish term '
the modal marker -o would be 'I believe that God Father is/exists'. However, it is likely that the marker lations (see Table 3). 1
is used for stylistic reasons only to match the phrase with the 'credo in deum patrem' phrase (see above). expression q'anal rru
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 107

rislations of the Spanish Wa' k'ute kik'atonik uxe' chi puch, kojb'al rech Tojil.
And this is yet what they bum at his feet; it is the offering for Tojil.
ral meanings, including (Popol Vuh: fol. 41v; Christenson 2004: 193.)
ested only in the Great-
: etymology of the term In non-doctrinal K'iche' the form kojb'al literally reads either as 'instrument/
! verb which is derived means of placing/using something' or 'place of putting/using something' and hence
' translated as 'to cause refers to the process or to the location of offering or handling something. This
of 'placing somebody/ seems to suggest that the translation of kojo as 'to believe' may have been cre-
ith the translations 'po- ated by the missionary authors, who reused an existing religious term which may
1gs as kojo, i.e. 'to put', originally have referred to ritual practice and may even have involved the physical
verbs denote in the first 'handling' of offerings or representations of deities.
object or a person, and Schultze Jena (1933: 50) translates kojb'al in his ethnographic description as
faith' or 'belief'. the "placing (of ceremonial offerings)". Contemporary and colonial K'iche' kojb'al
1sed in exactly the same includes ceremonial activities such as kojik kotzi'j, 'placing of flowers' (Schultze
mple, in the "Apostle's Jena 1933: 48), poroxik, 'burning (of copal, candles at lineage shrines)' (Tedlock
1er' .7 In contrast, when 1992: 59) or q'ijixik, 'divination' (literally 'timing') (Edmonson 1965: 99). Au-
: sources, there are two tochthonous concepts of Maya spirituality are expressed in K'iche' as descriptive
phrases referring to the practice which is carried out. As a consequence, the Span-
:rm okisaj at all, which ish term 'costumbre', which is often used in a disparaging way to refer to tradi-
lted by descriptive para- tional Maya religion, may tum out to be an adequate translation of the K'iche'
s, which were primarily term kojb'al.
:ojo or kojb'al, but trans- Translating the Christian key concept of 'faith' with a term that seems to refer
tering' (Coto [ca. 1650) to the ritual practice of making offerings locates the Christian practice logically
esaj, 'meter algo, creer' within the frame of reference of the indigenous belief system. Accordingly K'iche'
ike the Franciscan trans- converts may have understood 'faith' as the performance of a ritual practice. In
a as ookol 6ol, 'entering modem K'iche' kojb'al is used as a generic term for ceremonial activities associ-
Yukatek and the K'iche' ated with traditional Maya religion and simply translated as 'religion, spirituality,
~es in the Highlands are faith, belief' (Sparks 2011: 308). This translation includes both semantic referents,
:r the choice of the verb the meaning of religious practice as much as the doctrinal meaning of the term.
ing of 'faith' or 'belief'.
rious sources rather fre-
mtic frames which per- Divine Glory
t does not include a sin-
my way be meaningful. 'Glory' (Latin 'gloria', 'fame, renown, praise, honour') is a biblical concept de-
context which suggests fining the "divine essence of God as absolutely resplendent and ultimately great"
ed to the K'iche' patron (McKim 1996: 114). It is the essential attribute ascribed to God and the persons
of the Holy Trinity and as such central to Christian belief (Cross and Livingstone
2012: see 'glory').
The Spanish term 'gloria' is found in the missionary sources with various trans-
h accounts for the presence of
ver, it is likely that the marker lations (see Table 3). Most sources translate the 'glory of God' with the diphrastic
m patrem' phrase (see above). expression q'anal raxal, 'yellowness-greenness' which is also used in doctrinal
108 Frauke Sachse The Expression o

K'iche' to refer to the equally positive concept of 'bienaventuranza'. The Anony- Serpent'. In both doct1
mous Franciscan Dictionary (1787, fol. 30v) also gives the translation 'bienes de attested in a couplet w
fortuna'. The expression consists of two abstractive nouns derived from the ad- 'fire', and can be liter
jectives q'an, 'yellow', and rax, 'green'. The couplet 'yellow-green' is attested in pression q'aq'al tepew
various Mayan languages as a metaphor for the concept of 'wealth' and 'abun- dad', 'grandeza' (Bass
dance' (Houston et al. 2006: 25). David Stuart (2005: 275) suggests that yellow fol. 31v). In the indige
and green are the colours of harvested and fresh com, the "ripe and unripe". The cal and divine 'power
kenning relates to the abundance of harvested goods or produce and is also attest- The translation of 'l
ed in the Classic Maya record, where the hieroglyphs for yax, 'green/unripe', and ogy which is meaning
k'an, 'yellow/ripe', are associated with the abundance of food from a rich com of Christian belief. Tot
harvest (Grube 2012: 19). identified as attributes
In the Popol Vuh (fol. 54r), we find the metaphor as an attribute of the storm and to refer to Christian di,
creator deity Juraqan, who is addressed as the ya'ol rech q'anal raxal, literally the associate the original n
'giver of yellowness and greenness', that is, the 'one who gives abundance'. Jura- trast, tried to avoid thi1
qan brings the rain for the fields and is associated with fertility, which confirms dictionaries include th1
the semantic analysis of the couplet. Ximenez translates the phrase one and a half translations of 'gloria'
centuries later as 'dador de nuestra gloria' (Popol Vuh: fol. 54r). phrase usaq ramaq' Di
The association of 'God's glory' with the abundance of food suggests that the Christian concept of '(
missionaries took a pre-Hispanic concept which had originally functioned as an
attribute of the highest divinity and reused it in a Christian context.

Table 3: K'iche' renderings of the Spanish term 'gloria' from a selected number of colonial K'iche'
dictionaries
The theological debate
Gloria reflected in the translat
<canal raxal> q'anal raxal 'yellowness-greenness' Basseta [1698] 2005: and make the indigeno
< aanal rraxal > fol. 75v; missionary linguists pr
Barrera 1745: 83 tive paraphrases and lo
<raxal canal> raxal q'anal 'greenness-yellowness' Ximenez [1722] taken from the domain
1985: fol. 162r Recent research on c
<tepeual> tepewal 'majesty' Basseta ib. a picture of early colo1
<gloria> gloria 'glory' AFD 1787: fol. 3r the colonial encounter c
< quijcotem > ki'kotem 'joy, delight' AFD 1787: fol. 108v; This encounter was no
<aicotem> Barrera ib. agents who were active:
<u~ak ramaa Dios> usaq ramaq' Dios 'white/bright nation of AFD 1787: fol. 30v duced, and reconfigure
God' dence for Yukatek May
tially changed the lang1
Besides q'anal raxal Basseta also gives the term tepewal, 'majesty', as a transla-
tion for the concept of 'gloria'. The term is likewise an abstractive noun, derived 8 The term q'aq'al is also au

from the Nahuatl loan tepeuh, 'conqueror, majesty' (Campbell 1970: 4; also Chris- to the concept of 'power', e.g
is also used with respect to d
tenson 2003: 61). In its non-abstractive form, tepew occurs in the Popol Vuh and
representation of their patron
other indigenous sources as an epithet of the creator god Q'uq'umatz, 'Feather- fol. 47v).
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 109

renturanza'. The Anony- Serpent'. In both doctrinal and indigenous sources, the term tepewal is frequently
he translation 'bienes de attested in a couplet with the abstractive noun q'aq'al derived from the term q'aq',
.ns derived from the ad- 'fire', and can be literally read as 'fireness'. The meaning of this diphrastic ex-
.low-green' is attested in pression q'aq'al tepewal is given in the colonial dictionaries as 'majestad', 'autori-
t of 'wealth' and 'abun- dad', 'grandeza' (Basseta [1689] 2005: fol. 23v, 77v, 97v; Ximenez [1722] 1985:
75) suggests that yellow fol. 31 v). In the indigenous sources the metaphor is used as an attribute of politi-
~ "ripe and unripe". The cal and divine 'power' and 'authority' .8
"Oduce and is also attest- The translation of 'gloria' reveals the Dominican strategy of reusing a terminol-
yax, 'green/unripe', and ogy which is meaningful within the K'iche' religious system to express concepts
f food from a rich corn of Christian belief. The expressions q'anal raxal and (q'aq'al) tepewal can both be
identified as attributes of pre-Hispanic deities and are reused in the same function
tttribute of the storm and to refer to Christian divinity. The K'iche' convert may therefore have continued to
r'anal raxal, literally the associate the original meaning with the metaphor. Franciscan missionaries, in con-
gives abundance'. Jura- trast, tried to avoid this form of conceptual continuity. Although some Franciscan
'ertility, which confirms dictionaries include the term q'anal raxal among their entries, they list additional
he phrase one and a half translations of 'gloria', such as ki'koteem, 'joy, delight', and the descriptive para-
I. 54r). phrase usaq ramaq' Dios, 'bright tribe/nation of god', which attempt to make the
1f food suggests that the Christian concept of 'God's glory' semantically more transparent.
~inally functioned as an
n context.
Conclusions
d number of colonial K'iche'

The theological debate between Franciscan nominalists and Dominican realists is


reflected in the translations they produced to create doctrinal discourse in K'iche'
ss' Basseta [1698] 2005: and make the indigenous converts understand Christianity. Whilst the Franciscan
fol. 75v; missionary linguists preferred the transparency of neologisms in form of descrip-
Barrera 1745: 83 tive paraphrases and loan translations, Dominican sources clearly list more terms
ss' Ximenez [1722] taken from the domain of pre-colonial K'iche' religion.
1985: fol. l 62r Recent research on colonial doctrinal sources of Mayan languages has repainted
Basseta ib. a picture of early colonial Maya society as a hybrid transculture that arose from
AFD 1787: fol. 3r the colonial encounter of two religious belief systems (Hanks 2010; Sparks 2011).
AFD 1787: fol. 108v; This encounter was not only shaped by the missionaries, but also by indigenous
Barrera ib. agents who were actively involved in the process of conversion and adopted, repro-
>f AFD 1787: fol. 30v duced, and reconfigured Christian discourse. William Hanks (2010) presents evi-
dence for Yukatek Maya that daily indoctrination with catechetical texts substan-
tially changed the language in structure and semantics as Maya authors took up the
'majesty', as a transla-
1stractive noun, derived 8 The term q'aq'al is also attested on its own. It occurs in the Popol Vuh in several contexts which refer

,ell 1970: 4; also Chris- to the concept of 'power', e.g. q'aq'al ajawarem, 'fireness and lordship' (Popol Vuh: fol. 48v). Q'aq'al
is also used with respect to divine power. The sacred bundle which was venerated by the K'iche' as a
:s in the Popol Vuh and
representation of their patron deity Tojil was named pisom q'aq'al, lit. 'bundled fireness' (Popol Vuh:
Q'uq'umatz, 'Feather- fol. 47v).
110 Frauke Sachse The Expression of

new terminology and implemented it in their own text genres. Sparks (2011:188) ART Article
argues that the situation in Highland Guatemala was very different from that in Yu- BEN Benefactive (n
catan where all the doctrinal and linguistic materials were produced by Franciscans CADS Causative
after the end of the 16th century. In Highland Guatemala, the project of systematic DER Derivation
Christianisation began shortly after the Spanish conquest, and the presence of both E Ergative
Mendicant orders - Dominicans in the K'iche' -speaking area and Franciscans in F Formal Person
the Kaqchikel-region - created a very different dynamic. Reconstructing the dia- IMP Imperative
logue between Christian theology and Maya spirituality, Sparks (2011:45; 188ff.) INC Incompletive
shows that Domingo de Vico drew systematically on K'iche' ritual discourse, while MOD Modal suffix
indigenous authors created texts such as the Papal Vuh or the t{tulas as indigenous N Noun
responses to the precedent of a central Christian dogmatic text (cf. Bredt-Kriszat p Plural
1999: 187-189). PART Participle
The lexical choices which were made in translating the Christian key concepts POSS Possessive
of 'faith' and 'divine glory' with terms from the domain of K'iche' religious dis- PREP Preposition
course may be seen as indicative of this dialogue which took place between Chris- RN Relational nou
tian missionaries and indigenous religious specialists. 'Faith' is expressed with a s Singular
term that alludes to the dimension of ritual practice through which 'belief' is mani- VI Intransitive ve1
fest rather than to the metaphysical concept itself. The theological misunderstand- VN Verbal noun
ing that may have been created by these translations is substantial, although it is VT Transitive Vert
possible that it also generated among the K'iche' converts the very behaviour of
practicing the prayers and rituals that the Church would expect of Christians with
true faith. In a similar way, the translation of 'gloria' with metaphorical expres-
sions referring to attributes of pre-Hispanic Maya deities may have resulted in the
association of indigenous conceptualisations with Christian divinity, which possi- Acuna, Rene
bly created a positive attitude towards the Christian doctrine. Both examples sug- 1992 Capitulo primero,
gest that the linguistic mediation of Christianity may have contributed to the par- Memorias del Pri
tial preservation of the pre-colonial framework of ritual logic and ideology within Mexico: Universid
the context of the new religion. AFD
See Anonymous Franc

Abbreviations for Linguistic Glosses Ajpacaja Tum, Pedro Fl


Raxuleu, and Diego Adri
1996 Diccionario del idi
1 First Person cisco Marroquin.
2 Second Person
3 Third Person Anonymous
ca. 1700-50 Arte de la l,
A Absolutive (participant reference)
tion of Mesoameri
ABS Absolutive (nominal)
ADJ Adjective Anonymous Franciscan
ADV Adverb 1787 Vocabulario de ler:
AGT Agentive ciscanos de esta sa
Guatemala. Copiac
ANTP Antipassive Collections, Ms. C
The Expression of Christian Concepts in Colonial K'iche' Missionary Texts 111

!nres. Sparks (2011: 188) ART Article


different from that in Yu- BEN Benefactive (relational noun)
produced by Franciscans CAUS Causative
the project of systematic DER Derivation
and the presence of both E Ergative
area and Franciscans in F Formal Person
. Reconstructing the dia- IMP Imperative
Sparks (2011:45; 188ff.) INC Incompletive
1e' ritual discourse, while MOD Modal suffix
the t(tulos as indigenous N Noun
ic text (cf. Bredt-Kriszat p Plural
PART Participle
e Christian key concepts POSS Possessive
of K'iche' religious dis- PREP Preposition
>0k place between Chris- RN Relational noun
1aith' is expressed with a s Singular
;h which 'belief' is mani- VI Intransitive verb
iological misunderstand- VN Verbal noun
.ubstantial, although it is VT Transitive Verb
ts the very behaviour of
!Xpect of Christians with
ith metaphorical expres- References
may have resulted in the
an divinity, which possi- Acuiia,Rene
[Link]. Both examples sug- 1992 Capitulo primero, en lengua quiche, de la Theologia Indorum de Vico [1554]. In:
,e contributed to the par- Memorias del Primer Congreso Internacional de Mayistas, vol. 1; pp. 136-148.
Jgic and ideology within Mexico: Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mexico.

AFD
See Anonymous Franciscan Dictionary.

Ajpacaja Tum, Pedro Florentino, Manuel Isidro Chox Tum, Francisco Lucas Tepaz
:ses
Raxuleu, and Diego Adrian Guarchaj Ajtzalam
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Anonymous
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1 provincia de
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holsamaj. Press of Colorado.
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'1/[Link]> (accessed chas lenguas se traducen a la nuestra, espafiola [1722]: de acuerdo con los ms. red.
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1atemala. Nach einer wie-


~rt von Leonhard Schultze
:schichte Amerikas aufge- Franke Sachse holds a PhD in Linguistics from Leiden University (2010). She read Cul-
tural Anthropology and Amerindian Studies at the University of Bonn, where she has been
teaching since 1999 and is a lecturer (Junior-Professor) at present. Her research focuses on
the languages, linguistics and ethnohistory of Guatemala. She has carried out field and ar-
una Cakchiquel Chi. Ana- chival research on the languages K'iche' and Xinka. Since 2004 she has been president of
un un antiguo diccionario the European Association of Mayanists (WAYEB).

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