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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
Another individual of inquiring mind on his way to the city boasted
he intended to know before he returned how the thing was done. On
his way home he was accosted by a neighbor who wished to know
how it was possible to send a message to Columbus with safety on
one of those little wires. The Squire said to himself it was no longer
a mystery—he was a justice of the peace, and above the average as
a lawyer—saying: “You see, they have a machine that rolls and
compresses a letter into a little bit of an oblong roll, which just fits
into a little brass cylinder, and when ready to send it is pushed up to
a kind of machine all full of cog-wheels and ticking clock-work, and
the man at the head says, ‘All ready—go’—and he touches a button,
and the electricity runs out on the wire, and strikes the head of the
cylinder in which the letter is placed, and it goes, chebang, to the
other end of the wire, and drops into a basket.”
All this was worked out by the mental process of the Squire, who
actually believed he had solved the process of telegraphing, as much
as the engineers did that of railroading when they constructed the
track of solid masonry.
In 1837, the horse-car running from Toledo to Adrian, Michigan, on
oak rails was remodeled, road-bed improved in grades, rails
strapped, an engine to take the place of horses, “and a beautiful
new passenger coach to supply that of the old coach bodies.” It was
also advertised the road would be “running regularly on and after
October 1, 1837,” and that the “speed would be greatly increased,
and would be able to carry passengers and the United States mail at
the rate of fifteen miles an hour, making the entire distance, thirty
miles, in two hours.”
 New Passenger Car on the Toledo & Adrian Ry. 1837.
A fair likeness of the new passenger coach is here given, which, in
days of primitive railroading, was looked upon as a step in the right
direction. But this road was soon obliged to again suspend
operations, temporarily, for other changes—many discouragements
stood in the pathway to prosperity. Strap-iron rails on parallel
timbers and stonemasonry and solidity proved failures, and the
locomotive added no advantage over the horse, as existing
conditions would not tolerate great velocity, the very thing in chief
that would insure supremacy over a canal.
And England was twenty years in search of an adjustment of road
and machinery by which velocity could be increased without an
increase of danger. But the discouragements were so numerous,
many hopeful workers abandoned the field. Only six years previous
to George Stephenson’s locomotive, “Rocket,” making twenty-nine
and a half miles in an hour, a book was published on “Railways,” in
which the author says: “That nothing could do more harm toward
the adoption of railways than the promulgation of such nonsense, as
that we shall see locomotive engines traveling at the rate of twelve,
sixteen, eighteen, and twenty miles an hour.”[28]
This may have been intended for Americans as well as Mr.
Stephenson, for the “promulgation of such nonsense” did not cease,
and power and speed increased with the increase in size of the parts
of the machinery insured. So rapidly was this increase, that strong
attempts were made from time to time to fix a legal limit at some
point below twenty miles—in England.
In the United States, however, the faster the better, and from five
rose to fifty, and then began looking around for rails and road-bed
that would withstand the racket.
All the expense and experiments were not thrown away; true,
investments and results failed for many years to inspire that
confidence which opens the money vaults of the capitalists, but, not
in the least discouraged, artisans, scientists, and genius, under any
and every name, worked on and on, and when asked gave the
coalminer’s answer to the House of Commons: “I can’t tell you how
I’ll do it, but I can tell you I will do it.” The engineers, machinists,
and model-makers kept at work, and so many improvements had
been suggested to Peter Cooper’s locomotive that the first thing of
the kind that had ever been made in the United States became
transformed from a little competitor of the horse into a mammoth
institution breathing impatiently for a track on which might be tested
its speed and wondrous power.
The locomotive came—the heavy iron rails were in sight—but no one
had yet suggested a satisfactory road-bed and rests for the rails. It
had baffled the attempts of engineers. At this critical juncture a
voice was heard from the wilderness—an axman, an Ohio “Squirrel
Hunter”—one who had constructed many miles of substantial wagon
roads through new sections of marshy country by means of
“corduroys”—placing pieces of split timber, or sections of a younger
growth, sixteen feet long, in close contact at right angles to the line
of intended road-bed, then pinning long pieces of split saplings on
the upper surface near the ends of the cross-ties on either side, and
filling the interstices with earth, gravel, rotten wood, or other
material, making a substantial and elastic track.
At a meeting of the president and directors of a section of
unsatisfactory strap-iron road, this man appeared before the board
with a model showing the relations of road-bed, cross-ties, and rails
as now in use, claiming the plans proposed would insure the
desirable essentials to safety, speed, cheapness, and durability, by
giving elasticity and securing an absolute gauge at high rates of
speed.
Seeing the model, and hearing the common-sense arguments and
practicable philosophy of the “Squirrel Hunter,” all present clapped
their hands and cried—“Eureka!”
Before the close of the session, a resolution was adopted in favor of
“cross-ties and heavy iron rails.” With the correct idea for
construction, it required but little time to satisfy the most credulous
that velocity and power could be obtained with safety, and time
saved; for time was fast becoming an important factor in the
prosperity of the state. Charters were granted for roads in every
direction, and each important village had aspirations for “a railroad
center;” and capital, by millions, flowed into the state, and in a short
period Ohio found herself with eight thousand five hundred miles of
railroad, representing a capital of more than five hundred and fifty
million dollars.
The officers of the first railroads felt or seemed to feel and act like
ordinary people. This, however, was long before the procuration of a
prohibitory tax on foreign steel rails. On one occasion, in 1849, the
passengers on the line of coaches from the South, bound for
Cleveland, Ohio, found on arrival at Columbus that “a new and
expeditious route” had just been opened to Sandusky City, and
thence to Cleveland, Buffalo, and other points east and west.
This “new and expeditious line” consisted of stage-coaches from
Columbus to Mansfield, from Mansfield to Sandusky by the new
railroad, and thence by boat to all other points. The railroad was
part of the incomplete first through line from the lakes to the Ohio
river, and was completed from Sandusky to Mansfield, fifty miles.
The writer was one of the second installment of passengers sent
over the new route. Four coaches left Columbus at an early hour,
loaded with passengers and baggage, to make the connection at
Mansfield, nearly seventy miles, over rough mud roads.
All went well until the Delaware county corduroys were reached.
Here the leading coach got off the track and was down, with one
wheel in the mud up to the hub. Getting out of this difficulty caused
the time-table to be broken, and on reaching Mansfield in the
evening we found the train to Sandusky had just left—so recently
that the smoke of the motor was still visible in the direction of the
lake.
The arrival of this caravan created no little excitement in the small
town of Mansfield (Secretary Sherman’s home). Thirty angry
passengers to be detained until the next day at a fifth-class hotel,
destitute of accommodations, was not considered in the storm of
invectives that were hurled in every direction, after taking in the
situation. Accusations were publicly made that the landlord and the
directors of the railroad were in partnership to rob the public by
assertions enticing them into this trap.
The party was in no mood to remain idle, and at once took
possession of the large room called “the parlor,” elected a chairman,
adopted resolutions, and made a report and placed it in the hands of
the printer, headed with familiar English epithets, warning the public
to shun this impious swindle—making the most imposing specimen
of literature, on large sheets, ever printed in that highly-intelligent
town.
Before eleven o’clock that night the bill-posters had finished their
work, as no more space could be found on which to spread the
attractive sheets. About this time four good-looking, elderly
gentlemen appeared and announced that they represented the
president and directors of the road; that they were sorry the break
of connection had occurred; that such a thing would not occur
again, and asked, if they should reimburse all the fares paid at
Columbus and give each a through ticket to place of destination, and
pay the hotel expenses while detained in Mansfield, would the party
surrender all the posters in their possession and call it even?
This was agreed to—posters surrendered and fares adjusted, and
the whole party invited to a well-prepared but unexpected supper,
which wound up with a jolly good time, and the dissatisfied were
sent on their way next morning in full praise of the “new
arrangement,” which became the most popular and best-patronized
through fare route of any previous combination of the kind ever
made in Ohio.
Railroads developed their importance rapidly, as did also the officers
and employes. The systematic training and experimental
management of roads have accomplished wonders in nationalizing
the people of the United States. And by the reports of the
Commissioner of “Railroads and Telegraph,” no necessity exists any
longer for Ohio roads to compromise or give drawbacks to patrons in
order to hold their influence and business. At least it would seem so,
when the roads within the state, in 1894, carried twenty-seven
million, two hundred and thirty-one thousand passengers, and fifty-
nine millions, six hundred and thirty-nine tons of freight—earning
sixty million, one hundred and forty thousand, eight hundred and
thirty-one dollars; giving employment to fifty-four thousand, seven
hundred persons, whose salaries amounted to a fraction less than
thirty million, six hundred thousand dollars in aggregate. All this
great wealth and industry has arisen from exceedingly small and
crude beginnings.
Profitable private enterprises resulting from railroad investments in
the states, at the commencement of the fifties, awakened a dozing
Congress to the national importance of the subject, and in 1853, the
Government commenced a road at an estimated cost that would
have made the head of a Thomas Jefferson swim with constitutional
objections—involving an expenditure of one hundred and thirty
millions, with an additional five millions for engineering. It proved a
success; the expenditure of labor enriched the people, and the road
helped save the United States as a nation.
With canals, railroads, turnpikes, large crops, quick and cheap
transportation, growing cities and increasing knowledge, wealth and
happiness, to Ohio the sky was clear overhead, and every thing
prosperous, West, East and North, until 1860. Something was
transpiring South—Northern men were returning from the slave
states with the belief the country was on the verge of a civil war—a
gigantic insurrection. Some, to whom such opinions were rendered,
believed, but most Northern men made light of the idea of the South
seceding, as there appeared no justifiable cause for secession or
rebellion.
But there was that quarrel about the black spot on the face of the
Goddess of Liberty, which had grown large and was giving pain and
mortification to all her Northern friends. It was evident the disease
was destroying the life as it had the beauty, unless something was
done to remove or check its growth.
Consultation after consultation had from time to time been made by
the wise men of the nation, ending in disagreement in regard to the
etiology, pathology and treatment. Still it was evident, to both North
and South, that something must be done. And the South, claiming
the patient, assured the country the affection and disaffection could
be removed by the law of nature Samuel Hahnemann made—“similia
similibus curantur,” and retired with the intention to capture
Washington before the North could make resistance, and then
proclaim the slave-power, the true and lawful friend of Liberty, and
insist upon a hasty recognition of the Government of the United
States, by the foreign ministers at the federal capital and the leading
powers of Europe. But the Southern blood could not be restrained,
and the premature overt acts defeated the scheme, saved
Washington, and led to the recovery of universal freedom in the
United States through a prolonged and bloody law.
General Sherman says in regard to the cause of the War of the
Rebellion, that “The Southern statesmen, accustomed to rule, began
to perceive that the country would not always submit to be ruled by
them;[29] and they believed slavery could not thrive in contact with
freedom; and they had come to regard slavery as essential to their
political and social existence. Without a slave caste they could have
no aristocratic caste.... That the northern politicians, accustomed to
follow the lead of their southern associates generally, believed that
the defeat of Fremont, in 1856, as the Republican candidate for the
presidency, had insured the perpetuity of the Union; the southern
politicians, generally, believed that the date of its dissolution was
postponed during the next presidential term, and that four years and
a facile President were given them to prepare for it. And they began
to do so.
“Accordingly, during Mr. Buchanan’s administration, there was set on
foot throughout the Southern States a movement embodying the
reorganization of the militia, the establishment and enlargement of
state military academies, and the collection of arms, ammunition,
and warlike materials of all kinds.
“The Federal Secretary of War, Mr. Floyd, thoroughly in the interests
of the pro-slavery conspirators, aided them by sending to the
arsenals in the slave states large quantities of the national arms and
military supplies; the quotas of the Southern States under the militia
laws were anticipated in some cases by several years; and he caused
large sales of arms to be secretly made, at low prices, to the agents
of those states.[30]
“The pro-slavery leaders then began, quietly, to select and gather
around them the men whom they needed and upon whom they
thought they could rely.
“Among the men they fixed upon was Captain Sherman.... It was
explained to him that the object of establishing the State Military
Academy at Alexandria, was to aid in suppressing negro
insurrections, to enable the state to protect her borders, ... and to
form a nucleus for defense in case of an attack by a foreign enemy.”
Captain Sherman did not remain long in his high salaried office
before he saw enough to convince an intelligent mind war was near
at hand, and on January 18, 1861, he sent in his resignation to the
Governor, as follows:
 “Sir: As I occupy a quasi-military position under this state, I
deem it proper to acquaint you that I accepted such position
when Louisiana was a state in the Union, and when the motto
of the seminary, inserted in marble over the main door, was: ‘By
the liberality of the general Government of the United States—
the Union—Esto Perpetua.’ Recent events foreshadow a great
change, and it becomes all men to choose. If Louisiana
withdraws from the Federal Union, I prefer to maintain my
allegiance to the old Constitution as long as a fragment of it
survives, and my longer stay here would be wrong in every
sense of the word. In that event, I beg you will send or appoint
some authorized agent to take charge of the arms and
munitions of war here, belonging to the state, or direct me what
disposition should be made of them.
“And furthermore, as president of the board of supervisors, I
beg you to take immediate steps to relieve me as
superintendent the moment the state determines to secede, for
on no earthly account will I do an act, or think any thought,
hostile to or in defiance of the old Government of the United
States.”

Up to this date, Captain Sherman was not much known as a lawyer

or statesman, and as a military genius, the South found they had
mis-measured his patriotism and that which constituted his make-up.
Few, if any, had heard the reply of the little fatherless boy to the
minister who hesitated to give him the name of “a heathen,”
(Tecumseh,) in baptism.
“My father called me Tecumseh, and Tecumseh I’ll be called—If you
won’t, I’ll not have any of your baptism.”
This was the character of General Sherman, whose talents were as
bright as was his life, pure and courageous. At the commencement
of the war he was assailed on all sides, by the petty jealousies
indigenous to public life; but nothing could retard his progress to the
front, any more than it could his march to the sea—one of Ohio’s
legitimate “Squirrel Hunters” born with his hand on Esau’s heel.
The war came, and on the 12th day of April, 1861, the first gun was
fired. The Government was not alarmed, but was firm in the
determination to preserve the Union at all cost, and looked upon the
prospects of final success of secession as impossible against the will
of the vast population and resources of the North-western States,
and held to the truth of General Jackson’s answer to Calhoun:
“Secession is treason, and the penalty for treason is death.”
At the outbreak of the Rebellion, the State of Kentucky had a
governor named Beriah Magoffin. He had by some unknown means
escaped the familiar Kentucky military title, and was known simply
as “Beriah Magoffin, the Secessionist.” Beriah concocted a brilliant
scheme, and gave out a manifesto that “Kentucky will not sever
connection from the National Government, nor take up arms for
either belligerent party, but arm herself for the preservation of peace
within her borders, and a mediator to effect a just and honorable
peace.”
But when the President of the United States called on Kentucky for
volunteers to defend the Union, he received the reply: “I say
emphatically that Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked
purpose of subduing her sister Southern States.” On hearing of the
reply of Governor Beriah Magoffin, the Governor of Ohio immediately
telegraphed the War Department, “If Kentucky will not fill her quota,
Ohio will fill it for her.” And within two days, two regiments were on
the road to the credit of Kentucky, and other regiments came in so
rapidly, that within a few days after the announcement of quotas,
the Adjutant-General stated the offers of troops from Ohio were
enough to fill the full quota of seventy-five thousand men allotted to
the entire country.
The people of Ohio, and especially some in Cincinnati, became
indignant at the muddle in which Kentucky had placed herself,
causing Cincinnati to occupy an extra-hazardous position. The
Governors of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois foresaw the tempting prize
Cincinnati would be to the Confederates, and early urged the policy
of seizing Louisville, Paducah, Columbus, Covington, Newport and
the railroads. But this wise suggestion was postponed in its
execution for want of troops, until the opportunity became lost.
Columbus was strongly garrisoned, Buckner had committed his
treason, Bowling Green was fortified, Tennessee was gone, and
Kentucky held back all the armies of the West until March, 1862.[31]
Still, for the kindness, Kentucky came near getting Ohio into trouble
during the second year of the war. And this, too, at a time when the
Union forces were scattered and disseminated by disasters, disease,
and desertions until the War Department showed an inability to
maintain many important positions, especially in the border states.
Rebel raids were moving in several directions. John Morgan, with his
cavalry, found the City of Cincinnati defenseless and virtually
besieged. Rough secession citizens were rioting, mobbing, and
destroying property of peaceable persons of African descent,
requiring “one thousand” extra policemen to save enough of the
boodle to make an inducement for rebel raiders to call that way.
The cultivated hatred and unlawful acts toward the colored race
prevailed to such a large extent by Cincinnati rebels and
sympathizers, that the sentiments of officials were so uncertain that,
when danger was in sight and the city came under the management
of men who had actually taken side with the Federal Government,
the police were required to take the oath of allegiance in a body as
their official certificate of loyalty.
The rebel element was disappointed that John Morgan and cavalry
did not attempt to take the city, which was joy and gladness to the
Union portion of the inhabitants. But new and more alarming trouble
to the loyal citizen was approaching. The Union forces had just met
with disaster at Richmond, and General Kirby Smith had entered
Lexington with Morgan and started an army for Cincinnati.
Bragg was just crossing the Kentucky line for Louisville, and no time
could be lost. Cincinnati was without preparation or means of
defense, and all was literally blue around recruiting offices;
government troops were powerless, for want of time, and the
emergency was great, for the rebels were near at hand.
If the Federal forces were ever at any time subject to despondency
and discouragements it would have been excusable during July and
August of 1862. General McClellan had been recalled from the
Peninsula, Pope driven back and forced to seek refuge in the
defenses of Washington, raids were menacing the borders of the
free states, and many were claiming the war “a failure.”
General Wallace had been placed in command for the protection of
the cities of Cincinnati, Covington, and Newport, and arrived in
Cincinnati at nine o’clock at night, September 1st. And after
consultation with Governor Tod and the mayors of the above-named
cities, wrote his proclamation of martial law, and after midnight sent
it to the city papers.
While this was going on, the Governor was busily engaged at the
telegraph station. He knew the power and the loyalty of the “Squirrel
Hunters.” As one of their number, he asked them to come—to come
without delay, and to come armed—and then telegraphed to the
Secretary of War, that a large rebel force was moving against
Cincinnati, “but it would be successfully met.” He had faith in the
expected troops. Though fresh from the rural districts, they all knew
how to shoot; all fellow “Squirrel Hunters,” never known to turn their
backs to the enemy with the trusty rifle in hand.
History tells the result. Whitelaw Reid says of the next morning:

“Before daybreak the advance of the men that were

thenceforward to be known in the history of the state as the
‘Squirrel Hunters’ were filing through the streets.”

The citizens knew little or nothing of what had been transpiring

throughout the night, and when aroused by the tramp, tramp,
tramp, and as they gazed out upon the dimly-lighted streets, the
greater their wonderment grew. Armed men, with all shades, colors,
and kinds of uniforms! No one, awakening from sweet slumber,
could say from what country, place, or planet, such a vast multitude
could have dropped during the night. It could be seen the army was
not blue enough for federals, nor gray enough for rebels; and “good
Lord, good devil,” was about all that could be said.
In due time the morning papers came, announcing the city under
martial law and protected by the “Squirrel Hunters” of Ohio, and the
excitement became so great that many expressed themselves much
after the fashion of “the little woman who went to market all on a
market day.”
For patriotism, executive ability, and business talents, Governor Tod
had few equals. With him the line of duty was always clear. Before
General Wallace had written his proclamation of martial law the
Governor was on his way to Cincinnati. From this point he at once
telegraphed to the people, press, and military committees, saying:
“Our southern border is threatened with invasion.... Gather up all the
arms and furnish yourselves with ammunition for the same.... The
soil of Ohio must not be invaded by the enemies of our glorious
government. Do not wait. None but armed men will be received.”

“From morning till night the streets resounded with the tramp of
armed men, marching to the defense of the city. From every quarter
of the state they came, in every form of organization, with various
species of arms. The ‘Squirrel Hunters,’ in their homespun, with
powder-horn and buckskin pouch, ... all poured out from the railroad
depots and down toward the pontoon bridge. The ladies of the city
furnished provisions by the wagon load; the Fifth-street market-
house was converted into a vast free eating saloon for the ‘Squirrel
Hunters.’ Halls and warehouses were used as barracks.”
 Pontoon Bridge, Ohio River.
As soon as it was known the city was under martial law, the sounds
of hammers and saws came up from the river, and in a few hours a
pontoon bridge was stretched across to Covington, and streams of
wagons loaded with lumber and other materials for fortifications
were passing over; and on the 4th of September Governor Tod
telegraphed to General Wright, commander of the department: “I
have now sent you for Kentucky twenty regiments. I have twenty-
one more in process of organization,” and the next day said to the
press:

“The response to my proclamation asking volunteers for the

protection of Cincinnati was most noble and generous. All may
feel proud of the gallantry of the people of Ohio. No more
volunteers are required for the protection of Cincinnati.”

The exertions of the city were, however, not abated. Judge Dickson
organized a colored brigade for labor on the fortifications. This with
the daily details of three thousand white citizens, composed of
judges, lawyers, merchant princes, clerks, day-laborers, artists,
ministers, editors, side by side, kept at work with the ax, spade,
pick, and shovel, and all promised the same wages—a dollar per day
—went on most enthusiastically.
The engineers had given shape to the fortifications. General Wallace
was vigilant night and day, as the rebel forces gradually moved up as
if intending an attack. The Squirrel Hunters were drilled during the
day and manned the trenches every night, and it was no longer a
possibility that the forces under General Kirby Smith could take the
city. But, owing to a few skirmishes, Major-General Wright,
commander of the department, thought it prudent to call for more
“Squirrel Hunters,” as it was believed a general engagement was
near at hand. The papers of the city, September 11th, announced
that before they were distributed the sound of artillery might be
heard on the heights of Covington, and advised their readers to keep
cool, as the city was safe beyond question.
It was under these circumstances Governor Tod sent the following
telegram to “The Press of Cleveland”—“To the several Military
Committees of Northern Ohio:

“Columbus, Sept. 10, 1862.

“By telegram from Major-General Wright, commander-in-chief of
Western forces, received at two o’clock this morning, I am
directed to send all armed men that can be raised immediately
to Cincinnati. You will at once exert yourselves to execute this
order. The men should be armed, each furnished with a blanket
and at least two days’ rations. Railroad companies are requested
to furnish transportation of troops to the exclusion of all other
business.”

The expected attack did not come. “General Wallace gradually

pushed out his advance a little, and the Rebel pickets fell back. By
the 11th, all felt that the danger was over. On the 12th, General
Smith’s hasty retreat was discovered. On the 13th, Governor Tod
checked the movements of the Squirrel Hunters, announced the
safety of Cincinnati, and expressed his congratulations.

“Columbus, September 13, 1862.

Eight o’clock A. M.
“To the Press of Cleveland:
“Copy of dispatch this moment received from Major-General
Wright, at Cincinnati: ‘The enemy is retreating. Until we know
more of his intention and position, do not send any more
citizen-troops to this city.’” And the Governor’s dispatch to the
Cleveland Press, accompanying the good news from Major-
General Wright, says: “The generous response from all parts of
the state to the recent call, has won additional renown for the
people of Ohio. The news which reached Cincinnati, that the
patriotic men all over the state were rushing to its defense,
saved our soil from invasion, and hence all good citizens will feel
grateful to the patriotic men who promptly offered their
assistance.”

The clear-minded Governor Tod, without troops, guns or works of

defense, telegraphed the Secretary of War that a large Rebel force
was moving on Cincinnati, “but it, would be successfully met;”
thirteen days after wired the following:

“Columbus, September 13, 1862.

“To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War,
Washington, D. C.
“The Squirrel Hunters responded gloriously to the call for the
defense of Cincinnati—thousands reached the city, and
thousands more were en route for it. The enemy having
retreated, all have been ordered back. This uprising of the
people is the cause of the retreat. You should acknowledge
publicly this gallant conduct.”
The entire North-west resounded with praises for Governor Tod and
his thoughtful and successful expedient. To the “Squirrel Hunters,” it
was not an entirely new thing; they had often heard of the times
when their fathers were the actors at Cleveland, Fort Meigs and the
Miamies, and bore their honors with a degree of modesty becoming
their military equipments. When Lewis Wallace, Major-General
commanding, bid these gallant men farewell, he said: “In coming
time, strangers viewing the works on the hills of Newport and
Covington, will ask, ‘Who built these intrenchments?’[32] You can
answer—‘We built them.’ If they ask ‘Who guarded them?’ You can
reply—‘We helped in thousands.’ If they inquire the result, your
answer will be—‘The enemy came and looked at them, and stole
away in the night.’ You have won much honor; keep your
organizations ready to win more. The people of Ohio appreciated
this noble act of the ‘Squirrel Hunters,’ in saving the City of
Cincinnati, by turning back the Rebel army and prevented the
destruction of property by a dissolute and desperate army.”
And the Ohio Legislature, at its next session adopted the following
resolution:

“Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the

State of Ohio, That the Governor be and he is hereby authorized
and directed to appropriate out of his contingent fund a
sufficient sum to pay for printing and lithographing discharges
for the patriotic men of the state who responded to the call of
the governor and went to the southern border to repel the
invader, who will be known in history as ‘The Squirrel Hunters,’
“James R. Hubbell,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
P. Hitchcock,
President pro tem. of the Senate.
Columbus, March 11, 1863.”
 Governor’s Certificate of Honorable Membership.
To this joint resolution of the legislature the governor responded
with a handsome souvenir entitled
THE SQUIRREL HUNTER’S DISCHARGE.
 Honorable Discharge.
A year after the services were performed, fifteen thousand seven
hundred and sixty-six were issued to Squirrel Hunters, which,
however, did not embrace more than one-third of the number that
responded to the call and took part in the defense of Cincinnati and
the Kentucky cities.
Those with certificates and those having none, but who responded
to the call, are no less “Squirrel Hunters,” descendants of the Spirit
of ’76—a chosen people to maintain and perpetuate the model
government of the world.
From the Declaration of Independence to the present time the
power of this free people has been as manifestly directed by unseen
forces as ever was that of the favorite nation which came out from
Egypt under a cloud; and the influences which dictated the
dedication of the North-west to freedom will not likely permit the
purpose to be compromised or changed.
That which was considered a long duration of the war, with frequent
calls for troops, became exceedingly discouraging. And it was
evident, after two years, that the strength of the federal army was
inadequate for successful offensive operations. At the beginning of
1863, it required nearly four hundred thousand recruits to fill the
companies and regiments then in service up to the standard
enumeration. Death, disaster, and desertion begat inactivity, with an
apparent exhaustion of former volunteer supplies; and secession
was becoming more noisy and defiant in all the loyal states. This
condition of things brought out the conscript act, and under it the
Provost-Marshal General’s Bureau was organized June 1, 1863, by
James B. Fry, and early in 1864, this efficient officer and his
assistants had the loyal states well canvassed, and thoroughly
organized, to obtain all the men necessary to put down the
Rebellion. Each state was divided into districts; each district was
placed under the management of commissioned officers, termed a
Board of Enrollment, consisting of a provost-marshal, commissioner,
and surgeon, whose business it was to make a full and exact
enrollment of all persons liable to conscription under the law of
March 3, 1863, and its amendments, showing a complete exhibit of
the military resources in men over twenty and under forty-five years
of age, with the names alphabetically arranged, with description of
person and occupation in each sub-district.
The enrollment being cleared of persons having manifest disability of
a permanent character, each sub-district (township or ward) was
required to furnish its assigned quota under calls for men, whether
the able-bodied individuals enrolled continued to reside in that sub-
district or not. Unless it could be shown such person or persons were
correctly enrolled in another sub-district, were in the service
uncredited or credited to another sub-district, the removal of
residence could not relieve the obligation of the sub-district where
such person or persons were enrolled.
This new arrangement at first was exceedingly unpopular with rebel
sympathizers in the loyal states, but the bureau soon established a
business that impressed a belief in secession circles that it was an
energetic war measure that would soon end the unpleasantness.
This system of furnishing soldiers showed many advantages over
that of voluntary enlistments. Large demands for men could be met
immediately, and at the same time it made every citizen, whether
loyal or disloyal, equally interested in having the quotas filled by
means of bounties in order to avoid sub-district drafts.
And from an enrollment of two million two hundred and fifty-four
thousand persons liable to do military service, the bureau, in a brief
period, forwarded under calls of the government one million one
hundred and twenty thousand six hundred and twenty-one able-
bodied soldiers, and with these, and those already in the field, the
would-be Southern Confederacy crumbled before the federal power.
It cost the government for raising troops from the commencement of
the war until May 1, 1863, the date the recruiting service was turned
over to the Provost-Marshal General’s Bureau, forty-six million one
hundred and twenty-four thousand one hundred and sixty-two
dollars, or thirty-four dollars for each man, exclusive of pay or
bounty, while putting soldiers in the service under the conscript act
cost the government nothing. The Provost-Marshal General neither
asked nor received an appropriation, but under the law he made the
bureau pay all attendant expenses, and after paying out sixteen
million nine hundred and seventy-six thousand two hundred and
eleven dollars for recruiting over one million men and capturing and
forwarding seventy-six thousand five hundred and twenty-six
deserters (now wards), General Fry turned into the Treasury of the
United States, to the credit of the bureau, nine million three hundred
and ninety thousand one hundred and five dollars, all of which
proved a matter of great economy to the government, while the
recruiting of the army cost less than one third as much as that
adopted previous to the organization of the bureau, and that without
cost to the government.
The draft-wheel and its uses were not the most pleasant things to
contemplate, and to soften down the enactment Congress
authorized recruiting in Southern states, regardless of color or
previous condition, that by means of agents and liberal bounties very
little drafting would likely be necessary. And it was soon discovered
that blue suits and muskets were quite becoming to the colored
man. “The shape of the cranium, the length of the forearm, thinness
of the gastrocnemius muscles, and flatness of the feet,” all
disappeared at the War Office, and for which was substituted, “He
can be made a mechanical soldier to great perfection, skilled in the
use of arms, and the machinery of tactics; and, by reason of the
obstinacy of his disposition and the depth of his passions, may
become most powerful in a charge or in resisting the onset of an
enemy.”
 Draft Wheel—Twelfth District, Ohio.
BOARD OF ENROLLMENT:
CAPT. GEO. W. ROBY, Provost Marshal.
A. KAGY, Commissioner of Enrollment.
DR. N. E. JONES, Surgeon Board of
Enrollment.
The race was tried and showed the better predictions true. Slavery
had woven prejudices around the name and color, until the
government, under Lincoln, Stanton, Chase, and a Congress of loyal
states, could find no place or mustering officer (previous to the
operation of the Provost Marshal General’s Bureau), short of
Massachusetts, that could make the man of color ready to obey
orders and use a gun. Nothing in history gives a clearer view of the
height and depth of the degrading influences of the institution upon
those who were free than the treatment of the loyal colored man
and citizen during the efforts of the government to save the Union.
Through fear or cowardice his proffered aid was rejected at
government recruiting offices, while Massachusetts was procuring
colored credit from the loyal states at unusually small bounties.
It may have been so ordered; the diet may have contained enough
meat to offend. Still, the colored troops got to the front before the
war was over, and did much in reinforcing the wasting armies and
lifting anxious sub-districts out of the draft, as well as covering their
race with glory by their bravery and efficiency.
Persons placed in the service by means of the draft-wheel generally
procured substitutes—persons not liable to draft—aliens and under-
age individuals, who, for three years’ service or during the war,
commanded one thousand dollars, while the bounty for enlistments
of those liable to draft varied from three to five hundred dollars.
During the war much of the territory of Ohio was unimproved
woods, though thickly settled with cabin civilization. These new
settlements were made by the descendants of original Squirrel
Hunters—persons born in the state, and with this legacy generally
established homes in new counties, in the woods, with like primitive
beginnings to those of their ancestors. At the announcement of
secession they were ready to serve their country, and it was from
these newer and poorer sections that Ohio obtained her volunteers—
from a hardy and efficient class of young men, accustomed to active
life and the use of the gun.
The recruits from Ohio were chiefly volunteer enlistments. This was
manifestly so in the Twelfth district, in which the author was
personally and officially interested. The district was composed of
Ross, Pickaway, Fairfield, Hocking, Perry, and Pike counties,
embracing sixty miles in length of the fertile Scioto valley, containing
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