John Cabot University Model United Nations 22.02.

2024 -
25.02.2024
UNW

Paula Romo Barthe and Maria Tracy Simpson

1
 Index

Welcome letter from the Organizers

Welcome letter from the Chairs

Committee Structure and Overview

Topic 1: The Role of Tech and Social Media in Empowering Women and Advancing Gender in
the Middle East

a. Statement of the problem

b. History of the problem

c. Current Situation

d. Dimensions of the conflict

e. Block Positions

f. Guiding Questions

Topic 2: The Implementation of Gender Quota Policies for Women's Rights

a. Statement of the problem

b. History of the problem

c. Current situation and block positions

d. Dimensions of the conflict

e. Guiding Questions

Additional Reading

Bibliographies

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 Welcome letter from the Organizers

Dedicated Chairs and Delegates,

We are proud to welcome you to the 2024 edition of the John

Cabot University Model United Nations Conference. Your committee,
UNWC, is a piece of a large, multinational effort to change our world
for the better. This year, we have taken inspiration from our ancestors
of Rome, and have unearthed our theme, which we hope will manifest
in all that you do here. SPQR, standing for Senatus PopulusQue
Romanus- The Senate and the People of Rome, resonates deeply with
us and our mission. In honor of this foundation laid by the forefathers,
we hope that, with pride, you too can see and feel the echo of this
history in everything you do. Our most important note to you, is that
Roman ideals of democracy live on in us.
We are so grateful to know that we have the most qualified and
exceptional delegates from across the world joining us for our 14th
edition of JCUMUN, and we cannot wait to blend the classical and
contemporary worlds together through this experience. As we look
towards a future of politicians and change makers, we also look
towards a future of resolution and prevention of conflict. Our goal is,
in everything we do, to inspire and drive change, just as the Roman’s
have done before us.
To delegates of all our committees, whether new or seasoned, we
wholeheartedly welcome you to our beautiful city, and we hope for
only the best experiences this weekend.

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Welcome letter from the Chairs

To Our Honourable Delegates,

We cordially welcome you as Chairs of the UN Women Committee to John Cabot University
Model United Nations 2024. We are delighted to have you join us for what looks to be an
insightful and rewarding conversation about diplomatic cooperation. As Chairs, we are
ecstatic to see your participation in the important conversations that will take place in our
committee meetings. With great care, UN Women has been selected to tackle urgent global
concerns, and we are sure that your contributions will significantly influence the development
of creative solutions. This background guide contains an extensive amount of information
intended to give you a thorough grasp of the committee's agenda. The handbook provides a
strong framework for your preparation and research by outlining the important concerns,
historical background, and viable answers.

We invite you to investigate the complexities of the subjects under discussion, consider other
viewpoints, and become acquainted with the guidelines' norms and protocols. Recall that the
secret to a great conference experience is efficient planning.

We are dedicated to creating a welcoming and inclusive atmosphere during the conference
where each delegate can freely voice their opinions, engage in tactful negotiations, and strive
towards agreement. The effectiveness of our committee meetings is contingent upon your
enthusiastic involvement, cooperative nature, and commitment to the values of diplomacy.

We look forward to meet you in person and see the creative ideas that our combined efforts
will surely produce. Prepare yourself for an enlightening journey that will involve discussion,
diplomacy, and making new friends.

Warm regards,

Paula Romo Barthe

Maria Tracy Simpson

UN Women

John Cabot University

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Committee Structure and Overview

No nation has attained full gender equality as of yet. It will take the world community 170
years to completely close the economic gender gap at the current rate of advancement.2 In
July 2010, the General Assembly created the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and
the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) with the overarching goal of "achieving gender
equality, women's empowerment, and upholding women's rights" in order to further global
efforts. The General Assembly's 2010 resolution 64/289, dubbed "System-wide coherence,"
which combined the funding and responsibilities of the four gender equality-focused UN
programmes under a single organisation, was welcomed by activists and civil society
organisations (CSOs). The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (2030 Agenda), which
contains the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and other norms related to women's
rights and gender equality, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPfA), UN
Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women and Peace and Security, and the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)
serve as the guiding principles for UN-Women's [Link]-Women's core initiatives,
CEDAW and the BPfA 6, serve as the organization's overarching guiding principles.

The Security Council's resolution 1325 (2000) on "Women and Peace and Security," as well
as later resolutions 1820 (2008), 1888 (2009), 1889 (2009), 1960 (2010), 2106 (2013), 2122
(2013), and 2242 (2015), have all contributed to UN Member States' increased knowledge
and comprehension of the role women play in peace and security over the past 15 years.
These resolutions direct efforts at the international, regional, national, and local levels and lay
the groundwork for enhancing the lives of women and girls in armed conflict regions. UN-
Women's mandate and objectives are centred on supporting efforts to mainstream the
application of these global norms and the ideal of gender equality.

Governance, Structure, and Membership

The Executive Board of UN Women oversees and facilitates intergovernmental support for
all operational activities. The 41 members of the Board are chosen by the Economic and
Social Council (ECOSOC) to serve three-year terms, and they are distributed among the
regions as follows: ten states from Africa, ten states from Asia, four states from Eastern
Europe, six states from Latin America and the Caribbean, and five states from Western
Europe and Other states comprised the group. The remaining six seats are distributed among
contributing nations, of which two are given to poor nations and four to the nations who
provide the most voluntarily to UN Women.

Mandate, Functions, and Powers

“Guidance and technical support to all Member States, across all levels of development and
in all regions, at their request, on gender equality, the empowerment and rights of women and

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gender mainstreaming" is the stated mission of UN Women, as stated in General Assembly
resolution 64/289. The mandate is separated into policy and norm-setting efforts, and
operational actions in conjunction with UN Member States. The Office of the Special Adviser
on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women (OSAGI), the Division for the Advancement
of Women of the Secretariat (DAW), the United Nations Development Fund for Women
(UNIFEM), and the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of
Women (INSTRAW) are the four former independent UN agencies that have united to form
UN-Women.

The Commission on the Status of Women's (CSW) secretariat is run by UN-Women. While
UN-Women is in charge of implementing these policies in its operational actions in the field,
CSW is ultimately in charge of formulating standards. In order to further the global agenda
on gender equality, UN Women also offers the General Assembly, the Economic and Social
Council (ECOSOC), and the Security Council significant policy support.25 In addition, UN-
Women has the responsibility of holding the UN system responsible for integrating gender
equality into all facets of its operations, including organising the UN's efforts to promote
gender parity in accordance with the 2030 Agenda.

Assuring gender parity in leadership and political engagement, economic empowerment,

putting an end to gender-based violence, peace and security concerns, humanitarian response,
youth and girls, HIV/AIDS response, governance and national planning, and supporting the
2030 Agenda are among the areas of focus for UN-Women. UN-Women collaborates closely
with other UN entities, funds, and programmes, as well as CSOs and Member States, to
develop appropriate laws, policies, programmes, and services in order to carry out part of its
normative mandate. UN Women assists CSW in establishing international standards and
norms inside the UN system.

It assists CSW in its work by providing an annual report to the Commission detailing the
application of the Commission's policy guidelines and a second annual report, through
ECOSOC, to the General Assembly detailing the operational activities of UN-Women along
with research, policy analysis, and recommendations for additional [Link] is also possible
to extend an invitation to the CSW chairman to speak directly to the UN-Women Executive
[Link] particular circumstances, the General Assembly and ECOSOC may also ask UN-
Women to convene extra sessions as needed.

At the operational level, UN Women arranges regional gatherings and conferences involving
CSOs and national legislators. Additionally, it offers Member States training and financial
and technical support to help them implement standards. This can involve working on
national educational initiatives, educating women to run more effective political campaigns,
helping CSOs become national champions for gender equality, or developing new legislation
or tactics. UN Women collaborates with other funds and programmes, such as the United
Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the World Food Programme (WFP), the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA),
depending on the region of [Link] outcomes of UN-Women operational programmes

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inform CSW's creation of normative standards and policies that are grounded in empirical
data.

Conclusion

Since 2011, UN Women has been at the forefront of steering and directing UN system efforts
to advance gender [Link]-Women can significantly influence the achievement of
gender equality on a worldwide scale because of its three-pronged mandate, which includes
bolstering normative policy frameworks, supporting Member States in their operational
operations, and coordinating UN system-wide concerns pertaining to gender equality. The
SDGs, and especially SDG 5, including making sure that women and girls are safe and free
from abuse, have access to decent work and economic autonomy, contribute more to
peacebuilding, and benefit equitably from humanitarian responses are among UN-Women's
upcoming objectives.

Even though UN-Women works in many significant areas, the organization's efforts are
dependent on assistance from the international community and pledges from Member States
to put in place structures and policies that promote gender equality.

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 I. The Role of Tech and Social Media in Empowering Women and
Advancing Gender Rights in the Middle East

a) Statement of the Problem

Looking at the Middle East, a region that has been developing at a slower pace in comparison
to others, over the past few years, drastic changes have taken place regarding technological
advancements, social developments along with changes of authority and rule.
There has been an increased prevalence of technology and social media holding the promise
of transformative change, emphasizing the impact of such advancements towards
empowering women and advancing gender equality. However, it cannot be forgotten that
although the Middle East has been transforming, religion, culture, traditions, and norms still
hold utmost power.

There are many complex obstacles on this path to empowerment that need to be carefully
considered. Governments in the Middle East regularly put limitations on the expression of
opinions online, which limits women's ability to express disapproval or fight for their rights.
A delicate balance between upholding cultural values and promoting gender equality is
required due to the complicated interaction between religion and cultural standards. These
issues are made worse by the persisting gender gap in the digital sphere, where women are
less likely than males to have access to technology and to be digitally literate. This gap not
only limits women's access to social media's full potential but also upholds wider disparities
in education and income.

b) History of the Problem

In the Middle East, the use of social media and technology to empower women and advance
gender equality has been a dynamic and ever-evolving phenomena. The use of digital
platforms and technology has increased significantly throughout the region in recent years,
giving women new avenues for advocacy, expression, and connection-but there are still a lot
of barriers yet to be crossed. Digital platforms are becoming effective instruments for sharing
information and empowering women to participate in discussions on a variety of topics.
Women in the Middle East have been able to communicate their accomplishments, struggles,
and experiences through social media in particular, which has helped to build a sense of
empowerment and [Link] platforms are becoming effective instruments for
sharing information and empowering women to participate in discussions on a variety of
topics. Women in the Middle East have been able to communicate their accomplishments,
struggles, and experiences through social media in particular, which has helped to build a

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sense of empowerment and togetherness.

“Social media has given women a platform, a network of allies, and a public presence that
can’t as easily be silenced” said Sarah Sheikh Ali the co founder and director of an NGO
called Humena that, in order to advance gender equality and human rights, brings together
academics, civil society activists, and human rights specialists from the Middle East and
North Africa. The introduction of the internet in the early 2000s was an important milestone
that gave Middle Eastern women new channels for communication and information access.
The internet evolved into a tool for networking and establishing connections with like-
minded people all over the world, allowing women to create online communities to talk about
a range of topics, including gender equality. Blogger Saudi Arabian Eman Al Najfan for
example, began to use social media to express her viewpoints, experiences, and stories. These
digital stories debunked myths and encouraged females who were going through comparable
struggles to stand together.

The Arab Spring

The Arab Spring, which took place in late 2010, proved how social media can be a game-
changer when it comes to organizing large-scale movements for political change. “Despite
the lack of participation of women in state institutions, they have enjoyed greater political
freedoms during the transitional period in the Arab Spring countries, and have practiced
various forms of expression, such as taking part in demonstrations and in the organized
opposition.” Women took an active part in these movements, speaking out for democracy,
human rights, and gender equality in online forums. The potential of technology to elevate
the voices of women in wider social and political contexts was highlighted by the Arab
Spring.

Protests in Sudan

For instance, the protest movement in Sudan garnered international attention in large part
because to influencer posts on Instagram, Facebook organising, and WhatsApp contact.
Women who were unable to participate in the main demonstrations—including those in rural
areas, where deeply ingrained patriarchal norms severely confine them—recorded and posted
their support for the movement on Facebook and Twitter. Originally created to talk about
relationships, a secret Facebook group was later used to reveal the mistreatment women
endured while protesting and to gather money for the revolutionary cause. In response, the
Sudanese government attempted to censor social media, but women were able to continue
working by hiding their whereabouts through virtual private networks, or VPNs.

Peace Process in Afghanistan

Technology has shown to be a useful organising tool in aiding Afghanistan's reconciliation

process. Twitter served as the primary channel of communication for a spell between Afghan
civil society and the facilitators of the negotiations. Although Twitter is frequently a one-

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sided medium for communication, Afghan women swiftly banded together and planned how
to interact with the moderators in a way that allowed for a discussion. Women participated in
a U.S. Congressional hearing on women's inclusion in peace and security via Twitter, which
provided a direct channel to decision-makers and peace-talk facilitators that would not have
been possible otherwise.
Furthermore, Afghan women and diaspora groups are creating social media manuals to
standardise the messages that women send to the Taliban. #AfghanWomenWillNotGoBack
has been a trending hashtag by the Afghan Women’s Network, the largest umbrella
organization of women in Afghanistan. #MyRedLine has been used by Afghan women to
record short video clips and share their red lines for any peace agreement.

It is important to remember, nevertheless, that early attempts to use technology for women's
empowerment were met with obstacles and hostility. The extent of women's online
expression was restricted by conservative standards and government censorship in several
Middle Eastern countries, which resulted in instances of digital surveillance and internet
usage limitations.

c) Current Situation

Social media and technology have seen a dramatic shift in the Middle East, where they are
becoming essential tools for empowering women and furthering gender equality. With the
introduction of digital platforms, women now have a never-before-seen chance to express
their views, engage in socio-political dialogue, and meet like-minded people. Social media
has developed into an effective advocacy tool that helps women organize and promote their
rights more widely. Social media sites like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter have made it
easier for women to form online groups where they can support one another, share stories,
and confront misconceptions.

After Fawzia al-Bakr drove through the streets of Riyadh in 1990 to challenge a ban on
women driving in the conservative kingdom, she lost her job, received death threats and had
to move house. Twenty-eight years later, at the stroke of midnight on Sunday, her niece
stepped into a black Lexus, rolled down the windows and smiled at the feel of the warm
breeze as she drove legally for the first time in Saudi Arabia.

In 2018, the ban on women driving was lifted in Saudi Arabia, a decision that received strong
support on social media. Women all around the nation broke cultural boundaries and
disproved gender stereotypes by sharing their first-time driving experiences on social media
sites like Twitter and Instagram. The hashtag #SaudiWomenDriving gained popularity,
demonstrating the ability of social media to organize and bring women together around a
shared cause.

Iranian women have been advocating for women's rights and challenging strict dress
regulations on social media channels. Masih Alinejad launched the "My Stealthy Freedom"
campaign, which invites women to post pictures of themselves without the required

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headscarf. This movement gathered steam on social media sites like Facebook, giving women
the voice and platform to voice their opposition to imposed clothing codes.
Alinejad said: I use Facebook as my medium, a way to disseminate news and opinions. I
have my own pages and noticed that every time I posted a picture of myself especially without
a hat or a veil I got a lot of comments and "likes" [...] then I posted a picture inside Iran of
myself without hijab (I was in my car) and asked women if they also felt like taking off their
hijab when no one could see them, especially the police. The response was overwhelming.

Women in the Middle East are now able to take advantage of previously unattainable
educational opportunities because of the growth of e-learning platforms. The Queen Rania
Foundation's "Edraak" initiative, for example, provides online courses in a range of areas,
allowing women to pursue education regardless of regional limitations. The idea that women
may succeed in a variety of disciplines is being promoted by the availability of online
education, which is upsetting conventional standards.

Virtual Gender Gap

“Research shows that women in the Arab world use social media less than men when
compared to the global average. Why do you think this is?”

At the regional level, most respondents thought that Arab women are less likely to use
social media because of the
societal and cultural constraints imposed on women

On a national level, responses varied slightly. While “societal and cultural limitations” were
ranked as the top barrier across all

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three countries, Saudi Arabia had a slightly higher than average percentage, in comparison
with regional levels

d) Dimensions of the Conflict

The conflict's dimensions are complex and multidimensional, particularly with regard to how
social media and technology may empower women and advance gender equality in the
Middle East. On the one hand, these technological developments have given women formerly
unheard-of chances in terms of activism, education, and communication, upending
conventional gender conventions and encouraging a feeling of empowerment. In particular,
social media platforms have developed into effective resources for women to interact with
like-minded people, share their stories, and mobilize for social change. Nonetheless, there are
difficulties associated with this empowerment. Online harassment and cyberbullying can
operate as barriers to women's complete expression on the internet, and women's active
participation in the digital domain is frequently met with hostility in conservative
communities. Women's use of technology may also be restricted by worries about security
and privacy, particularly when talking about delicate gender-related topics.

Debates over digital freedom and the penalties women face for expressing themselves online
were sparked in 2018 when the Iranian government jailed several women for posting videos
of themselves dancing without headscarves on Instagram. Middle Eastern governments have
the power to regulate online activity, which would limit the impact of digital advocacy and
restrict freedom of expression. This aspect draws attention to the continuous conflict between
conservative forces attempting to uphold the current quo and progressive voices using
technology to effect change.

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A closer look at the Middle East's legal and regulatory environment reveals a complicated
relationship between women, technology, and governance. For example, legal improvements
in Saudi Arabia have made it possible for women to work and travel without the need for
male guardianship. Digital freedom is a problem because of the government's continued
strong control over social media platforms and online information. On the other hand,
significant legislative changes in Tunisia have aimed to shield women against cyberbullying
and other types of harassment. These changes demonstrate a sophisticated approach to
striking a balance between women's safety and freedom of speech.

The involvement of women in the ecosystem of tech entrepreneurship is growing. The

"Women in IT" initiative in Lebanon offers networking and mentoring opportunities to
encourage women's entrepreneurship in the technology industry. Still, there are issues like
gender prejudice in venture capital funding. It is clear that the startup ecosystem needs to be
more inclusive, with programmes like the "She Innovates Global Programme" aiming to close
the gender gap in entrepreneurship and innovation.

In order to promote significant social change, it is imperative to comprehend the dynamics of

technology in the Middle Eastern context of women's empowerment. Technology is a potent
catalyst that gives women until now unheard-of chances for political engagement, economic
participation, and education. Policymakers, activists, and stakeholders can create complex
policies that balance the benefits and drawbacks of technology by understanding the complex
interactions between cultural, legal, and socioeconomic variables. A comprehensive
comprehension facilitates the development of regulations that advance digital inclusivity,
protect women's rights in virtual environments, and utilise technology to close gender
disparities. Developing an inclusive and equitable digital landscape that aids in the
deconstruction of conventional gender norms requires an understanding of the opportunities
and risks associated with technology's ability to empower women in the Middle East.

Challenges and Concerns

a- Cybersecurity and Privacy

Concerns regarding internet filtering that restricts women's freedom of speech exist in Iran.
Saudi Arabian women who voice critical opinions online run the risk of being in trouble
because of stringent cybersecurity regulations.

b- Censorship and Restrictions

Online censorship is made worse by conflict in nations like Yemen and Syria. During times
of political turmoil, social media sites are frequently blocked by governments in these
nations, which suppresses the voices of women.

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Empowerment Initiatives

Morocco

Civil societies and advocacy organizations in Morocco are working to amend articles 20 and
21 of the Family Code, which empower family affairs judges and parents to authorize child
marriages. Initiatives like Project Soar and the Building a Greater Girls’ Movement (Bigger)
aim to raise awareness and close legal loopholes, involving teenage graduates in advocacy
efforts to challenge child marriage in their communities. Legal experts emphasize that efforts
to amend the Family Code should coincide with economic and educational development in
rural areas, addressing socioeconomic and cultural factors contributing to the prevalence of
child marriage.

Compare the West to the East

The Middle East Western Societies

In Eastern civilizations, historical, religious, Feminist ideas are often accepted more
and traditional values are frequently readily in Western nations, and social media
entwined with cultural conceptions of provides a vibrant forum for the discussion
feminism. Due to the deeply embedded and promotion of these ideals. Gender
nature of conventional gender roles, equality is being promoted and structural
feminism may encounter opposition in concerns are being challenged by the
many conservative Middle Eastern nations growing popularity of movements such as
#HeForShe and #TimesUp.

Governmental support for women’s In general, gender equality is supported by a

empowerment varies in each country, better legal framework. A friendly
depending on the type of law that is environment for women is facilitated by
implemented (for example, sharia law) legislation that encourage reproductive
rights, equitable pay, and anti-
discrimination.

Public discourse on issues affecting women Women's issues are being discussed more
frequently reflects a wide spectrum of candidly in public, and social media is
viewpoints influenced by traditional, making these discussions more visible.
religious, and cultural norms. Debates about Discussions on sexual assault and
legal rights, women's duties, and modesty reproductive rights, as well as movements
frequently take place on social media. like #BodyPositivity, have gathered

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 momentum.

e) Block Position

In the Middle East, a variety of stakeholders have a significant influence on how technology
affects women's empowerment.

Government Agencies:

Governmental organizations have a big say in how policies about technology and women's
empowerment are shaped. Regulations that either help or impede women's access to and use
of technology are formulated by ministries of technology, education, and women's affairs.

Non-Governmental Organizations:

NGOs that support women's rights and empowerment are essential in promoting laws that
deal with the particular difficulties that women have in the digital world. They frequently
offer tools, assistance, and training to improve women's digital literacy and involvement in
the technology industry.

Educational Institutions:

Universities and other educational establishments facilitate women's empowerment by giving

them access to technology-enhanced instruction. In professions that have historically been
dominated by men, initiatives that support STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and
Mathematics) education for women are crucial to breaking down gender barriers.
Not only that, the type of education provided is of key importance-not limiting types of
classes to only men and vice versa.

Media Outlets:

Media companies shape public opinion and conversation around women in technology.
Stereotypes can be dispelled and more women can be inspired to seek jobs in technology by
positive representations of women in the field and by the success stories of female
entrepreneurs.

Examining how social media and technology might empower Middle Eastern women exposes
a complex landscape of empowerment. The aspect of access draws attention to the chance to
close the gender gap and guarantee that women have equal access to resources and
information. In terms of culture, these tools give women a platform to question accepted
conventions, creating fresh opportunities for activism and self-expression. In the field of

15
cybersecurity, empowering women entails establishing secure online environments that
support their engagement and input. The significance of representation increases when one
considers how technology might promote inclusivity and diversity by amplifying the voices
of women in decision-making processes. Furthermore, technology-enabled educational
programmes provide a means for women to obtain skills that promote economic autonomy
and improved prospects.

f) Guiding Questions

1. How does the region's access to technology help or hinder women's empowerment
and gender rights?
2. What is the impact of cultural norms and societal expectations on women's use of
social media and technology?
3. In what ways might greater representation influence the creation of more inclusive
features and policies that address the differing needs of women?
4. What role does technology play in Middle Eastern women's economic empowerment?
5. What laws or regulations are in place to support gender equality in the context of
social media and technology?

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II. The Implementation of Gender Quota Policies for Women’s Rights

a) Statement of the problem

The Sustainable Development Goal 5 aims to “achieve gender equality and empower all
women and girls”. However, according to the United Nations, the world is not on track to
reach this Goal by 2030. With gender equality seeming to get proportionally slower, several
efforts need to be done to achieve what could seem like a dream for some. This is where we
come across one of the initiatives proposed to address this issue, gender quotas.

Ever since the integration of women to legislative institutions, there has been a stark
difference in the women to men ratio. While women represent roughly half of the world’s
population, women in parliaments (lower chamber, upper chamber and unicameral) only
represent 26,7% of seats as of November 2023.

This women to men ratio, does not only pose a problem in the public sector, but also in the
private one. Women only make up 16% of corporate board seats in the top 500 multinational
enterprises (by market capital) as of March 2020, and in industries such as the technology
one, it goes as low as 12%. As of late, there are signs of improvement in this ratio, but there
is still a long way to go.

Efforts to resolve this and implement a more equal representation have been made, but the
most controversial but also the most effective one to date seems to be the implementation of
gender quota policies. Gender quotas influence the gender composition of those who serve in
political office by requiring that women make up a particular proportion of political
candidates or officials.

While some of these quotas started out as temporary special measures to normalize women
representation in national legislative institutions, global numbers still demonstrate an
underrepresentation of women in numerous, if not most countries.

These quotas come with extensive discussion, from meritocracy to imposter syndrome, the
true value of gender quotas for women empowerment is often debated. Can women only be
properly represented in government if it’s done through gender quotas? Can alternatives
ensure meaningful representation of women in government and leadership positions?

The ongoing quest for gender equality and the empowerment of women in government and
leadership positions continues to be a significant challenge. Nevertheless, with determination
and inclusive policies, we can still achieve progress towards a future that is fair and inclusive.
This is why we are turning to gender quota policies today.

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 b) History of the problem

In the past 60 years, gender quotas have been increasingly implemented worldwide in
representative democracies. As of now, we can say that over 130 countries worldwide
possess some kind of gender quota, and the results are quite clear, with a significant increase
in gender diversity in legislative institutions.

Gender quotas in the private sector do not have the same reach, as they have started
appearing at a much later time. However, the novelty of this type of policy in firms does not
stop us from seeing its effectiveness regarding not only gender representation but economic
growth in private firms.

To get a clear view of the problematic at hand, it is essential to know where these policies
came into place and how they have progressed. To do this, we will first examine its history in
legislative institutions and afterwards in corporations.

The first gender quota was stablished in Pakistan in 1956, when its newly stablished
Constitution set aside 10 out of 310 seats in the National Assembly. Afterwards, countries
such as Bangladesh and Egypt started introducing quotas, but this type of initiative started to
gain traction around the 1980s, with left-leaning parties in democratic nations voluntarily
implementing gender quotas, most notably in Nordic countries.

A turning point for women’s rights was the first World Conference on Women, held by the
United Nations in 1975 in Mexico City. This conference focused on the development of
policy directives to further women’s rights. A landmark resolution came out of this
conference, the Declaration of Mexico on the Equality of Women and their Contribution to
Development and Peace 66/34. This resolution set the tone for the gender quota policies that
would be set in years past and demonstrated the power of international organizations in
fostering more equal governments.

The fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995 should also be highlighted,
with two main strategic objectives for women in power and decision-making:
1. Take measures to ensure women's equal access to and full participation in power
structures and decision-making.
2. Increase women's capacity to participate in decision-making and leadership.
The outcome of this conference was the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, adopted
unanimously by 189 countries. It serves as a benchmark for evaluating the global status of
women and measuring the progress made by countries in promoting women's empowerment.

Before continuing, it should be noted that there are three main types of gender quotas that
apply to legislative institutions and elections:
1. Legislated candidate quotas, which regulate the composition of candidate lists.
2. Voluntary candidate quotas, in which political parties voluntarily stablish a quota

18
 on their candidate list.
3. Reserved seats, which regulate the number or share by gender of those elected.

Legislated quotas first appeared in Argentina in 1991. They implemented a mandatory quota
that stated that minimum 30 percent of candidates had to be of each gender in electoral lists.
Argentina’s “Ley de Cupo Femenino”, or Law 24.012, was the first of its kind, a legally
binding legislation for all parties to implement. Even if this legislation was controversial for
some, present-day women representation in Argentina’s Chamber of Deputies does not fail to
demonstrate the effectiveness of this policy, with 45% of parliamentary seats occupied by
women (should be noted that the quota was modified to 50% instead of 30% in 2021). Prior
to the implementation of this policy, only 5% of seats in the Chamber were occupied by
women.

Argentina set what probably is the most important precedent for all gender quota policies,
and not only led to more equal governments throughout all Latin America, but also the world.
Argentinian Senator Margarita Malharro de Torres argued in 1990 that those who oppose
quotas “hold women back in the name of old, traditional prejudices more worthy of a feudal
era than of modern times”. This legislative quota set a before and after in what is perceived to
be acceptable measures for equality in politics.

It is one of the factors that encouraged international organizations to focus on women in

decision-making positions, with a wide range of international bodies such as the Inter-
Parliamentary Union, the African Union, the European Union, and the Organization of
American States urging member states to aim for a 30% women representation in all elected
positions.

The clear leader amongst international organizations in the promotion of these kinds of
policies is undoubtedly the United Nations through its numerous bodies. For example,
Bangladesh increased their quota from 7% to 30%, purportedly because of a $4 million
governance program financed by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in 2000.

It has been stated by numerous researchers in the topic that the growth in the international
women’s movement increased the likelihood that states have adopted national gender quotas.
International organizations dedicated to women’s rights organize and connect women and
associations for women and have been linked to gendered political outcomes in favor of
women.

Throughout history, it has been observed that chances of introduction increase when
countries observe other countries adopting an innovation. It enables observers to learn about
new policies and provides information on the advantages of it. This also explains the steady
rise in gender quota policies in the last decades and why the spread and visibility of these
policies is important. Thanks to research undertaken by international organizations such as
UN Women, the benefits of this quotas reach a broader scale and are much more clearly
presented to nations.

19
Quotas for women in politics have the power to reshape parliaments and bring significant
transformations in politics and society. They are a force to be reckoned with on the global
stage.

In the private sector, women are severely underrepresented in corporate boards worldwide.
Efforts to combat this issue have started gaining traction much later than in legislative
institutions and are generally harder to implement.

The first country to incorporate a corporate board quota law (CBQ) was Norway in 2003.
Norway established a mandatory quota that required corporate boards to be composed by at
least 40% of women. Soon after this policy, numerous countries in the European Union
followed suit and introduced CBQs, such as the Netherlands, Germany and Austria. Thanks
to this, the average proportion of women on the boards of the largest publicly listed
companies in the EU-28 Member States reached 23,3% in 2016, compared with 9% in 2003.

Following this, the European Commission set a landmark quota in 2021 for corporate boards,
in which 40% of non-executive director posts should go to the under-represented sex or 33%
of all director posts. If not followed, companies with over 250 employees would face
dissuasive penalties such as fines, and a judicial body could also annul the board of directors
selected by the company if it breaches the principles of the Directive.

The European Union has been the first institution to implement this to such a large scale.
Countries outside of the EU have generally preferred to set a series of recommendations for
equality in the corporate world.

The Equal Futures Partnership, launched in 2012 has also fostered the implementation of
gender quotas for private firms, which attest to the power of international institutions in the
problematic at hand.

The 30% Club, created in 2010 also encourages the implementation of a quota, quite clearly
of 30%. Partnering with many leading companies, it has done substantial progress in showing
the value of equality to private firms.

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in investing in companies that have a strong
presence of women in leadership positions. Several Exchange Traded Funds (ETFs) have
been created to facilitate the investment in women, such as the SPDR SSGA Gender
Diversity Index and the Impact Shares YWCA Women’s Empowerment ETF. Companies are
starting to see that boards with diversity add a significant value to board decision making and
performance. Recently, women's representation seems to also represent monetary value.

20
 c) Current situation and block positions

Public sector

Diversity among political leaders has been shown to enhance the effectiveness of policies and
accountability to the people they represent. However, achieving greater diversity among
leaders remains a significant struggle for current governments.
Currently, 93 countries worldwide have legally implemented a gender quota, whether it is a
candidate quota (80 countries), reserved seats (17 countries) or both (4 countries). The rapid
global spread of quotas for women constitutes one of the most significant political
developments of the last decades, but what is the current state of gender quotas globally?

Africa
The African continent has introduced several gender quota laws in the past decades, with
countries such as Egypt being one of the first to consider this kind of policy for gender parity.
Rwanda is a remarkable country in terms of women representation, with a quota of 30% in
decision-making organs as well as in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate. What is
impressive is that with a quota of only 30%, women represent 61% of its legislative
institutions. With this, Rwanda stands as a leading nation in terms of women's representation
in politics.
In Libya, 17% of the Parliament is composed of women, with 16% of the seats in the House
of Representatives allocated to women.
Egypt’s House of Representatives is 28% composed by women. Its Constitution mandates
that at least one quarter of its seats have to be allocated to women. This gender quota also
applies to electoral lists. In the Senate, the quota is limited to 10%.

America
This continent, especially through the Southern half of it, has set many precedents for this
kind of policy in the past. From Argentina to Costa Rica, a lot of the early efforts in gender
quotas have been made in this region.
Argentina is one of the most significant countries in terms of quotas, historically and
presently. Female representation on the electoral lists is set to 50 per cent by law,
guaranteeing its constitutional principle of gender equivalent participation. We can however
see the divergence between the quota and the actual representation, which consists of 45%.
Venezuela also has electoral law “to guarantee the rights of political participation on an equal
basis in the elections of deputies to the national assembly”. According to its law, electoral
lists for parliamentary elections must be composed alternatively of 50% of each sex. In
contrast, according to CSIS, only 32 out of the 167 total deputies in Venezuela are women as
of 2020.
The Mexican constitution states that half of the political decision-making positions at the
three levels of government, in the three branches of government and in autonomous agencies
be held by women, known as "paridad en todo". The candidate quota in Mexico is respected,
with 50% women representation in its legislative institutions.

21
Asia
There has been notable progress in women representation in the Asian continent in recent
years, however we can notice a big divergence between countries in terms of women
representation.
India has recently passed (2023) a landmark bill requiring its lower house of parliament, the
Delhi Legislative Assembly, and state legislative assemblies reserve one third of their seats
for women.
Japan has a very male-dominated political system. Its government introduced the Act on
Promotion of Gender Equality in the Political Field in 2018, but the act is simply a
conceptual law that does not include any penalties and does not even require political parties
to increase the numbers of female candidates.
The Republic of Korea has an electoral quota law, in which political parties must include
50% women on candidate lists and recommend candidates falling under every odd number in
order of the candidate roll from among women. In contrast, women represent only 19% of its
National Assembly.

Regarding Iran, women have the right to be elected to the Iranian parliament. Even if there
are women present in legislative institutions, the Iranian government is notorious for its
oppression of women rights.
In Saudi Arabia, women were given the right to vote and run for office in municipal elections
in 2015, as more inclusivity is part of Saudi Arabia’s development strategy for 2030.
However, it should be noted that the powers granted to a Saudi Arabian councilwoman are
much more restricted (to local affairs) than those given to its male counterpart. This
government has also been accused by numerous international organizations of repression
against women’s activists.
The United Arab Emirates introduced a parity law in 2019, in which women should represent
no less than 50% of the number of representatives of an emirate in its Federal National
Council. It specifies that women who obtain the highest votes among all female candidates
shall win the reserved seats specified, unless the elections result in women winning directly
in the seats specified for women. This law has set a significant precedent for the
empowerment of women across the Middle East.

Europe
The European continent overall has a good amount of gender quotas in place, however in the
European Union we can see that their policies to foster inclusivity in corporate boards are
much more ambitious to those aimed at closing the gender gap in its institutions.
The Polish government modified its electoral code to introduce an electoral law with gender
quotas. This modification consisted of a requirement for electoral lists to be composed by at
least 35% of each gender, with the removal of the electoral list if the quota is not respected.
Ireland has established a less popular kind of law to foster women participation in legislative
institutions, and it is a financing law. According to this law, payments to parties shall be
reduced by 50% unless at least 40% of the candidates are women and at least 40% are men in
the political elections preceding their election.
Ukraine also introduced an electoral law in 2020, in which one in every five candidates

22
should be a woman.

Oceania
In Oceania, it should be noted that in the 2022 elections, New Zealand became the first
democracy to have a majoritarily female parliament. However, no substantial gender quotas
are in place.

Private sector

According to the 2022 report Women in the Boardroom, globally, only 5% of CEOs and
19,7% of boardroom members are women. This report was conducted on 10.493 companies,
and it also highlighted the fact that companies with female CEOs and chairs have a higher
percentage of women in boardrooms than those led by men.
Gender quotas seem to be favorable to this problem, as countries that have applied quotas for
boardroom seats have a much fairer women to men ratio than those who have not. We can
also notice this by seeing the number of EU Member States (40% quota) leading the ranking
of percentage of board seats held by women.

Africa
In Africa, gender equality in corporate boardrooms has acquired much less attention than
gender equality in legislative institutions, and efforts to make firms more inclusive have only
been made in a handful of countries. The Constitution of Kenya states since 2010 that no
gender should occupy more than two-thirds of boardroom seats in state-owned companies or
those in which the government is the majority owner.
In South Africa and Nigeria, institutions have decided to establish a series of guidelines and
objectives for firms in terms of gender equality, but other than that there has not been much
progress in gender quota policies in the continent. Egypt has also established standards for
promoting diversity.

America
In both North and South America, several efforts have been made to make boardrooms more
inclusive.
In Quebec a 50% gender quota for boards of government-owned enterprises was established
in 2011. The Canadian government has also created a series of targets to increase women
representation in boardrooms.
In Argentina, The General Inspectorate of Justice requires that certain companies have a
board composition consisting of an equal number of women and men. If the total number of
directors is an odd number, women shall hold at least one-third of the positions.
In Mexico in 2018, the Mexican Business Council presented its Code of Best Practices of
Corporate Governance, which advises the inclusion of women on corporate boards. This
policy is not mandatory and does not impose a fixed quota; however, publicly listed
companies are required to annually disclose their compliance to this recommendation.

23
Asia
In Asia, Malaysia set a series of targets for women in leadership positions and corporate
governance code recommendations, which did increase by 6,9% the share of women in
boardrooms, making it the leader in terms of boardroom equality in the continent.
India has established a CBQ, with a requirement set in 2018 for the boards of the largest 1000
listed companies (by market cap) to have at least one female independent director by April
2020, with fines in case of noncompliance.
South Korea also implemented a CBQ in August 2020, with a requirement for boards of
certain large public companies to have at least one female member within two years.
In Japan there are no CBQs, but the Japanese government published the Third Basic Plan for
Gender Equality in 2010, which aimed to increase “the share of women in leadership
positions to at least 30% by 2020 in all areas of society.” That goal was later scaled back to
“as early as possible” by the early 2020s.

The United Arab Emirates are collaborating with different collectives to increase women’s
representation on public and private company boards, and also to prepare women to serve on
boards. As of 2021, only around a quarter of UAE listed companies have a woman on their
boards, and women hold just 3.5% of all board seats in the UAE.
In Saudi Arabia, the percentage of women in leadership positions in companies is close to
none, but they aim to increase women’s participation in the workforce from 22% to 30%.

Europe
The European continent, especially through the European Union, has been the leading
continent in terms of gender quota policies for corporate boards.
Since 2010, the European Commission has been dedicated to enhancing gender diversity
within corporate boardrooms. This commitment was initiated through the launch of its gender
equality strategy. With its 2012 Women on Boards directive, a target of at least 40%
representation of each gender for non-executive boards of listed companies was made
mandatory.
The leading country in terms of CBQs is undoubtedly Norway, being the first country to
launch a quota for public limited companies, requiring a 40% male and female representation
on the board. As of 2021, Women comprise 42.5% of public company board seats in Norway.
Ukraine has no quotas in place for women serving on boards, but Ukraine’s corporate
governance code recommends that boards should be composed of at least 40% of each
gender.
As of October 2020, seven EU nations, namely Germany, Austria and Portugal had
implemented compulsory national quotas for the underrepresented sex for listed companies.
On the other hand, nine countries including Ireland, the Netherlands and Poland opted for a
more lenient approach. The remaining 11 member states did not enact any substantial
measures in this regard.

Oceania
In New Zealand, several measures have been taken to increase the share of women in
decision-making positions. The New Zealand government passed the Equal Pay Amendment

24
Act in 2020 and committed to increase female participation in state-sector boards and
committees, having reached its target of 50% female participation by 2021.
In Australia, the Australian Institute of Company Directors (AICD) set a voluntary target of
30% for women serving on all boards in 2015 and encouraged ASX 200 companies to reach
this level by 2018. Through several efforts, substantial improvements were achieved without
regulatory intervention or quotas.

Current efforts by UN Women

The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women has made it
a priority to encourage women leadership and representation, which is reflected in its
Strategic Plan for 2022-2025. They have created the Gender Quota Platform, an online portal
that grants quick information to worldwide quota statuses. Together with the Inter-
Parliamentary Union (IPU), UN Women has also created a Women in politics map, aimed at
raising awareness of the inequality present in worldwide governments.

Nevertheless, one of the most substantial efforts are the Women’s Empowerment Principles
(WEPs). Created by both UN Women and UN Global Compact, the WEPs are a “set of
Principles offering guidance to business on how to advance gender equality and women’s
empowerment in the workplace, marketplace and community”. Once a company becomes a
signatory of these principles, it compromises on following them. The WEPs demand women
representation, but also accountability and transparency. If signatories do not follow the
framework, companies lose credibility and reputation to the public.

25
d) Dimensions of the conflict

I. Types of quotas

Public sector

The purpose of the fast-track model of gender quotas is to bring a rapid transformation and
address the long-standing issue of women being underrepresented in political decision-
making.

In the public sphere, which refers to the adoption of gender quota policies for legislative
bodies, political scientist Drude Dahlerup has identified three main types of policy measures
in which we can situate the three types of gender quotas for elections:
· Hard quotas by law (include sanctions).
· Soft quotas by law (no sanctions included).
· Non-legal quotas.

Hard measure by Soft measure by Non-legal

Type of measure: law, law, no sanctions measures
Including sanctions
Elections for Candidate quotas or Candidate quotas Party quotas for
parliament, reserved seats without sanctions electoral lists and
regional and local quotas; legal for non-compliance internal party
councils sanctions organs
Source: D. Dahlerup

Legislated candidate quotas:

First adopted by Argentina in 1991, legislated candidate quotas, adopted through
constitutions and/or electoral laws, require that a minimum number of candidates are women
(or of the under-represented sex).

This particular quota is typically a mandatory requirement for all political parties planning to
run for parliamentary seats. Enforced candidate quotas give the state the power to impose
penalties on political parties that fail to comply with the quota.

According to the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, legislated
candidate quotas are present in 67 countries worldwide. It should also be noted that almost
half of those countries have a 30% quota target, with a 50% target being the second most
popular option.

It is important to keep in mind that having set a legislative quota does not necessarily mean
that the same percentage of women will be elected. We could take the Republic of Korea as

26
an example, with a candidate quota of 50% (on electoral lists) and their women to male ratio
being of 19% in its National Assembly. Nevertheless, the reserved seats system, which we
will now cover, does not have the same issue.

Reserved seats:
While legislated and voluntary candidate quotas are put in place to ensure that a minimum
number of women or candidates from the under-represented sex are included on candidate
lists, reserved seats determine the specific number of women from the under-represented sex
who are to be elected to legislative bodies.

There are various types of reserved seat quotas, but the three main ones are:
1. A special tier or list for women candidates, where voters may cast two votes.
2. A rotation of the reservation between the districts or villages.
3. The "run-off system". Used in Jordan, 15 seats reserved for women are allocated
to the women candidates who received the highest percentage of votes in their
constituency, even if they were not elected.

Currently, 29 countries have implemented the system of reserved seats, with a higher
tendency in Africa and Asia. This type of quota is ideal for countries that have a strong
patriarchal system, where very few women politicians have ever been elected.

Voluntary party quotas:

Party quotas establish the nomination of a certain minimum of women candidates or a
minimum-maximum of both genders. Any political party can introduce gender quotas for
their own lists for public elections. Deductible by name, this type of quota is not mandatory
by law, and depends on the will of political parties running for elections.

This type of quota has been increasingly popular among left and centre-left parties ever since
the 1980s in many countries in Europe, especially in the Nordic region. As of now, one or
more parties use voluntary party quotas in about 37 countries (the number tends to constantly
fluctuate).

In many countries, gender quotas were initially introduced by individual political parties on
free will and were later adopted by parliaments with mandatory quota regulations for all
political parties. Legislated quotas can only be implemented with the majority support of all
political parties in parliament; however, any party has the freedom to voluntarily adopt
gender quotas for their own candidate lists at any time.

Private sector

A quota is often seen as the last resort when voluntary attempts to increase women on boards

27
have failed. To close the gender gap in top corporate positions, there are two main ways to
implement quotas: legal quotas and voluntary regimes.

Legal quotas:
The first law to enforce quotas on top corporate boards was introduced by Norway in 2003.
From there, many legal quotas have been adopted, all in different forms. As seen before, this
type of quota is especially prevalent in Europe.

Legal quotas for corporations differ a lot from country to country. According to a report
redacted by the European Parliament, these are some of the most important variations in the
legal mechanisms for the implementation of quotas:

· The type of law used.

· The length and nature of the timescale for reaching the target.
· Incentives given.
· Whether the law elapses after a certain period of time.
· Size thresholds for the inclusion of companies in law (smaller companies are often
excluded in this type of quota).
· The ownership structure of companies (public companies are more likely to be the
target of gender quota laws in this case).
· The range of positions included (executive directors, non-executive directors…).

It should also be noted that the criteria for applying this quota is based either on the market
cap or on the size of the company, except if it is a public-owned company.

Source: DIW Berlin Women Executives Barometer 2022

Voluntary regimes:

28
These regimes include a wide range of measures. They are not legally binding, and can be
categorized into three main types of measure:

1. Good practice in companies. Companies can promote equality by offering

training and mentorship programs, implementing sponsor programmes, and setting
voluntary gender quotas.

2. Cross-company and sector initiatives. Some examples are awards, charters,

databases of women interested in becoming board members, networks for women
and mentoring initiatives.

3. Industry self-regulation instruments. The measures applied in this category are

usually transparency in promotion and recruitment processes, education and
training initiatives and corporate governance codes (the latter being quite
important in overall voluntary policy practices).

II. The limits of gender quotas.

While gender quotas bring many benefits, they are also a cause of intensive debate in policies
for equality. Some of their biggest counter arguments are:

Meritocracy.
The concept of meritocracy can clash with the implementation of gender quotas, especially
for women on boards. Quotas may reinforce imposter syndrome and stereotypes, leading to
doubts about the qualifications and legitimacy of women in these roles. When women are
added to boards at token levels due to quotas, they might not contribute as effectively.
Evidence suggests that a lone woman on a board might be marginalized or delegitimized,
undermining her ability to influence decisions. This stigmatization can hinder their
confidence and impact in board discussions, highlighting the need to address deeper issues
beyond just implementing quotas for genuine progress towards gender equality.

The temporality of gender quotas.

Gender quotas, despite their intention to increase gender representation, often fall short in
creating lasting change. They focus on numbers rather than addressing the deeper issues of
discrimination and structural barriers. By merely imposing a set number of women in
workplaces, quotas fail to tackle the root causes of inequality. This approach can distort the
real purpose of promoting gender parity and diversity, creating a temporary fix without
addressing the underlying problems. As a result, quotas might bring short-term increases in
representation but often don't lead to long-term structural changes needed for true gender
equality.

Quotas can impair democracy.

29
While quotas can enhance representation, they can also be viewed as anti-democratic. Critics
argue that quotas prioritize individuals based on gender rather than qualifications. Instead of
promoting equal opportunities, quotas can introduce bias in favor of women during elections.
For many, this anti-democratic sentiment outweighs any tangible benefits that quotas may
bring, such as substantial changes in policy-making. Some articles even suggest that quotas
manipulate voters' choices by artificially altering the candidate pool, rather than accurately
reflecting the political choices of voters.

e) Guiding Questions

I. Are gender quotas just temporary fixes?

II. How do gender quotas impact overall societal perceptions of gender roles and
capabilities?
III. Can gender quotas unintentionally reinforce stereotypes rather than challenge them?
IV. What kinds of gender quotas should be applied?
V. Should gender quotas extend beyond political and corporate spheres to other areas of
society?
VI. Do gender quotas perpetuate tokenism or genuinely foster inclusivity?

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