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CHAPTER 2
A HISTORY OF MARINE SCIENCE
The ocean did not prevent the spread of humanity. By the time European
explorers set out to “discover” the world, native peoples met them at nearly every
landfall.
Any coastal culture skilled at raft building or small-boat navigation had economic
and nutritional advantages over less skilled competitors.
ZhengTheHefirstbeginning
global exploratory expeditions were undertaken by Chinese admiral
in 1405.
The three expeditions of Captain James Cook, British Royal Navy, were perhaps
the first to apply the principles of scientific investigation to the ocean.
The voyage of H.M.S. Challenger (1872 – 1876) was the first extensive expedition
dedicated exclusively to research.
MAIN HEADINGS
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OIMS/9 Instructor’s Manual
2.1 UNDERSTANDING THE OCEAN BEGAN WITH VOYAGING FOR TRADE AND
EXPLORATION
Early Peoples Traveled the Ocean for Economic Reasons
Systematic Study of the Ocean Began at the Library of Alexandria
Eratosthenes Accurately Calculated the Size and Shape of Earth
Seafaring Expanded Human Horizons
Viking Raiders Discovered North America
The Chinese Undertook Organized Voyages of Discovery
2.2 THE AGE OF EUROPEAN DISCOVERY
Prince Henry Launched the European Age of Discovery
2.3 VOYAGING COMBINED WITH SCIENCE TO ADVANCE OCEAN STUDIES
Captain James Cook: First Marine Scientist
Accurate Determination of Longitude Was the Key to Oceanic Exploration and Mapping
2.4 THE FIRST Scientific Expeditions WERE UNDERTAKEN BY GOVERNMENTS
The United States Exploring Expedition Helped Establish Natural Science in America
Matthew Maury Discovered Worldwide Patterns of Winds and Ocean Currents
The Challenger Expedition Was Organized from the First as a Scientific Expedition
Ocean Studies have Military Applications
2.5 CONTEMPORARY OCEANOGRAPHY MAKES USE OF MODERN
TECHNOLOGY
Polar Exploration Advanced Ocean Studies
New Ships for New Tasks
Oceanographic Institutions Arose to Oversee Complex Research Projects
Robot Devices are becoming more capable
Satellites Have Become Important Tools in Ocean Exploration
CHAPTER IN PERSPECTIVE
In this chapter your students learned that science and exploration have gone hand-
in-hand. Voyaging for necessity evolved into voyaging for scientific and geographical
discovery. The transition to scientific oceanography was complete when the Challenger
Report was published in 1895. The rise of the great oceanographic institutions quickly
followed, and those institutions and their funding agencies today mark our path into the
future.
No dramatic changes, but many small text additions and alterations. Most of the new
material is in the form of changed illustrations to avoid – as much as possible – using images
whose expense would increase the price of the text (Herb Kane has, sadly, been cut back to
one, and a new portrait of Mahan has been obtained). Fewer illustrations overall. New
chapter opener has been added. The Harrison chronometer material has been slightly
rewritten to make clearer the association between Harrison and the Board of Longitude’s
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prize. Boxes changed to “How Do We Know” features. New Nat Geo explorer (Mark Polzer
replaces Kathy Bell). “Thinking Beyond the Figure” features added to more captions.
This brief history is presented in a straight line from people being "a restless and
inquisitive lot" to the advent of the great oceanographic institutions and the rise of satellite
oceanography. The immense importance of the Library at Alexandria -- not just because of
Eratosthenes' work there on the size of the Earth -- can be discussed in relation to the critical
importance of knowing one's location on the trackless sea. What good is an oceanic
discovery unless you can find your way back to it for further study?
Where to begin? Here's an interesting way to start a lecture on the history of marine
science:
An expedition led by Ferdinand Magellan was the first to circumnavigate Earth. Of
270 sailors who set out from Seville on five ships, only 18 managed to return after three
years on a worm-eaten and barely-floating vessel laden with valuable spices. Magellan was
not among the returning voyagers -- he had been killed in a battle with the natives on Mactan
Island in the Philippines.
Of all the oddities they encountered, few seemed as intractable as the last -- the
mystery of the extra day. After 1,084 agonizing days at sea, the sailors appeared to have
gained a full day on the rest of the world. For them it was Wednesday, but for those ashore it
was Thursday. A young Italian nobleman whose diary serves as our most important source
of information about the voyage wrote that this extra day "…was a great cause of wondering
to us... we could not persuade ourselves that we were mistaken; and I was more surprised
than the others, since having always been been in good health, I had every day, without
intermission, written down the day that was current."
After much thought, the answer to the mystery became clear: "There was no error on
our part, since we had always sailed toward the west, following the course of the sun, and
had returned to the same place, we must have gained 24 hours, as is clear to anyone who
reflects upon it."
A later English circumnavigator, William Dampier, made a related discovery. In
1687, when he reached Mindanao in the Philippines, he noted that on some Pacific islands
the natives and settlers were keeping the same day as his crew, while on others they were
using a date one day earlier. He suddenly realized that the discrepancy depended on where
the settlers of a particular island had come from. If the settlers were French, Dutch, or
British, and had arrived by way of Asia, their calendars were a day behind his. But if the
island was settled by Spaniards who, like himself, had come recently from America, the
calendars concurred.
It was not until 1884 that the jumble of dates and times was finally cleaned up. In
that year the International Meridian Conference was held in Washington, D.C. Delegates
from all over the world agreed that the zero longitude line would pass through the transit
circle at Greenwich, England; and that the International Date Line would be established
directly opposite at 180° longitude.
From this point of departure one could launch a discussion of the importance of
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knowing where you are (and when you're there). What good is an oceanic discovery unless
you can find your way back to it for further study? So, how did oceanic navigation begin,
and where? The immense importance of the Library at Alexandria -- not just because of
Eratosthenes' work there on the size of Earth -- can be discussed here.
The Polynesian theme in this chapter is an important opportunity to discuss the use of the
ocean for social, economic, and spiritual purposes. Why were the greatest voyages of
colonization undertaken? How successful were they?
I have become particularly interested in the voyages of Chinese Admiral Zheng He,
and you and your students might find his case as fascinating as I have. Gavin Menzies’
popular 2002 book “1421: The Year China Discovered America,” has caused an intensive re-
examination of the voyages of Zheng He and his subordinates. Menzies makes a compelling
(though far from bulletproof) case that part of the Ming fleet continued westward around the
tip of Africa and into the Atlantic. Menzies bases his argument on cartographic evidence,
artifacts, and inferences in the logs of European explorers that they were following paths
blazed by someone who had gone before. The equipment was up to the task, but the jury is
out on whether these discoveries were made as Menzies claims. Still, the size and
sophistication of these ships is astonishing – they even had the capacity to make fresh water
on board (via distillation). And, by the way, the Emperor in charge at the time was the same
fellow who moved the capital to Peking (Beijing) and built the Forbidden City.
Of particular interest (to me, anyway) is why the Chinese suddenly abandoned this
exploration. Again, the jury is out, but less than a century after this maritime high-water
mark, it was a crime even to go to sea from China in a multi-masted ship!
The Chapter differentiates between the early experiences of voyagers who used their
knowledge of the ocean for getting around, and the later expeditions whose purpose was
partially or wholly scientific. Remember the difference between marine science for voyaging
and voyaging for marine science. Captain James Cook's first expedition is the turning point.
When marine science got too big for the exploits of individual (Maury, Forbes, etc.),
the great institutions began their ascent. Big Marine Science still depends on them, and their
nationally funded counterparts. Satellite investigations are playing ever-larger roles.
On page 35
• Any coastal culture skilled at raft building or small boat navigation would have
economic and nutritional advantages over less skilled competitors. From the earliest
period of human history, understanding and appreciating the ocean and its life-forms
benefited coastal civilizations.
• The Alexandrian Library and the adjacent museum could be considered the first
university in the world. Earth’s size was calculated from observations of the
geometry of the sun’s shadows at different latitudes, and the distances between the
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observations. Earth’s shape was deduced from observations of Earth’s shadow on the
moon during lunar eclipses.
• Overpopulation and depletion of resources became a problem on the home islands.
Politics, intertribal tensions, and religious strife shook society. Groups of people
scattered in all directions from some of the “cradle” islands during a period of
explosive dispersion. Great dual-hulled sailing ships, some capable of transporting up
to 100 people, were designed and built. New navigation techniques were perfected
that depended on the positions of stars barely visible to the north. New ways of
storing food, water, and seeds were devised.
• Norwegian Vikings began to explore westward as European defenses against raiding
became more effective. Though North American was colonized by A.D. 1000, the
colony had to be abandoned in 1020. The Norwegians lacked the numbers, the
weapons, and the trading goods to make the colony a success.
• In addition to the compass, the Chinese invented the central rudder, watertight
compartments, fresh water distillation for shipboard use, and sophisticated sails on
multiple masts, all of which were critically important for the successful operation of
large sailing vessels. The Chinese intentionally abandoned oceanic exploration in
1433. The political winds had changed, and the cost of the “reverse tribute” system
was judged too great.
On page 39
• Although Prince Henry was not well traveled, captains under his patronage explored
from 1451 to 1470, compiling detailed charts wherever they went. Henry’s explorers
pushed south into the unknown and opened the west coast of Africa to commerce.
• European voyages during the Age of Discovery were not undertaken for their own
sake. Each voyage had to have a material goal. Trade between east and west had long
been dependent on arduous and insecure desert caravan routes through the central
Asian and Arabian deserts. This commerce was cut off in 1453 when the Turks
captured Constantinople, and an alternate ocean route was sought. Navigators like
Columbus exploited this need, and others followed.
On page 42
• Cook deserves to be considered a scientist as well as an explorer because of the
accuracy, thoroughness, and completeness in his descriptions. He drew accurate
conclusions, did not exaggerate his findings, and successfully interpreted events in
natural history, anthropology, and oceanography.
• Longitude is east-west position. Longitude is more difficult to determine than
latitude (north-south position). One can use the North Star as a reference point for
latitude, but the turning of Earth prevents a single star from being used as an east-
west reference. The problem was eventually solved by a combination of careful
observations of the positions of at least three stars, a precise knowledge of time, and a
set of mathematical tables to calculate position.
On page 47
• The goals of the United States Exploring Expedition included showing the flag, whale
scouting, mineral gathering, charting, observing, and pure exploration. The expedition
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returned with many scientific specimens and artifacts, which formed the nucleus of
the collection of the newly established Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C.
• Maury assembled information from ship’s logs into coherent wind and current charts.
Maury himself was a compiler, not a scientist, and he was vitally interested in the
promotion of maritime commerce. Maury’s understanding of currents built on the
work of Benjamin Franklin, who had discovered the Gulf Stream, a fast current off
America’s east coast.
• The first sailing expedition devoted completely to marine science was that of HMS
Challenger, a 2,306-ton steam corvette that set sail on 21 December 1872 on a four-
year voyage around the world, covering 127,600 kilometers. Challenger scientists
made major advances in marine biology, deep-ocean structure, sedimentology, water
chemistry, and weather analysis.
• Sir John Murray’s major contribution was The Challenger Report, the record of the
expedition, published between 1880 and 1895. It was the 50 volume Report, rather
than the cruise itself, that provided the foundation for the new science of
oceanography.
• Mahan stressed the interdependence of military and commercial control of seaborne
commerce, and the ability of safe lines of transportation and communication to
influence the outcomes of conflicts. The arms races, naval hardware, and strategy
and tactics of the last century’s greatest wars – along with their outcomes – was
influenced by his clear analysis.
On page 53
• Scientific curiosity, national pride, new ideas in shipbuilding, questions about the
extent and history of the southern polar continent, and the quest to understand
weather and climate – not to mention great personal courage -- led in the early years
of the last century to the golden age of polar exploration.
• The 1925 Meteor expedition was first to use an echo sounder in a systematic probe of
the seabed. An echo sounder is faster and more accurate than a weighted line in
determining depth. Accurate use of an echo sounder depends on knowing the speed
of sound in water, which can vary with temperature and salinity.
• The demands of scientific oceanography have become greater than the capability of
any single voyage. Oceanographic institutions, agencies, and consortia evolved in
part to ensure continuity of effort.
• Satellites beam radar signals off the sea surface to determine wave height, variations
in sea-surface contour and temperature, and other information of interest to marine
scientists. Photographs taken from space can assist in determining ocean productivity,
current and circulation patterns, weather prediction, and many other factors.
• Marine science is by necessity a field science: Ships and distant research stations are
essential to its progress. The business of operating the ships and staffing the research
stations is costly and sometimes dangerous, yet “ground truth” – verification of
readings taken remotely – is an essential part of the scientific process.
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Figure 2.3: Eratosthenes’ estimate was based on the idea that the sun is infinitely distant. It
isn’t, of course, but within the limits of his ability to measure, its true distance made little
difference in the final experimental outcome. But imagine if the sun were really close. Lines
of sunlight approaching Syene and Alexandria would no longer be parallel (or almost so).
His estimate would have been skewed, perhaps placing Syene in the southern Hemisphere!
Figure 2.6: Lots of Polynesian exploration was literally hit or miss. It is not difficult to
imagine some accidental (or even intentional) contact with South America. Researchers
investigating the genetic make-up of some populations of native South Americans have
detected evidence of Asian/Polynesian genes. And then there’s the potato. Sweet potatoes
arrived in South America from Polynesian about 400 years before Columbus’ voyages. Even
the language suggests contact: the Polynesian word for sweet potato — "kuumala" —
resembles "kumara," the word for the vegetable in Quechua, a language spoken by Andean
natives.
Figure 2.10: Unlike most Western cultures at the time, the Chinese were not hindered by a
pervasive religious tradition insisting that Earth was very young. Until Lyell’s pivotal
discoveries (and the writings of some of his contemporaries), most European felt compelled
to reconcile observation with religious teachings.
Figure 2.11: The new Ming emperor, grandson of Zhu Di (under whose reign Zheng He
began his explorations) considered the cost of the expeditions to be too great and against the
“ancestral injunctions of the august Ming.” Despite the many benefits attained (suppression
of pirates, new trade routes, Imperial expansion, etc.), the fleet was ordered destroyed along
with plans for vessel construction, drydock facilities, and other assets.
Figure 2.14: The next was Sir Francis Drake (1577-1580). Sailing for England, he was the
first to complete a circumnavigation as captain and leader throughout the entire expedition.
Figure 2.16: The problem arose, in part, because Harrison (understandably) would not turn
over his clock for inspection by experts appointed by the Board. He knew that a competent
watchmaker would discover secrets that he had spent decades perfecting. But the Board was
concerned that Harrison’s chronometer would be too complex or expensive to produce in
quantity, and insisted on professional inspection. The standoff persisted for years.
Figure 2.17: No, nothing special. The zero latitude is a natural place (the equator,
equidistant between the poles). The zero longitude could be anywhere, and for any maritime
country usually ran through a government’s capital city (Paris, Washington, D.C., etc.). By
1884, over two-thirds of all ships and tonnage used England’s reference meridian (running
through the Royal Observatory at Greenwich, now a suburb of London) as the reference
meridian on their maps. In October of that year, 41 delegates from 25 nations met in
Washington, D.C. for the International Meridian Conference. This group selected the
Greenwich meridian as the official Prime meridian due to its popularity. However, France
abstained from the vote and French maps continued to use the Paris meridian for several
more decades.
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Figure 2.22: They did not get along well. The crew was not used to the ways of science –
as far as they were concerned, a muddy mess of sediments and animals on a previously clean
deck was a huge waste of time and effort. Labs stunk, preservatives were unstable, and the
long times spent in bottom sampling was boring and dangerous at the same time. Also, the
Captain was not always pleased with the navigational demands placed upon him and his
officers -- having civilians in charge of where and when the ship would go was simply not
the way things were done in the Royal Navy. Things were so bad for the crew that a quarter
of the 269 sailors eventually deserted!
Figure 2.23: Mahan’s influence was tremendous. For a really good read, settle down with
Robert K. Massie’s two epic books outlining the naval history of World War I. The first,
“Dreadnaught – Britain, Germany, and the Coming of the Great War,” will introduce you to
Admiral Jackie Fisher, one of the most interesting characters in recent British history. The
second, “Castles of Steel,” describes the fleet actions based on Mahan’s insistence that sea
lanes must be controlled by a country wishing to dominate commerce and political influence.
Both books were published by Random House.
Figure 2.25: Echosounders measure distance by noting the time a sound pulse takes to
make the round trip between transmitter, seabed, and receiver. Anything influencing the
speed of sound in water will affect the results. As you’ll read in Chapter 6, water
temperature, salinity, elasticity, and viscosity all influence the speed of sound in water.
1. How could you convince a 10-year-old that Earth is round? What evidence would a child
offer that it’s flat? How can you counter those objections?
You and your son/grandson/neighbor kid are standing at the end of a pier looking out
to sea on a very clear day. You say, “Did you know Earth is round?” He finds this
preposterous, of course, and points to the flat horizon. You respond that Earth is so big that
from down here it appears to be flat, but really is spherical. He is still unconvinced. You
remind him that nearby bodies look spherical – moon and sun. You draw a diagram of a lunar
eclipse in the sand and note that the shadow of Earth on the moon is circular. You might
even show him some Apollo photos of Earth when you return home. He responds (as did our
kids) with the ultimate objection: a spherical Earth is clearly ridiculous because people on
the other side would fall off.
I recommend trying again when the kid is 18.
2. How did the Library of Alexandria contribute to the development of marine science? What
happened to most of the information accumulated there? Why do you suppose the residents of
Alexandria became hostile to the librarians and the many achievements of the library?
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writings. As we have seen, the characteristics of nations, trade, natural wonders, artistic
achievements, tourist sights, investment opportunities, and other items of interest to seafarers
were catalogued and filed in its stacks. Manuscripts describing the Mediterranean coast were
of great interest.
Traders quickly realized the competitive benefit of this information. Knowledge of
where a cargo of olive oil could be sold at the greatest profit, or where the market for
finished cloth was most lucrative, or where raw materials for metalworking could be obtained
at low cost, was of enormous competitive value. Here perhaps was the first instance of
cooperation between a university and the commercial community, a partnership that has paid
dividends for science and business ever since.
After their market research was completed, it is not difficult to imagine seafarers
lingering at the Library to satisfy their curiosity about non-commercial topics. And there
would have been much to learn! In addition to Eratosthenes' discovery of the size of the
Earth (about which you read in the chapter), Euclid systematized geometry; the astronomer
Aristarchus of Samos argued that Earth is one of the planets and that all planets orbit the sun;
Dionysius of Thrace defined and codified the parts of speech (noun, verb, etc.) common to all
languages; Herophilus, a physiologist, established the brain was the seat of intelligence;
Heron built the first steam engines and gear trains; Archimedes discovered (among many
other things) the principles of buoyancy on which successful shipbuilding is based.
The last Librarian was Hypatia, the first notable woman mathematician, philosopher,
and scientist. In Alexandria she was a symbol of science and knowledge, concepts the early
Christians identified with pagan practices. After years of rising tensions, in 415 A.D. a mob
brutally murdered her and burned the Library with all its contents. Most of the community of
scholars dispersed and Alexandria ceased to be a center of learning in the ancient world.
The academic loss was incalculable, and trade suffered because ship owners no
longer had a clearing house for updating the nautical charts and information upon which they
had come to depend. All that remains of the Library today is a remnant of an underground
storage room. We shall never know the true extent and influence of its collection of over
700,000 irreplaceable scrolls.
Historians are divided on the reasons for the fall of the Library. But we know there is
no record that any of the Library's scientists ever challenged the political, economic,
religious, or social assumptions of their society. Researchers did not attempt to explain or
popularize the results of their research, so residents of the city had no understanding of the
momentous discoveries being made at the Library at the top of the hill. With very few
exceptions, the scientists did not apply their discoveries to the benefit of mankind, and many
of the intellectual discoveries had little practical application. The citizens saw no practical
value to such an expensive enterprise. Religious strife added elements of hostility and
instability. As Carl Sagan pointed out, "When, at long last, the mob came to burn the Library
down, there was nobody to stop them."1
As for speculations on historical impact had the Library survived, some specialists
have suggested that much of the intellectual vacuum of the European Middle Ages might
have been “sidestepped,” in a sense, if the information processing and dissemination
processes centered at the Library had continued. Instead of the subsequent fragmentation and
retraction, one wonders if continued academic stimulation might have reinvigorated the
1
Sagan, C. 1980. Cosmos. New York: Random House.
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West? Also, had the Library lasted longer, one wonders if researchers there might have
discovered the intellectual achievements of China, a civilization much advanced at the time.
3. How did Eratosthenes calculate the approximate size of Earth? Which of his assumptions
was the “shakiest”?
Columbus never saw North America. North America was “discovered” by people
following migrating game across the Bering Straits land bridge about 20,000 years ago,
during the last ice age.
5. What were the contributions of Captain James Cook. Does he deserve to be remembered
more as an explorer or as a marine scientist?
Captain James Cook's contributions to marine science are justifiably famous. Cook
was a critical link between the vague scientific speculations of the first half of the eighteenth
century and the industrial revolution to come. He pioneered the use of new navigational
techniques, measured and charted countless coasts, produced maps of such accuracy that
some of their information is still in use, and revolutionized the seaman's diet to eliminate
scurvy. His shiphandling in difficult circumstances was legendary, and his ability to lead his
crew with humanity and justice remains an inspiration to naval officers to this day.
While Captain Cook received no formal scientific training, he did learn methods of
scientific observation and analysis from Joseph Banks and other researchers embarked on
HMS Endeavour. Because his observations are clear and well recorded, and because his
speculations on natural phenomena are invariably based on scientific analysis (rather than
being glossed over or ascribed to supernatural forces), some consider him the first marine
scientist.2 But, to be rigorously fair, perhaps his explorational and scientific skills should be
given equal weighting.
6. What was the first purely scientific oceanographic expedition and what were some of its
accomplishments?
The expeditions of Cook, Wilkes, the Rosses, de Bougainville, Wallis, and virtually
2
For more information on Cook as scientist, see Richard Hough's biography: Hough, R.
1994. Captain James Cook. New York: W. W. Norton.
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all other runners-up to HMS Challenger were multi-purpose undertakings: military scouting,
flag-waving, provision hunting, and trade analysis were coupled with exploration and
scientific research.
The first sailing expedition devoted completely to marine science was conceived
Charles Wyville Thomson, a professor of natural history at Scotland's University of
Edinburgh, and his Canadian-born student of natural history, John Murray. They convinced
the Royal Society and the British Government to provide a Royal Navy ship and trained crew
for a "prolonged and arduous voyage of exploration across the oceans of the world."
Thomson and Murray even coined a word for their enterprise: Oceanography.
HMS Challenger, the 2,306 ton steam corvette chosen for the expedition, set sail on 7
December 1872 on a four-year voyage that took them around the world and covered 127,600
kilometers (79,300 nautical miles). Although the Captain was a Royal Naval officer, the six-
man scientific staff directed the course of the voyage.
The scientists also took salinity, temperature, and water density measurements during
these soundings. Each reading contributed to a growing picture of the physical structure of
the deep ocean. They completed at least 151 open water trawls, and stored 77 samples of
seawater for detailed analysis ashore. The expedition collected new information on ocean
currents, meteorology, and the distribution of sediments; the locations and profiles of coral
reefs were charted. Thousands of pounds of specimens were brought to British museums for
study. Manganese nodules, brown lumps of mineral-rich sediments, were discovered on the
seabed, sparking interest in deep sea mining.
This first pure oceanographic investigation was an unqualified success. The
discovery of life in the depths of the oceans stimulated the new science of marine biology.
The scope, accuracy, thoroughness, and attractive presentation of the researchers' written
reports made this expedition a high point in scientific publication. The Challenger Report,
the record of the expedition, was published between 1880 and 1895 by Sir John Murray in a
well-written and magnificently illustrated 50-volume set; it is still used today. The
Challenger expedition remains history's longest continuous scientific oceanographic
expedition.
7. Who was probably the first person to undertake the systematic study of the ocean as a
full-time occupation? Are his contributions considered important today?
Matthew Maury is a likely candidate. A Virginian and officer (at different times) in
both the United States and Confederate States Navy, Maury who was the first person to sense
the worldwide pattern of surface winds and currents. Based on an analysis undertaken while
working full-time for the Bureau of Charts and Instruments, he produced a set of directions
for sailing great distances more efficiently. Maury's sailing directions quickly attracted
worldwide notice: He had shortened the passage for vessels traveling from the American east
coast to Rio de Janeiro by 10 days, and to Australia by 20. His work became famous in 1849
during the California gold rush -- his directions made it possible to save 30 days around Cape
Horn to California. Applicable U.S. charts still carry the inscription, "Founded on the
researches of M.F.M. while serving as a lieutenant in the U. S. Navy." His crowning
achievement, The Physical Geography of the Seas, a book explaining his discoveries, was
published in 1855.
Maury, considered by many to be the father of physical oceanography, was perhaps
11 | P a g e
OIMS/9 Instructor’s Manual
the first man to undertake the systematic study of the ocean as a full-time occupation.
8. What famous American is also famous for publishing the first image of an ocean current?
What was his motivation for studying currents?
9. What is an echosounder? Can you think of some ways error could be introduced in an
echosounder’s readings?
Echo sounders sense the contour of the seafloor by beaming sound waves to the
bottom and measuring the time required for the sound waves to bounce back to the ship.
Because the speed of sound depends on water temperature, density, salinity, and pressure,
knowledge of these variables is essential to accurate measurements. Still, echo sounders are
more accurate than a weighted line that waves in the currents as it descends.
10. Sketch briefly the major developments in marine science since 1900. Do individuals,
separate voyages, or institutions figure most prominently in this history?
Individuals and voyages are most prominent in the first half of this century. Captain
Robert Falcon Scott's British Antarctic expedition in HMS Discovery (1901-1904) set the
stage for the golden age of Antarctic exploration. Roald Amundsen's brilliant assault on the
south pole (1911) demonstrated that superb planning and preparation paid great dividends
when operating in remote and hazardous locales. The German Meteor expedition, the first
"high tech" oceanographic expedition, showed how electronic devices and sophisticated
sampling techniques could be adapted to the marine environment. And certainly the
individual contributions of people like Jacques Cousteau and Emile Gagnan (inventors in
1943 of the "aqualung," the first scuba device) and Don Walsh and Jacques Piccard (pilots of
Trieste to the ocean's deepest point in 1960) are important.
But the undeniable success story of late twentieth century oceanography is the
successful rise of the great research institutions with broad state and national funding.
Without the cooperation of research universities and the federal government (through
agencies like the National Science Foundation, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration, and others), the great strides that were made in the fields of plate tectonics,
atmosphere-ocean interaction, biological productivity, and ecological awareness would have
12 | P a g e
OIMS/9 Instructor’s Manual
been much slower in coming. Along with the Sea Grant Universities (and their equivalents
in other countries), establishments like the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, the Lamont-
Doherty Earth Observatory, and the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, with their
powerful array of researchers and research tools, will define the future of oceanography.
13 | P a g e
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spatserade länge omkring åt alla håll mellan rader af pomeransträd,
på hvilka stor fullmogen frukt tyngde ner qvistarne. Gick sedan
uppåt och såg det gamla Masr från denna sida, med de gamla
ruinerna af ett gammalt slott, som min åsnedrifvare sade vara ifrån
verldens början.
Febr. 1.
Febr. 2.
Kom min janitschar och hemtade mig för att gå och bese qvarter,
ty han hade i Asbukijeh inom samma hus funnit tvenne sådana. De
voro begge särdeles vackra, isynnerhet det ena, som var färdigt
möbleradt med alla förnödenheter och som jag derföre stannade vid
för 100 piaster i månaden. Jag skulle flytta ditin i morgon. Sedan
gick jag med mitt bref till Avareff, som emottog mig på det artigaste
och inviterade mig till den här vanliga aftonmåltiden, hvarföre jag
hos honom tillbringade aftonen. Han är en stor pratare och räsonnör,
egentligen till sitt ursprung Grek, men uppfostrad i Ryssland och
Rysk undersåte. Roligt kan jag just ej säga att jag hade, men
aftonen förflöt dock.
Febr. 3.
Febr. 4.
Gick till Bokti och gjorde räkning med honom öfver hvad han gifvit
ut för mig. Han var särdeles artig och treflig som vanligt, samt gaf
mig ånyo försäkringar om att han skulle vara som en far för mig.
Defefter gick jag hem och blef hela dagen hemma sittande, för att
vänta på shekhen, som skulle komma till mig med en tjenare; men
till min stora förargelse hördes han ej af på hela dagen, som derför
blef mig särdeles lång och tråkig.
Febr. 5.
Sopades och städades hemma af min nya tjenare. Köptes ved och
kol tillräckligt för 1 eller 2 månader. Jag gick ut och spatserade
omkring på egen hand, förvillade mig litet, men kom snart åter till
rätta, återvände hem omkring middagstiden och blef sedan hemma
sittande hela dagen. Om aftonen i skymningen besökte mig Murad
effendi, en Piemontesare, som nu slagit sig på antiqviteter. Han
behagar mig mer och mer. Åt hemma ett litet varmt mål af stufning
på blomkål och kött, med undantag af måltiden hos Avareff, den
första varma mat på 2 veckor.
Febr. 6.
Var på formiddagen ute och spatserade litet omkring i qvarteret
Moski och hittade bra nog till rätta. Satt för öfrigt hemma hela
dagen. Som jag ännu ej rätt kommit mig i ordning, har jag ej rätt
trefnad och har ej hunnit skaffa mig bekantskaper.
Febr. 7.
Gick till Bokti och tog pengar, var derefter i Bolak och köpte hvete,
2 vejba för 17 1/2 piaster. öfverhufvudtaget är jag ej särdeles nöjd
med hela min hushållning, jag måste se till att den blir förändrad.
Febr. 8.
Febr. 9.
Febr. 10.
Begaf mig på morgonen till Bet el kadi och bokhandeln, der jag
anmodade en man att afskrifva åt mig katalogen på alla de böcker,
som blifvit tryckta i Bolak. Oaktadt allt mitt krångel att han skulle
bestämma priset derpå och allt gräl derom, var det mig omöjligt att
få honom dertill, det skulle allt få bero på mitt godtycke. Derefter
tog jag samma åsna, som förut fört mig fram och tillbaka hit, och
begaf mig till Shubra, der pashans palats finnes, med den
omringande trädgården vid stranden af Nilen. Jag hade krångel att
slippa in, dock lyckades det mig slutligen och jag vandrade omkring
ungefär en timmas tid i trädgården, som är utomordentligt vacker,
anlaggd i orientalisk smak, halft liknande en från "Tusen och en
natt." Isynnerhet behagade mig den stora Fiskijeh, som här var
anlaggd, äfvensom pavillonen rundt deromkring, med marmorgolf
och frescomålningar i taken af Europeiska målare. Träden hängde
fulla af pomeranser och apelsiner, och en af trädgårdsfolket gaf mig
förstulet en Frankisk pomerans, som var ypperlig; en annan gaf mig
2 rosor i knopp, naturligtvis för en bakhshish. Det hela var af stort
intresse och vackert, ehuru jag ändå önskat mera orientaliskt i den
och gerna sett det lilla af Europeisk smak, som inmängt sig, vara
borta. Min gamle åsnedrifvare, ehuru ganska treflig, var dock ej att
jemföra med min gamle Ahmad, som jag förgäfves sökt på
morgonen. Efter qvällsvarden, d.v.s. middagen, begaf jag mig till
Murad effendi, som är min nära granne och blef sittande hos honom
hela aftonen. Jag är särdeles i valet och qvalet huru jag skall göra,
följa med honom till öfra Egypten eller stanna här.
Febr. 11.
Hade mest hela natten legat vaken och tänkt på min resa till öfra
Egypten, för hvilken jag finner mig särdeles hågad, så att jag ej fått
sömn förän långt efter midnatt. Om morgonen gick jag bittida till
Murad effendi och blef länge der. Sedan kom han till mig och satt här
länge, allt väntande på sina betjenter, som voro ute på bestyr för
mig. Gick sedan till Kutub khaneh för att få den mig lofvade
katalogen, men den som skulle kopiera den hade blifvit sjuk och
derigenom hindrad från fullgörandet af sitt löfte. Dit hittade jag väl,
men var tvungen att taga en åsna för att hitta tillbaka. Blef sedan
hemma sittande till maghrib och åt, men blef kort derpå efterskickad
af Murad effendi, med hvilken jag tillbragte den öfriga delen af
aftonen, tills för Kairo ovanligt sent.
Febr. 12.
Febr. 13.
Gick ut om morgonen till Moski för att vexla en half dukat, men
som ingen ville taga den, förde jag den tillbaka till Bokti och fick
annat mynt. Åsnedrifvarne ansätta en fotvandrare här ej så mycket
som i Alexandria, ehuru man här oftast färdas på åsneryggen och
mera sällan går. Sedan satt jag hemma hela dagen och väntade på
Murad effendi, men då han ej kom, begaf jag mig en stund efter
maghrib sjelf med min fanoz till honom och blef sittande der några
timmar, hvarefter jag kom hem och lade mig.
Febr. 14.
Febr. 15.
Gick ut på morgonen och gjorde en lång tur i staden, kom ut
genom en port och besteg en höjd, derifrån jag såg något så när
öfver staden och fick litet begrepp om dess läge. Sökte sedan Murad
effendi, men träffade honom ej. Satt hemma för öfrigt hela dagen
och läste smått. Det är öfverhufvud ett tråkigt lif.
Febr. 16.
Febr. 17.
Gick om morgonen till Murad effendi, som just var sysselsatt med
en man, hvilken skulle göra åt honom något arbete. Han krånglade
mycket med honom, visade, förklarade och ritade för honom, samt
accorderade om priset; det var högst roligt att se huru väl han
förstod att ställa sig med honom. Sedan följdes vi åt ut, vandrade
mycket omkring i Khan elkhalili, och i trakten af Elazhar handlade vi
2 muslinshawlar till turban för 26 piaster. Sedan gingo vi genom
Judarnes qvarter, som var trängre och smutsigare än något annat
jag ännu sett här, och veko der upp hos föreståndaren för ett
silfvertrådsspinneri. Han var en Arab af omkring 40 till 50 år, med ett
vackert grått skägg och en särdeles välvillig, mild karaktär, dertill
pratsam och hjertlig. Vi talade med honom om någon man, som
skulle gå hos mig och lära mig språket &c. Han sade sig känna en
sådan och beställde oss om aftonen till ett café i hans granskap.
Derefter gingo vi hem och jag blef hemmasittande ända till maghrib,
då jag åter gick och hemtade Murad ut till vår bestämda mötesplats.
På cafét träffade vi vår Sejid Mohammad i ett litet sällskap, bland
andra äfven den sherif, som han ämnat till min lärare. Han pratade
med honom om saken jemte Murad först i tysthet och sedan den
tycktes liksom afgjord, kom sherifen, satte sig bredvid mig och
började med de vanliga Arabiska complimenterna, såsom salamat
tajibon &c. Vi pratade om allehanda och kommo väl öfverens. Man
tog mig för moslim, ty Murad hade gifvit mig ut för en sådan,
hemma ifrån Circassien. Hans namn var 'Abd el khalik; i morgon
skulle jag skicka en karl att hemta honom middagstiden hem till mig.
Vi suto en stund här på cafét, drucko en hvar 2 koppar kaffe, som
Sejid Mohammad betalte oaktadt vi puttrade emot, och gingo sedan
till ett annat café, i hopp att få höra en motahaddit. Men han hade ej
infunnit sig i afton. Tiden tillbragtes sålunda blott med prat, nästan
två hela timmar. Det är högst roligt att höra Arabernas vanliga
complimenter, de bilda nästan ett språk för sig, som är svårt, men
oundgängligen nödvändigt att lära. Hufvudsaken här, som i allt, är
Allah, utrop till honom och böner till honom. Ofta när samtalet
stannade af, ropade man åt Murad och mig: anastinna, d.v.s. du har
hedrat oss, hvarpå man svarar: allah barak sik, eller: anastinna inte,
eller något dylikt. Ofta komma de äfven närmare, sätta sig bredvid
en och börja med det vanliga tajibin, hvarefter det går oupphörligen:
kef kefek och alham do lillah &c. Jag blef slutligen dock något trött,
isynnerhet i mina knän, då jag oupphörligen sutit hela aftonen på de
höga trädsofforna mastabeh. Vi kommo något sent hem och jag gick
genast till sängs.
Febr. 18.
Var om morgonen som hastigast hos Murad, gick snart hem för att
vänta på Abdelkhalik, som dock ej kom förän någon timma efter
middagen, men blef sittande här ända till nära maghrib. Vi pratade
om ett och annat, han var glad, roade sig åt minsta småsak, såsom
alla hans landsmän, och hade samma enkla, barnsligt oskyldiga
karaktär man här finner öfverallt. Jag ämnade skrifva upp till
pappers det jag skulle lära mig af här brukliga complimenter, men
det ville han ej, sägande att det vore bättre lära sig dem utantills.
Om priset ville han ej höra talas; han ville komma alla dagar till mig
för intet, ty han vore min vän och vänskap passade ej tillsammans
med pengar. Men det är blott ett vanligt talesätt och ej mycket att
rätta sig efter. Han tog mig på allvare för moslim, och skulle skaffa
mig en handskrifven Koran, ty den tryckta jag hade var battal. Så var
äfven mitt qvarter ibland Kufsar och Nosara, han ville skaffa mig ett
annat i sitt granskap. För öfrigt tyckes han ej vara särdeles
bevandrad i sitt språks litteratur, men det är ock detsamma för mig.
Sedan han gått kom Murad som hastigast till mig, men var litet
opasslig och tråkig samt gick snart bort. Sedan jag således ensam
haft ledsamt hemma, gick jag ut till Murad, som lagt sig till sängs
och var tråkig. Jag lemnade honom derföre snart och gick hem.
Febr. 19.
Uträttade just ingenting; satt hemma mest hela dagen och dels
skref bref hem, dels väntade Abdolkhalik, som ej kom. Om aftonen
afskedade jag min tjenare, utan synnerligt krångel från hans sida.
Febr. 21.
Satt hela dagen hemma och skref mina bref färdiga. I dag kom
Abdolkhalik bittida vid middagstiden och satt närmare maghrib;
derunder kom äfven Murad hit och satt en stund.
Febr. 22.
Förde mitt bref adresseradt till Tantavi och innehållande ett till
Bonsdorff, ett till min mor och min bror samt ännu ett till Karl
Lundahl; jag förseglade det på kansliet och lemnade det åt Amin
Agha. Köhler träffade jag ej. Om aftonen drack thé hos Murad
effendi, lefde för öfrigt hela dagen på torr mat och kaffe. På
eftermiddagen satt Abdolkhalik hos mig och hade hemtat med sig
tvenne munstycken och en heggab, på hvilka vi handlade litet, utan
att komma till något resultat. Hans heggab ville jag väl hafva, men
kunde på intet sätt förmå honom att bestämma något pris, utan
tiden gick förbi under det vi å begge sidor uppfordrade hvarandra att
säga först, samt då och då upprepade det här vanliga: valla khodoh
belash.
Febr. 23.
Febr. 24.
Febr. 25.
Febr. 26.
Gjorde en tur till boklådan, tog min katalog, satt en stund der och
pratade med gubbarne, af hvilka en hela tiden pratade med mig på
gamla språket. Jag frågade dem om det var sannt att man i Bolak
höll på att trycka Koran och runkade starkt på hufvudet när de
bejakade det. Också tycktes man på fullt allvar taga mig för moslim
och gaf mig Islams helsning i hela dess vidd, då jag gick. Sedan gick
jag till konsulatet och satt en stund hos Köhler. I dag kom ej
Abdolkhalik, utan jag väntade honom förgäfves. Om aftonen gick jag
till Murad, för att få honom ut i det vackra månljusa vädret. Efter en
helt kort promenad gingo vi in till en Fransk doktor i Egyptisk tjenst.
Här talades mycket om en högst skandalös historia, som passerat
emellan honom och en annan Europé; man apostroferade mycket
här bosatta Européer. Gud nåde dem! Hvar helst man träffar dem
äro de usla. Man berättade äfven att pesten är i Alexandria och att
ungefär 15 personer dö der om dagen. Det ingaf mig ingen fruktan.
Febr. 27.
Febr. 28.
Febr. 29.
Mars 1.
Gick till Bokti och tog pengar för att köpa böcker, men det kunde
ej ännu i dag bli någon handel af, emedan det var lördag och
emedan jag ej förän i morgon kunde få en assignation af vexlaren.
Till honom förde mig en ung Moldavier, som jag träffade vid
konsulatet och hvilken jag sedan följde till hans bod i Khan elkhalili.
Moldaviern var en ung treflig man och högst artig. Från honom gick
jag efter min kompass genom åtskilliga delar af staden och kom hem
något efter middagen. Sedan gick jag till Murad, drack thé hos
honom och pratade en stund. Han talade om Wrede, sade att det
var en skojare, som här genom praktik lärt sig Arabiskan, utan att
det minsta förstå läsa den; att han fordom varit bränvinssäljare eller
brännare här och äfven såsom dragoman färdats med resande,
hvarvid han ej handlat på det redligaste.
Mars 2.
Mars 3.
Murad kom bittida hit och tog mig på sängen, hvarefter vi drucko
kaffe och gingo till Bolak, för att accordera om båt till öfra Egypten,
men afgjorde ännu intet bestämdt. Här voro vi inne på ett slags
värdshus, åto en fisk och drucko sedan kaffe på samma ställe, der
jag tillbragte första natten i Kairo. Vädret var blåsigt och fult och jag
tyckte mig särdeles trött efter promenaden. Det oaktadt gick jag
genast vid min hemkomst åter ut, vek först in i Diwan el mudaris,
träffade flere hyggliga och artiga unge män, gjorde sedan en lång
tur i staden med min kompass och kom hem vid 'asr mycket trött.
Mars 4.
Mars 5.
Mars 6.
Bittida kom Omar till mig, sade sig hemtat en rais åt Murad och
bad mig komma dit. Så beslöts att vi skulle gå ner och se på
fartyget. Togo åsnor, redo till Bolak och uppgjorde kontraktet, som
skrefs af en dithemtad skrifvare eller notarie. Det drog något långt
ut, så att vi först middagstiden kommo hem. Härefter gick jag till
min tobakshandlare, köpte resprovision af tobak och satt väl en hel
timme i hans bod, förän den hann skäras och bli färdig. Härunder
drucko vi kaffe, rökte och pratade. All, helst litet betydligare, handel
går till på sådant sätt, ty man fjeskar ej. Hela min handel gällde dock
blott 16 piaster. I allmänhet är det förunderligt huru långsamma
menniskorna här äro och huru tåligt de kunna sitta timtal och vänta,
utan att det minsta ledsna eller tröttna. Om aftonen gick jag med
Murad till Ustad Mahmod, der vi blefvo sittande omkring en timma
och drucko kaffe, kryddadt med neglikor. Gubben var dock i dag ej
på lika godt humör, som i går, och ej så pratsam. Likaså Murad.
Gjorde bekantskap med Wrede, hvilken verkeligen förekom mig som
en skojare, med den vanliga Tyska stormunnen. Han lofvade ge mig
goda upplysningar och förhållningsreglor för min resa; han kände
bäst sättet att färdas i Arabien, ty han hade på det rätta och enda
rätta sättet både företagit och utfört sin resa o.s.v.
Mars 7.
Gick bittida till Murad och tog honom ut till Khan elkhalili, der vi
skulle handla allehanda, men emedan han hade affärer på annat
håll, lemnade han mig snart ensam; jag vandrade omkring på
thorsdags marknaden eller auktionen, kom i fäl med boksäljare, dels
på gatan, dels inne i kutubijeh, och handlade åtskilliga saker för
universitetet. Äfven köpte jag ett par nya skor af en sherif, som
frågade mig mitt namn; likaså hade äfven den shekh Ibrahim gjort,
af hvilken jag på gatan köpt böcker. Sherifen qvestionerade mig
mycket om Murad, som först på morgonen varit med mig der, och
frågade om han vore moslim. Jag sade mig ej känna honom, hvarpå
han sade sig anse honom för en Frank och gjorde dervid en högst
rolig, något föraktande min, liksom han ville varna mig för honom.
Då jag sade mig vara Tscherkess och läkare, upprepade han flera
gånger: ma ska allah. Jag kom hem middagstiden, men begaf mig
straxt åter ut till kutub khaneh och köpte Alfijeh, hufvudsakligen till
lektyr under resan. Om aftonen drack jag thé hos Murad i sällskap
med en ung Fransos, nyligen kommen från Suez, och gjorde derefter
en liten promenad med Murad, i vackert, månljust och stjernklart
väder.
Mars 8.
Mars 9.
Var hela morgonen på språng för att träffa Murad, som å sin sida
äfven var på språng för att få Omar på fri fot. Man hade nemligen
tagit honom på gatan och fört honom i vakten, till följe af ordres
från Abbas pasha. På eftermiddagen kom hit Timofejef, följd af Amin
agha, och de blefvo här sittande att dricka kaffe. Sedan gick jag ut
med Timofejef och följde honom hem. Sedan jag lemnat honom och
gått ett stycke i trädgården, kom jag i fäl med en gammal
Engelsman med kortskuret grått skägg. Vi följdes länge åt, än
spatserande, än stannande, allt under prat. När han hörde att jag
var Finne, förundrade han sig högeligen, sade att man i England och
Frankrike visste stort ingenting om det landet och att dess folk
ansågs som "savages". Han skref upp mitt namn i en liten
annotationsbok, jemte mitt land, vårt universitet och min ålder. Det
dröjde ej länge förän samtalet föll på religionen, då han började
filosofera och prata högst ifrigt, allt som oftast stannande och, som
det tycktes, glömmande sig i sitt prat. Jag följde honom hem till
hans port, emedan det redan blifvit något skumt och han ej rätt
tycktes hitta vägen. Då vi skildes, frågade jag honom hans namn;
han sade sig böra vara känd till namnet, emedan han hade
publicerat många arbeten, men genom förföljelse och intrig blifvit
kringskuren i sin verkningskrets. Han var öfverhufvud en högst rolig
och originell gubbe, jag hade mycket roligt med honom, och vi
lofvade att se hvarandra åter. Han gaf mig nu sitt kort, der han
kallades: Rev. John Pring. På hemvägen anhöll mig Wrede på gatan
och vi blefvo stående väl en halftimma att prata. Han hade den
vanliga Tyska jargonen, talade om Pococke &c. och var nu sysselsatt
med utarbetandet af sin resa, som skulle tryckas. Längre fram på
gatan fick jag fast Murad, med hvilken jag följde till hans hem och
drack thé der, i sällskap med Fransosen från Suez. De tyckas båda
två vara i trånga skor och ej rätt veta hvad de skola företaga sig.
Mars 10.
Mars 11.
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