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 ICAO
A History of the International
Civil Aviation Organization
This page intentionally left blank
 ICAO

A History of the International

Civil Aviation Organization

David MacKenzie

University of Toronto Press

Toronto Buffalo London
 © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 2010
Toronto Buffalo London
www.utppublishing.com
Printed in Canada

ISBN 978-1-4426-4010-8

Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled

paper with vegetable-based inks.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

MacKenzie, David, 1953–

ICAO: a history of the International Civil Aviation Organization / David MacKenzie.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-1-4426-4010-8

1. International Civil Aviation Organization – History. 2. Aeronautics –

Safety regulations. 3. Aeronautics – Security measures. I. Title.

TL500.5.M35 2010   387.706'01   C2009-905008-0

All interior photographs are reproduced courtesy of the International

Civil Aviation Organization

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publish-

ing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council.

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its publish-
ing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing
Industry Development Program (BPIDP)

This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian
Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly
Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences
and Humanities Research Council of Canada.
For Beth
This page intentionally left blank
 Contents

Preface ix
Abbreviations xiii

Part One
1 The Puritan and the Peer 3
2 Chicago: The Ambitious Dream 24
3 PICAO: ‘An International Conference Always at Work’ 60
4 The First Assembly – and After 81
5 ‘Remembering the Forgotten Man’: ICAO’s Quest for
Multilateralism 107

Part Two
6 Headquarter Headaches 131
7 Growing Pains 145
8 Maintaining Standards 171
9 Problem Solving in ICAO: The Unfinished Symphony 195
10 The Cold War Comes to ICAO 216

Part Three
11 ‘Closer to the Heart than the Purse’: ICAO and the Problem
of Security 245
12 Evolution Not Revolution: ICAO in a Changing World 276
13 The Cold War Comes to ICAO – Again 300
14 The Politics of Aviation Security 328
15 Back to the Future: The Return of Multilateralism 344
viii Contents

Part Four
16 From Development to Implementation: ICAO in the
Modern World 363
17 Meeting the Twenty-First Century 382

Appendix: Convention on International Civil Aviation 401

Notes 433
References 511
Index 541

Illustrations follow page 144

 Preface

Hundreds of millions of people participate in air travel each year and,

despite the proliferation of airlines, air routes, and tourist destinations,
it is by far the safest way to travel. At the same time, most travellers fly
unaware of the countless technical, legal, political, and economic ar-
rangements that are required to make any air trip possible, let alone to
ensure a safe arrival at a specified time in an airport on the other side of
the world. The International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) is not
the only organization involved with aviation safety, but it is the largest
and most important one, and its technical standards, legal regulations,
and operating procedures have made a significant contribution to the
development of international civil aviation.
ICAO is a specialized agency in the United Nations system, similar to
the World Health Organization, UNESCO, and the International Maritime
Organization, and its aims and objectives are set out in the Convention on
International Civil Aviation, or the Chicago Convention (see Appendix).
Article 44 states that ICAO’s objectives are to ‘develop the principles and
techniques of international air navigation and to foster the planning and
development of international air transport.’ In reaching its goals, ICAO is
to be involved in the ‘development of airways, airports, and air naviga-
tional facilities,’ in encouraging aircraft design, preventing ‘economic
waste caused by unreasonable competition,’ avoiding discrimination be-
tween members, safety promotion, and insuring the ‘safe and orderly
growth of international civil aviation throughout the world.’ Overall,
ICAO is to ‘promote generally the development of all aspects of inter-
national civil aeronautics.’ At the heart of ICAO’s mission is the goal of
international standardization of civil aviation. Article thirty-seven of the
Convention states that ‘each contracting State undertakes to collaborate
x Preface

in securing the highest practicable degree of uniformity in regulations,

standards, procedures, and organization in relation to aircraft, personnel,
airways and auxiliary services in all matters in which such uniformity will
facilitate and improve air navigation.’ ICAO’s constitution and structure
are similar (but different in significant ways) to the United Nations.
This book is a history of ICAO from its origins in 1944. ICAO emerged
from the Chicago International Civil Aviation Conference in November
1944 and continues to operate today, from its headquarters in Montreal,
Quebec. It was born at the end of the Second World War, in an era of
rapid political change, social upheaval, and technological innovation.
The war demonstrated the importance of both civil and military aviation
and the need for international cooperation in its development, and
ICAO was created in this environment and emerged from both this fear
and hope for the future. A Provisional ICAO operated from July 1945 to
April 1947, when the permanent ICAO came into being.
ICAO was created and largely controlled by a small group of powerful
states – the victors of the Second World War – but in the following dec-
ades it evolved into a truly diverse and global international organization.
It was founded on the basic principle of the absolute sovereignty of each
nation over its airspace and its purpose was to help re-establish the regu-
latory system for international commercial aviation and to deal with se-
curity concerns such as the militarization of civil aviation. From these
origins ICAO evolved into an important and successful international or-
ganization and although the problems, tensions, and fault lines have
shifted, the basic principle of sovereignty remains. ICAO is an expres-
sion of the sovereign state and it reflects the will of its membership.
The safety of air travel is well known, if often taken for granted by the
travelling public, but ICAO and its role in this process are relatively un-
known outside the aerospace industry, parts of the business world, and the
legal profession. Commercial aviation is a field of study that attracts great
attention, and each year sees dozens of new books on various aspects of
the subject: histories of airlines, airplanes, and their pilots, and about great
moments and achievements in the history of civil and military flight. But
in general there are relatively few scholarly works on the history of inter-
national commercial aviation, and as of yet there is no full length scholarly
history of ICAO. There is only one complete scholarly study of the organ-
ization – Jacob Schenkman’s International Civil Aviation Organization (1955)
– which covers only ICAO’s first decade and is long out of date. Most of the
other books on ICAO are legal and technical examinations, aimed at a
very select audience and, while many of these studies are thorough, they
 Preface xi

offer little in the way of ICAO’s history or the international context within
which it operated. There are also several studies that touch on different
aspects of ICAO’s operations, but there is as yet no single authoritative his-
tory of this important international organization.
In addition, with the rise of air hijacking, international aviation terror-
ism, and military attacks on civil aviation, ICAO has assumed a leading
role in the struggle against international air terrorism and sabotage.
These issues, along with environmental issues, globalization, and other
technical and legal problems, had not been considered in Chicago in
1944, and in responding to them ICAO has demonstrated the ability of
an international organization to evolve in the international system.
Again, very little has been written about the history of ICAO’s role in
these fields, outside the legal and technical studies.
I undertook this project because of the critical need to fill this large
gap in the literature and to write a full history of ICAO that traces the
evolution of the organization and analyses its role and function in the
international community today. It is the first and only study that is based
not only on the organization’s documents but also on extensive research
in government archival sources. The book is both thematic and chrono-
logical, examining the major activities of ICAO and the people that made
it work over a period of more than sixty years. ICAO provided the stage
on which international aviation disputes (between east and west, de-
veloped and developing, powerful and weak, English and French, etc.)
were played out and its history as a specialized agency in the United
Nations system sheds some light on the workings of an important inter-
national institution.

It is impossible to do a project of this nature without receiving the assist-

ance of many people along the way. I would like to thank all of them for
their help. There are also a few individuals that I would like to single out. I
was lucky to have, at different times, three research assistants: Tammy
McNamee in Montreal, Dr Christine Hamelin in Ottawa, and Hema
Sharma in Toronto. The three never met each other but the work they did
came together at the end and helped to make this a better book, and I
thank them again. I would also like to thank Mrs Ghislaine Giroux and Ms
Diane-R. Bertrand, at the ICAO Archives in Montreal, who, over several
years and many visits, helped make my research so much easier. I am equal-
ly grateful to Mrs Josie Bello-Colasurdo, Sue-Ann Rapattoni, and Gordana
Milinic at ICAO for their help in finding the photographs for this book.
Also at ICAO I would like to thank, for different reasons, Dr Ruwantissa
xii Preface

Abeyratne, Mr Denis Chagnon, and Dr Assad Kotaite for their help, advice,
and willingness to help me understand how ICAO works.
Len Husband, my editor at the University of Toronto Press, has been a
great help and supporter of this project from the very start, and his ex-
perience and knowledge of the publishing world have made the trans-
formation of this manuscript into a book a smooth and even enjoyable
process. I am very grateful for his help. I would also like to thank Frances
Mundy at UTP, and Harold Otto for copyediting the manuscript.
The Convention on International Civil Aviation is reproduced as
the Appendix, with the permission of the International Civil Aviation
Organization. Sections of Chapter 2 have appeared as an article, and I
would like to thank the editor of Diplomacy and Statecraft for permission
to reprint that material here. The research for the project was made pos-
sible at the very start thanks to a Standard Research Grant from the
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. I also
would like to thank the Gerald R. Ford Foundation for a Research Travel
Grant for research in the Ford Library. At Ryerson University I was for-
tunate to receive further funding through a Faculty of Arts SRC Fund
Research Grant, and I would like to thank the university and Dean of
Arts Dr Carla Cassidy for their support. This book has been published
with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities
and Social Sciences, through the aid to Scholarly Publications Program,
using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research
Council of Canada.
Finally, I must thank my wife Terry and daughters Claire and Elizabeth,
who supported me throughout what was a lengthy process. Especially Beth,
who has waited a long time for this.
 Abbreviations

AACC Airport Associations Co-ordinating Council

ACC Air Coordinating Committee
ACI Airports Council International
ACT Australian Archives
AFCAC African Civil Aviation Commission
ANC Air Navigation Commission
ATC Air Transport Committee
BOAC British Overseas Airways Corporation
CAB Civil Aeronautics Board
CAEP Committee on Aviation Environmental Protection
CAPS Civil Aviation Purchasing Service
CATC Commonwealth Air Transport Council
CFPF Central Foreign Policy Files
CITEJA Comité International Technique d’Experts Juridiques
Aériens
CNR Canadian National Railways Company
CNS/ATM Communications, navigation, surveillance and air traffic
management systems
CVR Cockpit voice recorder
DCER Documents on Canadian External Relations
DOFAT Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Australia
DOS Department of State
DFDR Digital flight data recorder
ECAC European Civil Aviation Conference
ECOSOC United Nations Economic and Social Council
EU European Union
FAA Federal Aviation Agency
xiv Abbreviations

FFMA French Foreign Ministry Archives, Paris

FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States
GASP Global Aviation Safety Plan
GATS General Agreement on Trade in Services
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
GERFA Group of Experts on Future Regulatory Arrangements
GNSS Global navigational satellite system
IATA International Air Transport Association
ICAN International Commission for Air Navigation
ICAO International Civil Aviation Organization
ICJ International Court of Justice
IFALPA International Federation of Airline Pilots’ Associations
ILO International Labour Organization
ILS Instrument landing system
INS Inertial navigation system
LAC Library and Archives Canada, Ottawa
LACAC Latin American Civil Aviation Commission
LORAN Long Range Radio Aid to Navigation
MCA Minister of Civil Aviation
NACCA National Association of Claimants’ Counsel of America
NAI National Archives of Ireland, Dublin
NAOS North Atlantic Ocean Weather Stations
NARA National Archives and Records Administration,
Washington
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NOTAM Notice to Airmen
NUOI Nations Unies et organizations internationals Papers
PANS Procedures for Air Navigation Services
PICAO Provisional International Civil Aviation Organization
PLO Palestine Liberation Organization
PRO Public Record Office, Kew
RNSA Records of the National Security Agency
ROEA Records of the Office of European Affairs
SAP Strategic Action Plan
SARP Standards and Recommended Practices
SCADTA Sociedad Colombo-Alemana de Transporte Aéreos
SDR Special Drawing Rights
SEAM Single European Aviation Market
SNF Subject Numeric File
SUPPS Regional Supplementary Procedures
 Abbreviations xv

UAR United Arab Republic

UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNOC Operation des Nations Unies au Congo
USAP Universal Security Audit Programme
USOAP Universal Safety Oversight Audit Programme
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
WATC World Wide Air Transport Conference
WC War Cabinet
WHCF White House Central Files
WTO World Trade Organization
This page intentionally left blank
Part One
This page intentionally left blank
 1

The Puritan and the Peer

Systems of land transport operate within the boundaries of single countries; when
land transport becomes international it is subject to easy control at frontiers.
Ships ply across sea frontiers, and control can be exercised without difficulty at
foreign ports. But the airplane flies over national boundaries and from one coun-
try into the heart of another. Thus the development of the skyways of the world
has created a new international problem, that of the freedom of the air.1

‘I feel that aviation will have a greater influence on American foreign

interests and American foreign policy than any other non-political
consideration,’ wrote Adolf Berle, the assistant secretary in the State
Department, in a letter to Cordell Hull, the American secretary of state in
September 1942. ‘It may well be determinative in certain territorial mat-
ters which have to do with American defense, as well as with transporta-
tion matters affecting American commerce, in a degree comparable to
that which sea power has had on our interests and policy.’2 Intense, arro-
gant, and intellectually gifted, Berle was a former university professor and
long-time Roosevelt supporter who had come to the State Department as
assistant secretary of state in 1938; he had confidence in American power
and a disdain for the British Empire. His disdain was not total; according
to his biographer, Berle admired many Britons personally and respected
their collective accomplishments, but he had no love for the British
Empire and no desire to fight a war to maintain it. Remembered by one
Brit as ‘a curious little fellow with lots of brain but no personality,’3 Berle
had a way of grating on the nerves of those he worked for and with; ‘he
was short and strong-willed, an intellectual autocrat who vented his impa-
tience with lesser minds in sarcastic outbursts,’ wrote two historians.4 His
4 ICAO: A History

biographer lists those in Washington who hated Berle and he seems to

have had more enemies than friends in the State Department and the
White House.5 As Time magazine put it, his last name ‘rhymes with surly.’6
For the British who twisted the ‘e’ into an ‘a,’ it came out ‘barely.’ But it
was from Berle and the many others of like mind in Washington that came
the burst of creative energy and intellectual force that produced so many
of the postwar international organizations, including the International
Civil Aviation Organization.
Berle had been given responsibility for American aviation affairs in
1942 and for the next two years he pursued American interests in the air
with vigour and determination. He brought his American liberal and
anti-monopoly views to the task; his goal was ‘prosperity’ under a Pax
Americana and he believed in the use of American money and credit for
the reconstruction of the world, so long as it helped break down the old
colonial empires and ‘spheres of influence.’7 Berle personified ‘New
Deal internationalism, that ambivalent mixture of idealism and imperial-
ism,’ according to one Canadian diplomat. He was ‘an anti-imperialist
imperialist, genus Americanus, not to be confused with the nationalists
whose single dedication to the assertion of United States military and
economic interest was easier to cope with.’8 More immediately, with re-
spect to commercial aviation, Berle’s efforts were two-pronged: one, to
expand American commercial aviation interests abroad, and two, to se-
cure in the hands of the White House and State Department responsibil-
ity for the direction of American international aviation policy.
Before the war American international civil aviation was symbolized by
Pan American Airways, which had been developed by its dynamic presi-
dent Juan Trippe from a single service in 1927 into the dominant inter-
national carrier. Under Trippe’s direction and with the help of friends
and supporters in Congress, in the 1930s Pan Am expanded through
Latin America, to Europe via the Azores and Portugal, and across the
Pacific. And, while wartime developments either destroyed or forced
most European international carriers to drastically cut their services, Pan
Am continued to expand thanks, in part, to War Department contracts
to construct bases in Latin America and the West Indies and to establish
an air route to Africa via South America. By 1939 Pan Am was the largest
international airline in the world and its route system totalled more than
60,000 miles; two years later it surpassed 98,000 – more than all of the
European services combined.9 Looking to the postwar period, Pan Am
sought to entrench its position – despite being privately owned – as
America’s ‘chosen instrument’ in international aviation.
 The Puritan and the Peer 5

Trippe and his airline were not without opponents at home. The do-
mestic U.S. airlines looked to the potentially lucrative international mar-
ket and cried foul over Pan Am’s de facto monopoly and increasingly
demanded that they be permitted to compete for international routes
after the war. The first step was taken as airlines such as United, TWA,
and American took on international military services to aid the war ef-
fort. By 1943 most domestic carriers had launched their own lobbying
campaigns to secure access to the international market.10 These airlines
found an ally in the Civil Aeronautics Board, established in 1940 to regu-
late American civil air transport. The CAB advocated ‘regulated compe-
tition’ on international routes and, in 1940, granted permission to
American Export Airlines to operate a transatlantic service.11 Pan Am
used its influence in Congress to block the service, but by 1943 the CAB
chair, Welch Pogue, was publicly urging the opening of the international
skies to more than one American airline.12
The war demonstrated that aviation – both military and commercial
– would have a dramatic impact on whatever kind of world emerged af-
terwards. International aviation raised disturbing security questions for
all states, while at the same time offered improved communications,
speed and safety, greater market access and business opportunities, as
well as enhanced national prestige.13 Technological improvements dur-
ing the war had helped produce better airplanes and improved naviga-
tional aids and, at the same time, the allied states established air routes
around the world, built great aircraft manufacturing industries, and
trained thousands of pilots, and air and ground crews. Despite the curb-
ing of commercial aviation during the war, it did not take great imagina-
tion to see the military air routes, pilots, airplanes, and factories being
converted to civilian use the moment peace returned.
The need for international cooperation in aviation was recognized by
all. The technical demands of air travel – the provision of meteorological
and air traffic control services, the construction and maintenance of suit-
able airports, the need for standardized training among pilots and ground
crews, the establishment of a body of air law, the setting of levels of airwor-
thiness and safety, and so on – all had to be negotiated on an interna-
tional basis if air transport were to operate smoothly. Fortunately, most air
powers shared common views on the need to overcome the obstacles of
weather and geography; as the American Fiorello LaGaurdia later put it
at the Chicago conference: ‘Everybody is against bad weather.’14
Problems arose when talk shifted from the technical issues of making
flying safer and easier to the commercial aspects, or the ‘three R’s’ of
6 ICAO: A History

aviation: routes, rights, and rates. Questions of national sovereignty over

airspace, the right of innocent transit, traffic privileges and aircraft ca-
pacity, and the number of frequencies on any particular service, came to
dominate the debate. Before the war international aviation agreements,
thanks to technological limitations as much as global rivalries, tended to
be narrow in scope with strict divisions over frequencies, capacity and
route selection. With a technologically inspired postwar boom in inter-
national travel looming, however, hopes turned to finding a multilateral
solution that would enhance international security and prevent a return
to the cumbersome pre-war system.
By the end of 1943 the commercial issues had been largely distilled into
a handful of air ‘freedoms,’ which nations could exchange or barter with
each other. The first two freedoms were transit rights: the right of inno-
cent passage over a foreign territory and the right to land for non-traffic
purposes. Freedoms three and four were commercial privileges: the right
to carry passengers into a foreign state, and the right to pick up passen-
gers in a foreign state and return them to the country of origin of the
aircraft. The fifth freedom was also a commercial privilege and it became
the most hotly debated: the right to pick up passengers in a foreign state
and carry them to a third country.15 The sixth freedom, or cabotage – the
right to carry passengers between two stops within a single foreign coun-
try – found few supporters and was rarely seriously considered.16
Establishing a multilateral arrangement embodying these freedoms that
would suit all states was an enormous challenge, especially for the two
leading air powers, the United States and Great Britain.
It was an enormously complex issue and Adolf Berle was right in the
middle of it. Berle was a member of a small interdepartmental commit-
tee (including Welch Pogue of the CAB), brought together to study
various policy alternatives confronting the United States. In its April
1943 report to Secretary of State Hull, Berle’s committee pronounced
in favour of competition in the international airways based on a liberal
exchange of entry rights. There were differences of opinion within the
committee, but it was generally agreed that ‘the best interests of the
United States are served by the widest generalization of air navigation
rights. This is the historic American position.’ And, while the commit-
tee recognized the need for widespread negotiations with other nations,
one competitor was singled out for particular attention: ‘The heart of a
general navigation agreement, would have to rest on agreement be-
tween the United States and the British Empire and Commonwealth of
Nations; it may fairly be assumed that once this agreement is reached,
 The Puritan and the Peer 7

practically all countries in the world (with the possible exception of

Russia) would accede.’17
Berle’s views largely reflected those held by President Roosevelt. At a
November 1943 meeting with Berle, Roosevelt went on record opposing
monopolies and government subsidies for the airlines. He was flexible
when it came to proposals to divide the global airmap into various oper-
ating ‘zones,’ but he was clear in his own mind when he added, with
reference to Pan Am, that the ‘scope of international aviation was too
great to be trusted to any one company or pool.’ With respect to traffic
rights, he urged ‘a very free exchange,’ and as for any international avia-
tion organization, its primary function should be to look after technical
matters. Much of what the president said dealt with generalities and he
was not specific on how many of these goals were to be achieved, but
Roosevelt had a solid grasp of the issues, and clearly there was still a good
deal of room for negotiation and manoeuvre. There would have to be
private informal discussions with the British, the Soviets, and others over
the following months, Roosevelt concluded, and then a general United
Nations conference to which all states would be invited.18
Despite the divergence of views between Roosevelt and some members
of Berle’s committee on such issues as government ownership, the alloca-
tion of landing rights, and a chosen instrument policy, there was a grow-
ing consensus on some issues in American opinion. The United States
was and would continue to be the greatest air power in the world, and any
future international arrangements or organizations should recognize this
fact. The message was the same in American magazines, newspapers, and
Congress: the technological advantage had shifted in favour of the United
States; the United States had the airplanes, the factories, pilots, and crews,
and it would likely provide the greatest number of passengers in the fore-
seeable future; any barriers to the expansion of American aviation should
therefore be avoided.19 ‘Several times when Englishmen have asked me
what I think the United States wants in the post-war air,’ the American
civil air attaché in London wrote in 1944, ‘I reply, “to fly airplanes.” That
is what they are afraid of.’20 The air – like the high seas – should be open
to all nations and the fewer international regulations and restrictions the
better. Regardless of internal squabbles, to outsiders the Americans ap-
peared aggressive in their flaunting of the virtues of American air power
and determined to open the skyways of the world to ‘free competition,’
which many Europeans read as ‘American domination.’
When Americans looked for competitors or potential rivals in the air
they usually found only one: the British Empire and Commonwealth.21
8 ICAO: A History

Geographically, Britain had the advantage of easy access to Europe,

which in the future would give it a competitive edge over the United
States in services to the continental capitals. More important, the United
Kingdom controlled a vast collection of colonies and territories around
the world on which it could grant – or refuse – transit and landing rights.
Many of these imperial possessions – in the North Atlantic, the West
Indies, and the Pacific – had discovered a new-found importance during
the war as air bases, and, at least until longer-range aircraft came on the
scene, it was believed that they held the key to global aviation expansion.
Equally, as leader of the Commonwealth, Britain might be able to line up
the Dominions – the loose group of independent nations that had main-
tained their ties to the monarchy, including Australia, New Zealand,
Canada, and South Africa – into a solid negotiating bloc that could im-
pede and obstruct the expansion of American aviation interests and con-
fine the United States to the Western hemisphere.22 The United States
had built many of those air bases on British territories, the United States
had provided the British with hundreds of aircraft and would be asked to
give more, the United States helped fund the British war effort through
huge loans and the lend-lease program; now it appeared, in some
American circles, that the British could still dominate the postwar air
simply by doing nothing. But the Americans were determined to play
their part. ‘Whoever controls the main strategic postwar air bases, to-
gether with the technical facilities to keep them manned, will unques-
tionably be the world’s strongest power,’ proclaimed one author in
Fortune. ‘We have no commercial bases except in the Pacific and the
Caribbean; our problem, therefore, is not to restore the status quo ante
but to break out ... Shall we withdraw? Or shall we insist upon our right
as a great power to fly anywhere? And whose air is it, anyway?’23
The situation appeared quite different in London. British commercial
aviation policy was in a state of flux for most of the war, as concern quite
naturally focused on more pressing matters and British civil aviation was
almost totally mobilized for the war effort. A major concern for the
British government was Britain’s relative economic weakness in aircraft
supply vis-à- vis the United States. The Americans had established them-
selves as leaders in large long-range aircraft design and manufacturing in
the 1930s, and the gap between the two countries grew wider during the
war. In addition, Britain became increasingly dependent on American
lend-lease aid – receiving several hundred U.S. transport aircraft for mili-
tary use by mid-1943 – and this reliance on American benevolence inevi-
tably placed restrictions on British freedom of action. Recognizing the
 The Puritan and the Peer 9

seriousness of the situation, a committee was created in 1942 under Lord

Brabazon to examine Britain’s aviation problems and to make recom-
mendations on the types of civil aircraft that should be used and pro-
duced in Britain in the future.24 The Brabazon Committee’s 1943 report
contained numerous important recommendations, but it could offer lit-
tle immediate help for current problems.
At roughly the same time, in June 1942 an Anglo-American under-
standing was reached in which the British government agreed to concen-
trate its aircraft production on fighter aircraft and bombers while
American industry manufactured long-range transports, which were
then flown overseas.25 And also in 1942 the British and Americans agreed,
in what became known as the Halifax Agreement (for Britain’s ambas-
sador in the United States, Lord Halifax), that neither state would nego-
tiate air arrangements that excluded traffic and landing rights for the
other.26 The postwar implications of these arrangements were not lost on
British observers, and neither were the potential future difficulties of
removing the Americans from the bases they constructed on British ter-
ritories. Even the usually friendly Canadians were playing hard ball with
the British by threatening to scuttle the 1944 negotiations for a huge
loan to the United Kingdom unless London agreed to grant the
Canadians a ninety-nine-year lease to the important airbase at Goose
Bay, Labrador.27 Such concerns were forced to take a back seat so long as
the war continued, but general economic problems, the dependence on
American lend-lease aid, and the dilemma of aircraft supply had a pro-
found influence on the development of British air transport policy dur-
ing the war.
A good deal of serious attention was given to the problems of postwar
commercial aviation in the British press, Parliament, the Foreign Office,
and several interdepartmental committees that were established to study
air transport. One historian notes that at least ten such committees had
been established by the middle of 1943, and this same topic had been
the subject of sixteen parliamentary debates by the beginning of 1945.
American superiority and potential domination of civil aviation – espe-
cially during the early postwar years – became a prime concern for British
policy makers. Likewise, the security component of aviation was central
to British thinking, as were the pre-war concerns over stiff international
competition based on large government subsidies, and feelings were
strong that in the future an international organization should be estab-
lished to regulate and control international air transport. A number of
possible alternatives to the ‘Americanization’ of international aviation
10 ICAO: A History

were postulated, ranging from the erection of a closed imperial system,

to a regional division of air routes (with Britain pre-eminent in Europe),
to some kind of international control of all international air services.28
Prime Minister Churchill took a direct interest in the development of
international commercial aviation, dating back to his days two decades
earlier as air minister.29 Given the scope of his other pressing wartime
duties, that he found so much time to study, debate and pursue British
interests in postwar commercial aviation is a good indication of the seri-
ousness with which the British government approached the whole issue.
To direct his government’s aviation policy he chose his old friend and
confidant Lord Beaverbrook. Beaverbrook was a dynamic businessman
turned newspaper magnate turned politician; an ‘Empire man’ and ‘great
character’ who worked hard and loathed bureaucracy. Remembered as
‘quite an enigma,’ he was a man of action and decision, who could be
difficult to work for but got results in the end.30 Beaverbrook had served
as minister of aircraft production earlier in the war and played an impor-
tant role in the creation of the Atlantic ferry route. Returning to the
cabinet in 1943 as lord privy seal, he assumed the chair of the important
Committee on Post-war Civil Air Transport and became the general over-
seer of Britain’s commercial air policy.
Like Churchill, Beaverbrook outwardly trumpeted strong Anglo-
American cooperation in the air while at the same time working stead-
fastly to further British interests. Beaverbrook was less concerned with
the exchange of theoretical air ‘freedoms’ than he was in ensuring that
Britain secure its share of the aviation pie. A staunch defender of impe-
rial interests, he immediately advocated a British policy founded on the
control of all internal and colonial routes and the division of traffic on
Commonwealth services with the Dominions and India. As for European
aviation, Beaverbrook noted in a 1943 memo to Churchill: ‘Our geo-
graphical position and our vital commercial interests entitle us to expect
that Britain can become and should become a dominating factor in the
air transport system of the Continent.’31
Informal discussions were held between Berle and Beaverbrook with
mixed results early in 1944,32 but as the war situation improved it became
increasingly important that some real progress be made. The Normandy
invasion not only raised the possibility of Allied victory but it also sig-
nalled the potential revival of European commercial aviation. By the end
of the summer Beaverbrook was openly pushing for a small aviation con-
ference of friendly nations to be held in London, but he was outflanked
by the Americans who sensed widespread support for their views in Latin
 The Puritan and the Peer 11

America, Canada, and elsewhere. Early in September, Roosevelt gave

the go-ahead to stage an international aviation conference beginning
1 November, and the State Department issued the invitations and pro-
posed agenda to draft an international aviation convention, lay the
groundwork for the creation of an interim international aviation organi-
zation, and make the necessary arrangements for the rapid postwar re-
sumption of commercial air services. Contrary to Beaverbrook’s wishes,
the aviation conference would be held in Chicago – not London – and it
would include all non-enemy nations, not merely those with views sympa-
thetic to the British government.33
Berle might have looked forward to dealing with Beaverbrook – he
liked him and knew him as a man of action and decision. Indeed there
was even a kind of friendship; in July 1944, for example, Berle and
Beaverbrook met in the eastern Canadian province of New Brunswick
for a ‘rather fantastic weekend’ of discussion and socializing. Between
the fishing, sightseeing, caviar, and whiskey there was plenty of time to
talk about civil aviation with Beaverbrook and C.D. Howe, the Canadian
minister of munitions and supply. It ‘was designed to be all party, though
we had a little business to transact,’ was how Berle described it. It was an
unusual gathering: Howe, the Canadian, was born in Massachusetts;
Beaverbrook who spoke for Britain, was born in New Brunswick, Canada.
Also present was Dick Law, whose father, former British prime minister
Bonar Law, was also born in New Brunswick. ‘The whole thing from be-
ginning to end was dominated by the abounding bounce, gaiety and
endless vitality of Beaverbrook, who seems to have cooked all this up
mostly for the fun of it,’ Berle wrote.34 Before the year was out Beaverbrook
would send Berle a first edition copy of Cardinal Newman’s occasional
hymns. Berle was touched, and wrote a warm letter of thanks to
Beaverbrook, noting that, contrary to what it said in the ‘British intelli-
gence dossier,’ he was not Catholic.35
But it was not Beaverbrook that Berle would face at the International
Civil Aviation Conference in Chicago. Early in October responsibility for
British civil aviation matters was shifted from Beaverbrook to Lord
Swinton, newly appointed as Britain’s first minister of civil aviation.
Swinton was a logical choice for the role as minister of civil aviation, al-
though some questioned whether he was the best suited to lead the
British delegation to the aviation conference at that time. He had served
in several important government posts over his long career, including
president of the Board of Trade and, more importantly, as air minister in
the late 1930s. As air minister he had responsibility for civil aviation. At
12 ICAO: A History

the time of his recall to London, however, he was serving as resident

minister for West Africa, and he had scarce time to prepare for the con-
ference. Arriving in London from Africa on 20 October he had barely a
week before flying to North America at the head of the British delega-
tion to Chicago.
The contrast between Swinton and Berle was striking, and perhaps
hinted at the trouble that lay ahead. Swinton came from an old Yorkshire
family and through his wife inherited the enormous Swinton estate of
some 20,000 acres, and he spent his life (first as Philip Lloyd-Graeme
then as Philip Cunliffe-Lister) among the British political and upper
classes. The title Lord Swinton came in 1935. He was tall and handsome,
with clear blue eyes and a strong lower jaw ‘which a prize-fighter would
regard as a stroke of genius.’ He was known for his ribald sense of hu-
mour, but this side of his personality was not fully on display at Chicago.
No one doubted his intellect: ‘His mind seems to rejoice in the smooth-
ness and decision with which it works,’ one British journalist wrote, ‘in
the unerring deductions it makes from the facts it has so thoroughly ac-
cumulated, and in the lucidity of the language with which he can state an
unanswerable argument or conclude an appeal to the intelligence of
reasonable men.’36 Others were less kind; ‘He is, of course, apt to be a
little caustic,’37 one colleague wrote of Swinton; another wrote that his
‘somewhat excitable manner of speech is apt to irritate people.’38 Others
used the words arrogant, rude, and anti-American to describe him, but
he had a clear mind and could be counted on to stand firm on British
principles and resist American pressure at Chicago. Together, Swinton
and Berle were, in the words of two aviation historians, ‘the supercilious
peer and the cerebral Puritan.’39
The two men clashed almost from the start in Chicago and things went
from bad to worse. As the leaders of the two largest delegations at the
conference and the world’s two most important aviation nations the con-
frontation between nations was personalized and only added to the an-
tipathy. It became, according to Swinton’s biographer, ‘something of a
gladiatorial contest between Swinton and Berle,’40 and the personality
clash threatened to wreck the whole conference. Berle found Swinton
insufferable; he ‘is ill prepared, not having been in civil aviation very long,
and he also tends to be arrogant and inflexible, not having quite appreci-
ated the difference between the atmosphere of the coast of the Gulf of
Guinea and that of the shores of Lake Michigan.’41 Swinton was equally
critical, telling his wife that Berle ‘is the most disagreeable person with
whom I have ever negotiated.’42 A few years later, in his memoirs, Swinton
 The Puritan and the Peer 13

made reference to Berle only in passing, almost as if he wasn’t there at

Chicago at all.43
By the time the conference ended the recriminations had started to
fly. ‘In temperament the heads of the U.K. and U.S. delegations were
completely incompatible,’ wrote one Canadian observer. ‘Mutual lack of
trust was increased by belief on each side in the lack of ability in negotia-
tion and the uncooperativeness of the other. Tempers ran high and at
times there was virtually a complete refusal to meet or even to authorize
an intermediary to act.’44 Swinton and the British accused the Americans
of intercepting their private messages and tapping their telephones, and
Berle later admitted to reading some of the British cables.45 There were
suggestions that having Swinton take over from Beaverbrook in October
doomed the conference before it began, according to one British ob-
server, as Beaverbrook ‘would not let anyone who was chairman for the
British in Chicago make a success of the conference.’ Swinton was cho-
sen ‘because there would be no glory in it and they looked around and
found Lord Swinton who was, in reality, (and I quote), “a SH-T.”’46
Yet at the end of the day there was agreement on some very basic ideas
and principles at Chicago. And on one issue almost everyone agreed:
there was a fundamental need for a permanent international organiza-
tion to oversee the healthy development of international air travel. The
size and shape of the organization was still to be decided; who would be
in it; the powers it would have and the role it would play in postwar avia-
tion would be hotly debated for many years. All that lay in the future, and
the future of the International Civil Aviation Organization began in
Chicago in November 1944.

The need for international organization in commercial aviation has

existed as long as there has been aviation. Even before the Wright broth-
ers’ first flight in Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, in 1903 consideration was
being given to the laws that should govern air flight.47 And the moment
Frenchman Louis Bleriot crossed the English Channel in an airplane in
August 1909 a new international problem was created and questions were
raised about international law, air sovereignty, rights and responsibilities.
Who could fly where? What rights does any nation have over its airspace?
How far up do these rights go? Other questions too: What about commer-
cial rights? Could one nation prevent another from commercial flying
into or across its territory? Were these rights to be negotiated bilaterally
or through a larger multilateral agreement or organization? It was a good
question that that American journalist asked: ‘Whose air is it, anyway?’
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
rem habet. 30 Africanus libro octavo quaestionum Servus, quera de
me cum peculio emisti, priusquam tibi traderetur, furtura mihi fecit.
quamvis ea^ res quara subripuit interierit, nihUo minus retentionem
eo nomine ex pecuUo me habiturum ait, id est ipso iure ob id factum
minutura esse peculiura, eo scilicet, quod debitor meus ex causa
condictionis sit factus. nam licet, si iara traditus furtum mihi fecisset,
aut oraniuo condictionem eo nomiue de pecuUo nou haberem aut
eatenus haberem, quatenus ex re furtiva auctum pecuUum fuisset,
tamen in proposito et retentiouem rae habiturura et, si omne
peculiura peues te sit, vel quasi plus debito solverim posse me
condicere. secundum quae dicendum: si numraos, quos servus iste
raihi subripuerat, tu ignorans furtivos esse quasi peculiares ademeris
et cousumpseris, condictio eo nomine raihi adversus te competet,
quasi 1 res mea ad te sine causa perveuerit. Si scieus alienam rem
ignorauti mihi vendideris, etiam priusquara eviucatur utUiter me ex
erapto acturum putavitiuid, quanti raeaintersit meamesse factam:
quamvis enim aUoquin verura sit veuditorera hacteuus teueri, ut rera
eraptori habere liceat, uon etiam ut eius faciat, quia tamen dolura
malura abesse praestare debeat, teneri eum, qui scieus aUenam,
uon suam ignoranti vendidit: id est'° maxime, si mauumissuro vel
pignori daturo vendiderit. ^l Neratius libro tertio membranarum
Sieares, quam ex empto praestare debebara, vi mihi adempta fuerit:
quamvis eara custodire debuerim, tamenpropius '• est, ut nihil
ampUus quam actiones persequeudae eius praestari a me '^ emptori
oporteat , quia custodia adversus vim parum proficit. actiones autem
eas non solum arbitrio, sed etiam periculo tuo tibi praestare debebo
, ut omne lucrum ac dispeu1 dium te sequatur. Et uon solum quod
ipse per eum adquisu praestare debeo, sed et id, quod eraptor 2 iam
tunc sibi tradito servo adquisiturus fuisset. Uterque uostrum eaudem
rem erait a non doraiuo, cura eraptio venditioque siue dolo malo
fieret, traditaque '^ est: sive ab eodem emimus sive ab alio atque
alio, is ex nobis tueudus est, qui prior ius eius '^* adpreheudit, hoc
est, cui primum tradita est. si alter ex uobis a domino emisset, is
omnimodo tuendus est. 32 Ulpianus libro undecimo ad edictum Si
quis a me oleum quod emisset adhibitis iniquis ponderibus
accepisset, ut in modo me faUeret, vel emptor circumscriptus sit a
venditore ponderibus minoribus, Poraponius ait posse dici ''
venditorem sibi dare oportere quod plus est petere: quod habet
ratiouem: ergo et emptor ex empto habebit actiouem, qua contentus
esse possit. (l) quoniam del. (2) restituiri F (3) § 1 cf. Paulus Z).
12,1,31,1 (41 pendentem F (o) sic ins. (6) fuentedd. (7) poterit erfd.
(8) quia non] quando «cr. (9) e&s F (lo) id est
 xvim 1 248 DE ACTI0NIBU8 33 Idem libro vicesimo tertio
ad edictum Et si uno pretio plures res emptae sint', de singulis ex
empto et vendito agi potest. 34 Idem libro decimo octavo ad
edictum Si fundo vendito in qualitate iugerum captio est, ex empto
erit actio. 35 Ideu libro septuagesimo ad edictum Si quis fundum
emerit, quasi per eum fundum eundi agendi ius non esset, et
interdicto de itinere actuque victus sit, ex empto habebit actionem:
licet enim stipulatio de evictione non committatur, quia non est de
iure servitutis in rem actione pronuutiatum, tamen dicendum est ex
empto actionem competere. 36 Paulus libro septimo ad Plautium
Venditor domus antequam eam tradat, damni infecti stipulationem
interponere debet, quia, antequam vacuam possessionem tradat,
custodiam et diligentiam praeBtare debet et pars est custodiae
diligentiaeque nanc interponere stipulationem : et ideo si id
neglexerit, tenebitur emptori. 37 Idem tibro quarto decimo ad
Plautium Sicut aequum est bonae fidei emptori alterius dolum non
nocere, ita non est aequum eidem personae venditoris sui dolum
prodesse. 38 Celsus libro octavo digestorum Si venditor hominis dixit
peculium eum babere decem nec quemquam^ adempturum, et^ si
plus habet, totum praestet, nisi hoc actum* est, ut dumtaxat decem
praestaret, si minus est, praestet esse decem et talem 1 servum
esse, ut tantum peculii habeat. Si per emptorem steterit, quo minus
ei mancipium traderetur, pro cibariis per arbitrium indemnitatem
posse servari Sextus Aehus, Drusus dixerunt, quorum et 2 mihi
iustissima videtur esse sententia. Firmus a Proculo quaesiit, si de
plumbeo castello tistulae sub terram missae aquam ducerent in
aenum lateribus circumstructum , an hae aedium essent an ut ruta
caesa vincta fixaque quae'' aedium non essent. ille rescripsit referre,
quid acti esset. quid ergo si nihil de ea re neque emptor neque
venditor cogitaverunt, ut plerumque in eiusmodi rebus evenisse
solet, nonne propius est, ut inserta et inclusa aedificio partem eius
esse existimemus? 39 MoDESTiNUS libro quinto responsorum
Quaero, si quis ita fundum vendiderit, ut id^ venum datum esse
videatur, quod intra terminos ipse possedit, sciens tamen aliquam
partem certam se non possidere non certioraverit emptorem, an ex
empto iudicio teneatur, cum haec generalis adiectio ad ea, quae
specialiter novit qui vendidit nec excepit, pertinere non debeat, ne
alioquin emptor capiatur^, qui fortasse, si hoc cognovisset, vel
empturus non esset vel minoris empturus esset, si certioratus de
loco certo fuisset*: cum hoc et apud veteres sit relatiun in eius
persona, qui sic exceperat: 'servitutes si quae debentur,
debe'buntur': etenim iuris auctores responderunt , si certus venditor
quibusdam personis certas servitutes debere non admonuisset
emptorem, ex empto eum teneri debere, quando haec generalis
exceptio non ad ea pertinere debeat, quae venditor novit quaeque
speciaUter excipere et potuit et debuit, sed ad ea, quae ignoravit et
de quibus emptorem certiorare nequivit. Herennius Modestinus
respondit, si quid circumveniendi emptoris causa veuditor in specie
de qua quaeritur fecit, ex empto actione conveniri posse. 40
PoMPONius libro trigesimo primo ad Quintum Mucinm Quintus
Mucius scribit: dominus fundi de praedio arbores stantes vendiderat
et pro his rebus *' Eecuniam accepit et tradere nolebat: emptor
quaereat, quid se facere oporteret, et verebatur, ne hae arbores eius
non viderentur factae. PoMPomua: arborum, quae in fundo
continentur, non est separatum corpus a fundo et ideo ut dominus
suas speciaUter arbores vindicare emptor non poterit: sed ex empto
habet actionem. 41 Papinianus libro tertio responsorum In
venditione super annua pensitatione pro aquae ductu infra ^ domum
Eomae constitutum '° nihil commemoratum est. deceptus ob eam
rem ex empto actionem habebit: itaque, si conveniatur ob pretium
ex vendito, ratio inprovisi oneris habetur. 42 Paulus libro secundo
quaestionum Si duorum fundorum venditor separatim de modo
cuiusque pronuntiaverit et ita utrumque uno pretio tradiderit, et
alteri aUquid desit", quamvis in altero exsuperet, forte si dixit unum
centum iugera, alterum ducenta habere, nou proderit ei, quod in
altero ducenta decem inveniuntur, si in altero decem desint. et de his
ita apud Labeonem relatum est. sed an exceptio doU maU venditori
profutura sit, potest dubitari, utique si exiguus modus sUvae desit et
plus in vineis habeat, quam repromissum est. an non facit dolo, qui
iure perpetuo utitur? nec enim hic quod ampUus in modo invenitur,
quam aUoquin dictum est, ad compendium venditoris, sed ad
emptoris pertinet: et tunc tenetur venditor, cum minor modus
invenitur. videamus tamen, ne nuUa quereUa sit emptoris in eodem
fundo, si plus inveniat in vinea quam ' '' in prato, cum universus
modus constat '^. similis quaestio esse Sotest ei, quae in duobus
fundis agitata est, et si quis uos statuUberos uno pretio vendat et
dicat unum decem dare iussum, qui quindecim dare debebat*^:
nam et hic tenebitur ex empto actione, quamvis emptor a duobus
viginti accepturus sit. sed rectius est in omnibus supra scrij^tis
casibus lucrum cum damno compensari et si quid deest emptori sive
pro modo sive pro quaUtate loci, hoc ei resarciri. 43 Idem libro
guinto quaestionum Titius cum decederet, Seiae Stichum FamphUum
Arescusam pei fideicommissum reUquit '^* eiusque fidei commisit ,
ut omnes ad Ubertatem post annum perduceret. cum legataria
fideicommissum ad se pertinere noluisset nec tamen heredem a sua
petitione Uberasset, heres eadem mancipia Sempronio vendidit nuUa
commemoratione fideicommissae libertatis facta: emptor cum
pluribus annis mancipia supra scripta sibi servissent, Arescusam
manumisit, et cum ceteri quoque servi cognita voluntate defuncti
fideicommissam Ubertatem petissent et heredem ad praetorem
perduxissent, iussu praetoris ab herede sunt manumissi. Arescusa
quo- ; que noUe se emptorem patronum habere responderat. cum
emptor pretium a venditore empti iudicio Arescusae quoque nomine
repeteret, lectum est responsum Domitu'^ Ulpiani, quo continebatur
Arescusam pertinere ad rescriptum sacrarum constitutionum , si
noUet emptorem patronum habere: emptorem tamen nihil posse
post manumissionem a venditore consequi. ego cum meminissem et
luUanimi in ea sententia esse, ut existimaret post manumissionem
quoque empti actionem durare, quaero, quae sententia vera est.
Ulud etiam in eadem cognitione nomine emptoris desiderabatur, ut
sumptus, quos in unum ex his quem erudierat fecerat, ei
restituerentur '®. idem quaero, Arescusa, quae recusavit emptorem
patronum habere, cuius sit liberta constituta? an possit vel
legatariam quae non liberavit vel heredem patronum habere? nam
ceteri duo ab herede manumissi sunt. respondi: semper probavi
luUani sententiam putantis manumissione non amittitur eo modo ".
de sumptibus vero, quos in erudiendum hominem emptor tecit,
videndum est: nam empti iudicium ad eam quoque speciem sufficere
existimo : non enim pretium (I) et qnaedam earum vel omnes
erictae sint ins. secundum B (2) qnicquam detu (3) et] esse ser. (4)
autem F (6) quae del. dett. (6) uti F* (7) caplaixyxF (8) si certioratus
de loco certo fuisset (fe/. (8*)rebus] arboribus ter. (9) intra tcr. (lO)
constitnto scr. (II) desiitF (ll') qaam]vel
 EMPTI VENDITI 249 xvnii 1 continet tantum, sed omne
quod interest emptoris servum non evinci. plane si in tantum
pretium excedisse proponas, ut non sit cogitatum a venditore de
tanta summa (veluti si ponas agitatorem postea factum vel
pantomimum evictum esse eum, qui minimo veniit pretio), iniquum
videtur in magnam quantitatem obligari venditorem, 44 Africanus
libro octavo quaestionum (cura et forte idem mediocrium facultatiura
sit: et non ultra duplura periculum subire eura oportet) 45 Paulus
iibro quinto quaestionum idque et lulianum agitasse Africanus refert:
quod iustum est: sicut minuitur praestatio, si servus deterior apud 1
emptorem effectus sit, cum evincitur. IUud expeditius videbatur, si
mihi alienam aream vendideris et in eam ego aedificavero atque ita
eam dominus evincit : nam quia possim ' petentem dominum , nisi
impensam aedfificiorura solvat, doli mali exceptione summovere,
magis est, ut ea res ad periculum venditoris non pertineat. quod et
in servo dicendura est, si in servitutem, non in libertatem
evinceretur, ut dominus mercedes et impensas praestare debeat.
quod si emptor non possideat aediiicium vel servum , ex empto
habebit actionem. in omnibus taraen his casibus, si sciens quis
alienura vendiderit, omnimodo teneri de2 bet. Superest tertia
deliberatio, cuius debet esse liberta Arescusa, quae recusat
emptorera, et non sine ratione dicetur eius debere effici libertam, a
quo vendita est, id est heredis, quia et ipse ex empto actione
tenetur: sed hoc ita, si non Arescusa elegerit emptoris patronatum:
tunc etenim et illius reraanet liberta et ille ex empto actionem non
habet, quia nihil eius interest, cura eam libertara habet. 46 Idem
libro vicesimo quarto quaestionum Si quis alienara rem vendiderit et
medio terapore heres doraino rei exstiterit, cogetur iraplere
venditionera. 47 li)EM libro sexto responsorum Lucius Titius accepta
pecunia ad materias vendendas sub poena certa, ita ut, si non
integras repraestaverit ^ intra statuta terapora, poena conveniatur ^
, partim datis materiis decessit : cura igitur testator in poenam
coramiserit neque heres eius rehquam materiara exhibuerit, an et in
poenara et in usuras conveniri possit, praesertim cura eraptor
rautuatus pecuniara usuras gravissiraas expendit? Pauhis respondit
ex contractu, de quo quaeritur, etiam heredera venditoris in poenara
conveniri posse. in actione quoque ex empto officio iudicis post
moram intercedentem usurarum pretii rationem haberi oportere. 48
ScAEVOLA libro secundo responsorum Titius heres Sempronii
fundum Septicio vendidit ita: 'fun'dus Sempronianus , quidquid
Sempronii iuris fuit, 'erit tibi emptus tot nummis' vacuamque
possessionem tradidit neque fines eius demonstravit: quaeritur, an
empti iudicio cogendus sit ostenderc ex instrumentis hereditariis ,
quid iuris defunctus habuerit et fines ostendere. respondi id ex ea
scriptura praestandum, quod sensisse inteUeguntur : quod si non
appareat, debere venditorem et instrumenta fundi et fines
ostendere: hoc etenira contractui bonae'' fidei consonat. 49
Hermooenianus libro secundo iuris epitomarum^ Qui per
colkisionera imaginarium colonum circumveniendi emptoris causa
subposuit, ex empto tenetur nec defenditur, si, quo facilius
excogitata fraus occultctur, colonum et quinquennii pensiones in
fidera 1 suara recipiat^. Pretii, sorte licet post morara soluta, usurae
peti non possunt, cura hae non sint in obligatione, sed officio iudicis
praestentur. 50 Labeo libro quarto posteriorum a lavoleno
epitomatorurti Bona fides non patitur, ut, cum emptor ahcuius legis
beneficio pecuniam rei venditae debere desisset antequam res ei
tradatur, venditor tradcre compelletur '^ et re sua careret*.
possessione autem tradita futurum est, ut rem' venditor aeque
amitteret, utpote cura petenti eara rera petitor ei neque vendidisset
neque tradidisset '°. 51 Idem libro quinto posteriorum a lavoleno
epitomatorum Si et per emptorem et venditorem mora fuisset, quo
rainus vinum praeberetur" et traderetur, perinde esse ait, quasi si
per emptorem solura stetisset: non enira potest videri mora per
venditorem emptori facta esse ipso morara faciente emptore. 1 Quod
si fundum emisti ea lege, uti des pecuniam kalendis luliis, et si ipsis
calendis per venditorem esset factum, quo minus pecunia ei
solveretur, deinde per te staret quo minus solveres, uti posse
adversus te lege sua venditorera dixi, quia in vendendo hoc ageretur,
ut, quandoque per emptorem factum sit, quo rainus pecuniara
solvat, legis poenara patiatur. hoc ita verum puto, nisi si quid m ea
re venditor dolo fecit. 52 ScAEVOLA libro septimo digestorum
Creditor fundum sibi obligatura, cuius chirographa tributorum a
debitore retro solutorura apud se deposita habebat, vendidit Maevio
ea lege, ut, si quid tributorum noraine debitum esset, emptor
solveret: idem fundus ob causam eorum tributorum, quae iam soluta
erant, a conductore saltus, in quo idem fundus'^ est, venit eumque
idem Maevius emit et pretiura solvit: quaesitum est, an empti iudicio
vel aliqua actione emptor a venditore consequi possit, ut solutionum
supra scriptarum chirographa ei dentur. respondit posse eraptorem
empti iudicio consequi, ut 1 instrumenta de quibus quaereretur
exhibeantur. Praediura aestimatura in dotem a patre filiae suae
nomine datum obligatura creditori deprehenditur : quaesitum est, an
fihus, qui hereditatera patris retinet, cum ab ea se filia abstinuisset
dote contenta, actione ex empto teneatur, ut a creditore lueret et
marito libe2 rura praestaret. respondit teneri. Inter venditorem et
emptorem mihtiae ita convenit, ut salarium, quod debeatur ab illa
persona, emptori cederet : quaesitum est, emptor militiae (^uam
quantitatem a quo exigere debet et quid ex eiusmodi pacto venditor
emptori praestare debeat. respondit venditorem actiones
extraordinarias eo nomine quas haberet prae3 stare debere. Ante
doraura mari iunctara '^ molibus iactis ripam constituit ''' et uti ab eo
possessa domus fuit, Gaio Seio vendidit: quaero, an ripa, quae ab
auctore domui '^ coniuncta erat, ad emptorera ?[uoque iure
eraptionis pertineat. respondit eodera iure ore venditam domum,
quo fuisset priusquam veniret. 53 Labeo libro primo pithanon Si
mercedera insulae accessurara esse emptori dictura est, quanti
insula locata est, tantura emptori praestetur. Paulus: imrao si
insulam totam uno nomine locaveris et amphoris conductor locaverit
et in vendenda insula mercedera eraptori cessuram esse dixeris, id
accedet, 1 quod tibi totius insulae conductor debebit. Si eum fundum
vendidisti, in quo sepulcrum habuisti. nec nominatim tibi sepulcrum
excepisti'^, parum habes eo nomine cautum. Paulus: minirae, si
modo 2 in sepulcrum iter publicura transit. Si habitatoribus habitatio
lege venditionis recepta est, oranibus in ea habitantibus praeter
dominum recte recepta habitatio est. Paulus: immo si cui in ea
insula, quam vendideris, gratis habitationem dederis et (1) possint F
(2) repraesentaverit Cuiacius (3) committatur scr. (4) bona F (5) c/.
Vat. 13 (C) Pap. 1. ] ] I reup. Venditor si per conlusionem
imaginarium colonum emptoris decipiendi causa subposuit, ex empto
tcnebitur, nec idcirco recte defenditur, si, quo facilius excogitataji
fraudem retineret, colonum et quinque annorum mercedes in ndem
suam rccipiat. alioquin si bona fide locavit, tuspectus non erit Vut. (i)
compellatur dett. (8) carere dett. (O) et j^ecnnia.m ins. secundum B
(lO) sic fere exple : utpote cum petenti eam rem [emptor
exceptionem rei venditae et traditae opponere possit ncc perinde sit,
quasi eam rem] pctitor ei neque vendidisset neque tradidisset (11)
proharetur Ant. Faber (12) fundum /* (1.3) iniunctam F^ (14) piram
constitutF (16) domini F (16) excepistii F 32
 xvim 1.2 250 LOCATl sic receperis : 'habitatoribus aut '
quam quisctue diem 'conductum habet', parum caveris (nominatim
enim de his recipi oportuit) itaque eos habitatores emptor insulae
habitatione impune prohibebit. 54 Idem libro secundo ^ithanon Si
servus quem vendideras iussu tuo aliquid fecit et ex eo crus freeit,
ita demum ea res tuo periculo non est, si id imperasti, quod solebat
ante venditionem facere, et si id imperasti, guod etiam non vendito
servo imperaturus eras. Pavlus: minime: nam si periculosam rem
ante venditionem facere solitus est, culpa tua id factum esse
vldebitur : puta enim eum fuisse ^ servum, qui per catadromum
descendere aut in cloacam demitti^ soHtus esset. idem iuris erit, si
eam rem imperare solitus fueris, quam prudens et diligens pater
familias imperaturus ei servo non fuerit. quid si hoc exceptum fuerit?
tamen potest ei servo novam rem imperare*, quam imperaturus non
fuisset, si non* venisset: veluti si ei imperasti, ut ad emptorem iret,
qui peregre esset: nam certe ea res tuo periculo esse non debet.
itaque tota ea res ad dolum malum dumtaxat et culpam venditoris
dirigenda 1 est. Si dolia octoginta accedere fundo, quae infossa
essent, dictum erit, et plura erunt quam ad eum numerum, dabit
emptori^ ex omnibus quae vult, dum integra det: si sola octoginta
sunt, qualiacumque emptorem sequentur nec pro non integris
quicquam ei venditor praestabit. 55 PoMPONius libro decimo
epistularum Si servus, qui emeretur vel promitteretur , in hostium
potestate sit, Octavenus magis putabat valere emptionem et
stipulationem, quia inter ementem et vendentem esset commercium:
potius enim difficultatem in praestando eo inesse, quam in natura^,
etiamsi officio iudicis sustinenda esset eius praestatio, donec
praestari possit. n». LOCATI CONDUCTI. 1 Paulus libro trigesimo
quarto ad edictum Locatio et conductio cum naturahs sit et omnium
gentium, non verbis, sed consensu contrahitur, sicut emptio et
venditio. 2 Gaius libro secundo rerum cottidianarum^ Locatio et
conductio proxima est emptioni et venditioni isdemc[ue iuris reguhs
constitit: nam ut emptio et venditio ita contrahitur, si de pretio
convenerit, sic et locatio et conductio contrahi intellegitur, si de 1
mercede convenerit. Adeo autem famiharitatem aliquam habere
videntur emptio et venditio, item locatio et conductio, ut in
quibusdam quaeri soleat, utrum emptio et venditio sit an locatio et
conductio. ut ecce si cum aurifice mihi convenerit, ut is ex auro suo
anulos mihi faceret certi ponderis certaeque formae et acceperit '"
verbi gratia trecenta, utrum emptio et venditio sit an locatio et
conductio? sed placet unum esse negotiura et magis emptionem et
venditionem esse. quod si ego aurum dedero mercede pro opera
constituta, dubium non est, quin locatio et conductio sit. 3
PoMPONius libro nono ad Sabinum Cum fundus locetur et
aestimatum instrumentum colonus accipiat, Proculus ait id agi, ut
instrumentum emptum habeat colonus, sicuti neret, cum quid
aestimatum in dotem daretur. 4 Idem libro sexto decimo ad Sabinum
Locatio precariive rogatio ita facta, quoad is, qui eam locasset
dedissetve, vellet, morte eius qui locavit" tolUtur. 5 Vlpianus libro
vicesimo octavo ad edictum Si tibi habitationem locavero, mox
pensionem remittam, ex locato et conducto agendum erit. (I)
aiffwschke (t) fuissesF (3) dimittiF (4) qnid si . . . imperare] quod si
hoc exceptum fuerit, etiam potest ei serro novam rem imperare.
item potest ei eam rem imperare «cr. (5) non om. FS (6) emptorF
(7) quam in natura] quam cum non esse in rerum natura scr. 6 Gaius
libro decimo ad edictum provinciale Is qui rem conduxerit non
cogitur restituere id quod rei nomine furti actione consecutus est. 7
Paulus libro trigesimo secundo ad edictum Si tibi aUenam insulam
locavero quinquaginta tu(jue eandem sexaginta Titio locaveris et
Titius a dommo prohibitus fuerit habitare, agentem te ex conducto
sexaginta consequi debere placet, quia ipse Titio tenearis in
sexaginta. 8 Tryphoninus libro nono disputationum Nos videamus, ne
non sexaginta praestanda nec quinquaginta sint, sed quanti interest
perfrui conductione, tantundemque consequatur medius, quantum
praestare debeat ei, qui a se conduxit, quoniam emolumentum
conductionis ad comparationem uberioris mercedis computatum
maiorem efficit condemnationem. et tamen primus locator
reputationem habebit quinquaginta, quae ab illo perciperet, si
dominus insulae habitare novissimum conductorem non vetuisset:
quo iure utimur. 9 Ulpianus libro trigesimo secundo ad edictum Si
quis domum bona fide emptam vel fundum locaverit mUii isque sit
evictus sme dolo malo culpaque eius, Pomponius ait nihilo minus
eum teneri ex conducto ei qui conduxit, ut ei praestetur frui quod
conduxit licere. plane si dominus non patitur et locator paratus sit
aliam habitationem non minus commodam praestare, aequissimum
esse ait absolvi loca1 torem. Hic subiungi potest, quod Marcellus
hbro sexto digestorum scripsit: si fructuarius locaverit fundum in
quinquennium et decesserit, heredem eius non teneri, ut frui
praestet, non magis quam insula exusta teneretur locator conductori.
sea an ex locato teneatur conductor, ut pro rata temporis quo fruitus
est pensionem praestet, MarceUus quaerit, quemadmodum
praestaret, si fructuaru servi operas conduxisset vel habitationem ?
et magis admittit teneri eum : et est aequissimum. idem quaerit, si
sumptus fecit in fundum quasi quinquennio fruiturus, an recipiat? et
ait uon recepturum, quia hoc evenire {)0sse prospicere debuit. quid
tamen si non quasi nictuarius ei locavit, sed si quasi fundi dominus?
videUcet tenebitur: decepit enim conductorem: et ita imperator
Antoninus cum divo Severo rescripsit. in exustis quoque aedibus eius
temporis, quo aedificium 2 stetit, mercedem praestandam
rescripserunt. luUanus libro quinto decimo digestorum dicit, si quis
fundum locaverit, ut etiam si quid vi maiori acci3 disset, hoc ei
praestaretur, pacto standum esse. Si colonis praediorum lege
locationis, ut innocentem ignem habeant, denuntiatum sit, si quidem
fortuitus casus incendii causam intulerit, non praestabit periculum
locator: si vero culpa locatoris, quam prae4 stare necesse est,
damnum fecerit, tenebitur. Imperator Antoninus cum patre, cum
grex esset abactus quem quis conduxerat, ita rescripsit: 'Si ca'pras
latrones citra tuam fraudem abegisse probari 'potest iudicio locati,
casum praestare non cogeris •atque temporis quod insecutum est
mercedes ut in5 *debitas reciperabis.' Celsus etiam imperitiam
culpae adnumerandam Ubro octavo digestorum scripsit: si quis
vitulos pascendos vel sarciendum quid poliendumve conduxit,
culpam eum praestare debere et quod imperitia peccavit, culpam
esse: quippe ut arti6 fex, inquit, conduxit. Si aUenam domum mihi
locaveris eaque mihi legata vel donata sit, non teneri me tibi ex
locato ob peusionem: sed de tempore praeterito videamus, si quid
ante legati diem pensionis debetur : et puto solvendum : 10
luLiANUs^^ tibro ad Ferocem et ego ex conducto recte agam vel in
hoc, ut me Uberes. 11 Ulpianus libro trigesimo secundo ad edictum
(8) Sab. 1...7. 9...11. 13. 15...20. 22. 24...27. 29...36. 88. 67. 69 }
Ed. 14. 21. 37. 39...52 ; Pap. 8. 1223. 53...56 ; App. 28. 68. 60...62.
— Bas. 20, i. — Cf. Tnst. 3, 24 ; Cod. 4, 65 (9) pr. = Inst 3, 24 pr.-
(10) acciperet Schulting (11) deditve %ns. Hal. (12) «ic f *JB,
\difimF\uhi avoc lulianus /.9 §2 /^tnctpi(
 CONDUCTI 251 xvmi 2 Videamus, an et servorum culpam
et quoscumque iuduxerit praestare conductor debeat? et quatenus
praestat, utrum ut servos noxae dedat an vero suo uomine teneatur?
et adversus eos quos induxerit utrum praestabit tantum actiones an
quasi ob propriam culpam tenebitur? mihi ita placet, ut culpam etiam
eorum quos induxit praestet suo nomine, etsi niliil convenit, si tamen
culpam in inducendis adraittit, quod tales habuerit vel suos* vel
hospites: et ita Pomponius libro sexagesimo tertio ad edictum 1
probat. Si hoc in locatione convenit 'ignem ne 'habeto' et habuit,
tenebitur etiam si fortuitus casus admisit incendium, quia non debuit
ignem habere. ahud est enim ignem innocentem habere: permittit 2
enim habere, sed innoxium, ignem. Item prospicere debet conductor,
ne aliquo vel ius rei vel cor3 pus deterius faciat vel fieri patiatur. Qui
vinum de Gampania transportandum conduxisset, deinde mota a
quodam controversia signatum suo et alterius sigillo in apothecam
deposuisset, ex locato tenetur, ut locatori possessionem vini sine
controversia red4 dat^, nisi culpa conductor careret. Inter
conductorem et locatorem convenerat, ne in villa urbana faenum
componeretur : composuit: deinde servus igne illato succendit^. ait
Labeo teneri conductorem ex locato, quia ipse causam praebuit
inferendo contra conductionem ''. 12 HERMoaENiANOS Ubro secundo
iuris epitomarmn Sed et si quihbet extraneus ignem iniecerit, damni
locati iudicio^ habebitur ratio. 13 Vlpianus libro triyesimo secundo
ad edictum Item quaeritur, si cisiarius, id est carucarius, dum ceteros
transire contendit, cisium evertit et servum quassavit vel occidit.
puto ex locato esse in eum actionem: temperare enim debuit: sed et
utihs Aquii hae ® dabitur. Si navicularius onus Minturnas vehendum
couduxerit et, cum flumen Minturuense navis ea Bubire non posset,
in aham navem merces transtulerit eaque navis in ostio fluminis
perierit, tenetur'' primus navicularius ? Labeo, si culpa caret, non
teneri ait: ceterum si vel invito domino fecit vel quo non debuit
tempore aut si minus idoueae navi, tunc 2 ex locato agendum. Si
magister navis sine gubernatore in flumen navem immiserit* et
tempestate orta temperare non potuerit et navem perdiderit,
vectores habebunt adversus eum ex locato actionem. 3 Si quis
servum docendum conduxerit eumque duxerit peregre et aut ab
hostibus captus sit aut perierit, ex locato esse actionem placuit, si
modo non sic 4 conduxit, ut et peregre duceret. Item luhanus libro
octagesimo sexto digestorum scripsit®, si sutor puero parum bene
facienti forma calcei tam vehementer cervicem percusserit, ut ei
oculus effunderetur, ex iocato esse actionem patri eius: quamvis
enim"* magistris levis castigatio " concessa sit, tamen hunc modum
non tenuisse: sed et de Aquiha supra diximus. iniuriarum autem
actionem competere luhanus negat, quia non iniuriae faciendae
causa 5 hoc fecerit, sed praecipiendi. Si gemma includenda aut
insculpenda data sit eaque fracta sit, si quidem vitio materiae factum
sit, non erit ex locato actio, si imperitia facientis, erit. huic sententiae
addendum est, nisi periculum quoque in se artifex receperat*^: tunc
enim etsi vitio materiae id evenit, 6 erit ex locato actio. Si fuUo
vestimenta poHenda acceperit eaque mures roserint, ex locato
tenetur, quia debuit ab hac re cavere. et si paUium fuUo
permutaverit et ahi alterius dederit, ex locato actione 7 tenebitur,
etiamsi ignarus fecerit. Exercitu veniente migravit conductor, dein de
hospitio mihtes fenestras et cetera sustulerunt. si domino non
denuntiavit et migravit, ex locato tenebitur: Labeo autem, si
resistere potuit et non resistit, '^teneri ait. quae sententia vera est.
sed et** si denuntiare non 8 potuit, non puto eum^^teneri. Si quis
mensuras'^ conduxerit easque magistratus frangi iusserit, si quidem
iniquae fuerunt, Sabinus distinguit, utrum scit conductor an non: si
scit, esse ex locato actionem, si minus, non. quod si aeq^uae sunt,
ita demum eum teneri, si culpa eius id fecit aedihs. et ita La9 beo et
Mela scribunt. Duo rei locationis in so10 lidum esse possunt. Si lege
operis locandi comprehensum esset, ut, si ad diem effectum non
esset, relocare id hceret, non aUas prior conductor ex locato
tenebitur, quam si eadem lege relocatum esset: nec ante relocari id
j)otest, quam dies efficiendi prae11 terisset". Qui impleto tempore
conductioms remansit in conductione, non solum reconduxisse
videbitur, sed etiam pignora videntur durare obUgata. sed hoc ita
verum est, si non ahus pro eo in priore conductione res obUgaverat:
huius enim novus consensus erit necessarius. eadem causa erit et si
rei pubUcae praedia locata fuerint. quod autem diximus *®
taciturnitate utriusque partis colonum reconduxisse videri, ita
accipiendum est, ut in ipso anno, quo tacuerunt, videantur eandem
locationem renovasse, non etiam in sequentibus annis, etsi lustrum
forte ab initio fuerat conductioni praestitutum. sed et si secundo
quoque anno post finitum lustrum nihil fuerit contrarium actum,
eandem videri locationem in UIo anno permansisse: hoc enim ipso,
quo *" tacuerunt, consensisse videntur. et hoc deinceps in
unoquoque anno observandum est. in urbanis autem praedus aUo
iure utimur, ut, prout quisque habitaverit, ita et obhgetur, nisi in
scriptis certum tempus conductioni comprehensum est. 14 Idem
libro septuagesimo primo ad edictum Qui ad certum tempus
conducit, finito quoque tempore colonus est: inteUegitur enun
dominus, cum patitur colonum in fundo esse, ex integro locare, et
huiusmodi contractus neque verba neque scripturam utique
desiderant, sed nudo consensu convalescunt : et ideo si interim
dominus furere coeperit vel decesserit, fieri non posse MarceUus ait,
ut locatio redintegretur, et est hoc verum. 15 Idem libro trigesimo
secundo ad edictum Ex 1 conducto actio conductori datur. Competit
autem ex his causis fere: ut puta si re q^uam conduxit frui^" ei non
Uceat (forte quia possessio ei aut totius agri aut partis non
praestatur, aut vUIa non reficitur vel stabulum vel ubi greges eius
stare oporteat) vel si quid in lege conductionis convenit, si hoc non 2
praestatur, ex conducto agetur. Si vis tempestatis calamitosae
contigerit, an locator conductori aUquid praestare debeat, videamus.
Servius omnem vim, cui resisti non potest, dominum colono
praestare debere ait, ut puta fluminum graculorum sturnorum et si
quid simUe acciderit, aut si incursus hostium fiat: si qua tamen vitia
ex ipsa re oriantur, haec damno coloni esse, veluti si vinum
coacuerit, si raucis aut herbis segetes corruptae sint. sed et si labes
facta sit omnemque fructum tulerit, damnum coloni non esse, ne
supra damnum seminis amissi mercedes agri praestare cogatur^^
sed et si uredo^^ fructum oleae corruperit aut soUs fervore non
adsueto id acciderit, damnum domini futurum: si vero nihU extra
consuetudinem acciderit, damnum coloni esse. idemque dicendum,
si exercitus praeteriens per lasciviam aUquid abstuUt. sed et si ager
terrae^^ motu ita corruerit, ut nusquam sit, damno domini esse:
oportere enim agrum praestari conduc3 tori, ut frui possit. Cum
quidam incendium fundi aUegaret et remissionem desideraret, ita ei
rescriptum est: 'Si praedium coluisti, propter casum incendu 4
'repentini non immerito subveniendum tibi est.' Papinianus Ubro
quarto responsorum ait, si uno anno (l) servos dett. (2) reddet F (3)
sic dett. cum B, se occiditi^ (4) conventionem ^n<. i="" sic=""
dett="" locatiofis="" aquiliaeii="" teneturne="" scr.="" emiserit=""
f="" c="" d.="" eius="" ins.="" catigatioi="" receperit="" item=""
etdel.nal.="" cumi="" mensura="" praeterisse="" dixusi="" quod=""
erfrf.="" veredo=""/>
 xvim 2 252 LOCATI remissionem quis colono dederit ob
sterilitatem, deinde sequentibus annis contigit uberitas S nihil obesse
domino remissionem, sed integram pensionem etiam eius anni auo
remisit exkendam. hoc idem et in vectiffalis aamno respondit. sed et
si verbo donationis dominus ob sterilitatem anni remiserit , idem erit
dicendum, ^[uasi non sit donatio, sed transactio. quid tamen, si
novissimus erat annus sterilis, in quo ei remiserit? verius dicetur et si
superiores uberes fuerunt et scit locator, non debere eum ad
computatio5 nem vocari. Cum quidam de fructuum exiguitate
quereretur, non esse rationem eius habendam rescripto divi Antonini
continetur, item alio rescripto ita continetur: 'Novam rem deside^-as,
ut propter ve6 'tustatem vinearum remissio tibi detur.' Item cum
quidam nave amissa vecturam, quam pro mutua acceperat,
repeteretur, rescriptum est ab Antonino Augusto non immerito
procuratorem Caesaris ab co vecturam repetere, cum munere
vehendi functus nou Bit: quod in omnibus personis similiter
observandum 7 est. Ubicumque tamen remissionis ratio habetur ex
causis supra relatis, non id quod sua interest conductor consequitur,
sed mercedis exonerationem pro rata : supra denique damnum
seminis ad colonum per8 tinere declaratur. Plane si forte dominus
frui non patiatur, vel cum ipse locasset vel cum alius alienum vel
quasi procurator vel quasi suum, quod interest praestabitur : et ita
Proculus in procuratore 9 respondit. Interdum ad hoc ex locato
agetur^, ut quis locatione liberetur, lulianus Ubro quiuto decimo
digestorum scripsit. ut puta Titio fundum locavi isque pupillo herede
instituto decessit et, cum tutor constituisset abstinere pupillum
hereditate, ego fundum pluris locavi: deinde pupillus restitutus est in
bona paterna. ex conducto nihU amplius eura consecuturum, quam
ut locatione liberetur : mihi enim iusta causa fuit locandi, 16
luLiANUS lihro quinto decimo digestorum cum eo tempore in
pupiLum actiones nullae darentur. 17 Ulpianus libro trigesimo
secundo ad edictum Tutelae tamen cum tutore iudicio, inquit, aget,
si abstinere non debuit: 18 luLJANUS libro quinto decimo digestorum
iu quo inerit etiam hoc, quod ex conductione fundi lucrum facere
potuit. 19 Vlpianus lihro trigesimo secundo ad edictum Sed addes
hoc luUani sententiae, ut, si collusi ^o cum tatore, ex conducto
tenear in id quod pupUli 1 interfuit. Si quis dolia vitiosa ignarus
iocaverit, deinde vinum effluxerit, tenebitur iu id quod interest nec
ignorantia eius erit excusata : et ita Cassius scriEsit. aliter atque si
saltum pascuum locasti, in quo erba mala nascebatur: hic enim si
pecora vel demortua sunt vel etiam deteriora facta, quod interest
praestabitur , si scisti, si ignorasti^, pensionem non 2 petes, et ita
Servio Labeoni Sabino placuit. Illud nobis videndum est, si quis
fundum locaverit, quae soleat instrumenti nomine conductori
praestare, quaeque si non praestet, ex locato tenetur. et est epistula
Neratii ad Aristonem doUa utique colono esse praestanda et praelum
et trapetum instructa funibus, si minus, dominum instruere ea
debere: sed et praelum vitiatum dominum reficere debere. quod si
culpa coloni quid eorum corruptum sit, ex locato eum teneri. fiscos
autem, quibus ad premendam oleam utimur, colonum sibi parare
debere Neratius scripsit: quod si regulis olea prematur, et praelum et
suculam et regulas et tympanum et cocleas ■• quibus relevatur
praelum dominum parare oportere. item aenum^, in quo olea calda
aqua lavatur, ut cetera vasa olearia dominum praestare oportere,
sicuti dolia vinaria, quae ad praesentem usum colonum picare
oportebit. haec omnia sic sunt accipienda, nisi si 3 quid aliud
sj)ecialiter actum sit. Si dominus exceperit in locatione, ut frumenti
certum modum certo pretio acciperet, et dominus' nolit frumentum
accipere neque pecuniam ex mercede deducere, potest quidem
totam summam ex locato petere, sed utique consequens est
existimare officio iudicis hoc convenire, haberi rationem, quanto
conductoris intererat in frumento potius quam iu pecunia solvere
pensionis exceptam portionem. simili modo et si ex con4 ducto
agatur, idem erit dicendum. Si inquilinus ostium vel quaedam alia
aedificio adiecerit, quaa actio locum nabeat? et est vtrius quod
Labeo scripsit competere ex conducto actionem, ut ei tollere liceat,
sic tamen, ut damni infecti caveat, ne in aliquo dum aufert
deteriorem causam aedium faciat, 5 sed ut pristinam faciem''
aedibus reddat. Si inquilinus arcam aeratam in aedes contulerit et
aedium aditum coangustaverit dominus, verius est ex conducto eum
teneri et ad exhibendum actione, sive scit sive ignoraverit: officio
enim iudicis continetur, ut cogat eum aditum* et facultatem incjuilino
praestare 6 ad arcam toUendam sumptibus scihcet locatoris. Si quis,
cum in annum habitationem conduxisset, pensionem totius anni
dederit, deinde insula post sex menses ruerit vel incendio consumpta
sit, pensionem residui temporis rectissime Mela scripsit ex conducto
actione repetiturum, non quasi indebitum condicturum: non enim
per errorem dedit plus, sed ut sibi in causam conductionis proficeret.
aliter atque si quis, cum decem conduxisset, quindecim solverit: hic
enim si per errorem solvit, dum putat se quindecim conduxisse,
actionem ex conducto non habebit, sed solam condictionem. nam
inter cum, qui per errorem solvit, et eum, qui pensionem integram
proroga7 vit, multum interest. Si quis mulierem veheudam navi
conduxisset, deinde in nave infans natus fuisset, probandum est pro
infante nihil deberi, cum neque vectura eius magna sit neque his
omnibus uta8 tur, quae ad navigantium usum parantur. Ex conducto
actionem etiam ad heredem transire palam 9 est. Cum quidam
exceptor operas suas locasset, deinde is qui eas conduxerat
decessisset, imperator Antoninus cum divo Severo rescripsit ad
libellum exceptoris in haec verba: 'Cum per te non stetisse
'proponas, quo minus locatas operas Antonio Aqui'lae* solveres, si
eodem anno mercedes ab alio non 10 'accepisti, fidem contractus
impleri aequum est.' PaSinianus quoque libro quarto responsorum
scripsit '" iem functo legato Caesaris salanum comitibus residui
temporis praestandum, modo si non postea comites cum alus eodem
tempore fuerunt. 20 Paulus libro trigesimo quarto ad edictum Sicut
emptio ita et locatio sub condicione fieri potest: 1 2 sed donationis
causa contrahi non potest. Interdum locator non obligatur, conductor
obUgatur, veluti cum emptor fundum conducit, donec pretium ei"
solvat. 21 Iavolenus libro undecimo epistularum Cum venderem
fundum, convenit, ut, donec pecunia omnis persolveretur, certa
mercede emptor fundum conductum haberet: an soluta pecunia
merces accepta fieri debeat? respondit: bona fides exigit, ut quod
convenit fiat: sed non amplius praestat is venditori, quam pro
portione eius temporis, quo pecunia nomerata non esset 22 Paulus
libro trigesimo quarto ad edictum Item si pretio non soluto inempta
res facta sit, tunc 1 ex locato erit actio. Quotiens autem faciendum 2
aUquid datur, locatio est. Cum insulam aedificandam loco, ut sua
impensa conductor omnia faciat, proprietatem quidem eorum ad me
transfert et tamen locatio est: locat enim artifex operam suam, 3 id
est faciendi necessitatem. Qucmadmodum in emendo et vendendo
naturaUter concessum est quod pluris sit minoris emere, quod
minoris sit pluris vendere et ita invicem se circumscribere, ita in
locationibus quoque et conductionibus iuris est: (1) ubertaa F' (2)
agi scr. (3) scitis ignorasti F (4) prooless F (5) Mneum F (6) dominus]
dein scr. (7) faciam F (s) ampliare secundum B ins. (9) sic B, aquiliae
F (10) = Z>. 1, 22, 4 (ll) eius scr
 CONDUOTl 253 XVIIII 2 23 HERMOOENiAyus libro secundo
iuris epitomarum et ideo praetextu minoris penpionis, locatione
facta, si nullus dolus adversarii probari possit, rescindi locatio non
potest. 24 Paulus libro trigesimo guario ad edictum Si in lege
locationis comprehensum sit, ut arbitratu domini opus adprobetur,
perinde habetur, ac si viri boni arbitrium comprehensum fuisset,
idemque servatur, si alterius cuiuslibet arbitrium comprehensum sit:
nam fides bona exigit, ut arbitrium tale praestetur, quale viro bono
convenit. idque arbitrium ad qualitatem operis, non ad prorogandum
tempus, quod lege finitum sit, pertinet, nisi id ipsum lege
comprehensum sit. quibus consequens est, ut irrita sit adprobatio
dolo conductoris facta, ut ex locato agi 1 possit. Si colonus locaverit
fundum, res posterions conductoris domino non obligantur: sed
fructus in causa pignoris manent, quemadmodum essent, 2 si primus
colonus eos percepisset. Si domus vel fundus in quinquennium
pensionibus locatus sit, potest dominus, si deseruerit habitationem
vel fundi culturam colonus vel inquilinus, *cum eis statim 3 agere.
Sed et de his, quae praesenti die praestare debuerunt, velut^ opus
aliquod efticerent, pro4 pagationes facerent, agere similiter potest.
Colonus, si ei frui non liceat, totius quinquennii nomine statim recte
aget, etsi rehquis annis dominus fundi frui patiatur: nec enim
semper liberabitur dominus eo, quod secundo vel tertio anno
patietur fundo frui. nam et^ qui expulsus a conductione in aliam se
coloniam contulit, non suffecturus duabus neque ipse pensionum
nomine obligatus erit et quantum per singulos annos compendii
facturus erat, consequetur: sera est enim patientia fruendi, quae
offertur eo tempore, quo frui colonus aliis rebus illigatus non potest.
quod si paucis diebus prohibuit, deinde paenitentiam agit omniaque
colono in integro sunt, nihil ex obligatione paucorum dierum mora
minuet. item utiliter ex conducto agit is, cui secundum conventionem
non praestantur quae convenerant, sive prohibeatur frui a domino
vel ab extraneo quem domi5 nus prohibere potest. Qui in plures
annos fundum locaverat, testamento suo damnavit heredem, ut
conductorem liberaret. si non patiatur heres eum reliquo tempore
frui, est ex conducto actio: quod si patiatur nec mercedes remittat,
ex testamento tenetur. 25 Gaivs libro decimo ad edictum proviiiciale
Si merces promissa sit generaliter alieno arbitrio, locatio et conductio
contrahi non videtur: sin autem quanti Titius aestimaverit , sub hac
condicione stare locationem, ut, si quidem ipse qui nominatus est
mercedem definierit, omnimodo secundum eius aestimationem et
mercedem persolvi oporteat et conductionem ad effectum pervenire:
sin autem Ule vel noluerit vel non potuerit mercedem definire, tunc
pro nihilo esse conductionem quasi nulla mercede statuta. 1 Qui
fundum fruendum vel habitationem alicui locavit, si aliqua ex causa
fundum vel aedes vendat, curare debet, ut apud emptorem quoque
eadem pactione et colono frui et inquilino habitare liceat : alio2 quin
prohibitus is aget cum eo ex conducto. Si vicino aedificante
obscurentur lumina cenaculi, teneri locatorem inquiUno : certe quin
liceat colono vel inquihno relinquere conductionem , nuUa dubitatio
est. de mercedibus quoque si cum eo agatur, reputationis ratio
habenda est. eadem inteUegemus , si ostia fenestrasve nimium
corruptas locator non restituat. 3 Conductor omnia secundum legem
conductionis facere debet. et ante omnia colonus curare debet, ut
opera rustica suo quoque tempore faciat, ne intempestiva cultura
deteriorem fundum faceret. praeterea villarum curam agere debet,
ut eas incorruptas 4 habeat. Culpae autem ipsius et Ulud
adnumeratur, si propter inimicitias eius vicinus arbores exci5 derit.
Ipse quoque* si exciderit, non solum ex locato tenetur, sed etiam
lege AquUia et ex lege duodecim tabularum arborum furtim
caesarum et interdicto quod vi aut clam: sed utique iudicis, qui ex
locato iudicat, officio continetur, ut ceteras actiones 6 locator
omittat. Vis maior, quam Graeci b-eov ^iav^ appellant, non debet
conductori damnosa esse, si plus, quam toIerabUe est, laesi fuerint
fructus: alioquin modicum damnum aequo animo ferre debet
colonus, cui immodicum lucrum non aufertur. apparet autem de eo
nos colono dicere, qui ad pecuniam numeratam conduxit : aUoquin
partianus colonus quasi societatis iure et damnum et lucrum cum
domino 7 fundi partitiir. Qui columnam transportandam conduxit, si
ea, dum toUitur aut portatur aut reponitur, fracta sit, ita id periculum
praestat, si qua ipsius eorumque, quorum opera uteretur, culpa
acciderit: culpa autem abest, si omnia facta sunt, quae
diUgentissimus quisque observaturus fuisset. idem scilicet
intellegemus et si dolia vel tignum transportandum aUquis
conduxerit: idemque etiam ad ceteras 8 res transferri potest. Si fullo
aut sarcinator vestimenta perdiderit eoque nomine domino
satisfecerit, necesse est domino vindicationem " eorum et condic-,
tionem cedere, 26 ULPiANUslibro secundo disputationum In operis
duobus simul locatis convenit priori conductori ante satisfieri. 27
Alfenus libro secundo digestorum Habitatores non, si paulo minus
commode aUqua parte caenaculi uterentur, statim deductionem ex
mercede facere oportet: ea enim condicione habitatorem esse, ut, si
quid transversarium incidisset, quamobrem dominum aUquid
demoliri oporteret, aliquam partem parvulam incommodi sustineret:
non ita tamen, ut eam partem caenacuU dominus aperuisset, in
quam 1 magnam partem usus habitator haberet. Iterum interrogatus
est, si quis timoris causa emigrasset, deberet mercedem necne.
respondit, si causa fuisset, cur periculum timeret, quamvis periculum
vere non fuisset, tamen non debere mercedem: sed si causa timoris
iusta non fuisset, nihUo minus debere. 28 Labeo libro quarto
posteriorum epitomatorum a'' lavoleno Quod si domi habitatione
conductor 1 aeque usus fuisset, praestaturum * etiam eius domus
mercedem, quae vitium fecisset, deberi putat. 2 Idem iuris esse, si
potestatem conducendi habebat, uti^ pretium conductionis
praestaret. sed '" si locator conductori potestatem conducendae
domus non fecisset et is in qua habitaret conduxisset, tantum ei
praestandum putat, quantum sine dolo malo praestitisset. ceterum si
gratuitam habitationem habuisset, pro portione temporis ex
locatione domus deducendum esse. 29 Alfenus libro septimo
digestorum In lege locationis scriptuni erat: 'redemptor sUvam ne
caedito 'neve cingito neve deurito neve quem cingere caedere 'urere
sinito'. quaerebatur, utrum redemptor, si quem quid earum rerum
facere vidisset, prohibere deberet an etiam ita sUvam custodire, ne
quis id facere possit. respondi verbum sinere utramque habere
significationem, sed locatorem potius id videri voluisse, ut redemptor
non solum, si quem casu vidisset sUvam caedere, prohiberet, sed uti
curaret et daret operam, ne quis caederet. 30 Idem libro tertio
digestorum a Paulo epitomatorum Qui insulam " tnginta conduxerat,
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