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 TO
FIGHT
AGAINST
THIS
AGE

ROB RIEMEN
For Eveline
Our age reminds one very much of the disintegration of the Greek
state; everything continues and yet, there is no one who believes in
it. An invisible bond that gives it validity, had vanished, and the
whole age is simultaneously comic and tragic, tragic because it is
perishing, comic because it continues.
—SØREN KIERKEGAARD, EITHER/OR
 CONTENTS

Introduction

THE ETERNAL RETURN OF FASCISM

THE RETURN OF EUROPA

Her Tears, Deeds, and Dreams
 TO
FIGHT
AGAINST
THIS
AGE
 INTRODUCTION

In 2010 I published in my country, the Netherlands, an essay

entitled “The Eternal Return of Fascism,” at a time when it was
already obvious to me that a fascist movement was on the rise
again. If this could happen in an affluent welfare state like the
Netherlands, I realized, the return of fascism in the twenty-first
century could happen anywhere. The small book became an instant
best seller despite the ferocious and angry criticism of the political
and academic class. Their state of denial surprised me and still
worries me—because I do agree with Arnold Toynbee when he, in
his magnum opus A Study of History, argued that civilizations would
fall, not because it was inevitable but because governing elites
wouldn’t respond adequately to changing circumstances or because
they would focus only on their own interests.
Wise men like Confucius and Socrates knew that to be able to
understand something, you had to call it by its proper name. The
term populism, being the preferred description for a modern-day
revolt of the masses, will not provide any meaningful understanding
concerning that phenomenon. The late Judith Shklar, a renowned
political theorist at Harvard University, was absolutely right when she
wrote, at the end of Men and Citizens, her study on Rousseau’s
social theory, that populism
 is a very slipper term, even when applied to ideologies and political
movements. Does it refer to anything more specific than a confused
mixture of hostile attitudes? Is it simply an imprecise way of referring to
all those who are neither clearly “left” nor “right”? Does the word not just
cover all those who have been neglected by a historiography that can
allow no ideological possibilities other than conservative, liberal and
socialist, and which oscillates between the pillars of “right” and “left” as if
these were laws of nature? Is populism anything but a rebellion that has
no visa to the capitals of conventional thought?

The use of the term populist is only one more way to cultivate the
denial that the ghost of fascism is haunting our societies again and
to deny the fact that liberal democracies have turned into their
opposite: mass democracies deprived of the spirit of democracy.
Why this denial?
One reason may be that from the perspective of science and
technology, ghosts and spirits do not exist. Which of course is true—
for Mother Nature. Human nature and human society are, however,
a different species. Science and technology will never be able to
provide us with a complete understanding of the human being with
his instincts and desires, virtues and values, mind and spirit. Every
serious scientist knows this. Alas, not that many in our ruling class
do. Their understanding of society is limited by the scientific
paradigm of proofs, data, theories, and definitions. The humanities
and the arts are therefore ignored and dismissed. Yet the only
knowledge that could provide a true understanding of the human
heart, the perennial complexities of societies with their conflicting
interests, the causes of modern-day movements and upheavals, and
the real requirements of a democratic civilization is the wisdom of
poetry and literature, philosophy and theology, the arts and history.
This is the domain of culture; this is where we can find Clio, the
Muse of history, always with a book in her hands, offering us the gift
of historical awareness. But one has to read books to get to know
her and benefit from her gifts.
A second reason the return of fascism and the loss of the
democratic spirit are hard to accept is the embarrassment of the
political left that embraces the tradition of the Enlightenment. The
mindset around its “articles of faith”—human progress, the natural
goodness of man, rationality, institutions, and political and social
values as the main pillars of a just society—will always make it
difficult to recognize the impact that the will to power, lust, desire,
and self-interest have on the human condition. The point is, we
human beings are as irrational as we can be rational, and fascism is
the political cultivation of our worst irrational sentiments:
resentment, hatred, xenophobia, lust for power, and fear!
Facing a fascist Europe, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt
knew what he was talking about in March 1933 when he declared in
his first inaugural address, “The only thing we have to fear . . . is
fear itself!” He was well aware that societies in the grip of fear are
responsive to the false promises of the fascist ideology and of
autocratic leaders.
A sense of crisis, economic insecurity, and the threat of terror or
war are the acknowledged causes of a climate of fear. The
incompetence to prevent the return of fascism, to fight and eliminate
it, is also due to an unacknowledged cause of fear and the main
reason fascism can return so easily in mass democracies: ignorance.
This is the third reason the denial of fascism prevails in our times.
Acceptance of this fact includes the awareness that despite all our
scientific and technological progress, the worldwide access to
information and a provision of “higher education” for everybody who
can afford it, the dominant force in our society is organized
stupidity . . .
In my 2008 book Nobility of Spirit: A Forgotten Ideal, the final
chapter “Be Brave” is devoted to the life of an exceptional man, a
fighter against his time, Leone Ginzburg. A Russian Jew born in
1909, Ginzburg as a child emigrated with his family to Italy. He was
a brilliant man who translated the wonderful brick of a novel,
Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina, into Italian when he was just eighteen.
Transmitting and making accessible the best of the European spirit—
great literature—would become his strong passion. He translated,
taught, founded a publishing house, and set up a magazine, Cultura
(Culture), to do justice to the original meaning of the word: making
room for the collection of the many roads people can travel in their
search for the truth about themselves and human existence.
Realizing that only culture can help people figure out the truth about
their own lives and actions, he made transmitting European culture
his life’s work.
But then Mussolini and his fascists came into power in Italy.
Mussolini insisted that all professors sign a declaration of loyalty—or
lose their jobs. Of the eleven hundred professors, only ten (!)
refused to sign. Leone Ginzburg was one of those ten. (Courage is a
rare trait in the academic and intellectual world too.) He joined the
resistance because he knew that culture and freedom cannot exist
without each other. He also knew that fascism—which always crops
up in the name of freedom—wants only to destroy freedom.
Ginzburg was arrested and deported. When Mussolini was
overthrown, Ginzburg returned to Rome to fight against the Nazis
who had taken over. He was arrested again and then tortured to
death by the Nazis at the age of thirty-five. A letter he wrote from
prison to his wife Natalia—it would turn out to be his last—ends as
follows:

Don’t worry too much about me. Just imagine that I am a prisoner of
war; there are so many, particularly in this war, and the great majority
will return home. Let us hope that I’m part of that majority, eh Natalia? I
kiss you again and again and again. Be brave.

I will never forget my silent amazement when I read those words for
the first time: Be brave. What did he mean by that? I found the
meaning of this farewell in Socrates, who taught that courage is the
ability to conquer not others but yourself, the courage to be wise
and just, the courage to cultivate your soul. Whoever does not do
this is not free, and life without freedom, an empty and
accommodating life, is meaningless and ultimately loveless.
Natalia Ginzburg knew this. She carried on her husband’s mission
in his publishing house and became a great writer of beautiful
stories and essays, including a short text in 1960 entitled Le piccole
virtú (The Little Virtues). The first two sentences are as follows:
 As far as the education of children is concerned, I think they should be
taught not the little virtues but the great ones. Not thrift but generosity
and an indifference to money; not caution but courage and a contempt
for danger; not shrewdness but frankness and a love of truth; not tact
but a love of one’s neighbour and self-denial; not a desire for success but
a desire to be and to know.

The cultivation of the little virtues, small-mindedness, trivia,

kitsch, stupidity—what does this have to do with the return of
fascism? Unfortunately everything. Late in life the director of La
Dolce Vita and Amarcord, Federico Fellini, a close friend of Natalia
Ginzburg, looked back at his own life, which included for a brief
period being a member of the Italian fascist youth movement. He
came to the following conclusion:

Fascism always arises from a provincial spirit, a lack of knowledge of real

problems, and people’s refusal—through laziness, prejudice, greed, or
arrogance—to give their lives deeper meaning. Worse, they boast of their
ignorance and pursue success for themselves or their group, through
bragging, unsubstantiated claims, and a false display of good
characteristics, instead of drawing from true ability, experience, or
cultural reflection. Fascism cannot be fought if we don’t recognize that it
is nothing more than the stupid, pathetic, frustrated side of ourselves, of
which we should be ashamed. To curb that part of ourselves, we need
more than activism for an antifascist part, because latent fascism is
hidden in all of us. It once gained a voice, authority, and trust, and it can
do so again.

It is no coincidence that the return of a fascist movement is

accompanied by the call to make country x, y or z “great again.” It is
the greatness of force, power, and the false promise of the return to
an unattainable past. That “greatness” is the opposite of the great
virtues that Natalia Ginzburg called for, and the human capacity to
transcend ourselves, to have imagination and empathy, to live in
truth, create beauty, and do justice. This is the true greatness of
honoring the dignity of every human being. This is what a
democratic civilization is all about.
 To understand the meaning of big words, we are in need of
stories. The Return of Europa: Her Tears, Deeds, and Dreams is such
a story, about three big, often misunderstood words: democracy,
freedom, and civilization. Their meaning matters more than ever as
we are confronted with the high art of lying and the twisting of
words’ meanings, which is part of the nature of fascism. The return
of fascism is always possible but never inevitable. Laws of history do
not exist. It is the power of human freedom to go against the
current and change the zeitgeist. That is what Friedrich Nietzsche
wanted us to know when he wrote, in his Untimely Meditation “On
the Uses and Disadvantages of History for Life,” that we should not
accept the blind power of the actual and that instead of conforming
to the whole noisy sham-culture of our age, we have to be fighters
against this age!
Leone Ginzburg fought this fight, and so did Natalia Ginzburg and
many others who figure in the following essay and story. It is now
upon us to fight against a zeitgeist that destroys the spirit of the
democratic civilization.
 I

THE ETERNAL RETURN OF

FASCISM

All I have is a voice

To undo the folded lie

—W. H. AUDEN, “SEPTEMBER 1, 1939”

 I

While the Second World War is ravaging the European continent,

far away in the North African city of Oran, a doctor finds a dead rat
on the landing one spring morning. He tells the concierge, and while
he realizes that it is an unusual discovery, he doesn’t pay much
attention to it. This changes the next day, when he finds three dead
rats. The concierge swears to him that it must be a boyish prank:
“There are no rats in this house!” However, in the ensuing days, not
only does the doctor come across more and more dead rats across
the city, but a surprising number of patients in his practice suffer
from the same symptoms—swellings, rashes, and delirium—leading
to death within forty-eight hours. He knows that whatever this is, it
is an epidemic. Whatever it is? A senior colleague admonishes him,
“Come on, you know as well as I do what this is. What’s more, we
know that everyone, the authorities most of all, will deny the truth
for as long as possible: ‘This can’t be true; we don’t have anything
like that anymore; we don’t live in the Middle Ages; would you
please stop panic-mongering.’”
But denial won’t change the facts, and once the epidemic has the
entire city in its grip, the phenomenon has to be named: the bubonic
plague!
One variant of the phenomenon of denial is the idea that
changing words will also change facts. Americans consider the word
problem taboo. Any situation that would once have received this
label is now called a “challenge.” Problems don’t exist, at least not in
the United States of America. The word fascism, in so far as it
relates to present-day politics, is likewise taboo in Europe. There is
the far right, radical conservatism, populism, right-wing populism,
but fascism—no, we don’t have that: it can’t be true, we don’t have
anything like that anymore, we live in a democracy, would you
please stop panic-mongering and offending people!
In 1947, Albert Camus ended his novel The Plague—an allegory
of fascism—with the comment that after the official announcement
that the plague’s reign of terror has ended, the doctor can’t join in
the mass celebration:

He knew what those jubilant crowds did not know but could have learned
from books—the plague bacillus never dies or disappears for good. It can
bide its time for decades, slumbering in furniture and linen. It waits
patiently in bedrooms, cellars, trunks, handkerchiefs, old papers. Perhaps
the day will come when, for the affliction and instruction of humankind,
the plague will rouse up its rats again and send them out to die in a
happy city.

That same year the German novelist Thomas Mann wrote,

“Nietzsche, like a sensitive stylus, signaled the arrival of the fascist
era, the era we live in and which, despite the military victory, we will
continue to live in for some time.”
Camus and Mann certainly weren’t the only ones who, once the
war was over, quickly realized what we are all too eager to forget:
that the fascist bacillus will always remain virulent in the body of
mass democracy. Denying this fact or calling the bacillus something
else will not make us resistant to it. The opposite is true. If we want
to put up a good fight, we first have to admit that it has become
active again in our social body and call it by its name: fascism. And
fascism is never a challenge but always a major problem because it
inevitably leads to despotism and to violence. Everything that carries
with it these consequences is called a danger. Any policy that tries to
deny a problem—or worse, a danger—is called an ostrich policy. It
remains true that he who does not learn from history is condemned
to repeat it.
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