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The Sociology
of Food
ii
 The Sociology
of Food
Eating and the Place of
Food in Society

JEAN-PIERRE POULAIN
TRANSLATED BY AUGUSTA DÖRR

Bloomsbury Academic
An Imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

LON DON • OX F O R D • N E W YO R K • N E W D E L H I • SY DN EY
 Bloomsbury Academic
An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway

London New York
WC1B 3DP NY 10018
UK USA

www.bloomsbury.com

BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

First published in French in 2002

© Jean-Pierre Poulain, 2002, 2011, 2013 and 2017

English language translation © Augusta Dörr, 2017

Jean-Pierre Poulain has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Author of this work.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or

transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval
system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers.

No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting

on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication
can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the author.

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

ISBN: HB: 978-1-4725-8620-9

PB: 978-1-4725-8621-6
ePDF: 978-1-4725-8623-0
ePub: 978-1-4725-8622-3

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

Cover design by Sutchinda Thompson

Typeset by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India

 Translation with the aid of Université Toulouse Jean Jaurès—Toulouse
School of Tourism Hospitality Management and Food Studies
(ISHTIA), Research Center on Work, Organizations and Policies (CERTOP)
UMR-CNRS 5044 and Taylor’s Toulouse University Center (Malaysia)

The author and publisher gratefully acknowledge the permission

granted to reproduce the copyright material in this book. Every
effort has been made to trace copyright holders and to obtain
their permission for the use of copyright material. The publisher
apologizes for any errors or omissions in the above list and would be
grateful if notified of any corrections that should be incorporated in
future reprints or editions of this book.
vi
 Contents

List of figures and tables xii

Preface xiv
By the same author xx
Acknowledgments xxi
List of abbreviations xxiii

Introduction 1

PART ONE Permanent and changing aspects

in modern eating practices 5

1 The globalization of the food supply:

Delocalization and relocalization 9
1 Food becomes internationalized—through regional specialties 9
2 Local food cultures as champions of identity 11
3 From our rediscovered regions to the realm of the exotic 16
4 From massification to intermixing 18

2 Between the domestic and the economic spheres:

The ebb and flow of culinary activity 25
1 The industrialization of the food supply 26
1.1 The industrialization of food production and new forms
of self-production 26
1.2 The industrialization of distribution 28
2 Semi-prepared foods and cooking for pleasure 29
3 The restaurant and catering sector 31
4 The eater, the restaurant system, and choice 34
5 Retirement, or the return to the domestic sphere 37
viii CONTENTS

3 The evolution of eating practices 41

1 The theory of gastro-anomie and related debates 41

1.1 An over abundant food supply 41
1.2 The relaxing of social constraints 42
1.3 The multiple discourses on food practices and
their contradictory aspects 42
2 The enduring class system 44
3 Changes in eating practices 46
3.1 The simplification of meal structures 47
3.2 Eating between meals 48
3.3 The location of food consumption 50
3.4 Profiles of food days 51
4 The discrepancy between norms and practices 54
5 From anomie to a crisis of legitimacy for the normative system 59
6 Overabundance and the new poverty 61

4 From food risks and food safety to anxiety management 63

1 The misunderstanding of quality 66

2 Risk and modern societies 67
3 Risk: The experts’ view, the public’s view 68
4 Risk as a constant aspect of human food consumption 70
4.1 The ambivalent nature of human food consumption 71
4.2 Exacerbated risk and its corrosive effect on methods intended to
manage the ambivalent nature of human food consumption 75
5 From democratic risk management to the social reconstruction
of food 78

5 Obesity and the medicalization of everyday food

consumption 81
1 Obesity and socioeconomic status 85
1.1 The nature of the links 85
1.2 Socioeconomic status as a determinant of obesity 88
1.3 The stigmatization of the obese 89
2 The development of obesity and modern eating practices 92
2.1 The epidemiologic transition model 93
2.2 The roles played by food consumption in epidemiologic
­transition 94
2.3 Modern food practices: A risk factor? 98
 CONTENTS ix

3 Is obesity a social construct? 102

3.1 The change in the social representations of obesity
and fat 103
3.2 The Paradoxes of the medicalization of obesity 105
4 The dangers of a public health discourse on weight loss 108

PART TWO From sociological interest in food

to sociologies of food 113

6 The major socio-anthropological movements and their

encounters with the “food social fact” 117
1 The functionalist perspective 118
2 The perspective of the anthropology of techniques 120
3 The culturalist perspective 121
4 The structuralist perspective 122
5 Sociological perspectives on food 125

7 Epistemological obstacles 128

1 “Grub”: A second-rate subject? 128

2 The exclusive nature of the social fact and the dual tradition
of Durkheim and Mauss 130

8 From sociological interest in food to sociologies

of food 136
1 The sociology of food consumption 136
1.1 The determinants of food consumption 137
1.2 Contemporary successors 140
1.3 The sociology of taste 146
2 The “developmentalist” perspective 147
2.1 The influence of Norbert Elias 147
2.2 Cultural materialism 150
3 The H-omnivore or the sociology of the eater 151
3.1 Classificatory thought 154
3.2 The incorporation principle 154
3.3 From the omnivore’s paradox to the ambivalent natures
of human food consumption 156
3.4 Revisiting incorporation 156
x CONTENTS

4 The sociology of eaters: An interactionist perspective 161

4.1 Sociality, sociability, and social change 162
4.2 The plural eater 163
4.3 The four types of ethos displayed by eaters 164
4.4 The eating sector 166

9 The sociologies of food and attempts to forge connections 168

1 Revisiting Durkheim 171

1.1 Individualization 172
1.2 Informalization or destructuration 172
1.3 Communitization (communification) 172
1.4 Stylization 173
2 Scale analysis 175
2.1 The macrosocial level 176
2.2 The mesosocial level 176
2.3 The micro-individual level 177
2.4 The biological level 178

10 The sociology of French gastronomy 180

1 The complexity of French gastronomy 181

2 Why is gastronomy French? 184
2.1 Science and gastronomy, the place of food in academic culture 184
2.2 The model of social distinction 186
2.3 Taste as an axis of development 188
2.4 Catholic morality and the spirit of gastronomy 190
2.5 The food critic: An intermediary between two worlds 195

11 The “food social space”: A tool for the study of food

patterns 198

1 The social space and the dual space of freedom open to

human eaters 199
2 The various dimensions of the “food social space” 204
2.1 The “edible” space 205
2.2 The food system 206
2.3 The culinary space 209
2.4 The space of food habits 209
2.5 Eating and the rhythm of time 210
2.6 The social differentiation space 211
 CONTENTS xi

3 Food and its social construction 211

3.1 The transition from plant status to food 213
3.2 The transition from animal status to food 214
3.3 Milk and milk derivatives 217
4 A socio-anthropology of food: Aims and issues 219

As a conclusion: The call for constructivist positivism 220

New chapter: Food studies versus the socio-anthropology

of the “food social fact” 223
1 The emergence of cultural studies 223
1.1 The CCCS: A new look at popular cultures 224
1.2 The United States and “French Theory” 225
1.3 Cultural studies and its “Big Bang” 228
2 From cultural studies to food studies 230
2.1 The progress of food studies 231
2.2 Institutional dynamics and domains of thematization 232
3 The challenges of food studies 237

Notes 241
References 248
Index 279
 List of figures and
tables

Figures
1 The decision-making system in the contract catering sector 36
2 Times of food intake occurring throughout the day 50
3 Discrepancy between norms and practices 57
4 The development of food purchases in household budgets 143
5 The sociologies of food 170
6 Social forces according to Warde 174
7 Social forces influencing food choices 175
8 Levels of observation according to Desjeux 178
9 The food system 208
10 Maps 236

Tables
1 “Do you cook in the same way as your mother?” 30
2 Growth in the restaurant and catering sector 33
3 Composition of lunch 1995–97 47
4 Correlations between meal tray composition and
independent variables 48
5 Instances of food intake, comparison between 1995 and 1997 49
6 Correlation between food intake between meals and
independent variables 49
7 Profiles of food days 52
8 Food-related aspirations of 50–60 year olds 62
9 Obesity and socioeconomic status in adults 87
 LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES xiii

10 Obesity and socioeconomic status in children and adolescents 88

11 The roles played by food in epidemiologic transition 99
12 The dimensions of food incorporation 159
13 Master's degree programs in food studies and in the human and
social sciences applied to the study of food 233
 Preface

O ver the last twenty years, the status of food and diet in the media
has undergone a change. The endless succession of crises, the rise in
obesity and in noncommunicable diseases, together with the food riots that
took place in the spring of 2008, have all brought the subject of food to the
forefront of public attention. Today, in addition to the benign articles discussing
gastronomy, or nutrition and diet, there are pages devoted to food-related
public policies and international relations. Food has now made headline news
on a countless number of occasions. Following a process of epidemiological
transition, degenerative disorders, cancer and heart disease have replaced
epidemics as the principal causes of death. As lifestyle plays a part in the
onset of these pathologies, the treatment of food and diet are viewed under
the umbrella of preventive measures.
In a reaction to globalization, regional food cultures have been endowed
with “heritage” status. The domain of fine cuisine, which had long kept regional
food cultures at a distance, has now begun to view them as a fresh source of
inspiration. In 2010, at the culmination of a lengthy process, UNESCO added
the “gastronomic meal of the French” and “traditional Mexican cuisine” to its
Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, followed
by the Mediterranean diet in 2013. In this way, table traditions and culinary
styles have officially become examples of a cultural legacy.
The controversies accompanying the application of biotechnology and
genetic engineering to food crops, and the production of biofuels from plant
biomass in potential competition with that of food, have become the subjects
of political debates. “Citizens’ conferences” have witnessed public calls for
moratoriums on the marketing of certain products and for the introduction of
organic foods into school canteen menus. In various countries, the ministries
of health and agriculture (sometimes in competition) have launched national
initiatives relating to nutrition and diet.
The food riots brought the old question “How can we feed the world?”
back into the spotlight. Thomas Malthus had previously expressed this
problem in the form of two growth curves developing at different rates: one,
representing food production, grew at an arithmetic rate, while the other,
representing population increase, developed in a geometric progression.
 PREFACE xv

In the event of the latter catching up with the former, the ensuing situation
would be characterized by famines and wars. Many have already sounded
the alarm, among them Josué de Castro, René Dumont, and Jean Ziegler,
attempting to disassociate the problem of hunger from the domain of charity
and to establish it as part of the international political agenda. To some extent
they have succeeded and their gloomy prognoses regarding food availability
have not come to pass—for the time being. Technological developments have
brought about a considerable improvement in productive capacity, and this,
coupled with a drop in birth rate that has occurred during the transitional
process, is pushing this fateful moment ever further into the future. The
famines currently being experienced are due more to problems of accessibility
than of availability.
In this way, food and diet have become political, environmental, heritage,
cultural, and public health issues. All these different domains represent various
frameworks within which to investigate our modern world, and provide the
social sciences with “food for thought.” The topical nature of these themes in
the 1990s and 2000s, both as a social issue and as a news item, contributed to
a change in the academic status of food and dietary practices. Indeed, during
the crises relating to “mad cow disease”, the media called for comments
from sociologists, who had been working on this theme for some time in an
environment of relative indifference. Their discourse was heard; it played a
part in identifying the symbolic, political, and scientific issues involved in the
questions that could not be answered easily using the traditional knowledge
accumulated through biological research, and which those responsible for
managing the crisis interpreted in terms of irrational consumer behavior.
Noted by press and public alike, the sociologists’ comments confirmed the fact
that eating involved far more than simply providing the body with nutrients.
They were also noted by researchers in the human and social sciences, who
discovered the potential interest presented by a sociology through food, in
addition to a sociology of food.
This change in its social and media status has contributed to the scientific
thematization of food and food practices.
However, some work was necessary in order to eliminate certain
epistemological obstacles and to establish this subject within the domain
of sociology and the social sciences. The French sociological tradition is
characterized by the tension between a disciplinary approach based on
the Durkheimian principle of the “social fact,” and the Maussian concept
of the “total social fact.” The former adheres more or less scrupulously to
the notion of the social fact as autonomous, while the latter is established
within the tradition inaugurated by Marcel Mauss, as part of the concept of
the “techniques of the body,” according to which the disciplinary boundaries
xvi PREFACE

between psychology and biology are characterized by a certain fluidity.

From the Maussian perspective, therefore, it is necessary to establish a
pluridisiplinary dialogue. Once the boundaries are removed, this dual
dynamic adapts itself perfectly to every aspect of the subject, allowing it
to become established within the social space. In this way, human eating
practices may be presented as a “social fact” (Émile Durkheim), a “total
social fact” (Marcel Mauss), and as a “total human fact” (Edgar Morin).
These three definitions all share the same principle—that the act of eating
amounts to much more than the biological infrastructure on which it is
based. Moreover, each of the definitions, from the first to the third and with
ever-increasing emphasis, highlights the vital importance of implementing
an interdisciplinary dialogue. The “food social fact” will therefore constitute
the subject of this book.
The way in which humankind experiences the fulfillment of its dietary
needs cannot be reduced to purely biological, technical, or even utilitarian
considerations. That concept of fulfillment occupies a prominent position
within the culture of each social group. Eating is a “social act”—indeed, a
“social event”—an equally central aspect of both family and public life. The
meal lies at the heart of the socialization process in the two senses of the
word: it is a site of apprenticeship, where the life rules governing a group are
learned, and a place of sociality, of sharing and conviviality. It would appear
that obesity and other troubles related to dietary behavior represent the price
to be paid by societies that tend to overlook this.
Man needs nutrients: carbohydrates, lipids, proteins, mineral salts, vitamins,
water, and so on, elements which he finds in the natural products forming
part of his environment. However, he can only ingest and absorb these in
the form of food, more particularly, in the form of cooked dishes—in other
words, natural products that have been developed within a culture, and are
transformed and consumed in accordance with highly socialized conventional
practices. Eating is, therefore, both a natural and a cultural act, through which
these two focal points, so often presented in Western thought as opposite
extremes, interlock and merge, and the social practices that it maintains
likewise contribute to its organization.
As a physical manifestation of a culture’s fundamental values, culinary
activity and table manners provide us with an ideal domain within which to
observe social representations at work. From the production, distribution,
preparation, and consumption of food, the act of eating structures the
organization of the human group, establishing itself as a vital subject for socio-
anthropological research. Food cultures demonstrate the specific character of
the bio-anthropological connection between a human group and its biotope.
Although this has been recognized by a certain number of researchers,
ethnologists, sociologists, anthropologists, historians, and geographers, it has
 PREFACE xvii

nonetheless proved somewhat difficult to establish the subject as a legitimate

domain within the human and social sciences.
The complex interweaving of its social and cultural dimensions with
its biological and corporal aspects, together with its ubiquitous presence
in social life, whether in a personal, everyday context, or on festive public
occasions, has, arguably, cloaked the ”food social fact” in a type of
paradoxical invisibility with regard to science. France, the land that witnessed
the birth of gastronomy, was perhaps more affected by this paradox than
other nations, and experienced particular difficulty in accepting food as a
subject for serious scientific study. And yet there was Roland Barthes, who
left us all too soon, with his famous article “Toward a Psychosociology of
Contemporary Food Consumption,” as well as his superb introduction to
the new edition of Brillat-Savarin’s La Physiologie du goût. There was also
Claude Lévi-Strauss, who, with Le cru et le cuit and L'origine des manières
de table, attained the highest rankings based on bibliometric indicators,
although for a considerable period of time that section of his work was
relegated to the domain of theoretical curiosities and simply “written off”
as examples of structuralist criticism. It was not until the late 1970s that
the social sciences turned their attention to food, beginning with history
and sociology. The next twenty years or so witnessed the emergence of
numerous works on the subject, produced in a relatively clandestine fashion.
This amounted to the construction of a scientific legacy, which was to
come to light during the crises of 1990 and 2000. Historians, sociologists,
anthropologists, and psychologists then found themselves required both to
describe the phenomena most frequently interpreted by those responsible
for managing the situation as “irrational consumer behavior,” and to highlight
the issues involved. It became apparent that cracks had emerged in the
globalized productivist model based on the upstream processing of food
products, although it had previously functioned successfully and had enabled
the West to emerge from a period of atavistic malnutrition following the
Second World War.
The aim behind this book, which was published in France in 2002 (but
written between 1999 and 2001), was to reveal the richness of the studies
exploring the social and cultural dimensions of food and eating.
Its standpoint is encapsulated in the use of the plural form, Sociologies
de l’alimentation. The intention was to emphasize the fact that, through its
complexity and the status of eating as a universal social activity, the study of
food involves all the various paradigms and perspectives of the social sciences,
thus underlining the need to establish a dialogue with neighboring disciplines.
With hindsight, this use of the plural form has nothing to do with any suggestion
of the relative immaturity of this domain pending the creation of a sociology
of food, as I might previously have believed. Instead, it confirms the benefit of
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