Sow And Grow Rich

There's a higher place for you to live in your finances, and the
principle of sowing aims to bring you there. Average and middle-class
living is not God's best for you, so don't allow the lack of
understanding the seed rob your harvest. Recognize

Author: Dr. Leroy Thompson Sr.

ISBN: 9780963258496
Category: Stewardship
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The following file is just a random
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only. It is not part of the main
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.
had not spared him. So he and Vaughn with their guns went after
Randolph, and Smith shot him “while Vaughn stood at a respectful
distance.” Randolph lost his leg from the shot. Smith and Vaughn
were put in jail, but through the connivance of the officials made
their escape. Vaughn went to Washington and was given an office in
Utah territory. See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1979.
[1735] He was a competent man, well educated and possessing
administrative ability. In the secession convention he had led the
coöperationist forces.
[1736] Clark, pp. 99-101; Monitor, Jan. 10 and 25 and March 28,
1871. The Register of the University (p. 218) gives only thirteen
names for the session 1870-1871. No record was kept at the
University.
[1737] See Register of the University of Alabama, p. 217.
[1738] These notices were printed in the Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p.
418. They were fastened to the door with a dagger. The students
who were notified left at once.
[1739] See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 426 (Speed).
[1740] The following table gives the enrolment of students during
Reconstruction:—

Session Students
1868-9
1869-70 30
1870-1 21
1871-2 107
1872-3 135
1873-4 53
1874-5 74
1875-6 111
 1876-7 164

[1741] I have this account from the men who furnished the bribes.
[1742] Clark, p. 99.
[1743] Finley had been doorkeeper for the first Board (1868-1870),
and in 1870 was elected to serve four years. He was a member of
the convention of 1867 and of the legislature. He had no education
and no ability, but he was a sensible negro and was an improvement
on the white men of the preceding Board.
[1744] Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, June 20,
1871.
[1745] Act of Dec. 6, 1873, School Laws.
[1746] Clark, p. 232; Report of Cloud, Nov., 1869; Montgomery Mail,
Sept. 16, 1870. In connection with the act merging the Mobile
schools into the state system, the Board of Education took occasion
to enlarge or complete its constitutional powers. There was no limit,
according to the Constitution, to the time for the governor to retain
acts of the Board. Governor Smith had pocketed several obnoxious
educational bills, and the Board now resolved “that the same rules
and provisions which by law govern and define the time and manner
in which the governor of the state shall approve of or object to any
bill or resolution of the General Assembly shall also apply to any bill
or resolution having the force of law passed by this Board of
Education.” The governor approved neither resolution nor the Mobile
act, but they were both declared in force. Montgomery Mail, Nov. 3,
1870.
[1747] Senate Journal, 1869-1870, p. 419.
[1748] Montgomery Mail, Sept. 16, 1870.
[1749] A specimen pay-roll of Emerson Institute (“Blue College”) for
the quarter ending March 31, 1869:—
 Months Salary Total
G. L. Putnam, Supt. of Colored
3 $333.33 $1000.00
Schools
H. S. Kelsey, Prin. Emerson
3 225.00 675.00
Institute
E. I. Ethridge, Prin. Grammar
3 200.00 600.00
School
Susie A. Carley, Prin. Lower School 3 180.00 540.00
A. A. Rockfellow, Prin.
3 105.00 315.00
Intermediate School
Sarah A. Primey, Prin. Intermediate
3 105.00 315.00
School
M. L. Harris, Prin. Intermediate
3 105.00 315.00
School
M. A. Cooley, Prin. Intermediate
3 105.00 315.00
School
M. E. F. Smith, Prin. Intermediate
3 105.00 315.00
School
Ruth A. Allen, Primary School 3 105.00 315.00
N. G. Lincoln, Primary School 3 105.00 315.00
M. L. Theyer, Primary School 3 105.00 315.00
Judge Rapier, legal opinion — — 50.00
American Missionary Association,
— — 40.00
fuel
Total $5425.00

At this time the average salary of the teacher in the state schools
was $42 a month.
[1750] Montgomery Mail, Sept. 16, 1876. Cloud’s Report, Nov., 1869,
shows that $10,447.23 had been drawn out of the treasury by
Putnam, and he had also drawn $2000 for his salary as county
superintendent.
[1751] Report of the Auditor, 1871; Report of the Commissioner of
Education, 1871, 1876.
[1752] See Act of Dec. 2, 1869; Somers, “Southern States,” pp. 169,
170.
[1753] The law stated that the trustees were to receive $2 a day,
but Cloud said that it was a mistake, as it should be the clerks who
were paid, and thus it was done. There were 1485 clerks in the
state; they were paid about $60,000 a year. The county
superintendents received about $65,000, an average of $1000 each,
which was paid from the school fund. Before the war the average
salary of the county superintendent was $300 and was paid by the
county. In few counties was the work of the county superintendent
sufficient to keep him busy more than two days in the week. Many
of the superintendents stayed in their offices only one day in the
week. The expenses of the Board of Education were from $3000 to
$5000 a year, not including the salary of the state superintendent.
Montgomery Mail, Sept. 15 and 16, 1870.
[1754] Hodgson’s Report, 1871; Ala. Test., p. 233.
[1755] Cloud, the state superintendent, had power of attorney to act
for certain county superintendents. This he sub-delegated to his son,
W. B. Cloud, who drew warrants for $8551.31, which were allowed
by the auditor. This amount was the school fund for the following
counties: Sumter, $1,535.59; Pickens, $6,423.17; Winston, $215.89;
Calhoun, $176.66; Marshall, $200.00.
A clerk in the office of C. A. Miller, the secretary of state, forged
Miller’s name as attorney and drew $3,238.39 from the Etowah
County fund. Miller swore that he had notified both auditor and
treasurer that he would not act as attorney to draw money for any
one.
John B. Cloud bought whiskey with tax stamps. See Hodgson’s
Report, 1871; Ala. Test., p. 233; Montgomery Advertiser, Sept. 27,
1872.
[1756] Hodgson’s Report, 1871; Montgomery Advertiser, Sept. 27,
1872; Report of the Commission to Examine State Offices, 1871.
[1757] Somers, pp. 169, 170.
[1758] Montgomery Mail, Sept. 15, 1870.
[1759] Somers, “Southern States,” p. 170; voters only counted as
polls.
[1760] Montgomery Mail, Sept. 15, 1870.
[1761] In recent years the people have demanded and obtained a
different class of school histories, such as those of Derry, Lee, Jones,
Thompson, Cooper, Estill, and Lemmon. Adams and Trent is an
example of one of the compromise works that resulted from the
demand of the southerners for books less tinctured with northern
prejudices.
[1762] Cloud’s Report, Nov., 1869; Hodgson’s Report, 1871; Ku Klux
Rept., Ala. Test., p. 426; Montgomery Conference, “Race Problems,”
p. 107.
[1763] See Ala. Test., p. 236 (General Clanton).
[1764] Ku Klux Rept., p. 53; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 234, 235.
[1765] Ala. Test., p. 1123.
[1766] Montgomery Advertiser, July 30, 1866; Selma Times, June
30, 1866.
[1767] Ala. Test., p. 236.
[1768] Selma Times, Dec. 30, 1865; Gulf States Hist. Mag., Sept.,
1902.
[1769] Trowbridge, “The South,” p. 431.
[1770] Marion Commonwealth; meeting held May 17, 1866.
[1771] Montgomery Advertiser, July 24, 1867; Ala. Test., p. 236.
[1772] Montgomery Advertiser, July 24, 1867; Ala. Test., pp. 236,
246.
[1773] See Ch. XI, Sec. 3.
[1774] For specimen letters written to their homes, see the various
reports of the Freedmen’s Aid Society of the Methodist Church, and
the reports of other aid societies.
[1775] The best-known instances of the killing of such negroes were
in Tuscaloosa and Chambers counties. The Ku Klux Report gives only
about half a dozen cases of outrages on teachers. See Ala. Test., pp.
52, 54, 67, 71, 140, 252, 755, 1047, 1140, 1853. Cloud in his report
made no mention of violence to teachers, nor did the governor. Lakin
said a great deal about it, but gave no instances that were not of the
well-known few. There was much less violence than is generally
supposed, even in the South.
[1776] Ala. Test., p. 252.
[1777] See Ala. Test., pp. 236, 1889; Somers, “Southern States,” p.
169; Report of the Joint Committee on Outrages, 1868. In
Crenshaw, Butler, and Chambers counties some schools existed for a
year or more until teachers of bad character were elected. Then the
neighborhood roughs burned the school buildings. Neither Cloud nor
any other official reported cases of such burnings. The legislative
committee could discover but two, and in both instances the women
teachers were of bad character. In the records can be found only
seventeen reports of burnings, and several of these were evidently
reports of the same instance; few were specific. Lakin, who spent
several years in travelling over north Alabama, and who was much
addicted to fabrication and exaggeration, made a vague report of
“the ruins of a dozen” schoolhouses. (Ala. Test., pp. 140, 141.) There
may have been more than half a dozen burnings in north Alabama,
but there is no evidence that such was the case. The majority of the
reports originated outside the state through pure malice. The houses
burned were principally in the white counties and were, as Lakin
reports, slight affairs costing from $25 to $75. It was so evident that
some of the fires were caused by the carelessness of travellers and
hunters who camped in them at night, that the legislature passed a
law forbidding that practice. See Acts of Ala., p. 187. About as many
schoolhouses for whites were destroyed as for blacks. Some were
fired by negroes for revenge, others were burned by accident.
[1778] Weekly Mail, Aug. 18, 1869.
[1779] Demopolis New Era, April 1, 1868.
[1780] Hodgson’s Report, Nov. 11, 1871.
[1781] Hodgson’s Report, Nov. 15, 1871.
[1782] Hodgson’s Report, Nov. 15, 1871.
[1783] For opinions in regard to the value of the early education
among the negroes, see Washington’s “Future of the American
Negro” and “Up from Slavery”; W. H. Thomas’s “American Negro”; P.
A. Bruce’s “Plantation Negro as a Freeman”; J. L. M. Curry, in
Montgomery Conference.
[1784] Montgomery Advertiser, July 24, 1867.
[1785] Ala. Test., p. 236.
[1786] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. Dr. J. L. M. Curry, who, in 1865,
began his work for the education of the negro, has thus expressed
his opinion of the early attempts to educate the blacks: “The
education was unsettling, demoralizing, pandered to a wild frenzy for
schooling as the quick method of reversing social and political
conditions. Nothing could have been better devised for deluding the
poor negro, and making him the tool, the slave, of corrupt
taskmasters.... With deliberate purpose to subject the southern
states to negro domination and secure the states permanently for
partisan ends, the education adopted was contrary to common
sense, to human experience, to all noble purposes. The aptitude and
capabilities and needs of the negro were wholly disregarded.
Especial stress was laid on classics and liberal culture to bring the
race per saltum to the same plane with their former masters, and
realize the theory of social and political equality. Colleges and
universities, established and conducted by the Freedmen’s Bureau
and northern churches and societies, sprang up like mushrooms, and
the teachers, ignorant and fanatical, without self-poise, proceeded to
make all possible mischief.” Montgomery Conference, “Race
Problems,” p. 109. See also the papers of Rev. D. Clay Lilly and Dr. P.
B. Barringer in Montgomery Conference, “Race Problems,” p. 130;
William H. Baldwin and Dr. Curry in Second Capon Springs
Conference; Barringer, “The American Negro: His Past and Future”;
Barringer, W. T. Harris, and J. D. Dreher in Proceedings Southern
Education Association, 1900; Haygood, “Pleas for Progress” and “Our
Brother in Black”; Abbott, “Rights of Man,” pp. 225-226.
[1787] The United States Commissioner of Education, in his report
for that year, made before the elections, stated that in educational
matters the state of Alabama was about to take a “backward step,”
meaning that it was about to become Democratic. Report, 1870, p.
15. Later he made similar remarks, much to the disgust of Hodgson,
who was an enthusiast in educational matters.
[1788] Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, 1870. Dr. O.
D. Smith, who was one of the newly elected Democratic members of
the Board, says that Cloud refused to inform the Board of the
contents of Hodgson’s communications. Thereupon Hodgson
addressed one to the Board directly and not to Cloud. When it came
in through the mail, Cloud took possession of it, but Dr. Smith, who
was on the lookout, called his attention to the fact that it was
addressed to the Board and reminded him of the penalties for
tampering with the mail of another person. The secretary read
Hodgson’s communication, and the Board was then free to act. The
Democratic members convinced the Radicals that if Cloud continued
in office they would not be able to draw their per diem, so Cloud
was compelled to vacate at once. When he left he had his buggy
brought to the door, and into it he loaded all the government coal
that was in his office and carried it away.
[1789] Hodgson’s Report, 1872.
[1790] See Hodgson’s Report, 1871.
[1791] Hodgson’s Report, 1871; Report of the Commissioner of
Education, 1876, p. 7; Journal of the Board of Education and
Regents, 1871; Acts of the Board of Education, pamphlet.
[1792] And this was the case notwithstanding the fact that the
county superintendents were now allowed mileage at the rate of
eight cents a mile in order to get them to come to Montgomery for
their money and thus to decrease the chances of corrupt practices of
the attorneys. Hodgson complained that many old claims which
should have been settled by Cloud were presented during his
administration.
[1793] Speed was a southern Radical. During the war he was a state
salt agent at the salt works in Virginia. He was a member of the
Board of Education from 1870 to 1872, and was far above the
average Radical office-holder in both character and ability.
[1794] Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1873, 1874, 1876;
Speed’s Report, 1873. Speed was ill much of the time, and his
bookkeeping was little better than Cloud’s. Two clerks, who, a
committee of investigation stated, were distinguished by a “total
want of capacity and want of integrity,” managed the department
with “such a want of system ... as most necessarily kept it involved
in inextricable confusion.” Money was received and not entered on
the books. A sum of money in coin was received in June, 1873, and
six months later was paid into the treasury in depreciated paper.
Vouchers were stolen and used again. Bradshaw, a county
superintendent, died, leaving a shortage of $10,019.06 in his
accounts. A large number of vouchers were abstracted from the
office of Speed by some one and used again by Bradshaw’s
administrator, who was no other than Dr. N. B. Cloud, who made a
settlement with Speed’s clerks, and when the shortage was thus
made good, the administrator still had many vouchers to spare. This
seems to have been Cloud’s last raid on the treasury. Montgomery
Advertiser, Dec. 18, 1873; Report of the Joint Committee on
Irregularities in the Department of Education, 1873.
[1795] Under the Reconstruction administrative expenses amounted
to 16 per cent, and even more.
[1796] The experiences with the American Missionary Association,
etc., made this provision necessary.
[1797] The United States Commissioner of Education gave a
disapproving account of these changes. It was exchanging “a
certainty for an uncertainty,” he said. Speed had not found it a
“certainty” by any means.
[1798] Plus the poll tax, which was not appropriated as required by
the constitution, but diverted to other uses.
[1799] There was a shortage of $187,872.49, diverted to other uses.
[1800] Shortage unknown; teachers were paid in depreciated state
obligations.
[1801] Shortage was $330,036.93.
[1802] Only $68,313.93 was paid, the rest diverted; shortage now
was $1,260,511.92.
[1803] None was paid, all diverted; shortage nearly two millions.
[1804] All was paid (by Democrats, who were now in power).
[1805] McTyeire, “A History of Methodism,” p. 670; Smith, “Life and
Times of George F. Pierce”; Southern Review, April, 1872.
[1806] Buckley, “History of Methodism in the United States,” pp. 516,
517.
[1807] Matlack, “Anti-Slavery Struggle and Triumph in the Methodist
Episcopal Church,” p. 339; Smith, “Life and Times of George F.
Pierce,” p. 530.
[1808] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 552; Caldwell, “Reconstruction
of Church and State in Georgia” (pamphlet).
[1809] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 552.
[1810] “The schismatical plans of the Northern Methodists and the
subtle proselytism of the Episcopalians” (Pierce). See Smith, “Life
and Times of George F. Pierce,” pp. 491, 499, 505, 530; West,
“History of Methodism in Alabama,” p. 717; McTyeire, “A History of
Methodism,” p. 673.
[1811] A Federal official in north Alabama who had known of Lakin
in the North testified that he had had a bad reputation in New York
and in Illinois and had been sent South as a means of discipline. See
Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 619 (L. W. Day, United States
Commissioner). Governor Lindsay said that Lakin was a shrewd,
cunning, strong-willed man, given to exaggeration and lying,—one
who had a “jaundiced eye,” “a magnifying eye,” and who among the
blacks was a power for evil. Ala. Test., p. 180.
[1812] N. Y. Herald, May 10, 1868; Buckley, “History of Methodism,”
Vol. II, p. 191.
[1813] In 1871, Lakin stated that of his 15,000 members, three-
fourths were whites of the poorer classes; that there were under his
charge 6 presiding elders’ districts with 70 circuits and stations, and
70 ministers and 150 local preachers; and that he had been assisted
in securing the “loyal” element by several ministers who had been
expelled by the Southern Methodists during the war as traitors. Ala.
Test., pp. 124, 130. Governor Lindsay stated that some of the whites
of Lakin’s church were to be found in the counties of Walker,
Winston, and Blount; that there were few such white congregations,
and that some of these afterward severed their connection with the
northern church, and by 1872 there were only two or three in the
state. Lakin worked among the negro population almost entirely, and
his statement that three-fourths of his members were whites was
not correct. See Ala. Test., pp. 180, 208.
[1814] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 111, 112, 124, 180, 623, 957.
Lakin secured all church property formerly used by the southern
church for negro congregations.
[1815] Lakin never acknowledged the present existence of the
southern church.
[1816] Ala. Test., pp. 238, 758.
[1817] One of Lakin’s relations was that while he was conducting a
great revival meeting among the hills of north Alabama, Governor
Smith and other prominent and sinful scalawag politicians were
under conviction and were about to become converted. But in came
the Klan and the congregation scattered. Smith and the others were
so angry and frightened that their good feelings were dissipated,
and the devil reëntered them, so that he (Lakin) was never able to
get a hold on them again. Consequently, the Klan was responsible
for the souls lost that night. Lakin told a dozen or more marvellous
stories of his hairbreadth escapes from death by assassination,—
enough, if true, to ruin the reputation of north Alabama men for
marksmanship.
[1818] Shackleford, “History of the Muscle Shoals Baptist
Association,” p. 84.
[1819] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 106. In 1905 there is a much
better spirit, and the churches of the two sections are on good
terms, though not united.
[1820] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 705. See p. 23 and Ch. IV, Sec.
7, above.
[1821] Thompson, “History of the Presbyterian Churches,” p. 167.
[1822] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 706.
[1823] Carroll, “Religious Forces,” p. 281; Thompson, “History of the
Presbyterian Churches,” pp. 163, 171; Johnson, “History of the
Southern Presbyterian Churches,” pp. 333, 339.
[1824] Perry, p. 328 et seq.
[1825] Later the northern congregations of the Methodist Protestant
Church rejoined the main body, which was southern.
[1826] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
[1827] Riley, “History of the Baptists in Alabama,” p. 310;
Montgomery Advertiser, Oct. 15, 1865; N. Y. Times, Oct. 22, 1865;
George Brewer, “History of the Central Association,” pp. 46, 49.
[1828] Huntsville Advocate, May 16, 1866.
[1829] Shackleford, “History of the Muscle Shoals Baptist
Association,” p. 84.
The Radical missionaries, in order to further their own plans,
encouraged the negroes to assert their equality by forcing
themselves into the congregations of the various denominations.
Governor Lindsay related an incident of a negro woman who went
alone into a white church, selected a good pew, and calmly
appropriated it. No one molested her, of course. Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
Test., p. 208.
America Trammell, a negro preacher of east Alabama, before the
war and afterward as late as 1870 preached to mixed congregations
of blacks and whites. A part of the church building was set apart for
the whites and a part for the blacks. Later he became affected by
the work of the missionaries, and in 1871 began to preach that
“Christ never died for the southern people at all; that he died only
for the northern people.” A white woman teacher lived in his house,
and he was killed by the Ku Klux Klan. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p.
1119.
[1830] Ball, “History of Clarke County,” pp. 591, 630; Statistics of
Churches, p. 171.
[1831] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 236, 1067.
[1832] “The Work of the Southern Baptists among the Negroes”
(pamphlet).
[1833] See the Southern Baptist Convention Advanced Quarterly, p.
30, “Missionary Lesson, The Negroes,” March 29, 1903, which is a
most interesting, artless, southern lesson. The northern Baptists also
have a mission lesson on the negroes which is distinctly of the
abolitionist spirit. The average student will get about the same
amount of prepared information from each. See “Home Mission
Lesson No. 3, The Negroes.”
[1834] Foster, “Sketch of History of the Cumberland Presbyterian
Church,” p. 300; Carroll, “Religious Forces,” p. 294; Thompson,
“History of the Presbyterian Churches,” p. 193.
[1835] Thompson, “History of the Presbyterian Churches,” p. 193;
Scouller, “History of the United Presbyterian Church of North
America,” p. 246.
[1836] Montgomery Conference, “Race Problems,” p. 114.
[1837] Eighth Annual Report of the Freedmen’s Aid Society.
[1838] House Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.
[1839] See “Race Problems,” p. 139, for a statement of the work
now being done among the negroes in Alabama by the Catholic
Church.
[1840] Whitaker, “The Church in Alabama,” pp. 193, 205, 206-212.
The work of the Episcopal Church among the negroes is more
promising in later years. See “Race Problems,” pp. 126-131. It is not
a sectional church, with a northern section hindering the work of a
southern section among the negroes, as is the Methodist Episcopal
Church.
[1841] Carroll, “Religious Forces,” p. 263.
[1842] Montgomery Advertiser, Nov. 24, 1865.
[1843] Montgomery Advertiser, Nov. 11, 1865.
[1844] Report for 1866, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
[1845] Lakin fomented disturbances between the races. His
daughter wrote slanderous letters to northern papers, which were
reprinted by the Alabama papers. Lakin told the negroes that the
whites, if in power, would reëstablish slavery, and advised them, as a
measure of safety, physical as well as religious, to unite with the
northern church. The scalawags did not like Lakin, and one of them
(Nicholas Davis) gave his opinion of him and his talks to the Ku Klux
Committee as follows: “The character of his [Lakin’s] speech was
this: to teach the negroes that every man that was born and raised
in the southern country was their enemy, that there was no use
trusting them, no matter what they said,—if they said they were for
the Union or anything else. ‘No use talking, they are your enemies.’
And he made a pretty good speech, too; awful; a hell of a one; ...
inflammatory and game, too, ... it was enough to provoke the devil.
Did all the mischief he could.... I tell you, that old fellow is a hell of
an old rascal.” Ala. Test., pp. 784, 791. One of Lakin’s negro
congregations complained that they paid for their church and the lot
on which it stood, and that Lakin had the deed made out in his
name.
[1846] In the Black Belt and in the cities the slaveholders often
erected churches or chapels for the use of the negroes, and paid the
salary of the white preacher who was detailed by conference,
convention, association, or presbytery to look after the religious
instruction of the blacks. Nearly always the negro slaves contributed
in work or money towards building these houses of worship, and the
Reconstruction convention in 1867 passed an ordinance which
transferred such property to the negroes whenever they made any
claim to it. See Ordinance No. 25, Dec. 2, 1867. See also Acts of
1868, pp. 176-177; Governor Lindsay in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p.
180; Montgomery Advertiser, Nov. 24, 1865.
[1847] Huntsville Advocate, May 5, 1865; Carroll, “Religious Forces,”
p. 263.
[1848] Reports of the Freedmen’s Aid Society, 1866-1874.
[1849] The first recognition of such work, I find, is in the Report of
the Freedmen’s Aid Society in 1878.
[1850] Tenth and Eleventh Reports of the Freedmen’s Aid Society.
[1851] These religious bodies were the African Methodist Episcopal
and the African Methodist Episcopal Zion. The former was organized
in Philadelphia in 1816, and the latter in New York in 1820. Both
were secessions from the Methodist Episcopal Church. See Statistics
of Churches, pp. 543, 559. At first there were bitter feuds between
the blacks who wished to join the northern churches and those who
wished to remain in the southern churches, but the latter were in
the minority and they had to go. See Ala. Test., p. 180; Smith,
“History of Methodism in Georgia and Florida”; “Life and Times of
George F. Pierce,” p. 491.
The main difference between the A. M. E. and the A. M. E. Zion
Church, according to a member of the latter, is that in one the dues
are 25 cents a week and in the other 20 cents.
[1852] McTyeire, “History of Methodism,” pp. 670-673. A Southern
Methodist negro preacher in north Alabama was trying to reorganize
his church and was driven away by Lakin, who told his flock that
there was a wolf in the fold. See Ala. Test, p. 430. The statements of
several of the negro ministers would seem to indicate that Lakin
took possession of a number of negro congregations and united
them with the Cincinnati Conference without their knowledge. Few
of the negroes knew of the divisions in the Methodist Episcopal
Church, and most of them thought that Lakin’s course was merely
some authorized reorganization after the destruction of war. One
witness who knew Lakin in the North said that he was an original
secessionist, since, in Peru, Indiana, he broke up a church and
organized a secession congregation because he was opposed to men
and women sitting together. The same person testified that once in
north Alabama Lakin asked for lodging one night at a white man’s
house. The host was treated to a lecture by Lakin on the equality of
the races, and thereupon sent out and got a negro and put him in a
bed to which Lakin was directed at bedtime. He hesitated, but slept
with the negro. Ala. Test., pp. 791-794. Lakin was a strange
character, and for several years was a powerful influence among the
Radicals and negroes of north Alabama. See Ala. Test., p. 959. A
Northern Methodist leader among the negroes of Coosa County was
the Rev. —— Dorman, who had formerly belonged to the southern
church, but had been expelled for immorality. He lived with the
negroes and led a lewd life. He advised the negroes to arm
themselves and assert their rights, and required them to go armed
to church. See Ala. Test., pp. 164, 230. Rev. J. B. F. Hill of Eutaw was
another ex-Southern Methodist who taught a negro school and
preached to the negroes. He had been expelled from the Alabama
Conference (Southern) for stealing money from the church, and it
was charged that he tried to sell a coffin which had been sent him
and in which he was to send to Ohio the body of a Federal soldier
who had died in Eutaw. See Demopolis New Era, April 1, 1868.
During the worst days of Reconstruction a number of negro
churches which were used as Radical headquarters were burned by
the Ku Klux Klan. The Northern Methodist Church is the weakest of
the three negro churches; mountaineers and negroes do not mix
well. The church is not favored by the whites, and there is
opposition to the establishment of a negro university at Anniston by
the Freedmen’s Aid Society of this church, on the ground that
socially, commercially, and educationally the interests of the white
race suffer where an institution is located by this society. See
Brundidge (Ala.) News, Aug. 22, 1903.
[1853] McTyeire, “A History of Southern Methodism,” p. 670; Carroll,
“Religious Forces,” p. 263; Alexander, “Methodist Episcopal Church
South,” pp. 91-133.
[1854] Carroll, “Religious Forces,” p. 263; Bishop Halsey in the N. Y.
Independent, March 5, 1891; Statistics of Churches, p. 604.
[1855] W. T. Harris, Richmond Meeting, Southern Educational
Association (1900), p. 100.
[1856] See Washington, “Up from Slavery.” One church with two
hundred members had eighteen preachers. Exhorters or “zorters”
and “pot liquor” preachers were still more numerous.
[1857] “Race Problems,” pp. 114, 120, 123, 126, 130, 131, 135;
Haygood, “Our Brother in Black,” passim; Statistics of Churches, p.
171.
[1858] The Nation, July 12, 1866, condensed.
[1859] Caldwell, “Reconstruction of Church and State in Georgia”
(pamphlet). The circulars of advice to the blacks by the Freedmen’s
Bureau officials repeatedly mention the advisability of the separation
of the races in religious matters. But this was less the case in
Alabama than in other southern states.
[1860] See Testimony of Minnis in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test.; Brown,
“Lower South,” Ch. IV.
[1861] See above, Ch. VIII, Sec. 2.
[1862] Saunders, “Early Settlers”; Miller, “Alabama”; Ku Klux Rept.,
Ala. Test., p. 394 (General Pettus); Somers, “Southern States,” p.
153.
[1863] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 80-81; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 170
(Governor Lindsay).
[1864] Ala. Test., pp. 433, 459 (P. M. Dox, M. C.); p. 1749 (W. S.
Mudd); p. 476 (William H. Forney); Beard, “Ku Klux Sketches.”
[1865] Somers, p. 153; Birmingham Age-Herald, May 19, 1901 (J. W.
DuBose); Ala. Test., p. 487 (Gen. William H. Forney).
[1866] Ala. Test., p. 230 (General Clanton); pp. 1751, 1758, 1765
(W. S. Mudd).
[1867] Planters who before the war were able to raise their own
bacon at a cost of 5 cents a pound now had to kill all the hogs to
keep the negroes from stealing them, and then pay 20 to 28 cents a
pound for bacon. The farmer dared not turn out his stock. Ala. Test.,
pp. 230, 247 (Clanton).
[1868] N. Y. World, April 11, 1868 (Montgomery Advertiser). There
was a plot to burn Selma and Tuscumbia; Talladega was almost
destroyed; the court-house of Greene County was burned and that
of Hale set on fire. In Perry County a young man had a difficulty with
a carpet-bag official and slapped his face. That night the carpet-
bagger’s agents burned the young man’s barn and stables with
horses in them. It was generally believed that the penalty for a
dispute with a carpet-bagger was the burning of a barn, gin, or
stable. See also Brown, “Lower South,” Ch. IV.
[1869] Ala. Test., p. 487 (Gen. William H. Forney).
[1870] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 377, 381, 382, 400, statement
of General Pettus, the present junior Senator from Alabama. Pope
and Grant continually reminded the old soldiers that their paroles
were still in force. Also Beard, “Ku Klux Sketches”; testimony of John
D. Minnis, a carpet-bag official, in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 527-
571.
[1871] Ala. Test., p. 224.
[1872] Ala. Test., p. 873 (William M. Lowe).
[1873] See Ch. XXIII.
[1874] For general accounts: Lester and Wilson, “Ku Klux Klan”;
Beard, “Ku Klux Sketches”; Brown, “The Lower South in American
History,” Ch. IV; Nordhoff, “Cotton States in 1875”; Somers, “The
Southern States.” For documents, see Fleming, “Docs. relating to
Reconstruction.” For innumerable details, see the Ku Klux testimony
and the testimony taken by the Coburn investigating committee.
[1875] Independent Monitor (Tuscaloosa), April 14, 1868.
[1876] The negroes called them “paterollers.”
[1877] Ala. Test., p. 490 (William H. Forney).
[1878] Ala. Test., p. 873 (William. M. Lowe); p. 443 (P. M. Dox); oral
accounts. It must be remembered that, so far as numbers of whites
are considered, the Black Belt has always been as a thinly populated
frontier region, where every white must care for himself.
[1879] Rev. W. E. Lloyd and Mr. R. W. Burton, both of Auburn, Ala.,
and numerous negroes have given me accounts of the policy of the
black districts soon after the war.
[1880] Ala. Test., p. 1487 (J. J. Garrett).
[1881] Birmingham Age-Herald, May 19, 1901 (J. W. DuBose).
[1882] Ala. Test., p. 592 (L. W. Day).
[1883] Saunders, “Early Settlers”; oral accounts.
[1884] Ala. Test., p. 445 (P. M. Dox); Miller, “Alabama.” The negroes
still point out and avoid the trees on which these outlaws were
hanged.
[1885] J. W. DuBose and accounts of other members.
[1886] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 1866, Pt.
III, p. 140 (Swayne).
[1887] Ala. Test., pp. 1125, 1126 (Daniel Taylor); pp. 1136, 1142
(Col. John J. Holley).
[1888] Ala. Test., p. 877 (Wm. M. Lowe); p. 664 (Daniel Coleman).
[1889] “The so-called Ku Klux organizations were formed in this
state (Alabama) very soon after the return of our soldiers to their
homes, following the surrender. To the best of my recollection, it was
during the winter of 1866 that I first heard of the Klan in
Alabama.”—Ryland Randolph. The quotations from Randolph are
taken from his letters, unless his paper, the Independent Monitor, is
referred to.
[1890] “This fellow Jones up at Pulaski got up a piece of Greek and
originated it, and then General Forrest took hold of it.”—Nicholas
Davis, in Ala. Test., p. 783.
[1891] Lester and Wilson, “Ku Klux Klan,” p. 17; Ala. Test., pp. 660,
661, 1282; accounts of members.
[1892] Ala. Test., p. 660.
[1893] “It [the Klan] originated with the returned soldiers for the
purpose of punishing those negroes who had become notoriously
and offensively insolent to white people, and, in some cases, to
chastise those white-skinned men who, at that particular time,
showed a disposition to affiliate socially with negroes. The
impression sought to be made was that these white-robed night
prowlers were the ghosts of the Confederate dead, who had arisen
from their graves in order to wreak vengeance upon an undesirable
class of white and black men.”—Randolph.
[1894] Lester and Wilson, Ch. I; Ala. Test., p. 1283 (Blackford);
Somers, p. 152; oral accounts.
[1895] General Forrest was the first and only Grand Wizard.
[1896] There could not be more than two Dominions in a single
congressional district.
[1897] There might be two Grand Giants in a province.
[1898] The office of Grand Ensign was abolished by the Revised and
Amended Prescript, adopted in 1868. The banner was in the shape
of an isosceles triangle, five feet by three, of yellow cloth with a
three-inch red border. Painted on it in black was a Draco volans, or
Flying Dragon, and this motto, “Quod semper, quod umbique, quod
ab omnibus.” This, in a note to the Prescript, was translated, “What
always, what everywhere, what by all is held to be true.”
[1899] Sources of revenue: (1) sale of the Prescript to Dens for $10
a copy, of which the treasuries of Province, Dominion, and Realm
each received $2 and the treasury of the Empire $4; (2) a tax levied
by each division on the next lower one, amounting to 10% of the
revenue of the subordinate division; (3) a special tax, unlimited,
might be levied in a similar manner, when absolutely necessary; (4)
the Dens raised money by initiation fees ($1 each), fines, and a poll
tax levied when the Grand Cyclops saw fit.
[1900] The Revised Prescript made all officers appointive except the
Grand Wizard, who was elected by the Grand Dragons,—a long step
toward centralization.
[1901] It was by virtue of this authority that the order was
disbanded in 1869.
[1902] The judiciary was abolished by the Revised Prescript.
[1903] “We had a regular system of by-laws, one or two of which
only do I distinctly remember. One was, that should any member
reveal the names or acts of the Klan, he should suffer the full
penalty of the identical treatment inflicted upon our white and black
enemies. Another was that in case any member of the Klan should
become involved in a personal difficulty with a Radical (white or
black), in the presence of any other member or members, he or they
were bound to take the part of the member, even to the death, if
necessary.”—Randolph.
[1904] “Terrible, horrible, furious, doleful, bloody, appalling, frightful,
gloomy,” etc. The Register was changed in the Revised Prescript. It
was simply a cipher code.
[1905] The Revised Prescript says “the constitutional laws.” Lester
and Wilson, p. 54.
[1906] Compare with the declaration of similar illegal societies,—the
“Confréries” of France in the Middle Ages,—which sprang into
existence under similar conditions seven hundred years before,
“pour defendre les innocents et réprimer les violences iniques.” See
Lavisse et Rambaud, “Histoire Générale,” Vol. II, p. 466.
[1907] See also Lester and Wilson, pp. 55, 56.
[1908] I have before me the original Prescript, a small brown
pamphlet about three inches by five, of sixteen pages. The title-page
has a quotation from “Hamlet” and one from Burns. At the top and
bottom of each page are single-line Latin quotations: “Damnant
quod non intelligunt”; “Amici humani generis”; “Magna est Veritas, et
prevalebit”; “Hic manent vestigia morientis libertatis”; “Cessante
causa, cessat effectus”; “Dormitur aliquando jus, moritur nunquam”;
“Deo adjuvante, non timendum”; “Nemo nos impune lacessit,” etc.
This Prescript belonged to the Grand Giant of the Province of
Tuscaloosa County, the late Ryland Randolph, formerly editor of the
Independent Monitor, and was given to me by him. It is the only
copy known to be in existence. He called it the “Ku Klux Guide
Book,” and states that it was sent to him from headquarters at
Memphis. An imperfect copy of the original Prescript was captured in
1868, and printed in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 53, pp. 315-321, 41st Cong.,
2d Sess., and again in the Ku Klux Rept., Vol. XIII, pp. 35-41.
There is a copy of the Revised and Amended Prescript in Columbia
University Library, the only copy known to be in existence. No
committee of Congress ever discovered this Prescript, and when the
Klan disbanded, in March, 1869, it was strictly ordered that all
papers be destroyed. A few Prescripts escaped destruction, and
years afterward one of these was given to the Southern Society of
New York by a Nashville lady. The Southern Society gave it to
Columbia University Library. It was printed in the office of the Pulaski
Citizen in 1868. The Revised and Amended Prescript is reproduced in
facsimile as No. 2 of the W. Va. Univ. “Docs, relating to
Reconstruction.” Lester and Wilson use it incorrectly (p. 54) as the
one adopted in Nashville in 1867. At this time General Forrest is said
to have assumed the leadership. See Wyeth, “Life of Forrest,” p.
619; Mathes, “General Forrest,” pp. 371-373; Ku Klux Rept., Vol.
XIII, Forrest’s testimony.
[1909] Somers, p. 153.
[1910] “Breckenridge Democrats, Douglas Democrats, Watts State
Rights Whigs, Langdon Consolidation Know-Nothings,” united in Ku
Klux. Birmingham Age-Herald, May 19, 1901; Ala. Test., p. 323
(Busteed) et passim.
[1911] But some survivors are now inclined to remember all
opposition to the Radical programme as Ku Klux, that is, to have
been a Democrat then was to have been a member of Ku Klux.
[1912] General Terry, in Report of Sec. of War, 1869-1870, Vol. II, p.
88.
[1913] “The Ku Klux organizations flourished chiefly in middle and
southern Alabama; notably in Montgomery, Greene, Tuscaloosa, and
Pickens counties.”—Randolph.
[1914] Ku Klux Rept., p. 21; Ala. Test., pp. 67, 68 (B. W. Norris); pp.
364, 395 (Swayne); p. 443 (P. M. Dox); p. 385 (General Pettus); p.
462 (William H. Forney); p. 77 (Parsons); pp. 1282, 1283
(Blackford); p. 547 (Minnis); p. 660 (Daniel Coleman); p. 323
(Busteed).
[1915] Ala. Test., p. 785 (Nicholas Davis); pp. 79, 80 (Governor
Parsons).
[1916] Ala. Test., p. 1282.
[1917] “Had these organizations confined their operations to their
legitimate objects, then their performances would have effected only
good. Unfortunately the Klan began to degenerate into a vile means
of wreaking revenge for personal dislikes or personal animosities,
and in this way many outrages were perpetrated, ultimately resulting
in casting so much odium on the whole concern that about the year
1870 there was an almost universal collapse, all the good and brave
men abandoning it in disgust. Many outrages were committed in the
name of Ku Klux that really were done by irresponsible parties who
never belonged to the Klan.”—Randolph.
[1918] It was evidently organized May 23, 1867, since the
constitution directed that all orders and correspondence should be
dated with “the year of the B.—computing from the 23d of May,
1867.... Thursday the 20th of July, 1868, shall be the 20th day of the
7th month of the 2d year of the B. of the ——.” Constitution, Title
VIII, Article 77.
[1919] Ala. Test., pp. 1282-1283 (Blackford); p. 9 (William Miller);
accounts of former members. P. J. Glover testified in the Coburn-
Buckner Report, pp. 882-883 (1875), that in 1867-1868 he was a
member of the order of the White Camelia in Marengo County, and
that it coöperated with a similar order in Sumter County. The Ku Klux
testimony relating to Alabama (p. 1338) shows that in 1871 Glover
had denied any knowledge of such secret orders.
[1920] W. Va. Univ. Docs., No. 1; Brown, “Lower South,” Ch. IV.
[1921] The officers of the Supreme Council were: (1) Supreme
Commander, (2) Supreme Lieutenant Commander, (3) Supreme
Sentinel, (4) Supreme Corresponding Secretary, (5) Supreme
Treasurer.
[1922] The officers were Grand Commander, Grand Lieutenant
Commander, etc.
[1923] The officers of a Central Council were Eminent Commander,
etc.; of a Subordinate Council, Commander, etc.
[1924] Dr. G. P. L. Reid, Marion, Alabama, formerly an official in the
order. Mr. William Garrott Brown gives the statement of one of the