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2
Concept of Ideology

I N THE REALM of political theory the term 'ideology' is applied in two

contexts: (a) a set of ideas which are accepted to be true by a particular
group, party or nation without further examination; and (b) the science of ideas
which examines as to how different ideas are formed, how truth is distorted, and
how we can overcome distortions to discover true knowledge.

In this context, ideology means a set of those ideas which are accepted to be true
by a particular group without further examination. These ideas are invoked in
order to justify or denounce a particular way of social, economic or political
organization. In this sense, ideology is a matter of faith; it has no scientific basis.
Adherents of an ideology think that its validity need not be subjected to verification.
Different groups may adhere to different ideologies; hence differences among
them are inevitable. Ideology, therefore, gives rise to love-hate relationship, which
is not conducive to scientific temper. Examples of some ideologies are: liberalism,
capitalism, socialism, Marxism, communism, anarchism, fascism, imperialism,
nationalism, internationalism, etc.

IDEOLOGY, POLITICS AND POLITICAL THEORY

A group will invoke its ideology to determine the best form of government, the
basis of right to rule and the procedure of selection of rulers. Broadly speaking,
it answers the following questions: Who should rule? How rulers should be
selected? According to what principles should a government operate? And, what
institutions should be maintained or replaced for the realization of those principles?
When an ideology is used to defend an existing system or to advocate a limited or
a radical change in that system, it becomes a part of politics. A political ideology
may lend legitimacy to the ruling class or it may involve an urge for revolution. It
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Concept of Ideology 15

therefore signifies the manipulative power of a dominant class or of a social

movement.
An ideology is action-oriented. It presents a cause before its adherents and
induces them to fight for that cause, and to make sacrifices for its realization. For
example, nationalism may inspire people to sacrifice their wealth or life for
defending the freedom of their nation. But communalism may induce hatred among
people towards members of another community and prompt them to destroy life
and property of innocent persons. One stream of fundamentalism, based on
obscurantism, has given rise to worldwide terrorism.

Obscurantism
A poticy or tendency involving deliberate effort at making things obscure so as to
prevent people from knowing the truth.

In the sphere of politics, conflicting ideologies may be invoked to defend

conflicting norms or ideals. Of these, some ideals may be designed to serve some
vested interests, and some ideals may seek to challenge irrational beliefs and
conventions, and thus pave the way for progress. For example, ideology of
imperialism may be invoked to facilitate the exploitation of colonial territories and
their people, while environmentalism may be invoked to save humanity from the
curse of atmospheric pollution and depletion of valuable natural resources.
Coming to political theory, it may be observed that in many cases political
theories and political ideologies are described by the same terminology. For
instance, the terms 'liberalism', 'socialism', 'communism', etc. are applied to
describe certain political ideologies as well as political theories. Do they indicate
identical things? Some writers think it is so. At times a political theory seems to
justify and prescribe a course of action as if it were a political ideology. The genesis
of a political theory may be sought to be explained in the light of stresses and
strains emanating from actual politics. Sometimes, clash of some political theories
may be, explained in the light of a clash in a political situation. That is why G.H.
Sabine, in his Preface to the first edition of his A History of Political Theory (1937)
wrote:
This history of political theory is written in the light of the hypothesis that
theories of politics are themselves a part of politics... Reflection upon the
ends of political action, upon the means of achieving them, upon the
possibilities and necessities of political situations, and upon the obligations
that political purposes impose is an intrinsic element of the whole political
process.
However, Sabine's view on this issue cannot be accepted as the final word. We
must draw a distinction between the origin and the validity of a theory. While
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16 An Introduction to Political Theory

it may be conceded that political theories arise from different political situations,
yet the study of political theory also includes a critical evaluation of these theories.
This critical evaluation involves segregation of truth embodied in these theories
from those elements which are the product of political considerations. For example,
we denounce Aristotle's defence of slavery and subjugation of women because
they were designed to promote the interests of 'freemen' in ancient Greek society.
But his explanation of the instability of constitutions stating that the 'power and
virtue cannot coexist' must be accepted as valid as it embodies an eternal truth.
Similarly, Machiavelli's advice to the Prince to set aside all moral considerations
cannot be accepted, but his insights regarding human behaviour can be profitably
used in the sphere of diplomacy and statecraft.
It is the critical function of political theory that distinguishes it from the set of
ideas which are the product of politics. Politics involves the pursuit of partisan
ends. Political ideology is closely related to politics because it involves a passionate
search for a better society according to the prescribed model. But political theory
involves a disinterested search for a better society. Its goals are under constant
investigation and critical examination. Andrew Hacker, in his Political Theory:
Philosophy, Ideology, Science (1961) has observed that whether we look at the
philosophical side of political theory or its scientific side, it is always dispassionate
and disinterested. In other words, the theorist has no fascination for a particular
political arrangement. His image of a good life is not affected by any prejudice.
He does not favour or oppose any particular arrangement without examining its
rightness. On the contrary, an ideology is designed to defend the existing system,
or to condemn it in order to prove the superiority of a different system.
If theory is loaded by an ideology, it is bound to be distorted. Political philosophy
or political theory calls for a disinterested search for best form of state and
society. Ideology seeks to justify an existing or a future political and social
arrangement. Political science calls for impartial observation of political and social
reality. Ideology focuses on selected parts of political and social reality, and gives
its distorted description as well as explanation. On the contrary, absolute impartiality
is the keynote of genuine political theory.
In the realm of political theory, each political theory should be critically
examined. Its strong and weak points must be discerned. It should be compared
with other relevant theories and evaluated in that light. It is therefore imperative
to understand ideology as the science of ideas also.

The term 'ideology' was originally devised to describe the science of ideas. In
this sense, it seeks to determine how ideas are formed, how they are distorted,
and how true ideas could be segregated from false ideas. It was Destutt de Tracy
(1754^1836), a French scholar, who first used the word 'ideology' during
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Concept of Ideology 17

1801-15 in his writings on the Enlightenment. He defined it as a study of the

process of forming ideas—a science of ideas. Tracy observed that ideas are
stimulated by the physical environment; hence empirical learning (gained through
sense-experience) is the only source of knowledge. Supernatural or spiritual
phenomena have no role to play in the formation of real ideas. Science is founded
on these ideas. People could use science for the improvement of social and
political conditions.
Although Tracy was the first to use the term 'ideology' in this sense, he was
not the first to study the process of formation of ideas. Francis Bacon (1561-
1626), an English philosopher, before him, insisted that knowledge should come
from careful and accurate observation and experience. He held that the knowledge
deduced from less scientific methods of inquiry was distorted by false impressions
or 'idols'. In short, Bacon and Tracy focused on the validity of knowledge obtained
by scientific method, and cautioned us against distorted forms of knowledge.
I—

All colours will agree in the dark.

Francis Bacon (J 625)
In contemporary literature, the term 'ideology' is applied to the set of ideas
which are adopted by a group in order to motivate it for the achievement of
predetermined goals. Science of ideas is described by different terms, like
'sociology of knowledge' (the term introduced by Karl Mannheim), or 'critical
theory' (the term popularized by the Frankfurt School). Science of ideas is used
to identify the causes of distortion in the prevailing ideologies. A systematic
attempt in this direction began with Marx. Later Lukacs and Mannheim also
made significant contributions to this effort.

Sociology of Knowledge
A systematic attempt to inquire as to how our knowledge is determined, conditioned
or distorted by our social background. The term was introduced by Karl Mannheim in
Ideology and Utopia (1929) although earlier sociologists also made a significant beginning
in this direction.
________________________________________________________________

Critical Theory
A stream of philosophical thought which maintains that human society has not yet
evolved a rational form of existence, which is still to be achieved. Hence it cannot be
analysed by the paradigm of natural sciences. All social institutions and behaviour
should, therefore, be analysed from the perspective of their deviation from a rational
form. This theory was popularized by the Frankfurt School (which was originally set up
in 1923).
Critical theory is 'interested' in human emancipation, and not in the achievement of a
Ideologynarrow goal. Hence it cannot be equated with an ideology.
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18 An Introduction to Political Theory

Dimensions of Ideology
Ideology
1
1 Set of Ideas (on 1 Science of ideas (on how ideas
best form of society are
and government) formed and distorted)
I I
1A 1
matter of faith A matter of critical examination
Characterized by Closed 1i
Mind 1 Characterized by Open Mind
1
1 Interested Search 1 Disinterested Search for Better Society
for Better Society I t

1 1
Instrument of Politics Instrument of Political Theory
L 1 Allows Individuali to Question
Demands Subordination to Authority
Authority

VIEWS OF MARX

Karl Marx (1818-83) in German Ideology (1845-46) and A Contribution to the

Critique oj'Political Economy (1859) dwelled on the nature of ideology. According
to him, ideology is a manifestation of 'false consciousness'. In the Critique of
Political Economy (Preface), Marx observed:
In the social production which men carry on they enter into definite relations
that are indispensable and independent of their will; these relations of
production correspond to a definite stage of development of their material
powers of production. The sum total of these relations of production
constitutes the economic structure of society—the real foundation, on which
rise legal and political superstructures and to which correspond definite
forms of social consciousness. The mode of production in material life
determines the general character of the social, political and spiritual process
of life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence,
but, on the contrary, their social existence determines their consciousness.
According to Marx, in the process of social development material needs of
people advance, but their social consciousness lags behind. This distorted
consciousness or false consciousness is reflected in their ideology. Dominant class
at any stage of social development makes use of ideology to maintain its authority.
For example, makers of the French Revolution (1789) raised the slogan of'Liberty,
Equality, Fraternity' to enlist support of the masses. But they settled for liberty
which served their interest, i.e. the interest of the new entrepreneurial class of
those days. They did not proceed to win freedom for common man, but stopped
after winning freedom for a new dominant class to ensure inviolability of property.
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Concept of 19
Ideology

Marx and Engels (1820-95) held that ideology is an instrument for protecting
the interests of the dominant class. Thus bourgeoisie (the capitalist class) needs
ideology to maintain itself in power. On the contrary, when proletariat (the working
class) comes to power after the socialist revolution, it has no vested interests in
maintaining itself in power. It strives to create such conditions where the state will
'wither away'. It does not want to continue as the dominant class but works for
the creation of a classless society. However, V.I. Lenin (1870-1924) in his What is
to be Done? (1902) held that ideology is not necessarily a distortion of truth to
conceal the prevailing contradictions, but it has become a neutral concept which
refers to the political consciousness of different classes, including the proletarian
class. He argued that the class struggle will continue for a very long time during the
socialist phase. So proletariat also need an ideology—the ideology of scientific
socialism for their guidance, lest they are overpowered by the bourgeois ideology.

VIEWS OF LUKACS

Georg Lukacs (1885-1971), a Hungarian Marxist, in History and Class

Consciousness (1923) proposed a theory of the dependence of thought on social
life, which primarily consisted of class relations of material production. He held
that consciousness was always class consciousness. The proletariat, by virtue
of its increasing estrangement within the socio-economic sphere, occupied a
unique historical position from which it could achieve universal consciousness.
On the nature of ideology Lukacs maintained that it refers both to bourgeois
and proletarian consciousness, without implying a necessary negative connotation.
Marxism itself is the ideological expression of the proletariat. Lukacs held that
bourgeois ideology is false, not because ideology itself is 'false consciousness',
but because bourgeois class situation is structurally limited. In other words,
bourgeoisie (the capitalist class) cannot stand on its own. It must exploit proletariat
(the working class) to maintain itself. Bourgeois ideology is deplorable because it
dominates and contaminates the psychological consciousness of proletariat.
However, Lukacs has warned that ideological struggle should not become a
substitute for class struggle.

VIEWS OF MANNHEIM

Karl Mannheim (1893-1947), a German sociologist, in his famous work Ideology

and Utopia (1929) rejects Marx's theory of ideology on three grounds: (a) 'style
of thought' of any group is only indirectly related to its interests; there is no
direct correlation between its consciousness and its economic interests; (b) all
thought is shaped by its social background; hence Marxism itself is the ideology
of a class; and (c) apart from classes, other social groups, like different
generations, also have a significant influence upon consciousness.
Mannheim introduced the term 'sociology of knowledge' to focus on social
determination of knowledge. He sought to generalize Marxist framework as a
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20 An Introduction to Political Theory

tool of analysis. He held that the false consciousness may be manifested in two
forms: ideology and Utopia. Ideology represents the tendency of conservation. It
relies on false consciousness to muster support for the maintenance of status quo.
On the other hand, Utopia represents the impetus to change. It relies on false
consciousness by projecting unrealizable principles to muster support for the forces
of change. A ruling class makes use of ideology; the opposition may project a
Utopia. Mannheim declared that Marxist vision of a classless society was nothing
short of Utopia. Hence it also makes false consciousness its tool.

Utopia
Vision of a perfect society where everyone is happy. In social sciences, this term is
applied to designate a set of fascinating but unrealizable principles.

The relative character of all knowledge as postulated by Mannheim makes the

knowledge of objective truth extremely difficult. Is there no hope, then, to discover
truth? Well, there is a silver lining. Mannheim hinges on the possibility of a 'free-
floating stratum' of intellectuals between the contending classes to achieve
disinterested knowledge. He hopes that some enlightened individuals within the
conflicting groups will realize that their perception of truth is partial; it could be
complemented by understanding their opponent's view. Such individuals from both
sides will come together with an open mind; they will enter into a dialogue and
incessantly strive to arrive at the objective truth. Thus they will open the way to
achieve synthetic common knowledge of the prevailing historical situation and a
realistic assessment of actual possibilities. In other words, they will be able to grasp
a realistic vision between ideology and Utopia.
Mannheim identifies these intellectuals as social scientists. He recommends that
these social scientists, who have proved their ability to grasp the objective truth,
should be given authority to rule.
Critics argue that Mannheim has created a confusion between the origin and
validity of knowledge. His extreme relativism contemplates the existence of ideas
without upholders. Moreover, giving power to social scientists is fraught with
danger of absolutism. Let these social scientists function as critics of power-holders
instead of wielding power themselves. They would better serve as organizers of
agitations and demonstrations, journalist, and writers, and as 'conscience-keepers'
of society.

When ideology is conceived as an instrument of motivating people for the

achievement of predetermined goals, it comes close to totalitarianism. Some writers,
therefore, assert that ideology in this sense is found only in totalitarian systems; it
has no place in an open society.
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Concept of Ideology 21

Totalitarianism
A system of governance in which the state seeks to regulate and control all aspects of
life of its citizens—whether public or private. In other words, it seeks to direct all
political, economic, social-cultural and intellectual activities of people towards fulfilling
certain aims which are determined by the state itself. No citizen has the right or
opportunity to oppose or criticize the state, or to propose any new aim.
________________________________________________________________
Open Society
A social and political system where there is a free flow of information regarding public
affairs and matters of public importance. Public policy in such a system represents a
reconciliation of diverse interests. Power-hoLders under this system do not claim that
they have found the truth. Hence it encourages freedom of expression among citizens;
it shows readiness to adopt new ideas; and permits the citizens to criticize the
government.

Famous Austrian philosopher Karl Popper (1902-94) in The Open Society and
Its Enemies (1945) argued that ideology is the characteristic of totalitarianism; it
has nothing to do in an open society. He maintained that science and freedom
flourish together in a society which is open in the sense that it is willing to accept
new ideas. In contrast, a totalitarian society claims that it has already found the
absolute truth, and strives to implement it ruthlessly. Ideology is the tool which
enables the state to mobilize its manpower and other resources for a goal which
is declared to embody the absolute truth. It does not allow anyone to oppose or
criticize the public policy which is exclusively determined by the ruling group. In
Popper's view, Western liberal-democratic societies are open societies; hence
they do not need an ideology for working smoothly. Citizens of these societies
are absolutely free to criticize the existing institutions and structures of power.
Then Hannah Arendt (1906-75), a German Jew philosopher, in The Origins of
Totalitarianism (1951) defined totalitarianism as a system of total domination,
characterized by ideology and terror. It was made possible in recent Europe by
three factors: (a) the specific political and social position of the Jews which had
given anti-semitism (the tendency of hatred toward Jews) a new force; (b)
imperialism which generated racist movements and worldwide expansion of power;
and (c) dissolution of European society into uprooted masses, so lonely and
disoriented that they could be mobilized behind ideologies.
Thus Popper and Arendt focused on the role of ideology as a tool of
totalitarianism. It is interesting to recall that Marx had evolved the concept of
ideology in late nineteenth century in order to expose capitalism. Concept of
totalitarianism was evolved in early twentieth century to describe the dictatorial
way of working of communist regime of the Soviet Union till the end of Stalin-
era (1953) and fascist regime of Italy (under Mussolini) and Germany (under
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22 An Introduction to Political Theory

Hitler) till the end of Second World War (1945). Both communist and fascist
regimes made ample use of their respective ideologies for the mobilization of
their citizens toward the achievement of their respective goals. Popper largely
focused on the communist regime, and Arendt on the fascist regime to bring out
the close correlation between ideology and totalitarianism.

CONCLUSION
Ideology has been variously condemned as the reflection of false consciousness
or as an instrument of totalitarianism. But it is not fair to look at all ideologies in
this light. In actual practice, different ideologies as sets of ideas will continue to
exist as the vehicles of value-systems evolved by different groups. They will be
used for motivating people to achieve the goals cherished by their upholders.
They may also be used by some groups to convince others regarding their rightful
claims. Ideologies do not belong exclusively to dominant classes; oppressed classes
also have their own ideologies. They cannot be set aside as 'false consciousness'.
Ideologies could serve as meeting ground for like-minded people, instead of
confining themselves to their tribe, caste, religion, region, etc. They may reflect
changing social consciousness on crucial issues. Some ideologies have given rise
to strong social movements for the emancipation of various oppressed sections.
Some ideologies manifest a deep concern with the future of humanity. An ideology
is identified by commitment to a cause. It rules out personal interest, bias or
submission to a particular person, group or dynasty. It signifies a set of coherent
ideas—perception of real and ideal from one's own position. It may also be used
to make others realize that position. That is how, in the sphere of world politics,
developing nations strive to impress upon advanced nations to adopt humanist
attitudes and policies.

The current status of ideology in the world was reviewed in mid-1950s and in
1960s. In Western liberal-democratic countries, it was declared that the age of
ideology had come to an end. These countries looked at ideology as a tool of
totalitarianism which had no place in open societies. 'End of ideology' also implied
that at the advanced stage of industrial development, a country's social-economic
organization is determined by the level of its development, and not by its political
ideology. In other words, capitalist and communist countries were bound to
evolve similar characteristics at the advanced stage of their industrial development,
irrespective of their ideological differences.
Early indications of this view may be found in the proceedings of a conference
on 'The Future of Freedom' held in Milan, Italy, in 1955. Edward Shils' report on
this conference was published in Encounter (1955) under the title 'The End of
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Concept of 23
Ideology

Ideology'. The conference urged its participants to forget their minor differences
and discover common grounds to face the danger of Communism. Daniel Bell
observed in the course of his speech:
Today ideologies are exhausted... In the Western World... there is today
a rough consensus among intellectuals on political issues: the acceptance
of a Welfare State; the desirability of decentralized power; a system of
mixed economy and of political pluralism. In that sense too the ideological
age has ended.
This view was confirmed and further elaborated by several Western writers.
Ralph Dahrendorf in Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (1957) argued
that the Western societies had entered a new phase of development. They were
no longer capitalist societies; they had become 'post-capitalist societies'. The
coincidence of economic conflict and political conflict, which was the foundation
of Marx's theory, had ceased to exist in the post-capitalist societies. In a capitalist
society, the lines of industrial and political conflict were superimposed. The
opponents within the industrial sphere—capitalists and workers—met again as
bourgeoisie and proletariat, in the political arena. In contrast, industry and society
have been dissociated in the post-capitalist society. The social relations of the
industrial sphere, including industrial conflict, no longer dominate the whole society
but remain confined in their patterns and problems to the sphere of industry. In
postTcapitalist society, industry and industrial conflicts are institutionally isolated.
In other words, they remain confined within the borders of their proper realm,
and do not influence politics and other spheres of social life. Thus in Dahrendorf's
view, the framework of Marxian ideology was no longer suitable for the analysis
of the Western societies.
Daniel Bell, in his noted work The End of Ideology (1960) asserted that post-
industrial societies are prone to similar development irrespective of their ideological
differences. They have lesser proportion of workers in industry than in services.
In other words, at the advanced stage of industrial development in any country
the services sector expands at a faster rate than the manufacturing sector. Besides,
it is also characterized by the increasing dominance of technical elites. The change
in this direction is not affected by its political ideology.
Then Seymour M. Lipset, in Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics
(1960) significantly observed:
Democracy is not only or even primarily a means through which different
groups can attain their ends or seek the good society; it is the good society
itself in operation.
Lipset observed that in the Western democracies the differences between the left
and the right are no longer profound; the only issues before politics are concerned
with marginal increase in wages, marginal rise in prices, and extension of old-age
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~24 An Introduction to Political Theory

pensions, etc. He maintained that the fundamental political problems of the indi
revolution have been solved: the workers have achieved industrial and poi
citizenship; the conservatives have accepted the welfare state; and the demo<
left has recognized that an increase in overall state power carries with it i
dangers to freedom than solutions for economic problems. The triump
democracy in the West has made the intellectuals realize that they no longer i
ideologies or Utopias to motivate them to political action.
W. W. Rostow, in The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-communist Manift
(1960) built a unidimensional model of economic growth which was applica
to all countries irrespective of their political ideologies. He suggested that
societies pass through five stages of growth: traditional society, preconditic
for take-off, take-off, road to maturity and the age of high mass consumptic
He believed that the process of development going on at that time in Asia, Lat
America, Africa and the Middle East was analogous to the stages of preconditioi
for take-off and take-off which prevailed in the Western societies in late eighteen!
and nineteenth centuries. Rostow asserted that the adoption of different politics
ideologies played no role in determining the course of economic development ii
different countries.
J.K. Galbraith, in The New Industrial State (1967) identified certain
characteristics of advanced industrial societies which correspond to the end of
ideology thesis. Galbraith observed that all industrialized societies are destined to
similar development. This involves greater centralization, bureaucratization,
professionalization and technocratization. These characteristics were visible in
the Russian as well as American systems although they had adopted as divergent
ideologies as communism and capitalism respectively. It means that a country's
techno-economic structure is shaped by the level of its industrialization, and not
by its distinctive political ideology.
Galbraith claimed that a new ruling class consisting of the bureaucratic and
technocratic elite had emerged in all advanced industrial societies. This class
belonged neither to the working class nor to the capitalists. In liberal societies, the
members of this class occupied high positions in an open meritocratic system. Because
of high rate of social mobility, they are not attached to particular capitalists. Power in
society is vested in bureaucracy and technocracy, and not in capitalists. Galbraith
comes to the conclusion that in the contemporary world, emancipation of humanity
should be sought in anti-bureaucratism rather than in anti-capitalism. The end of
ideology thesis had a message for the new nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America. It
implied that they should focus on their industrial development, and should not run after
the mirage of communism as a remedy of their ills. With the collapse of communist
systems in East European countries in 1989 (which was followed by a similar
collapse in the then Soviet Union in 1991), this view got a new impetus in the form
of the 'End of History' thesis. Francis Fukuyama, in his paper entitled 'The End of
History', published in The National Interest
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Concept of 25
Ideology

(1989), argued that the failure of socialism (i.e. communism in the present context)
neant an unabashed victory of economic and political liberalism. It marked the
end point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western
liberal democracy as the final form of human government. Fukuyama maintained
hat the liberal democracy contains no basic contradictions and that it is capable
af fulfilling deepest aspirations of mankind. Its victory has heralded an end to the
long historical struggle which had obstructed its expansion in the past. This
hesis was given wide publicity in the Western press and academic circles as it
vas suited to their mode of thought.
However, Richard Titmuss, C. Wright Mills, C.B. Macpherson and Alasdair
Maclntyre serverly criticized the end of ideology thesis. Titmuss observed that
the champions of the end of ideology thesis overlook the problems of monopolistic
concentration of economic power, social disorganization and cultural deprivation
within the capitalist system. C. Wright Mills dubbed the upholders of end of
ideology thesis the advocates of status quo. In his view, it is an ideology of
political complacency which appears to be the only way now available for many
social scientists to acquiesce in or to justify the established social structure. So
far as human and political ideas are concerned, the end of ideology thesis stands
for a denial of their relevance. C.B. Macpherson asserted that the champions of
lie end of ideology thesis make a futile attempt to solve the problem of equitable
listribution within the market society. Alasdair Maclntyre (Against the Self-images
of the Age; 1971) significantly observed that the 'end of ideology' theorists
"failed to entertain one crucial alternative possibility: namely that the end-of-
ideology, far from marking the end-of-ideology, was itself a key expression of
the ideology of the time and place where it arose."
In short, the end of ideology debate, and its latest version are designed to
project the supremacy of liberal-democratic system in theory as well as practice.
In the contemporary climate of increasing urge for liberalization, privatization
and globalization, this idea seems to be riding high. However, it needs a close
scrutiny. Collapse of socialism in a large part of the world could be the outcome
of human faults in its implementation. Moreover, Western democratic world is
by no means an epitome of justice and morality. Human emancipation is a complex
venture. There are no readymade answers to all human problems. In devising
their solution, relevant ideas from different ideologies may be drawn and examined.
Of these, liberalism, Marxism, socialism, fascism, anarchism, Gandhism and
feminism are particularly important.

V. LIBERALISM

BASIC TENETS OF LIBERALISM

Liberalism is a principle of politics which insists on 'liberty' of individual as the

first and foremost goal of public policy. Liberty, in this sense, implies 'liberation'
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26 An Introduction to Political Theory

from restraints—particularly, from the restraints imposed by an authoritarian state.

This principle was evolved in the West in late seventeenth century in order to
liquidate feudal privileges of the land-owning class and to create favourable
conditions for the new entrepreneurial class to enable them to contribute to social
progress.

Authoritarian State
A state where an individual, a group, an institution, or a set of rules enshrined in
a sacred book are regarded as the source of authority, i.e. legitimate power; its
orders or directions are required to be obeyed by all without questioning.

In fact liberalism is not a fixed mode of thought, but an intellectual movement

which seeks to accommodate new ideas in order to face new situations and new
challenges. However, its basic tenets may be identified as follows:
(a) Man is a rational creature. He has immense potential to contribute to social
progress as well as to his own good;
(b) There is no basic contradiction between an individual's self-interest and the
common interest. In fact the common interest denotes a point of
reconciliation between the interests of different individuals;
(c) Man is endowed with certain natural rights which cannot be transgressed by
any authority;
(d) Civil society and the state are artificial institutions created by individuals to
serve the common interest. They are entitled to demand obedience to their
orders from individuals on the condition of fulfilling this function;
(e) Liberalism believes in the primacy of procedure over the end-product. It
means, if the procedure for arriving at a decision is right, the decision may
be accepted to be right. Liberal view of freedom, equality, justice and
democracy is a search for right procedure in different spheres of social life;
(f) Liberalism promotes civil liberties of the individual, including freedom of
thought and expression, freedom of association and movement, personal
freedom (which rules out search or arrest without a warrant) and strict
compliance with legal and judicial procedure. Any restriction on individual
freedom should be meant to ensure equal freedom for others;
(g) Liberalism upholds freedom of contract. No individual can accept any
obligation without his own consent, and without consideration of mutual
benefit. The state would function as umpire in the enforcement of contracts.
However, a contract concluded under pressure, or the one which
compromises dignity of the individual, shall be void; and
(h) Liberalism holds that public policy should be the product of free bargaining
between groups of individuals formed to pursue their common interests.
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In short, liberalism treats market society as the model of social organization

where role of the state should be confined to the protection of individuals' life and
property, enforcement of contracts, and maintenance of minimum common services
which would not be undertaken by private entrepreneurs. In liberal view, the state
is a necessary evil. Liberalism treats the state as the means and individual as the
end. It rules out absolute authority of the state.
Early exponents of liberalism include John Locke (1632-1704), Adam Smith
(1723-90) and Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832). All of them were English
philosophers. Locke is known as the father of liberalism. Smith is known as the
father of economics; Bentham, the founder of utilitarianism. All of them defended
the principle of laissez-faire which implies least interference of the state in the
economic activities of individuals. They are the founders of classical liberalism
which is called negative liberalism because it contemplates negative role of the
state in the sphere of mutual interaction of individuals. In the twentieth century,
Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), an English philosopher, sought to reaffirm negative
liberalism through the application of the principles of natural sicence to social
organization.

Welfare State
A state that provides for various types of social services for its citizens, e.g. social
security (financial assistance in case of loss of job or any other source of income,
death of the bread-winner, prolonged illness or physical disability or any other calamity),
free education, public health, poor relief, supply of essential goods and services like
foodgrains, milk, fuel and transport to the needy at subsidized rates. It undertakes the
protection of cultural heritage including monuments, museums, libraries, art galleries,
botanical gardens and zoological parks, etc. It also promotes higher education and
scientific research, etc. to step up intellectual and cultural development of society.

John Stuart Mill (1806-73), an English philosopher, sought to modify

utilitarianism and the principle of laissez-faire on philosophical grounds which
paved the way for the theory of welfare state. Then T.H. Green (1836-82), another
English philosopher, sought to add a moral dimension to liberalism and thus
advanced a full-fledged theory of welfare state. This tradition was further
developed by L.T Hobhouse (1864-1929), Harold J. Laski (1893-1950) and R.H.
Tawney (1880-1962)—all of them were English philosophers. Thus the theory and
practice of welfare state flourished in the first half of the twentieth century in
England. This theory contemplates positive role of the state in securing a dignified
life to individuals. It is therefore called positive liberalism.
On political side, liberalism promotes democracy; on economic side, it promotes
capitalism. Democracy is concerned with fulfilling needs and aspirations of
ordinary people, but capitalism results in the concentration of economic power in
the hands of the few who may use it against the interests of ordinary people. This
situation is sought to be rectified by the mechanism of the welfare state.
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28 An Introduction to Political Theory

STREAMS OF LIBERAL THOUGHT

Early liberal theory developed in two main directions: (a) individualism; and (b)
utilitarianism. Individualism focused on individual as a rational creature. It required
that individual's dignity, independent existence and judgment should be given full
recognition while making public policy and decisions. It means, no individual
shall be made to suffer in order to benefit any larger unit of society. According to
this view, only an individual can have any rights; family, trade union, corporation
or the state cannot have any rights which could be distinguished from the rights
of their individual members. Similarly, no social unit can have any interests which
could be distinguished from the interests of its individual members. Individualism
supports a social and legal system which is based on voluntary transactions
between individuals. This view strongly upholds market society model and holds
that even taxation should be confined to the provision and maintenance of common
services. John Locke and Adam Smith are the early exponents of individualism.
On the other hand, utilitarianism stands for 'greatest happiness of the greatest
number' where interest of the few may be sacrificed in the interest of the
collectivity. Happiness is defined as the balance of pleasure over pain derived
from various goods and services, acts and policies. Founder of this school of
thought, Jeremy Bentham, observed that nature has placed mankind under two
sovereign masters: pleasure and pain. Human behaviour is guided by an urge to
obtain pleasure and avoid pain. Moral principles ahd state policy should aim at
promoting 'greatest happiness of the greatest number.' Bentham made no
distinction between qualities of different pleasures. He insisted on maximizing the
quantity of pleasure. But John Stuart Mill pointed to qualitative differences between
different types of pleasure, and thus recognized the variety of tastes of different
individuals. Further, he projected the liberty of individual as the highest value.
These modifications in utilitarianism tilted it toward individualism and transformed
its basic character. Mill also pleaded for taxation of the rich for the benefit of the
poor, and thus paved the way for the welfare state.

NEO-LIBERALISM

Neo-liberalism, neo-classical liberalism or libertarianism stands for contemporary

version of classical liberalism which seeks to restore laissezfaire individualism.
It denounces the welfare state, opposes state intervention and control of economic
activities. Champions of neo-liberalism stand for 'rolling back' the state which
has immensely expanded its sphere of activities. The chief exponents of neo-
liberalism include F.A. Hayek (1899-1992), an Austrian thinker, Milton Friedman
(1912-2006), an American economist, and Robert Nozick (1938-2002) an
American philosopher.
In the second half of the twentieth century these thinkers realized that the
theory of welfare state was inimical to individual liberty, as it involved the forced
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transfer of resources from the more competent to the less competent. In order to
restore individual liberty, they sought to revive the principle of laissez-faire not
only in economic sphere, but also in social and political sphere. In a nutshell, neo-
liberalism upholds full autonomy and freedom of the individual. It seeks his
liberation from all institutions which tend to restrict his vision of the world,
including the institutions of religion, family and customs of social conformity
apart from political institutions. Philosophically it repudiates the deterministic
outlook of human life, and maintains that human personality, character, thought
and actions cannot be construed as the outcome of his circumstances. In other
words, it treats man as the maker of his destiny. It is, therefore, hostile to all
social and legal restrictions on individual's freedom of action. In the political
sphere, neo-liberalism particularly insists that man's economic activity must be
actively liberated from all restrictions to enable him to achieve true progress and
prosperity.
All neo-liberals believe in the primacy of the 'spontaneous order' of human
relationships as exemplified in free markets. They deplore any politics (notably
socialism) which pretends to have definitive knowledge of human needs. No
government can have such knowledge. Human needs manifest themselves through
the myriad unpredictable transactions between individuals living in a free or open
society. If government tries to regulate these activities, it would amount to curtailing
their freedom without fulfilling their genuine needs. It would therefore be advisable
to transfer such decisions to the market which will maximize their choice. In the
economic sphere, market exemplifies the genuine democracy. In the political
sphere, market represents a model of genuine democracy, where votes are traded
against welfare benefits, and the cost is borne by the most productive members
of society.

A CRITICAL APPRAISAL
Liberalism is, no doubt, a dynamic political philosophy which has responded to
the changing needs of time. However, like any other ideology, it has failed to
redeem mankind from its predicament. In fact, liberalism has clung to capitalism
so firmly that all its new ventures appear to be new devices for sustaining the
capitalist system or justifying its existence.
Liberalism Retains Its Bourgeois Character
Liberalism arose for the protection of the interests of the bourgeoisie (the capitalist
class) when political power was wielded by feudal interests. In its early phase,
liberalism stood for limiting the power of the state in favour of laissez-faire
individualism, minimum government, minimum regulation. In pleading for this
policy, liberalism insisted so much on freedom of the property-owing class that it
set aside all human considerations. As R.H. Tawney, in his The Acquisitive Society
(1920) observed:
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30 An Introduction to Political Theory

The story of the struggle between humanitarian sentiment and the

theory of property transmitted from the eighteenth century is familiar.
No one has forgotten the opposition offered in the name of the right of
property to factory legislation, to housing reform, to interference with the
adulteration of goods, even to compulsory sanitation of private
houses.
Such arguments are no longer advanced. But, at times, the right to property
is held sacrosanct even when it is responsible for wide socio-economic
disparities, inflicting indignities and injustice on the bulk of mankind.
In a later phase, starting from the French Revolution (1789) when the
bourgeoisie themselves came to power, liberalism tended to widen the
functions of the state and to support an ever larger degree of regulation. It
cannot be denied that the concept of the 'welfare state' was evolved not out of
sympathy for the vulnerable sections of society—the peasants, workers and
ordinary people—but with a view to enlisting the support of these classes in
order to maintain the status quo. Thus, in practice, liberalism upholds a
capitalist system or mixed economy which also creates favourable conditions
for the bourgeoisie to maintain their hold on economic as well as political
power. The policy of incremental change, which implies small and continual
concessions to the lower classes, is cleverly devised to contain unrest and to
hold the forces of revolution in check. Thus, the welfare state seems to create an
illusion of welfare, rather than securing real welfare. Actual Imbalance of
Croup Interests
Contemporary liberalism upholds representative democracy on the assumption
that the state represents the interests of all groups within society and. that it
ensures reconciliation of conflicting interests. This could be true in the case of
some societies but it cannot be demonstrated as a universal phenomenon. In
developing nations, it is particularly evident that various groups are not
equally conscious of their interests, nor are they equally well-organized, nor
equally vocal. Usually, these countries are dominated by 'vested interests'. For
instance, in India a handful of business interests are very well-organized,
active and vocal while the tremendously large body of consumers is not
adequately organized. Thus, in spite of decisions being taken by representative
institutions, in practice, there is an obvious imbalance in the sphere of
protection of the interests of the various groups.

CONTRIBUTION OF LIBERALISM
The greatest merit of liberalism lies in initiating the process of replacing
traditionalism by modern rationalism. In other words, it asserted that socio-
economic relations of men in society, which were hitherto based on 'tradition',
should now be based on 'reason'. Since this process was started by the new
middle class—the merchants and the industrialists—they were the first to
benefit
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Concept of Ideology 31

from this change; feudalism was replaced by capitalism not only in the economic
sphere, but corresponding changes were brought about in the political sphere as
well. This had some evil effects also. The condition of the working classes
deteriorated with the success of classical liberalism. But once the process of
redefining social relations from the point of view of 'reason' had started, it could
not be stopped from reaching its logical conclusion: the rise of socialism. Socialism
sought a better deal for the working class on the same principle of 'reason' which
was initially invoked by liberalism. Faith in 'reason' is a dynamic force. Liberalism,
therefore, did not hesitate to transform itself as and when it was faced with new
challenges. This has led to new insights as regards the principles of freedom,
equality, justice, democracy, progress, and other human values.
In fact liberalism is invoked today in two important contexts: (a) as a theory of
capitalism, and (b) as a theory of constitutionalism. So long as liberalism is
commended with a view to vindicating the economic relations of capitalist society,
it is bound to suffer from its inner contradictions which must be resolved by
invoking human values. On the other hand, when liberalism is invoked as the
foundation of constitutionalism and suitable curbs on political power, it embodies
lasting political values. It is, therefore, bound to survive on this front.

Constitutionalism
The principle that insists on organization and working of the state according to a
constitution so that no organ or office-holder of the state is allowed to use arbitrary
power. A constitution not only provides for a framework of government but also prescribes
powers of various organs of government and the limits of those powers.

WHAT IS MARXISM?

Marxism derives its name from that of Karl Marx (1818-83), a famous German
economist and social philosopher of the nineteenth century who is the chief
exponent of this theory. It is interesting to recall that this term was unknown in
Marx's own lifetime. Friedrich Engels (1820-95), a close friend and collaborator of
Marx, once reported the following comment made by Marx himself: "All 1 know is
that I am not a Marxist." Marx probably said so as he did not claim to offer a
comprehensive world-view. It is also possible that he did not advance such a claim
out of modesty. However towards the end of the nineteenth century, G.V.
Plekhanov (1856-1918), a Russian Marxist, announced that 'Marxism is a whole
world-view.' However, despite this name, Marxism should not be regarded as a
system of thought exclusively belonging to Marx. Marxism, in fact, comprises a
rich tradition of social thought—a living tradition, with immense possibilities.
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32 An Introduction to Political Theory

Marxism, in its proper sense, first appeared in the middle of the nineteenth
century in response to the oppressive conditions created by the capitalist system.
It will be recalled that liberalism arose in the seventeenth century as a philosophy
of human freedom, but by the middle of the nineteenth century it had become
clear that the classical form of liberalism, with its doctrine of laissez-faire and
free market economy, had failed to create conditions of human freedom. Liberalism
had achieved the goal of establishing capitalism under which a tiny class of
capitalists enjoyed special power and privileges at the expense of the large majority
of the working class. The legal and political equality sought by the exponents of
liberalism had been achieved with tremendous economic inequalities and consequent
injustice. Early champions of liberalism had hoped that the elimination of
governmental restrictions on business and industry would usher in an era of
universal improvement in the material conditions of life. But actual experience
showed that unbridled capitalism had produced socially disastrous consequences.
The tremendous increase of wealth was cornered by a small section which
happened to own the means of production while the large majority of the industrial
population was forced to a sub-human living. Successful bankers and market
speculators increased their wealth by leaps and bounds while the slum-dwelling
working classes were living under the constant threat of insecurity, malnutrition,
discomfort, disease and death. These developments belied all the humanitarian
hopes of universal economic progress.
The first response to these horrible conditions came in the form of an early
socialist movement, which opposed the policy of free market competition and
drew attention to the deteriorating conditions of the working classes. Early
socialists like Saint-Simon (1760-1825) and Louis Blanc (1811-82) in France
advocated a more or less centralized economy under state control. Some others
sought to project images of model communities governed by the principle of
'free cooperation' instead of 'free competition' as advocated by the capitalist
system. Robert Owen (1771-1858) in England and Charles Fourier (1772-1837)
in France produced elaborate plans of setting up such model communities.
P. J. Proudhon (1809-65) in France hoped to set up a nationwide system of
decentralized workers' cooperatives which would bargain with one another for
the mutual exchange of goods and services. All these thinkers knew clearly what
was wrong with the world, but they were not clear as to what to do about it for
they suggested only visionary solutions—far removed from the hard realities of
life. In other words, they had arrived at a correct diagnosis of the ills of the
capitalist system, but had no clear conception of the remedy. They are, therefore,
rightly described as 'utopian socialists'.
During the decades beginning with the 1830s and the 1840s the ideas of the
Utopian socialists were subjected to severe criticism by a group of brilliant writers
committed to fundamental social change, notably by Karl Marx, a German scholar,
and Friedrich Engels, a young German businessman residing in England. Marx
and Engels sought to replace Utopian socialism by scientific socialism for the
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Concept of 33
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analysis of social problems and finding their solution. The solution came in the
form of an elaborate philosophy which is now recognized as Marxism. Marx and
Engels' Communist Manifesto (1848) came out with an interpretation of the role
of the working class in the making of past and future history. It also gave a
clarion call to workers of all countries to unite for the purpose of securing their
own emancipation and, through that emancipation, the freedom of all mankind.
Other leading works on this theme include Marx's A Contribution to the Critique
of Political Economy (1859), Capital, Vol. I (1861-79), Vol. II (1885) and Vol.
Ill (1894) (Vol. II and III edited by Engels), and Engles' Anti-Duhring (1877-78).
In short, Marxism may be defined as a set of political and economic principles
founded by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in order to lay scientific foundations
of socialism. It seeks to understand the problems of human society through
historical analysis and treats history as a process of conflict between antagonistic
forces and classes. This conflict arises from the faults in the mode of production
in which one class comes to gain ownership and control of the means of social
production (land, buildings, mines, forests, machinery and capital, etc.) and
compels the other class to work on terms and conditions dictated by itself. This
conflict can be resolved only by overthrowing capitalism, placing all means of
social production under social ownership and control, enforcing universal labour
and ensuring full development of the forces of production.
The original tenets of Marxism—as a scientific system of thought—are identified
as Classical Marxism. Its chief exponents include, apart from Marx and Engels
themselves, VI. Lenin (1870-1924), a Russian revolutionary and thinker, Rosa
Luxemberg (1871-1919), a Polish activist, and Mao Zedong (1893-1976), a
Chinese revolutionary and thinker. The wider implications of Marxism, including
humanist thought of the Young Marx, are broadly identified as Neo-Marxism. In
a nutshell, Classical Marxism holds that private property divides society into
dominant and dependent classes with irreconcilable class interests. It is held
together only by the ideological power of the dominant class. Human history
moves towards its goal of human freedom through the revolutionary destruction
of inherent contradictions in society culminating in the emergence of a classless
society. Neo-Marxism on the other hand, seeks to analyse the subtle aspects of
the phenomenon of dominance and dependence, distortions in the contemporary
civilization and the possible ways to human emancipation.

Young Marx
Karl Marx (1818-83) as the author of his early work which remained unpublished during
his lifetime. It was discovered from the archives of German Social Democrats as late
as 1927, and later published as Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844. It is
distinguished from Marx's later work which is characterized by scientific rigour. Marx's
early work contains his humanist thought on communism, and focuses on the concepts
of alienation and freedom. It exposes the dehumanizing effect of capitalism.
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34 An Introduction to Political Theory

MAIN TENETS OF MARXISM

Main tenets of Classical Marxism include: (a) Dialectical Materialism; (b) Historical
Materialism; (c) Doctrine of Class Conflict; and (d) Theory of Surplus Value.
Dialectical Materialism
Marx borrowed his dialectical method from German philosopher, G.W.F. Hegel
(1770-1831) and soughtto combine it with his materialism. Hegel had postulated
that 'idea' or 'consciousness' was the essence of universe, and that all social
institutions were the manifestation of changing forms of idea. Idea evolved into
new forms because of its inherent tension, exemplified in the clash between
thesis (partial truth) and antithesis (opposite of thesis—again a partial truth)
resulting in synthesis (which is nearer the truth). As long as synthesis itself contains
partial truth, it takes the role of thesis and undergoes the same process until this
process reaches absolute truth, exemplified in 'absolute idea' or 'absolute
consciousness'.
Marx believed that 'matter' (and not the idea) was the essence of universe,
and that social institutions were the manifestation of changing material conditions.
Matter underwent the dialectical process because of its inherent tension, until
perfect material conditions, exemplified by a 'rational mode of production', come
into existence. Engels, in his Anti-Diihring (1878) postulated three laws of material
dialectics (or dialectical materialism): (a) the transformation of quantity into quality,
and vice versa; (b) the interpenetration of opposites; and (c) the negation of
negation. These principles signify the process of resolving contradictions of
material conditions of human life which paves the way for social progress. Class
conflict is also a manifestation of this process.
Historical Materialism
While dialectical materialism represents the philosophical basis of Marxism,
historical materialism represents its scientific basis. It implies that in any given
epoch the economic relations of society—the means whereby men and women
undertake production, distribution and exchange of material goods for the
satisfaction of their needs—play important role in shaping their social, political,
intellectual and ethical relationships. A perfect society will secure all the necessities
of life to the satisfaction of all its members. But it would be achieved through a
long-drawn process. Initially, internal stresses and strains in material conditions
usher in many imperfect forms of society.
According to the Marxist perspective, the structure of society may be
understood in terms of its base (the foundation) and superstructure (the external
build-up). Base consists of the mode of production while superstructure is
represented by its legal and political structure, religion, morals, social practices,
literature, art and culture, etc. Mode of production has two components: forces
of production and relations of production. Forces of production cannot remain
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Concept of Ideology 35

static; they have an inherent tendency of development in the direction of achieving

the perfect society.
Forces of production have two components: means of production (tools and
equipment), and labour power (human knowledge and skills). Men and women
constantly endeavour to devise better ways of production. Improvement in the
means of production is manifested in the development of technology. This is
matched by development of human knowledge and skills as required to operate
the new technology. Hence there is the corresponding development of labour
power.
On the other hand, relations of production in any given epoch are determined
by the pattern of ownership of the means of social production. This gives rise to
two contending classes—haves and have-nots. In earlier stages of historical
development, development of the forces of production fails to make any dent in
this pattern. In other words, changes in the mode of production bring about
changes in the nature of contending classes, but they do not bring about an end
of the class conflict. Change in the nature of contending classes is itself brought
about by a social revolution. When material productive forces of society come in
conflict with the existing relations of production, these relations turn into their
fetters. The new social class which comes to own new means of production,
feels constrained by these fetters and overthrows the old dominant class in a
revolution. As a result of social revolution, an old social formation is replaced by
a new social formation. In this process old contending classes are replaced by
new contending classes, but class conflict continues on a new plane. This has
been the case till the rise of capitalism, which will be overthrown by a socialist
revolution, leading to the eventual emergence of classless society.

Marxian View of the Stages of Historical Development

Historical Prevailing Mode Caused by Social Contending

Epoch of Production Formation Classes

\ Ancient I Household-based Emergence of Slave-Owning Master and Slave

times small-scale production private property Society
J Medieval I Large-scale agriculture- Rise of Feudal Lord and Serf
times based production Feudalism Society
f Modern Large-scale machine- Rise of Capitalist Capitalist and
I times based production Capitalism Society Worker
Future-I -do- Socialist Socialist Workers in power
Revolution Society and the former
capitalists
Future-II -do- Liquidation of Communist No contending
remnants of Society classes as it will be
Capitalism classless society
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36 An Introduction to Political Theory

Social Formation
In Marxist thought, a form of organization of society which comes into existence
around a specific mode of production. Changes in mode of production give rise to
different social formations which are associated with different historical epochs. Thus
household-based small-scale production gives rise to slave-owning society; large-scale
agriculture-based production gives rise to feudal society; and large-scale machine-
based production gives rise to capitalist society.

Doctrine of Class Conflict

Class conflict or class struggle is an integral part of historical materialism. The
opening sentence of Communist Manifesto (1848) reads:
The history of all hitherto society is the history of class struggles.
Here, history means all written history. When Communist Manifesto was
originally written, the pre-history giving account of primitive tribal communities
with common ownership of means of production, was not known. When it
became known, it was described as 'primitive communism'. Communist Manifesto
deals with the period beginning with the division of society into antagonistic
classes since the emergence of private property. So Communist Manifesto
proceeds: Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master
and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition
to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight
that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large,
or in the common ruin of the contending classes.

Primitive Communism
A form of communism (classless society with common ownership of means of production)
found in primitive societies. At this stage, the instruments of labour were of most
primitive kind—the club, the stone axe, the flint knife, the stone-tipped spear, followed
later by the bow and arrow. Man's muscular strength was the only motive force employed
to operate these elementary tools. These tools were held in common ownership by the
members of the primitive community which engaged itself in common labour, e.g.
common hunting, common fishing, and the fruits of this common labour were also
shared in common. There was no concept of private property, hence no exploitation of
man by man.

With the development of forces of production, one mode of production is

replaced by another, but class conflict (between the new social classes) reappears
under the new social formation. Thus ancient slave-owning society was
characterized by class conflict between master and slave; medieval feudal society,

\
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Concept of Ideology 37

by class conflict between lord and serf; and the modern capitalist society, by class
conflict between bourgeoisie (capitalists) and proletariat (workers).
Status of the class conflict in modern capitalist society is described in Communist
Manifesto as under:
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal
society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established
new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place
of the old ones.

Lord and Serf

These were the two contending classes in medieval feudal society. Lord meant the
landlord who was the owner of land. Serf meant the peasant who did not own land but
cultivated it, and received a small, fixed share of the produce as a return for his toil.
Serf was not a slave. He could have his family and its belongings, but he could not
leave his duty without permission of his lord. Exploitation of serfs was very common in
feudal society.
_______________________________________________________________________

Bourgeoisie and Proletariat

These are the two contending classes in modern capitalist society. Engels' note to the
English edition of Communist Manifesto (1888) reads: "By bourgeoisie is meant the
class of modern Capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of
wage labour. By proletariat, the class of modern wage-labourers who, having no means
of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labour power in order to live."

Class conflict in modern capitalist society has appeared in more crystallized form. So
Communist Manifesto declares:
Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this
distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a
whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two
great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
Marx and Engels hoped that this conflict had entered a decisive phase. They had
full faith in revolutionary potential of the proletariat, i.e. their ability to overthrow
capitalism and establish a socialist society with social ownership of means of social
production. So they observed:
Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the
proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and
finally disappear in the face of modem industry; the proletariat is its special
and essential product, (ibid.)
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38 An Introduction to Political Theory

The proletarian revolution would be different from all previous revolutions of

history:
All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in
the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious,
independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the
immense majority, (ibid.)
According to Marx and Engels, this revolution would bring about the final
emancipation of mankind because there is no class below the proletariat which
could be subjected to exploitation when the proletariat comes to power. It would
place all means of social production under social ownership, make work
compulsory for everyone, and develop the forces of production to their full
potential. This will pave the way for the emergence of classless society which
will mark the end of class conflict.
Theory of Surplus Value
Theory of surplus value represents economic basis of Marxist critique of
capitalism. It is meant to demonstrate how the capitalist mode of production
involves the exploitation of working class. According to Marx, labour is the sole
creator of value. Of the four elements of production, viz. land, labour, capital and
organization, three elements—land, capital and organization are sterile because
they are capable of reproducing only what is put in them. Labour is the only
element which produces value in society. In other words, the value of a commodity
is the product of labour. The quantity of labour employed in it should be calculated
right from the production of the raw material, processing the raw material,
acquiring the sources of energy for its processing, and constructing the required
machinery and building for its production. The quantity of labour required in its
production is also determined by the average conditions of social production and
the average skill of the labour employed.
The actual amount of labour employed in the production of a commodity is
called its natural price. It differs from its price in the market, or market price
which fluctuates with the changing conditions of demand and supply. In a free
market society, fostered by capitalism, the worker is forced to sell his labour at
the market price. When more and more job-seekers come to the market place,
the market price of their labour, i.e. their wage-rate declines. Their employer—
the capitalist exploits their full potential to work but pays them only subsistence
wages for their own and their families' sustenance.
Thus the value produced by the worker may be split into two parts: one part is
paid to the worker toward his wages; the other part is pocketed by the capitalist
as his profit. This second part is described by Marx as 'surplus value'. Rent and
interest are paid from the surplus value. In other words, surplus value denotes
the value of the labour done by the worker for which he is not paid at all; it forms
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Concept of 39
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part of the capitalist's profit, rent and interest on the sterile elements of production
(organization, land and capital). It is, therefore, a glaring example of the worker's
exploitation under capitalism.

NEO-MARXISM

Contemporary debates on Marxism focus on the relative importance of its basic

tenets and identification of some new forms of domination and conflict emerging in
the present-day society. It is no longer believed that the superstructure is wholly
dependent on the base. Recognition of a sort of interdependence between base and
superstructure has led to extensive analysis of various aspects of superstructure.
The ongoing controversies in the arena of Marxist thought largely owe their
origin to the work of the Frankfurt School. It was originally set up in 1923 as the
Institute of Social Research in the Univerity of Frankfurt, exiled from Germany in
1933 consequent upon the rise of Hitler, relocated in the United States shortly
thereafter and after the downfall of Hitler it was reestablished in Frankfurt in the
early 1950s. Scholars of this institute were hostile to capitalism; they were also
disillusioned with Soviet socialism. They sought to evolve an alternative path for
social development in accordance with the essence of Marxism as understood by
them. The ideas evolved by the Frankfurt School are compendiously described as
'critical theory', although they do not fit into a single framework. The general
outlook of the exponents of critical theory has been described by David Held as
follows: "They tried to develop a critical perspective in the discussion of all social
practices, that is, a perspective which is preoccupied by the critique of ideology—
of systematically distorted accounts of reality which attempt to conceal and
legitimate asymmetrical power relations. They were concerned with the way in
which social interests, conflicts and contradictions are expressed in thought, and
how they are produced and reproduced in systems of domination. Through an
examination of these systems they hoped to enhance awareness of the roots of
domination, undermine ideologies and help to compel changes in consciousness
and action." (A Dictionary of Marxist Thought, edited by Tom Bottomore; 1983)
The exponents of critical theory advanced new interpretations of Marxism in
several directions and various spheres of learning, including those of philosophy,
economics, political science, sociology, anthropology, social psychology, psycho-
analysis, music and fine arts, etc. The leading figures of the Frankfurt School—
Theodor Adorno (1903-69), Max Horkheimer (1895-1973), Herbert Marcuse
(1898-1979) and Jurgen Habermas (1929- ), among others, advanced a cultural
critique of bourgeois society—particularly in terms of'technological domination'
rather than capitalist domination.
Broadly speaking, contemporary Marxist thought—better known as neo-
Marxism—has developed in two directions: humanist and scientific. The humanist
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40 An Introduction to Political Theory

strain of neo-Marxism draws particularly on the work of the Young Marx and
constitutes the mainstream of critical theory. Its dominant themes are the problems
of alienation and ways to human emancipation. Thus Herbert Marcuse brilliantly
portrayed the conditions of alienation in bourgeois society which have reduced
the human being to 'one-dimensional man'. He pointed out that capitalism had
cunningly anaesthetized the discontent of the oppressed by manipulating the means
of communication so as to stimulate trivial, material desires which are easily
satisfied. Marcuse argued that human beings should first be made aware of their
condition of unfreedom whereafter they will easily find their way to freedom. On
the other hand, the scientific strain of neo-Marxism is primarily concerned with
its scientific and explanatory character. It is particularly interested in structures
as well as relative importance of cultural, ideological and social factors. Thus
Louis Althusser (1918-90), a French communist and philosopher, challenged the
humanist themes of Marxist thinking in the early 1960s, and asserted the importance
of analysing the deep structures of human societies—especially their modes of
production.

CONCLUSION
It is significant that the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe by the end of
1980s, and its collapse in the former Soviet Union by 1991, followed by the
introduction of market economies and multiparty political systems, necessitated
new thinking on the adequacy of classical Marxism on which these regimes were
based. Moreover, in the People's Republic of China and other countries which
still claim to retain their communist systems, necessary changes are being made
toward liberalization in keeping with their national needs and aspirations. Now
there is no scope of rigidity in maintaining communist systems as it was during
the regimes of Stalin (1879-1953) in Russia and Mao Zedong (1893-1976) in
China. Experience has shown that instead of 'withering away of the state' in
socialist countries, there has been a collapse of socialist state and consequent
return toward liberalism. Champions of classical Marxism try to explain away
this situation by alleging that these countries were not really socialist at all!
This is, however, an oversimplification of the issue. It is now becoming
increasingly clear that the problem of fighting out the forces of domination and
exploitation is no longer confined to the struggle of working class against capitalist
class, as originally envisaged in late nineteenth century. The upholders of
'dependency theory' have been arguing that in the twentieth century the focus of
struggle has shifted to the fight of the developing nations against the forces of
colonialism and neo-colonialism. Other neo-Marxists have amply demonstrated
that domination and exploitation in human society assume many complex forms.
The framework of Marxism must be modified suitably to tackle all these problems
in the contemporary context.
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Concept of 41
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VII. SOCIALISM
The term 'socialism' is variously understood and defined by various thinkers and
schools of thought. C.E.M. Joad, in his Introduction to Modern Political Theory
(1924) significantly observed:
Socialism proves to be a different creed in the hands of its exponents,
varying with the temperaments of its advocates and the nature of abuses
which have prompted their advocacy .. . Socialism, in short, is like a hat
that has lost its shape because everybody wears it.
A large number of works on socialism have evaded the problem of defining it.
However, a working definition of socialism is necessary in order to understand
its various applications. The Oxford English Dictionary defines socialism as 'a
theory or policy that aims at or advocates the ownership or control of the means
of production—capital, land, property, etc.—by the community as a whole and
their administration in the interests of all'. This definition, though not very
comprehensive, indicates the chief method and goal of socialism. A more elaborate
definition of socialism is found in Joseph A. Schumpeter's Capitalism, Socialism
and Democracy (1942) where it is defined as:
that organization of society in which the means of production are
controlled, and the decisions on how and what to produce and on who is
to get what, are made by public authority instead of by privately-owned
and privately-managed firms.
Many other definitions and descriptions of socialism more or less embrace
these and similar ideas.
In short, socialism stands for an economic system under which the major
instruments of social production (that is the instruments by which production is
carried out for consumption by the larger society) are placed under the ownership
and control of public authority in order to ensure that they are properly utilized to
secure the public interest. It is based on the view that liberty and equality granted
to citizens in the political sphere will remain an empty form unless they are
accompanied by a reorganization of the economic life of society so as to convert
them into substantive rights for citizens. How can socialism be established in
society?
It is interesting to note that the varieties of socialism differ from each other
because of their different answers to this important question. The distinction
between them will help us understand the true character of socialism.

EVOLUTIONARY AND REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM

In popular parlance, the term 'socialism' is usually applied to indicate 'evolutionary

socialism', that is the kind of socialism achieved by evolutionary process or by
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42 An Introduction to Political Theory

degrees, not by wholesale transformation of society in a single stroke. Evolutionary

socialism may be distinguished from revolutionary socialism, which seeks to
introduce socialism in its totality so as to replace capitalist system by the socialist
system. In other words, revolutionary socialism seeks to transform the social
system thoroughly instead of accepting small concessions for the underprivileged
sections. In fact, evolutionary socialism admits an attitude of 'compromise'—
compromise between capitalism and socialism, so that the capitalist system is
allowed to continue with some changes here and there in the socialist direction. It
therefore belongs to the liberal tradition. On the other hand, revolutionary socialism
makes a direct attack on the prevailing contradictions of the social order. It
therefore belongs to the Marxist tradition. While evolutionary socialism may also
be described as 'liberal socialism', revolutionary socialism may be called 'Marxian
socialism'. Evolutionary socialism relies on the democratic method, parliamentary
reform and even economic planning on the plea that the interests of the
underprivileged sections, especially the working classes, might be represented and
taken care of by their representatives and leadership. It is, therefore, coterminous
with 'democratic socialism'. Revolutionary socialism, on the other hand, insists on
organizing the working classes for fighting against capitalism so as to overthrow
the capitalist order and establish complete socialization of the instruments of
production and distribution, by revolution.
It is important to note that evolutionary socialism aims at securing the rights of
the working classes, especially their economic rights, as a part of the supposed
common interest of the community. In other words, it seeks to accommodate or
reconcile the interests of the working classes with those of other classes. Thus, it
subscribes to the theory of harmony or equilibrium as the governing principle of
social relationships, corresponding to the position taken by modem liberalism. On
the other hand, revolutionary socialism repudiates the theory of equilibrium or
reconciliation between different interests in society. It seeks to reverse the position
of the dominant and dependent classes of capitalist society, and ultimately to
destroy the conditions of domination itself so as to secure a classless society. Most
of the exponents of evolutionary socialism were associated with Fabian socialism.

FABIAN SOCIALISM

Some thirty-five years after the Communist Manifesto was issued, Fabian socialism
made its appearance in England. This was the first systematic doctrine of
'evolutionary socialism', as a substitute for the Marxian 'revolutionary socialism'.
Fabian socialists sought to modify Marxian concepts in several ways:
(a) They based their economics on the Ricardian law of rent rather than on the
labour theory of value;
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Concept of Ideology 43

(b) They did not rely exclusively on the working class for bringing about social
change but set before themselves the task of'permeating' the middle class
with the socialist message; and finally,
(c) They sought to introduce socialism, not in a single stroke, but by degrees
through state and cooperative ownership of industry, increasing power of
labour in legislative and executive offices, growth of trade unions and
educational movements and development of social consciousness— through
gradual democratization of society in the political, economic and intellectual
fields.

Ricardian Law of Rent

The law enunciated by David Ricardo (1772-1823), a British economist. It held that
with the growth of industrialization demand for foodgrains rises, and rent on land
goes up. So landlords immensely benefit from the growth of capitalism.

Fabian socialism or Fabianism was first developed in England by the Fabian

Society (founded in 1884) from which it derived its name. The term 'Fabian' was
adopted after the name of a great Roman General, Quintus Fabius (275-203 B.C.),
whose tactics in the fight against Hannibal served as a guide for the Society. Thus
its motto read: "For the right moment you must wait, as Fabius did, most patiently,
when warring against Hannibal, though many censured his delays; but when the
time comes you must strike hard, as Fabius did, or your waiting will be in vain and
fruitless."
It will be recalled that Marxian socialism, developed in the late forties of the
nineteenth century, had envisaged revolution as an essential medium of change
from capitalism to socialism. However, Fabian socialism regarded the transition
from capitalism to socialism as a gradual process; it looked forward to the
socialization of industry by the peaceful use of economic and political agencies
already in hand.
Marxian socialism had relied on the working class to bring about the transition
from capitalism to socialism; Fabian socialism sought to make use of the services
of the middle class for developing the technique of bringing about a new social
order; it considered arousing the social conscience of the community in favour of
the socialist ideal as a significant achievement.
Fabianism, in fact, arose in the wake of the establishment of democracy in Great
Britain, especially during the years 1865 to 1885. During this period, the working
classes had not only obtained the franchise (right-to-vote) and the legalization of
trade unions, but their influence on legislation and the wage-contract was visibly on
the increase. In such a state there was no need of a revolution to create a new
political mechanism, for it was already in existence and needed only to be used for
the social transformation.
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44 An Introduction to Political Theory

The Fabian socialists addressed themselves to the task of making the democratic
state an instrument of systematic social reform. Sydney Webb (1859-1947), the
leading Fabian socialist, maintained that the mission of the socialists was to acquire
knowledge by means of specialized research into the various manifestations of
economic and social life, to acquaint themselves with the machinery of legislation
and administration, and to put their knowledge and experience at the disposal of
all political agencies.
With the new approach, Fabianism was able to attract some very brilliant men
of England who became its exponents. Among them George Bernard Shaw
(1856-1950), Sydney Webb (1859-1947), Beatrice Webb (1858-1943), Sidney
Olivier (1859-1943), Graham Wallas (1858-1932), and G.D.H. Cole (1889-
1959) are the most illustrious figures.

AIMS AND OBJECTS OF FABIANISM

The exponents of Fabian socialism, which included many eminent writers,

produced a sizeable literature wherein they spelled out their aims and objects.
Among these, some are quite outstanding.
Emancipation of Land and Industrial Capital
In pursuance of its socialist mission, the Fabian Society sought reorganization of
society by the emancipation of land and industrial capital from individual and
class ownership, and vesting them in the community for the general benefit, so
that the natural and acquired assets of the community could be equitably shared
by all.
This, in effect, meant working for the extinction of private property in land
and of the consequent individual appropriation in the form of rent and other
benefits accruing from private ownership of land. Similarly, the monopoly of the
means of industrial production, industrial inventions and transformation of surplus
income had, in the past, mainly enriched the proprietary class while the worker
had remained dependent upon that class for the means to earn a living. Fabianism
sought to emancipate the worker through the transfer of the management of
industrial capital to the community as a whole.
Equality of Opportunity
The Fabian Society was convinced that the emancipation of land and industrial
capital from individual and class ownership would create conditions under which
rent and interest would be added to the reward of labour. The idle class, living on
the labour of others, would necessarily disappear and political equality of
opportunity would be maintained by the spontaneous action of economic forces
with much less interference in personal liberty than the existing system entailed.
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Concept of Ideology 45

Dissemination of Socialist Ideas

The Fabian Society aimed at spreading socialist ideas, especially regarding the
relation between individual and society in its economic, ethical and political aspects,
including the establishment of equal citizenship for men and women. For this
purpose, the Fabian socialists sought to use the democratic method of a slow and
gradual turning of the popular mind to the new principles of social reorganization.
Sydney Webb, writing on the historical basis of socialism in the Fabian Essays
(1889), edited by Bernard Shaw, observed that important organic changes can only
be: (1) democratic, and thus acceptable to a majority of the people; (2) gradual, and
thus causing no dislocation, however rapid may be the rate of progress; (3) not
regarded as immoral by the mass of the people, and thus not subjectively
demoralizing them; and (4) in England, at any rate, constitutional and peaceful.
Webb came out with a new interpretation of democracy in conformity with the
socialist point of view. He asserted that democracy consisted in the control by the
people themselves, not only of their own political organization, but, through that
also, of the main instruments of wealth production; the gradual substitution of
organized cooperation for the anarchy of competitive struggle and the consequent
recovery of the enormous share which the possessors of the instruments of industry
are able to take from the produce.
Thus, the Fabian socialists were convinced that the spread of socialist ideas
would automatically transform democracy into socialism.
Universal Education
Sydney Olivier, writing on the moral basis of socialism in the Fabian Essays,
insisted on the provision of universal education as an essential means of
emancipation of the working class. He pointed out that the educational system was
an essential instrument of fostering social morality. The idea of the school implied
leisure to learn. This meant 'the release of children from all non-educational labour
until mind and physique have had a fair start and training'. Education of adults
needed a still wider arrangement:
The school of the adult are the journal and the library, social intercourse,
fresh air, clean and beautiful cities, the joy of the fields, the museum, the art
gallery, the lecture-hall, the drama and the opera; and only when these
schools are free and accessible to all will the reproach of proletarian
coarseness be done away with.

GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

German social democracy, as developed by Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-64), was

another important version of evolutionary socialism. Lassalle accepted the Marxian
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46 An Introduction to Political Theory

doctrine of economic interpretation of history so far as it implied that the rise of

the working class and the consequent decline of capitalism was inevitable in the
future society. However, Lassalle evolved a different view regarding the nature
and role of the state.
Instead of a violent overthrow of the capitalist state, Lassale suggested that
the working class should organize itself into a political party with a view to
securing universal, equal and direct suffrage so as to make its power legally
effective. Thus, Lassalle envisaged a constitutional and peaceful transition from
the capitalist state to a workers' state. In this way, Lassalle sought to redefine the
immediate goal of the workers' movement as securing a majority in the democratic
legislative organs of the state.

REVISIONISM

Another important school of evolutionary socialism that emerged in Germany

itself was the revisionist school led by Eduard Bernstein (1850-1932). It also
sought to revise some of the basic tenets of Marxian theory, particularly on the
following lines:
(a) The class struggle had become less intense because the conditions of the
working class had improved rather than deteriorated;
(b) The middle class had, in fact, expanded rather than shrunk; and
(c) Large areas of industry had remained in small-scale production rather
than concentrated in large-scale industries.
Bernstein, therefore, insisted that socialism should be treated more as a movement
than an ultimate goal. Karl Kautsky (1854-1939) continued to defend Marxian
theories which remained the official doctrine of communist parties of Europe,
but revisionist tactics became part of the socialist struggle.
Bernstein rejected Marx's materialist interpretation of history which implies
the inevitability of class conflict as the road to socialism. Instead of class struggle
and class rule, Bernstein preferred democracy, a genuine partnership of all adult
citizens in a limited government as their joint enterprise. Liberal democracy was,
to his mind, the very substance of socialism.

SYNDICALISM

The socialist movement developed in France and Latin countries in the form of
Syndicalism. In fact, Syndicalism originated as a trend in the French labour
movement which considers labour unions and their federations as cells of the
future socialist order. It insists on the complete independence of labour unions
from political parties. In short: (a) Syndicalism accepted the class-struggle theory
of Marx; (b) it preached abolition of the political state; (c) it urged industrial
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Concept of 47
Ideology

action as the only effective means of bringing about a revolutionary change in

society and treated the 'general strike' as a means of securing workers' control over
industry; and (d) it visualized a social order in which all power would be given to
the producer; trade and industrial unions would serve as the economic framework
of society.
Syndicalism achieved great ideological success in France in the period between
1899 and 1937. Initially, the movement insisted on the exclusive right of workers
to control industry. But after the First World War (1914-18), it expanded its scope
and conceded the equal right of consumers in this sphere of control. Syndicalism
stood for 'socialization without state'. Its opposition to the state took two major
forms: (a) the state should have no right in the control of industry; and (b)
independent economic organizations should be used to restrict and counterbalance
the power of the state.

GUILD SOCIALISM

In the first quarter of the twentieth century, there was another socialist movement in
England, known as Guild Socialism. In fact, Guild Socialism originated as a trend
in the British labour movement which enjoyed great ideological success in the
period from 1916 to 1926. It tried to combine the good points of socialism with
those of the ancient guild system. In short: (a) it upheld the Marxian emphasis on
class struggle; (b) it stood for the abolition of the wage system and demanded
representation of the workers in industrial control; (c) it sought to modify
Syndicalism by introducing the importance of consumer side by side with the
worker; and (d) it sought to abolish the old state which was an instrument of
exploitation. However, it insisted that a new organization must be evolved to take
charge of the many civic activities necessary to the life of the community. Guild
Socialism was strongly opposed not only to communism but also to all forms of
collectivistic socialism. It was inspired by that branch of French Syndicalism which
sought to restrict and counterbalance the power of the political state by independent
economic organizations of workers and consumers. However, British Guild
Socialism drifted away from French Syndicalism because of its affinity with the
British liberal tradition as manifested in the pluralistic view of society.

A CRITICAL APPRAISAL
Evolutionary socialism, in some form or the other, is practised in a large number of
countries today. In some countries, especially in the Scandinavian countries, it has
brought widespread security and prosperity. In others, such as India, it has secured
a marginal improvement in the general standards of living without making an
effective dent in the vast socio-economic disparities. It has, therefore, been
criticized on various grounds.
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48 An Introduction to Political Theory

No Coherent Doctrine
Evolutionary socialism is criticized because it has no coherent doctrine. There
are so many varieties of evolutionary socialism—Fabian socialism, revisionism,
syndicalism, guild socialism, parliamentary or democratic socialism, etc.—that it
is difficult to identify its essential contents. Different forms of evolutionary
socialism accept and reject some or the other tenets of Marxian socialism without
evolving suitable alternative strategies. It is, therefore, devoid of any general,
unified view, consistent philosophy or programme. Different schools of
evolutionary socialism seek to substitute 'class cooperation' for 'class conflict',
'democracy' for the 'dictatorship of the proletariat', and an 'evolutionary method'
for the 'revolutionary method'. But they fail to demonstrate how these substitutes
can function effectively to attain the socialist goals.
Not Based in the Working Class
Some forms of evolutionary socialism, such as syndicalism and guild socialism,
are, of course, based in the working class. But other forms are not so based. For
instance, Fabian socialism was exclusively based in the intellectuals of the middle
class, with hardly any links with the working class. In effect, it was reduced to
an intellectual luxury. It aimed at permeating all classes, but failed to arouse the
working class which is the main sufferer under the capitalist system, and which
is bound to be the chief beneficiary of the socialist transformation. In fact, Fabian
socialism insisted on redistribution of national wealth for the social good, that is
for the benefit of all sections of society rather than for a particular section like the
workers. In essence, this was nearer the principle of liberalism rather than that of
socialism which seeks to tilt the balance in favour of the weaker, exploited,
underprivileged and oppressed sections.
Legitimization of the Bourgeois State
Evolutionary socialism seeks to accommodate socialist goals in the operation of
the capitalist system. Since capitalism has accepted 'liberal democracy' as its
political framework, characterized by universal franchise, periodic elections and
free competition for power, it is felt that the people's urge for economic equality
cannot be evaded for long by granting them formal equality in the political sphere.
It is alleged that the adoption of socialist goals reassures the people, and serves as
a 'safety valve' for the capitalist system. In other words, evolutionary socialism
is the device to maintain market society system with certain modifications.
However, it may be conceded that no society can function efficiently without
adequate incentives. Even 'pure' socialist systems felt the need of introducing a
modicum of market principles to maintain efficiency. This mixture of market
principles with socialism was called 'market socialism'. This policy was adoped
in Yugoslavia after the early 1950s, in Hungary after 1968, in China, Poland,
Bulgaria and the former Soviet Union in 1980s. But that, too, could not solve the
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Concept of Ideology 49

problem of scarcity. This led to bureaucratic corruption and eventual collapse of

socialist systems.
In the present age of disillusionment with 'revolutionary socialism', evolutionary
socialism or democratic socialism is the only hope to promote social justice.

Market Socialism
An economic system where means of social production are held in public ownership,
but allocation of resources is made according to market principles. Thus product market,
labour market and capital market come into existence side by side with the socialist
system.

CONCLUSION
In spite of some shortcomings, evolutionary socialism is an effective instrument
for mitigating the rigours of capitalism. It is definitely better than the crude form
of capitalism—a free market economy with unrestrained competition. Evolutionary
socialism provides an opportunity to the common people to resist and reduce the
harshness of the capitalist class within capitalist society itself. It fails to transform
capitalism precisely for want of adequate, organized and consistent public
pressure. The capitalist class manages to create an illusion of 'common welfare'
by granting small concessions and reliefs to the exploited and hard-pressed
sections. Social contradictions continue to thrive in such a situation. Once the
exploited sections become conscious of these contradictions and make up their
mind to fight them out, the ground is prepared for transformation of the capitalist
system.
Even Marxian socialism postulates the emergence of class consciousness and
a strong organization of the exploited class for bringing about revolution. If
necessary consciousness and organization are present among the exploited
sections, it should not be difficult for them to transform the capitalist system
even through the ballot box. A combination of democracy and socialism is now
regarded as not only possible, but logical and even inevitable. In the ultimate
analysis, if democracy is real enough, its success will be reflected in the fulfilment
of the aspirations of ordinary people, which are not different from the socialist
goals. It is now being increasingly realized that, in highly industrialized modern
states, armed revolutions have very little scope of being victorious. The
constitutional method of securing the goals of socialism is, therefore, not entirely
redundant, provided the exploited classes are on the alert, well-organized, vocal
and seriously engaged in building up strong public pressure against the capitalist
class.
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50 An Introduction to Political Theory

WHAT IS FASCISM?

Fascism stands for a doctrine, ideology or a set of principles underlying the

movement founded in Italy by Benito Mussolini (1883-1945) and his followers in
1919. For this purpose, he combined his fasci of workers, that is small groups
organized to bring about revolutionary changes in the political structure of Italy,
into the Fascisti. The wordfasci, from which the termfascism is derived, denotes
the bundle of rods bound with a red cord round an axe helve which was borne
before the Roman consuls by the Lictors (attendants of magistrates) as the symbol
of public power. The word Fascisti denoted the movement as well as the party
founded to achieve the goals of fascism. In fact, Italian fascism came to have
some well-defined goals, defined and declared by its leader—Mussolini himself.
It also evolved or embraced certain principles: a variety of unrelated principles
woven into an incoherent whole, designed to meet political exigencies. That is
why fascism never developed into a coherent political philosophy. It only developed
into a movement which achieved temporary success in Italy. It was partly adopted
by Adolf Hitler (1889-1945) and the Nazis in Germany, Franco (1892-1975) and
the Falangists in Spain, and had a marginal following in Britain, France and other
European countries. Some writers try to find its parallels in Asia, particularly in
Japan, and in some Latin American countries, particularly in Argentina.
Of the three mainstreams of political thought—Liberalism, Marxism and
Idealism—fascism is openly opposed to liberalism and Marxism. It is wedded to
the idealist theory, but only to its distorted form. Fascism embraced some
theoretical principles only to win the political support of some groups, especially
to mobilize a large number of frustrated elements in society. Since these
heterogeneous groups had no common interest, no common ideal and no common
values, fascism could never evolve a consistent political theory. It never became
a part of the mainstream of political theory. The students of political theory look
to fascism not for guidance in sorting out theoretical issues, but for understanding
'political pathology'; that is to understand how an adventurous leader like Mussolini
or a fanatic leader like Hitler can play upon and exploit the sentiments of different
categories of people under abnormal circumstances, and mobilize them for
achieving certain goals which they would not approve of under normal mental
and social conditions. Sociologists and social psychologists have found rich
material for study in the abnormal conditions of society which gave rise to the
emergence of fascism.
In politics, fascism is identified with a sick mental attitude which sets aside
reason as well as sound moral and social principles for the fulfilment of ambitions
of narrow groups. Fascist tendencies pose a danger to peace and freedom in the
world. The word 'fascist' is a term of abuse in present-day vocabulary.
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Concept of Ideology 51

Idealism
An approach to the study of social change which regards 'idea' or consciousness as the
essence of universe and the motive force behind alt change. It is opposite of materialism
which comprises the basic principle of Marxism. G.W.F. Hegel (1770-1831), famous
German philosopher, has given a vivid account of idealist interpretation of human
history. He regarded all social institutions as the expression of development of idea or
consciousness which culminates in the emergence of nation-state. Hegel called for
absolute submission of man to the state for the realization of his freedom. Fascism
made use of a distorted version of this theory to muster support for its programme.

DEVELOPMENT OF FASCISM

The development of Fascism chiefly took place during the period between the
two world wars (1919-39) in Italy and Germany. It also had some parallel in
Japan so that the three countries—Germany, Italy and Japan—eventually formed
the 'Berlin-Rome-Tokyo Axis' and were the chief enemies of the Allied Powers
during the Second World War (1939^5). In fact, the Second World War was
fought to defeat fascism. Fascism was strongly opposed to democracy (if not to
capitalism) as well as to communism. That is why the capitalists and the
communists joined together to defeat it. William Ebenstein in his Today's Isms
(1980) observes:
- Stripped to its essentials, fascism is the totalitarian organization of
government and society by a single-party dictatorship, intensely nationalist,
racist, militarist, and imperialist. In Europe, Italy was the first to go fascist
in 1922, and Germany followed in 1933. In Asia, Japan became fascist in
the 1930s, gradually evolving totalitarian institutions out of its own native
heritage.
Its chief variants—Italian Fascism and German National Socialism (Nazism)—
arose under somewhat different circumstances but they had many parallels in
theory and practice. R.M. Maclver, in his Web of Government (1965), significantly
observes:
Both succeeded in enlisting diverse groups and classes to a programme of
expansionist aggression, finding common ground in the respective
treatment meted out to them in the Treaty of Versailles—though one was
chafing in defeat and the other discontented with the rewards of victory....
In both instances a disoriented small-bourgeois group, in a time of social
upheaval and economic trouble, found a leader who was master of the
mass appeal. The preceding war had inculcated habits of blind obedience
to the command of the superior but the authority behind the command
had been discredited. Men were groping for a new myth of authority.
They were susceptible to the gospel of new demagogues.
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52 An Introduction to Political Theory

It is significant that both Italy and Germany had lagged behind other countries
of Europe, e.g. France and Great Britain, in their way to national unification.
Their geographical position had prevented them from attaining the status of world
powers. Their societies were still in transition; the power was passing from a
reactionary aristocracy to the emerging bourgeoisie (the capitalist class), but a
strong working class was simultaneously rising and raising its claim to power.
Both countries cherished a deep pride in their past cultural distinctions and felt
bitterness over less great countries rising to the status of world powers, ignoring
their claims. After the First World War (1914-18), many Italians strongly felt that
they had been cheated in the matter of distribution of the spoils of victory while
the Germans were indignant over the back-breaking war reparations imposed on
them by their victors. In short, both Italy and Germany were in the grip of crisis
and abnormal circumstances which were responsible for their similar development.
As Maclver has noted:
It is an old story that under conditions of grave stress, with the breaking
of tradition, the people, and especially the young, lose the finer cohesion
that gives play to the personality of each, and are more easily reduced to
the mass, the populace, the mob. Then comes the leader, whether he be a
fanatic or an ambitious adventurer, and by his devices and his eloquence
advances the process, at length making the mass the instalment of his
purposes.

Theory of Reaction
The doctrine of fascism arose as a theory of reaction to democracy, socialism
and communism. While democracy and communism represented progressive
forces of the modem age, fascism sought to promote a movement or tendency in
the reverse direction, in support of the former outmoded, repressive, social and
political conditions and policy. According to Dictionary of Political Science (ed.
Joseph Dunner; 1965):
Fascism rejects equality and substitutes the principle of hierarchy
culminating in a supreme leader or dictator whose will is law. Fascism
repudiates individualism and asserts that all values derive from the state,
against which the individual possesses no rights; true liberty, consequently, is
found only in subjection to state authority. The fascist state requires
complete conformity, rigid discipline, and unquestioning obedience; force ,
is legitimate which conduces to these ends.
As against the liberal-democratic cult of reason, fascism relies on faith and
emotion as the motive force of human actions. Instead of regarding individual as
an end and the state as a means, fascism exalts the state as an end and reduces
individual to the means. It establishes the monopoly of the nation-state in all
internal and external matters. It does not tolerate any human association or
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Concept of Ideology 53

organization within the state to compete with the state for the loyalty of individual.
Thus, it rejects the pluralistic cult of liberal-democracy. In the international sphere,
it does not support international organization for settlement of disputes, and relies
upon military solutions.
Fascism repudiates the progressive doctrine of human equality as the basis of
their rational organization into nation or other associations. On the contrary, it
seeks unity through homogeneity. In Germany this attitude was embodied in
racist doctrines and the programme of liquidation of 'non-Aryan' elements.
The fascist disdain for democracy is reflected in its policy of concentration of
political power in the hands of the dictator and a single political party. This is
amply revealed in Mussolini's pattern of leadership. As R.M. Maclver in his Web
of Government (1965) has aptly illustrated:
In one thing he showed consistency throughout his career—his contempt for
democracy. Exulting over the 'decaying corpse of the Goddess of Liberty',
he proceeded to tear down, piece by piece, the parliamentary structure. He
nullified and then abolished all political parties except 'the' party. . . He
changed his office of premier into that of 'head of the government'... He
made the party the organ of the state, with a hierarchical system of controls
from the local party boss to the Grand Council of Fascism. His regime
became a personal government of the most extreme . type. The members
of the party were sworn to boundless obedience to his orders.
Fascism created a peculiar authoritarian system which strived to engender
mass enthusiasm for its regime and policies. In the event, Mussolini emerged as
an extremely popular leader enjoying immense authority in the state. As Maclver
has elucidated:
He had his personal army, the blackshirt Militia,, bound exclusively to his
service. The new political structure of fascist dictatorship was built inside
the pre-existing system, until all that remained of the old order was a
hollow facade. The king still 'reigned', the senate still met, but one man,
backed by his disciplined cohorts, commanded Italy, (ibid.)
In short, fascism set aside constitutional democracy in order to enhance the
prestige and power of the dictator and to establish the hegemony of a single
party, commanding unconditional obedience from the people.
Theory of Counter-revolution
Fascism began as a movement demanding revolutionary changes in the social
and political structure of Italy. But it soon developed into a force against revolution
itself, especially against the revolutionary force of communism. Fascism may
also be regarded as counter-revolutionary because it sought to promote
concentration of economic control in fewer hands as also to stop diffusion of
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54 An Introduction to Political Theory

political power. In other words, it stripped capitalism of its democratic character

which could have had some sobering effect on it. While the masses in a capitalist
society could use their political power, thanks to the development of democracy, to
secure increasing material well-being, fascism ruled out such possibility. Under
fascism, the masses are left with no rights or safeguards against their oppression by
the ruling clique. In the liberal phase of capitalism, the capitalists are somewhat
prepared to pay the price of people's support in the form of some concessions, but
when it enters the fascist phase, the capitalists are no longer required to pay that
price. Profit-making motive of the capitalists is no longer restrained by people's
demands or expectations. The result is lower wages for the workers, inferior
general conditions of industry, lowering of taxation upon capital and contraction of
social services.
Harold J. Laski, in his State in Theory and Practice (1935), observes that so
long as the marriage of capitalism and democracy continued, capitalism continued
to extend concessions to the masses, giving them a sense of satisfaction. But when
it sought to withdraw those concessions, it had recourse to fascism:
Fascism came to rescue capitalism from this dilemma. By the abrogation of
democracy, in one form or another, it has entrusted unlimited political
power to those who own and control the means of production ... All political
parties which deny its purposes have been suppressed. The free trade unions
have gone, and, with them, the right to strike. Wages have been reduced
either unilaterally by the employers, or with the approval of the state. The
right to free criticism has been suppressed; and the power of the electorate
to change its government has been withdrawn.
Fascist states also sought to curb individual liberty by obstructing the supply of
true news. They brought the press, the wireless, the publishing trade, the cinema
and the theatre directly under government control. The neutrality of the civil
service was openly abandoned, and even the judiciary was subordinated to the
service of fascist ideals. The fascist states built their authority by relying on the
loyalty of the armed forces as also by arming the forces of their own partisans. The
whole state apparatus was used to advance the interests of capitalism at the expense
of the worker. As Laski has illustrated:
Mussolini has explained that the individual fulfils himself in the fulfilment
of the state-end. . . Once we examine the actual character of that end in
fascist communities, it becomes clear that it implies the sacrifice of the
ordinary worker to the capitalist need to make profit, (ibid.)
In a nutshell, fascism seeks to avert the transformation of the capitalist system
into a democratic welfare state or service-state. It tends to maintain the exploitative
character of the capitalist patterns of production in the name of national interest,
national unity, discipline, industrial peace and higher production, and to save a
decadent capitalist system from the revolutionary threat of the oppressed classes.
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Fascism also seeks to dilute the revolutionary content of communism by an

improvised anti-Marxist theory. It tries to replace materialism by a mystical political
idealism. It rejects the theory of class-conflict in favour of the organic unity of
the nation-state that claims to represent a unified national interest. It even repudiates
the economic motive behind human actions which could give rise to class struggle.
As Mussolini himself observed in his famous article in Encyclopaedia Italiana
(1932):
Fascism, now and always, believes in holiness and in heroism; that is to
say, in actions influenced by no economic motive, direct or indirect. And
if the economic conception of history be denied, according to which
theory men are no more than puppets, carried to and fro by the waves of
chance while the real directing forces are quite out of their control, it
follows that the existence of an unchangeable and unchanging class-war
is also denied—the natural progeny of the economic conception of history.
And above all fascism denies that class-war can be the preponderant force
in the transformation of society.
Fascism thus tends to project an image of a unified nation with an indivisible
interest to repudiate the theory of class-conflict. It even refuses to rely on reason
for arriving at truth. Instead, it eulogizes the creative power of the myth to muster
the support of all classes in society. As Mussolini said in a speech at Naples in
1922:
We have created our myth. The myth is a faith, it is passion. It is not
necessary that it shall be a reality. It is a reality by the fact that it is a goad,
a hope, a faith, that it is courage. Our myth is the nation, our myth is the
greatness of the nation.
Hitler similarly created the myth of race and developed his racist doctrine as a
counterpart of the fascist image of the nation. He dwelled on the miraculous
power of propaganda, especially of false propaganda, in his notorious workMein-
Kampf ('My Struggle') (1925-26). Thus, fascism openly sets aside truth and
reason for the advancement of its sinister designs and containment of revolutionary
forces.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC BASIS

Some writers, such as, W.M. McGovern (From Luther to Hitler; 1941) and
R.M. Maclver (The Web of Government; 1965) regard fascism as a movement
of the lower middle class. However, when examined closely, this interpretation
does not seem to be correct. It may be admitted that fascism particularly appealed
to small businessmen, such as individual shopkeepers, who felt their livelihood
threatened on the one hand by the rising working class with its revolutionary
socialism, and on the other by the monster of monopoly capitalism. But fascism
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56 An Introduction to Political Theory

itself did not emanate from any movement launched by the lower middle class.
The fascist militia were recruited from a subclass of the tradeless dregs of the
working class without class loyalty or self-respect. In fact, fascism sought to
muster support from diverse sections of society through false promises, appeals
and tactics. To discover the real socio-economic basis of fascism, it is essential
to determine which class it sought to serve. As Laski, in his State in Theory and
Practice (1935) has amply demonstrated, fascism sought to serve the interests
of the capitalist class at the expense of the masses, especially the working class.
It created the myth of the nation to secure concentration of economic and political
control in the hands of a small number of persons and to demand unquestioning
obedience and devotion from the masses to the authority so created. As Laski
concludes: "Stripped of all its rhetorical trappings Italian fascism appears quite
simply as an insistence upon compulsory obedience to a state whose purpose is
to protect existing class-relations".
Instead of serving the interest of the whole nation, fascism only sought to
exploit the prevailing social tensions and crises to bring home the need of absolute
authority and unquestioning obedience. William Ebenstein has tried to show that
the conditions of capitalism do not by themselves give rise to fascism, but it
arises only where democracy is particularly weak:
Industrialists are not, as a class, any more fascist-minded than other social
groups; in countries with strong liberal and democratic traditions, for
example, industrialists' have neither more nor less faith than other people
in the democratic process. But where democracy has been weak, as it
was in Germany, Italy, and Japan, it took only a few wealthy industrialists
and landowners to supply fascist movements with ample funds. (Today s
Isms; 1980)
Ebenstein observes that even the conditions of economic depression need not
necessarily lead to the rise of fascism, but the fear and frustration arising out of
economic depression can lead to it:
In times of depression, fear and frustration undermine faith in the
democratic process, and where the faith in rational methods weakens,
fascism is the potential gainer. The small businessman blames big business
for his troubles; big business puts the blame on the unreasonableness of
the labour unions; labour feels that the only way out is to soak the rich;
the farmers feel that they are not getting enough for farm products and
that the prices they pay for manufactured goods are too high; and—worst
of all—there is the large mass of unemployed people, (ibid.)
Ebenstein further argues that even the economic suffering caused by
unemployment can be mitigated by adequate relief, but the feeling of being useless,
unwanted, and outside the productive ranks of society paves the way for the rise
of fascism:
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It is among these spiritually homeless that fascism makes serious inroads

during a depression: by putting an unemployed person into a uniform, a
fascist movement makes him feel that he 'belongs', and by telling him
that he is a member of a superior race or nation, such a movement restores
some of his self-respect, (ibid.)
The basic point made by Ebenstein to vindicate capitalism is, however, not
fundamentally different from Laski's view. The basic point is that so long as
capitalism can accommodate the democratic aspirations of the people, it is not
likely to degenerate into fascism. Ebenstein is highly optimistic of this potential in
capitalism. But Laski further holds that if the marriage between capitalism and
democracy is brought to its logical conclusion, it will lead to the transformation
of capitalism itself! On the contrary, an unrestrained capitalism would degenerate
into fascism by crushing the democratic aspirations of the people.

LIBERAL AND MARXIST CRITIQUES OF FASCISM

Fascism is by no means a systematic doctrine. It is a queer mixture of incongruous

elements. In Laski's words:
Fascism, when closely examined, proves to be nothing more than an ill-
assorted rag-bag in which all kinds of remnants from the most diverse
philosophies seek, as best they may, to find a place. (The State in Theory'
and Practice; 1935)
Fascism sought to mix up different theoretical elements only to evolve an
instrument of mass appeal and mass mobilization for the attainment of some
political goals projected by an elite who happened to control political as well as
economic power. Mussolini himself in an article written in 1924 admitted:
We Fascists have had the courage to discard all traditional political theories,
and we are aristocrats and democrats, revolutionaries and reactionaries,
proletarians and anti-proletarians, pacifists and antipacifists. It is sufficient
to have a single fixed point: the nation. The rest is obvious.
In its attempt to attain practical goals, Fascism sought to repudiate both
liberalism and Marxism in their essentials. It rejected constitutional government
and other vital attributes of liberal-democracy; it equally rejected Marxism. It
has, therefore, been criticized by liberals as well as Marxists.
Liberal Critique
Several liberal writers have criticized fascism, particularly because of its totalitarian
character and its rejection of democratic methods, human rights, etc. It is
important to note that while liberalism is primarily a philosophy of capitalism,
fascism also sought to promote capitalism rather out of the way. Liberal writers
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58 An Introduction to Political Theory

have taken different positions on this issue. Some of them do not refer to any
significant relation between fascism and capitalism. As William Ebenstein has
argued:
The Marxist interpretation of fascism in terms of class (identifyng fascism
with capitalism in decay) is not borne out by the facts. Fascism cuts across
all social groups; wealthy industrialists and landowners support it for one
reason, the lower middle classes for another, and some blue-collar workers
for another still. (Today's Isms; 1980)
Still others feel that fascism sought to distort the liberal and benevolent character
of capitalism by dissociating it from democratic traditions and diverting it from the
path of the welfare state.
The main liberal objection against fascism is that it sought to destroy individual
liberty by subordinating individual to the absolute authority of the state, and by
reducing individual to a means to serve the end of the state. In the second place,
fascism sought to accentuate the irrational element in human nature while liberalism
pleads for man's freedom treating him primarily as a rational being. Thirdly,
fascism repudiates the liberal faith in the natural and social equality of men,
through its cult of hero-worship, superiority of the elite and racist doctrines. In the
fourth place, fascism hits at the pluralistic nature of society by establishing the
monopoly of a single political party and eliminating free and open competition for
political power. And finally, fascism demolishes constitutional government which
is the sole guarantee of human freedom and progress as well as the cardinal
principle of liberal-democracy.
Marxist Critique
Marxists deprecate fascism as an attempt to protect capitalism in its decadent
phase. By creating the myth of a nation, fascism sought to suppress class-conflict
on the one hand, and to thwart any international movement toward communism on
the other. Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), an Italian Marxist who was victimized and
tortured by the fascist regime of Mussolini, maintained that the ideological
propaganda of the fascists sought to preserve capitalist 'hegemony' and 'structures
of domination' which made it acceptable to the ignorant masses. Leon Trotsky
(1879-1940) and others argued that the mass basis of fascism was provided by a
desperate, rootless, middle class. The widespread fear of uncertainty in a time of
crisis served to provide an authoritarian basis for fascism.

CONCLUSION
Some liberal writers, prompted by their equal disdain for fascism and communism,
have sought to club the two as 'totalitarian dictatorships'. For instance, R.M.
Maclver (The Web of Government; 1965) and Alan Ball (Modern Politics and
Government; 1988) have adopted this classification. This is not only unfair but
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Concept of 59
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misleading. Fascism tends to suppress the masses to secure the interests of a tiny
class in all spheres—social, economic, political. On the contrary, communism—
even when it uses coercion—seeks to distribute benefits to secure the maximum
satisfaction of the masses. G.A. Almond and G.B. Powell, in their noted work
Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (1966), have aptly made this
distinction:
Totalitarian systems suppress demands coming from their societies and are
unresponsive to demands coming from the international environment. At
the same time, they regulate and coerce behaviour in their societies,

totalitarianism differs from fascist totalitarianism in having a strong

distributive capability as well.
Fascism, besides its retrograde class character, symbolizes a sick mental and
political attitude. It fosters anti-human and anti-progressive forces. It seeks to curb
liberty and equality and to distort justice. In short, it is a philosophy of the lunatic
fringe, champions of terror and violence who advocate superiority of one race, sect,
region, religion, language or culture, relegating the rest of mankind to' slavery.
Unfortunately, fascist tendencies are not dead the world over. Enemies of mankind
still thrive in some parts of the world and pose a potential threat to the security of
those who do not belong to them, not to speak of those who do not follow them!

IX. ANARCHISM
WHAT IS ANARCHISM?

Anarchism stands for a mode of thought which holds that society can and should be
organized without the coercive authority of the state. Although some indications of
this mode of thought could be traced to ancient times, William Godwin (1756-
1836), a British political theorist, was the first thinker who argued unequivocally
for a stateless society. His Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793) is regarded
to be the first systematic defence of anarchism. However, it was P.J. Proudhon
(1809-65), a French philosopher, who was the first to call himself an anarchist. As
an ideology anarchism had its greatest influence in late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, when several revolutionary movements in Western countries
favoured this mode of thought.
Anarchist thinkers have one common aim: abolition of the state. But they widely
differ as to how the state should be abolished, and what type of organization should
be evolved to replace it. So they by no means form a homogeneous group. They
include a wide variety of thinkers ranging from the defenders of extreme form of
socialism to the champions of extreme form of individualism. All anarchists agree
on the need to dispense with compulsory forms of authority,
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60 An Introduction to Political Theory

culminating in authority of the state. However, most anarchists recognize the

rational form of authority, particularly the authority of experts, e.g. scientists and
doctors in their respective fields, as also the moral authority of collective decisions
taken in a genuinely democratic manner. They are mostly averse to hiearchical
forms of authority, e.g. churches, armies, bosses of capitalist enterprises, and
impersonal bureaucracies.
Of the several schools of anarchist thought, the following are particularly
important: philosophical anarchism, socialist anarchism, revolutionary anarchism,
anarcho-syndicalism, pacific anarchism, and libertarian anarchism.

PHILOSOPHICAL ANARCHISM

Philosophical anarchism rejects the idea of legitimate authority in the sense that
no individual, whether state official or not, has the right to command the obedience
of another. Individual autonomy, as conceived morally, requires individuals to act
according to their own judgments. Because of its focus on individual, this school
of thought is also called 'individualist anarchism'. It was originally founded by
Godwin himself in his essay Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (1793). Then
Max Stirner (1806-56), a German philosopher, in The Ego and his Own (1845)
argued that every individual is the unique one who truly 'owns himself; he
recognizes no duties to others, and does what is right for himself, within the limit
of his might. In contemporary thought, Godwin's line of argument was endorsed
by R.P. Wolff (In Defense of Anarchism; 1970).
Accordingly, philosophical anarchism has little scope to encourage cooperation
among individuals or to evolve their formal organization. Its upholders are generally
suspicious of authority, yet they recognize the rational authority of experts within
their fields of competence and the moral authority of basic social norms, such as
'contracts should be kept'. If politics is defined as the art of persuading others
when they do not agree, then philosophical anarchists may also recognize even
political authority, but not the coercive authority of the state. So, if members of
a commune or workers' cooperative actually participate in decision-making, their
decisions may be deemed morally binding.

SOCIALIST ANARCHISM

Socialist anarchism insists on freedom of individual, defined as the capacity to

satisfy his needs. It regards social and economic equality as a necessary condition
to secure maximum freedom of all. In its view, social and economic equality is
incompatible with capitalist private property and the state. It therefore rejects
both. P.J. Proudhon (1809-65), a French philosopher, is the chief exponent of
socialist anarchism. He postulated 'mutual aid' as the appropriate method of
achieving its goal. It is therefore also called 'mutualism'.
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Proudhon argued that liberty or freedom is the mother, not the daughter, of
order. All political parties are a variety of despotism. Power of the state and
power of capital are coterminous. So the proletariat cannot emancipate itself by
acquiring and using state power. On this ground Proudhon criticized Marx's idea
of establishing 'dictatorship of the proletariat' as a way to human emancipation.
Instead of violent method of overthrowing capitalism, Proudhon recommended
the (peaceful) method of direct action and the practice of mutualism for evolving
a new social order. He proposed that society should be organized as a network of
autonomous local communities and producer associations, linked by 'the federal
principle'. Each person might possess his means of production (tools, land, etc.)
either singly or collectively, but should only be rewarded for his labour. This
system will eliminate the elements of profit and rent, and ensure a high degree of
equality.
Exchange of goods and services between different voluntary associations will
be based on the principle that each party will seek only an equivalent for what it
offered to the other. This will be supplemented by the establishment of a mutual
credit bank which would lend to producers at a minimal rate of interest, covering
only its cost of administration. Proudhon firmly believed that this system of
mutual aid would promote social solidarity.
Proudhon's experiments on these lines proved to be a failure in actual practice.
But his French disciples played an influential role in the early years of the First
International (founded by the London Working Men's Association in 1864).
Philosophy of socialist anarchism was further developed by Peter Kropotkin
(1842-1921), a Russian thinker. In Mutual Aid—a Factor of Evolution (1890—
96), Kropotkin argued that the principle of 'the struggle for existence and survival
of the fittest' as enunciated by Charles Darwin (1809-82) does not apply to the
sphere of social relations. On the contrary, sociability is, under all circumstances,
the greatest advantage in the struggle for life, and therefore the natural condition
of all evolutionary beings. If human beings are not corrupted by the state and
law, they would develop bonds of instinctive solidarity which would make
government unnecessary. Kropotkin favoured a system of 'communism' where
everything belongs to everyone, and distribution is made according to needs.
Kropotkin's version of socialist anarchism is called 'communist anarchism'.

REVOLUTIONARY ANARCHISM

Revolutionary anarchism is still another version of socialist anarchism. Mikhail

Bakunin (1814-76), a Russian revolutionary, is regarded the chief exponent of
revolutionary anarchism. It is called revolutionary because of its method of
achieving the goal of anarchism. Since it believes in collectivization of the means
of social production, it is also called 'collectivism'. Bakunin stood for the strategy
of encouraging popular insurrections. It was envisaged that during the course of
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62 An Introduction to Political Theory

these insurrections, capitalist and landed property would be expropriated and

collectivized, and the state would be abolished. It would be replaced by
autonomous, but federally linked, communes.

Commune
A group of people or famities who alt live together and share everything.

Bakunin projected the vision of a socialist society which would be organized

from below upwards, not from above downwards. To foster the spirit of revolt
among the oppressed, revolutionary anarchists adopted the tactic of 'propaganda
by the deed'. This would start with local insurrections, and then include acts of
assassination and terrorism. They sought to establish a collectivist system in
which each group of organized workers would be managing their own means of
production. The distribution of the proceeds would be made according to collective
decision. It was generally assumed that rewards would be proportional to labour,
at least for the foreseeable future. Revolutionary anarchists opposed the
authoritarian element in Marx's communism.

ANARCHO-SYNDICALISM

Anarcho-syndicalism or syndicalist anarchism is another version of revolutionary

anarchism. George Sorel (1847-1922) was its chief exponent. It was based on
the idea to turn trade unions into revolutionary instruments of class struggle.
Instead of 'communes' (as envisaged by communist anarchism), anarcho-
syndicalism sought to make trade unions the basic units of a new society. In his
important work Reflections on Violence (1908), Sorel argued that law and
institutions of every enduring society contain a form of structural violence.
Capitalist system is itself an epitome of violence. Unjust violence should be fought
with just type of violence.
Sorel commended the method of 'general strike' as the fit instrument for the
workers to fight against capitalism. He recommended the use of'myth' to mobilize
masses into action. The power of 'general strike' could be exaggerated to elevate
it to the level of a 'myth' which should be used to mobilize workers for mass
action. Since Sorel relied on organized groups to overthrow capitalist state, and
provide for its alternative, he is not regarded a full-fledged anarchist.

PACIFIC ANARCHISM

In contrast to revolutionary anarchism, pacific anarchism stands for abolition of

the state in a peaceful manner. It advocates anarchism on moral grounds. Its
chief exponent, Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910), the Russian novelist, was inspired by
'the law of love', expressed in the Sermon on the Mount (delivered by Christ
himself). This made him denounce the state as 'organized violence' and to call on
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Concept of Ideology 63

people to disobey its immoral commands. Tolstoy argued that the state tried to
fight evil with another evil, i.e. with the help of police and military force. Private
property enables the few to lead a luxurious life by exploiting others' labour. Both
of them should be abolished for the regeneration of humanity. Mahatma Gandhi
(1869-1948), the Indian philosopher, was inspired by these ideas in developing
his philosophy of non-violence.

LIBERTARIAN ANARCHISM

Libertarian anarchism represents the contemporary version of 'individualist

anarchism'. Its beginnings may be traced to Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), a
British philosopher. Spencer's concept of 'blessedness of anarchy' envisages the
development of 'market society' to a stage where the state is dissolved and
society becomes self-regulated. Its contemporary exponents include F.A. Hayek
(1899-1992), an Austrian economist and Robert Nozick (193 8-2002), an American
philosopher. Libertarianism stands for the revival of laissez faire individualism
which believes in minimum interference of the state in economic activities of
people.
F.A. Hayek in Law, Legislation and Liberty, Vol. 1: Rules and Order (1973)
observed that social order exists independently of the state—an order spontaneously
generated, a product of human sociability. This natural order does not need
supplementing by an order imposed from above. Then Nozick in his Anarchy,
State and Utopia (1974) argued that the state has no legitimate powers beyond
the functions of protection, justice and defence; it is not authorized to engage in
redistributive transfers among its citizens who were originally its clients. In
Nozick's view, legal rights are the product of voluntary exchanges. An ideal state
would be one which completely stays away from regulating voluntary exchanges
between individuals. It would approximate to anarchy.
In short, libertarians stand for restricting the role of the state to minimum
possible level. They do not recommend to abolish the state altogether. The
contemporary exponents of 'rational choice' theory also advance similar
arguments. M. Taylor in his essay Community, Anarchy and Liberty (1982) argued
that social order is a 'public good': it cannot be divided and nobody can be
excluded from its benefits, yet people under the conditions of 'anarchy' will
cooperate voluntarily to create it. For libertarian anarchists, the state is not
merely a necessary evil; it is a positive evil. They advocate the idea of 'natural
society', a self-regulated, pluralistic society in which power and authority are
radically decentralized.

A CRITICAL APPRAISAL
Anarchism is based on a fascinating idea. However, it takes a too optimistic view
of human nature. If human nature were so benign as envisaged by anarchists,
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64 An Introduction to Political Theory

and society could become self-regulated without interference of the state, the ills
.afflicting human society under the state would not have arisen at all which the
anarchists want to remedy.
Moreover, in the contemporary world which is severely afflicted by the problems
of worldwide terrorism, crime and environmental pollution, the need of regulation
has become all the more evident and pressing. It is now felt that authority of the
state is inadequate to deal with such gigantic problems. There is an urgent need
to set up some global authority to regulate the present-day world which would
supplement authority of the state. Anarchist vision is terribly inadequate to deal
with this situation.
However, various schools of anarchism draw our attention to the tyranny of
economic and political power which makes the life of people so miserable! Its
significance lies in devising suitable means to curb that power. That will restore
justice in society and pave the way for human emancipation.

X. GANDHISM
Gandhism derives its name from that of Mahatma Gandhi (M.K. Gandhi) (1869-
1948), Indian social and moral philosopher. His social and political thought is
compendiously described as Gandhism. He did not write any treatise on his
philosophy. His thought is scattered in a large number of notes and pamphlets as
well as his Autobiography (My Experiments With Truth; 1929). He even denied
the existence of 'Gandhism'. But as the time rolled on, it revealed the immense
possibilities of application of Gandhian principles to various social, economic and
political situations, and their relevance is steadily increasing. It proved that Gandhian
way of thinking has not only its distinct identity, it is a full-fledged worldview.
That is precisely the basis of Gandhism.

POLITICS AND ETHICS

As a moral philosopher, Gandhi treated ethics as the guiding star of all human
behaviour, including politics. Gandhi's ethics was based in moral teachings of all
religions, although he paid special attention to time-honoured Hindu religion
(sanatana dharma). He expressed his firm faith in the spiritualization of politics.
This meant that if politics was to be a blessing, and not a curse to mankind, it
should be informed by the highest ethical and spiritual principles. In other words,
politics should be guided by high moral standards, and not by expediency.
Gandhi believed in purity of means as well as ends. Only right means should
be adopted for the pursuit of right ends. He strongly refuted the idea that 'end
justifies the means' or that 'if a noble end is achieved by adopting ignoble means,
their use would be excused'. As Gandhi himself observed: