Dying Because of Gender: The Feminicide Crisis in Italy

by Paola Degani

Abstract
The feminicide of Giulia Cecchettin in November 2023 significantly heightened public awareness of
male violence against women, this thanks to intense media coverage and the advocacy of her family,
which helped spark widespread political mobilization. This movement extended across universities,
schools, workplaces, and public spaces throughout Italy. The article examines the most politically
significant events related to feminicides in 2024 and the broader phenomenon of gender-based
violence against women. It analyses feminicide data in Italy, explores the mobilization following
Cecchettin’s murder, and considers the evolution of the issue over time. Finally, it assesses the
Government’s policy response, which has been exclusively punitive—an approach that, by failing to
acknowledge the structural, endemic and historical nature of gender-based violence, risks proving
ineffective.

Key words: Violence against women, feminicide, women’s human rights, public policy, feminist
movement.

1. Introduction
Male violence against women is a complex social phenomenon that affects women of all
backgrounds, ages and social statuses indiscriminately (Watts & Zimmerman 2002). Only in recent
years has this issue acquired a place on the political agendas of intergovernmental organizations,
national governments, regional administrations, and local authorities (Degani 2018). To grasp the
scale of the problem, one need only consider the latest UN estimates: in 2023, 736 million women
and girls aged 15 and over—nearly one in three—had experienced physical and/or sexual violence by
an intimate partner at least once in their lives. That same year, approximately 51,000 women
worldwide were killed by their partners or other family members. Globally, 60% of feminicides are
committed by intimate partners or relatives compared to just 12% of killings where the victim is a
man (UN Women 2024). Italy reflects similar patterns. According to the latest data from the Ministry
of the Interior, published in early 2024 and referring to 2023, of the 120 women murdered that year,
68 were killed by a partner or ex-partner (56.6%).1
The feminicide of Giulia Cecchettin in November 2023 appeared to mark a turning point in
the visibility of violence against women – partly due to the role her family played in driving political
mobilization. The article examines the most significant political developments in 2024 concerning
efforts to combat violence against women and provides an overview of the feminicide phenomenon
in Italy. It analyses the Italian government’s policy response following the wave of activism sparked
by the Cecchettin case. After a brief theoretical discussion of the issue, the article presents data on
violence against women in Italy, explores the impact of Giulia Cecchettin’s murder, assesses the
subsequent public policy response, and reviews the implementation in 2024 of measures to combat
violence against women.

2. On the term feminicide: More than just a semantic neologism

The term feminicide first appeared in the academic literature and international feminist discourse in
the 1990s, largely due to the work of feminist scholars. It refers to the killing of a woman by a man as
the ultimate act in a continuum of violence (Lagarde 2005). The term highlights the connection
between the murder of women and gender asymmetries as a ‘principle of social order’ (Carnino
2011, 59). It has played a crucial role in shifting attention from the private to the public sphere,
making clear the political and social dimensions of violence against women and, consequently, the
obligations of states to protect them. The concept of feminicide has also enabled a more concrete
analysis of crimes against women, shedding light on the misogynistic or sexist motivations that
perpetuate these killings, both in public and private spaces. The term primarily refers to a type of
crime that occurs within the domestic sphere rather than in public spaces outside the context of the
victim’s personal or emotional relationships—unlike sexual violence, which more frequently takes
place in external settings (Bandelli & Porcelli 2016). By shifting the focus from the streets to the
home, this perspective has contributed to framing violence not as a matter of deviant behaviour but as
the result of power dynamics that continue to shape relationships between men and women. This
framing has at times led to portrayals of perpetrators as ‘victims’ of their own uncontrollable
aggression and to narratives that assign responsibility for the crime to both the victim and the
perpetrator (Cammarota & Meo 2021; Lalli 2021). In Italy, the adoption of this neologism has helped
challenge certain distortions in how violence against women is represented. Previously, such violence
was often depicted as being perpetrated by an unknown, aggressive outsider—socially marginal,
often criminal, with a history of mental illness, and possibly even ‘foreign’ (Bandelli & Porcelli
2016). This contribution argues that male violence against women is fundamentally a political issue.
However, it is still largely addressed through a predominantly punitive, criminal justice approach—
one that fails to align with interventions capable of addressing the structural factors that sustain it.

3. Violence against women in Italy

In Italy, gender-based violence against women emerged as a policy issue during the agenda-setting
processes of the 1980s and 1990s, coinciding with shifts in the political landscape. This period saw the
development of conditions that enabled grassroots participation in decision-making on this issue, driven
in part by the strong involvement of certain United Nations bodies (Degani 2018) and the impetus
provided by EU institutions (Walby 2004; Lombardo & Meier 2008; Abels & Mushaben 2014). It was
also during this time that the national statistics institute, Istat, conducted the first surveys on violence
against women, bringing unprecedented visibility to the issue of feminicide in Italy. While the number of
male victims of murder declined significantly due to a sharp reduction in mafia-related organized crime
killings, the number of women killed – primarily at the hands of former partners (see Table 1) – remained
stable. In other words, whereas in 1990 one woman was killed for every five men, today the ratio is one
woman for every two men (Istat 2023).

Table 1. Total cases of murder committed by partners/ex-partners and other relatives, by victim’s sex. Years
2016–2023 (absolute values, percentages, and per 100,000 inhabitants).
YEA Murders Murders committed by partners an ex- Murders committed by other relatives (a)
R partners

In total Of women In total Of women In total Of women

Per VA Per Per V Per Per V Per 100 Per 100,000
100,000 100 100,000 A 100 100,000 A murders women (b)
inhabitants mur women murde women
(b) ders rs (b)
2016 400 0.67 149 37.3 0.48 83 76 51 0.25 66 33 22.1 0.11
2017 357 0.59 123 34.5 0.4 62 54 43.9 0.18 64 35 28.5 0.11
2018 345 0.58 133 38.6 0.43 78 73 54.9 0.24 67 33 24.8 0.11
2019 315 0.53 111 35.2 0.36 79 68 61.3 0.22 71 25 22.5 0.08
2020 286 0.48 116 40.6 0.38 72 67 57.8 0.22 69 30 25.9 0.1
2021 303 0.51 119 39.3 0.39 78 70 58.8 0.23 61 30 25.2 0.1
2022 322 0.55 126 39.1 0.42 69 61 48.4 0.2 70 43 34.1 0.14
2023 330 0.56 120 36.4 0.4 69 64 53.3 0.21 31 (Istat … … …
2024)
Source: Istat, Commissione Parlamentare d’inchiesta sul femminicidio, nonché su ogni forma di violenza di genere, tabella relativa a dati Ministero
dell’Interno, Direzione Centrale della Polizia Criminale, Istat (2024a)
a) 2023 data not yet released.
b) Calculations based on average annual resident population, and for 2023, on resident population as of 1 January.
* Istat data (2024a) (not included in the original table, added after its publication).
4. The feminicide of Giulia Cecchettin: Beyond a single-issue protest?
At the time of her murder on 11 November 2023, 22-year-old Giulia Cecchettin was a biomedical
engineering student at the University of Padua. She was scheduled to defend her thesis on the 16 th of
the same month. During her university studies, she had met Filippo Turetta, a fellow student of the
same age, with whom she had been in a relationship for about a year before breaking up in August
2023. However, their contact did not cease; they remained in touch, and by the autumn of that year,
Filippo had begun exhibiting possessive behaviour. He confided in Giulia that he felt depressed and
could not envision a future without her, to the point of threatening self-harm while simultaneously
obsessively monitoring her. Over two years, up until the day of her murder, he sent her more than
200,000 text messages—a pattern typical in cases of violence against women, as later confirmed by
the thorough investigation conducted by the Venice Public Prosecutor’s Office. Giulia felt deeply
ambivalent about the situation. As is often the case with women in the process of distancing
themselves from a partner, she found herself trapped between emotional blackmail and a desire—
indeed, a need—for freedom. Even though she wanted Filippo out of her life 2, she remained ensnared
in a psychological grip. Like many other victims of violence at the hands of a partner or ex-partner,
her fear of his behaviour did not automatically translate into actions that would fully distance her
from him. On 11 November 2023, after submitting the final version of her thesis to her supervisor,
Giulia left home to go shopping at a mall, accompanied by Filippo—who, as would later emerge, was
unable to accept the academic milestone she was about to achieve. The evening continued at a fast-
food restaurant, and between 10:30 and 11:00 PM, she exchanged some WhatsApp messages with
her sister before getting back into the car with Filippo to head home. From that moment on, Giulia
was never heard from again. A week later, her body was found in Friuli-Venezia Giulia, discarded
among bushes and rocks, covered with black plastic bags. Giulia was the 109 th of the 120 victims of
feminicide in 2023 (Non Una di Meno, 2023). Investigations conducted by the Carabinieri revealed
that she had been stabbed multiple times in the head and neck, causing her to bleed to death. The
forensic analysis showed that she had fought desperately to defend herself and escape.
It is important to situate Giulia Cecchettin’s case in its temporal context, as November is the
time of year when gender-based violence receives heightened public attention, and political activism
culminates in the street demonstrations surrounding 25 November, the International Day for the
Elimination of Violence against Women. Giulia’s murder occurred at a moment when feminist
activists—led primarily by Non Una di Meno—and a number of centri anti violenza (literally, ‘anti-
violence centres’ or CAVs)3 were intensifying their mobilization against gender inequality. Their
activism intertwined with the concerns of academics and other activists, who had been denouncing
the inadequacy of policies aimed at supporting women, particularly regarding access to services for
survivors of violence and, more broadly, the effective enforcement of their human rights. From the
moment Giulia was reported missing, it became immediately clear that her case was generating
significant media attention and that her family was determined to frame the tragedy they were
experiencing as both public and distinctly political. Giulia’s father, Gino Cecchettin, openly
expressed his grief while emphasizing that this was not just a private tragedy, but a political issue.
Her sister, Elena, took to social media to condemn Filippo Turetta’s manipulative behaviour,
highlighting how he had subjected Giulia to psychological coercion. Elena also called for a minute of
noise, rather than silence, in Giulia’s memory—framing feminicide as a systemic issue rooted in a
patriarchal culture. In a letter to the newspaper, Corriere della Sera, she explicitly labelled Filippo as
a ‘perfect son of patriarchy’ and argued that combating such violence requires comprehensive sex
and relationship education, teaching that love is not possession.
Elena Cecchettin’s words, followed by the viral spread of the poem, ‘Se domani non torno’
(‘If I don't come back tomorrow’) by Peruvian activist, Cristina Torres Cáceres, not only preceded
and accompanied the initiatives organized for 25 November but also fuelled a wave of grief, sorrow
and anger across Italy. The surge of emotion led to a massive mobilization, particularly within
universities, where discussions on violence, harassment and the demand for more gender-aware
education took centre stage. These conversations sparked numerous spontaneous demonstrations,
drawing thousands of participants—men and women, young and old alike. The collective shock over
Cecchettin’s murder inevitably induced the political parties to issue statements on the struggle against
gender-based violence. These responses made the ideological divide strikingly clear: right-wing
parties focused on a securitarian approach, emphasizing harsher penalties while largely ignoring the
issue of gender inequality and the broader social positioning of men and women. In contrast, left-
wing parties called for cultural and educational reforms, alongside economic support measures for
women and CAVs. This dichotomy, between punitive measures and structural change, mirrored the
broader competitive dynamic between the ruling majority and opposition.
The period immediately following Giulia Cecchettin’s feminicide was undoubtedly a crucial
moment, not only in raising public awareness but also in fostering collective voice, participation and
agency. This shift was reflected in the sharp rise of requests for support and assistance received by
1522, the national anti-violence helpline established by the Department for Equal Opportunities of
the Prime Minister’s Office. In the fourth quarter of 2023 alone, the helpline recorded 21,132 genuine
calls—an 88.9% increase from the previous quarter and a 113.9% rise compared to the same period
in 2022 (Istat 2024b). Additionally, CAVs have reported a surge in outreach, as increasing numbers
of women—along with parents and friends of young girls—have sought help. This has led to a
notable rise in reports of violence filed with law enforcement agencies and the judiciary
(Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry into Feminicide and All Forms of Gender-Based Violence
2024a).

5. Public policy responses

In the months following the Cecchettin murder, it quickly became apparent that women continued to
be killed with horrifying regularity—one every three days (Istat, Parliamentary Commission of
Inquiry into Feminicide and Other Forms of Gender-Based Violence, 2024, p. 11). Despite a
heightened awareness in identifying feminicide as a misogynistic crime, it has not halted the killings.
However, according to data from the Ministry of the Interior, the number of victims of feminicide has
seen a slight decrease. Between 1 January and 18 November 2024, a total of 269 intentional killings
were recorded, with 98 female victims, 84 of whom were killed in a family or intimate setting, and 51
by a current or former partner. The number of female victims declined by 9% compared to the
previous year. Murders committed in family or intimate contexts also decreased, dropping from 134
to 129 (-4%), with the number of female victims in such cases falling from 89 to 84 (-6%). Similarly,
murders committed by a partner or ex-partner declined from 64 to 58 (-9%), while the number of
female victims in these cases fell from 58 to 51 (-12%) (Ministry of the Interior, 2024b).
In recent years, Italy has introduced numerous legislative measures, primarily the area of the
criminal law, measures that have significantly impacted the legal framework for combating violence.
This process has been driven largely by the transposition of European Union (EU) law and treaty-
based provisions, including the Istanbul Convention, which Italy ratified and implemented through
Law No. 77 of 27 June 2013. During the current legislature, two key laws have been passed. They
are, Law No. 12 of 2023, which establishes a bicameral parliamentary commission of inquiry into
feminicide and other forms of gender-based violence, continuing the work of the previous
parliamentary commission that played a crucial role in gathering knowledge on the issue; and Law
No. 122 of 2023, also known as the Codice rosso rafforzato (‘Enhanced Red Code’). This legislation
strengthens protection by focusing on ‘warning signs’ of violence and redefining the timeframe
within which prosecutors must gather information from victims or those who have reported crimes. It
stipulates that prosecutors must take statements within three days of the reported crime being
registered. If this deadline is not met, the Chief Prosecutor has the authority to reassign the case to
another judicial investigator or personally take immediate action to obtain the victim’s statement.
Symbolically significant political commitments have also been made, such as the opposition
parties’ amendment endorsed by the Partito Democratico (Democratic Party), the Movimento Cinque
Stelle (Five-star Movement), Italia Viva, Azione, and the Alleanza Verdi-Sinistra (Green-Left
Alliance). The above mentioned parties came together in the Senate to allocate the funding the 2024
budget law (Law No. 213 of 2023) made available to them for their parliamentary activities – a sum
totalling €40 million – to the Fund for Combating Violence against Women. The €40 million are set
to be distributed as follows: €20 million for the construction of new shelters; €10 million for the
microcredit, ‘Freedom Income’, initiative; €5 million to support CAVs; €4 million for rehabilitation
centres for perpetrators; and €3 million for the training of judicial personnel. In response to Giulia’s
feminicide, the budget law has also introduced a new social security contribution exemption for
private employers who, between 2024 and 2026, hire unemployed women who are victims of
violence, including those already receiving the ‘Freedom Income’. Additionally, several economic
measures have been implemented to strengthen both support services and preventive actions.
Furthermore, the 2024 budget law has increased funding for:
i) The fund for policies on rights and equal opportunities, set to grow by €5 million annually in 2024,
2025, and 2026 to enhance the network of public and private prevention, assistance, support and
shelter services for women.
ii) Violence prevention initiatives, with an additional €3 million annually from 2024 onwards to
make permanent police and professional training programmes within the framework of the Strategic
Plan;
iii) The construction and acquisition of properties to house women’s shelters, with an additional €20
million annually in 2024, 2025 and 2026.
Following the death of Giulia Cecchetin, Law No. 168 of 2023, entitled ‘Provisions for
Combating Domestic Violence and Violence against Women’—also known as the Roccella Law—
sought to enhance the effectiveness of violence prevention and response measures, introducing
further amendments to the Criminal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, anti-mafia laws, and
preventive measures (Legislative Decree No. 159 of 2011), as well as certain special laws. The law
aims to expedite case processing, ensure adequate protection before, during, and after criminal
proceedings, and enhance the provision of rehabilitation programmes for perpetrators of violence. It
also includes provisions on the specialization of judicial offices and the training of professionals,
including members of the judiciary. Additionally, it allows victims in financial need to request an
advance compensation payment from the state. A key change introduced in Article 1 is the expansion
of the ammonimento (warning measure), a preventive tool initially introduced for stalking offenses
under Article 8 of Decree-Law No. 11 of 23 February 2009, later converted into Law No. 38 of 23
April 2009, and further extended by Law No. 119 of 2013. The questore (police commissioner) can
now issue such warning for so-called indicator crimes. These include battery (Article 581 of the
Criminal Code), bodily harm (Article 582), coercion (Article 610), aggravated threats (Article 612,
paragraph 2), the unlawful dissemination of sexually explicit images or videos (Article 612-ter),
trespassing (Article 614), and criminal damage (Article 635), if committed in a domestic violence
context or in the presence of minors. By amending Article 3.1 of Decree-Law No. 11 of 2009, the
law also introduces new special protections for victims of domestic violence, including dynamic
surveillance measures to protect victims.
In practice, despite its intentions, the measure presents a significant imbalance between its
punitive framework and other provisions. Critical mention should be made of Article 15 regarding
the, suspension of a judgment that is always subordinated to the offender’s twice-weekly
participation in, and successful completion of a specific rehabilitation programme run by centres for
abusive men, often suggested by defence lawyers. This measure raises serious concerns, both in
terms of the ‘guarantees’ that these centres can provide and the fact that many perpetrators of
violence strongly justify their actions, often blaming the victim. Additionally, the law’s fiscal
neutrality means there is no additional funding for victim support services or professional training
(Magaraggia 2024). The overall impression is that, much like the reinforced Codice Rosso, this
provision does not seem to prioritize increasing women’s autonomy. Encouraging legal action to
bring hidden cases of violence to light does not necessarily align with women’s own paths to
independence or their personal choices (Re et al. 2019). Nonetheless, repression and judicial action
remain indispensable tools in the fight against violence. On the prevention front, it is worth noting
that, at the height of the public outcry over the Cecchetin case, the Government introduced the so-
called Valditara Plan—a voluntary school-based programme on ‘relationship education’. However,
this initiative falls far short of questioning the power structures that shape gender relations or
addressing the broader challenge of dismantling the patriarchal system. In practice, the plan will only
be accessible to schools with sufficient human resources and administrators who are particularly
committed to the issue. This carries the obvious risk of excluding precisely those schools and
students that have had little prior exposure to discussions of violence and gender dynamics.
In addition to these new domestic measures, it is worth noting the adoption of EU Directive
2024/1385 by the European Parliament and the Council on 14 May 2024, aimed at combating
violence against women and domestic violence. This directive also responds to the controversies
surrounding the EU’s accession to the Istanbul Convention, which took place only on 1 June 2023,
following a 2021 opinion issued by the Court of Justice at the request of the European Parliament.
The accession was approved through two Council decisions, on which both the Lega (League) and
Fratelli d’Italia (Brother’s of Italy) chose to abstain.

6. The implementation of policies in a culturally hostile climate

That the political and cultural climate influences the implementation of policies—and, consequently,
the effectiveness of the legal framework—is evidenced by the evolving sensitivity to violence and the
shifting language through which the law has addressed this social phenomenon over time. Numerous
circumstances continue to demonstrate the persistence of critical issues and the pervasiveness of
stereotypes, even within the judicial system (Di Nicola 2018), as well as the judiciary’s inadequacy in
addressing gender-based violence (Monteleone 2022). The year 2024 has already provided several
emblematic cases.
The first is the ruling by the Court of Cassation overturning the life sentence of Antonio De
Pace, who had confessed to murdering his former girlfriend, Lorena Quaranta, a medical student
from Favara in the province of Agrigento. Lorena was strangled by her then-boyfriend in a house in
Furci Siculo (Messina) on 31 March 2020, during the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Judges ruled that such extraordinary period had to be taken into account, as the restrictive conditions
imposed on citizens at the time could have affected the perpetrator’s state of mind. The Supreme
Court of Cassation effectively annulled the life sentence and ordered a retrial, focusing on the
applicability of mitigating circumstances. Court of Cassation justices argued that the lower court had
failed to consider the alleged ‘COVID-19 pandemic stress’ experienced by the perpetrator, who was a
nurse at the time of the attack. These justifications are difficult to accept, as they bear no real
connection to the nature of Lorena’s relationship with her killer.
Another case that is particularly relevant in analysing feminicide, both because of how it
unfolded and the many underlying implications, is the murder of Nicoleta Rotaru, a 37-year-old
mother of two young daughters, which took place in Abano Terme, in the province of Padua. In
August 2023, Nicoleta was found dead in the shower of her home with a belt around her neck.
However, the case only gained public attention a year later, when her husband, Erik Zorzi, was
arrested and charged with aggravated murder, an outcome made possible solely due to the persistence
of Nicoleta’s family lawyers, who requested an expert examination of her phone, which had been
seized by the Carabinieri. In the final years of her life with her ex-husband, Nicoleta had
systematically recorded over a thousand incidents of violence, both as a means of self-protection in
the event of a complaint to the authorities and to safeguard her daughters in case she was killed. The
recordings reveal that the violence was directed not only at her, but also at the two children. The
Abano Carabinieri had intervened eight times before her murder, meaning local investigators were
well aware of the situation. Yet this was not enough to prompt a reconsideration of how the judicial
investigator overseeing the case had initially framed it. This deeply unsettling case raises many
troubling questions. Once again, the victim was an engaged member of her community, politically
active and socially integrated, yet she remained subjected to her abuser—even though they were
divorced—because she still lived with him while waiting to finalize a permanent employment
contract. Notably, during the preliminary court hearings, which the accused attended while
continuing to profess his innocence despite overwhelming evidence against him, the organization
[Link] (Donne in Rete contro la violenza) joined the case as a civil party, citing the fact that Nicoleta
had twice sought help from the Abano Terme CAV. In response to the investigative shortcomings of
this case, [Link] made a formal submission to Martina Semenzato, chair of the Parliamentary
Commission of Inquiry into Feminicide, urging the Italian government to consider implementing a
review mechanism for analysing gender-based murders of women. This was a recommendation that
GREVIO (Group of Experts on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence) had
already put forward in 2020 with the aim of preventing such crimes and ensuring better protection for
women’s safety.
Finally, equally significant is the trial of Filippo Turetta before the Venice Court of Assizes.
Turetta was charged with murder, with additional aggravating circumstances including
premeditation, cruelty, brutality, kidnapping, concealment of a corpse, and stalking. The trial, which
attracted unprecedented media attention both in Italy and internationally, concluded on 3 December
with a life sentence. However, the judges dismissed the charges relating to cruelty and stalking,
finding them to be unsubstantiated. As a result, the charges were limited to murder with
premeditation, kidnapping, and concealment of a corpse.
The year 2024 has also highlighted the limited effectiveness of electronic tagging. In October
alone, three feminicides occurred due to malfunctioning of the devices and therefore violation of the
non-custodial precautionary measures prohibiting the perpetrator from approaching the victim or
locations they frequented. Such measures had been supplemented by the special monitoring
provisions set out in Article 275-bis of the Italian Code of Criminal Procedure, which allows for the
use of electronic or other technical surveillance tools. In response to this issue, Decree-Law No. 178
of 29 November 2024, entitled ‘Urgent Measures in the Field of Justice’, introduced a provision
aimed at strengthening the tools, including electronic tagging, available to judicial authorities for
enforcing ‘special monitoring measures’. The new provision expands the investigative
responsibilities of law enforcement forces, requiring them to assess not only the ‘technical feasibility’
of electronic tagging but also its operational feasibility—that is, its actual effectiveness and
functionality for the entire period of precautionary measure enforcement.
Finally, it is worth noting that never before has the issue of secondary victimization emerged
with such gravity as in 2024, thanks in part to the work of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry
into Feminicide and Other Forms of Gender-Based Violence (XIX Legislature) (2024b). The
Commission revealed that out of 2,089 judicial separation proceedings involving minors, 724 cases
had to go to court as they involved allegations of violence and/or parental dysfunction.
From a political perspective, a significant development was the unanimous approval, on 5
August, of the report entitled Review of Regulatory Frameworks for the Prevention and Combating
of Gender-Based Violence Necessary for the Drafting of Consolidated Legislation by the
Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry into Feminicide and Other Forms of Gender-Based Violence,
chaired by Martina Semenzato (2024b). The document, based on 32 expert hearings, is the result of
an investigative effort by the Commission to identify critical legislative gaps. These include
workplace harassment, the limited availability of state-funded legal aid (which, for example, does not
cover attempted feminicide), and issues related to civil compensation claims.
Between 23 and 31 October, a GREVIO delegation conducted the first thematic monitoring
visit, Building Trust by Delivering Support, Protection and Justice, in Italy. Based on the report
submitted by the Department for Equal Opportunities to GREVIO on 1 July, along with documents
prepared by the network of NGOs coordinated by [Link] and other sectoral organizations, experts
met with representatives from key ministries responsible for preventing and combating violence.
They also met with representatives of the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry into Feminicide, and
additional stakeholders. The findings of the visit will be published in a report by the GREVIO
Secretariat in the coming months.4
7. Conclusions
Recent experience has unequivocally highlighted the limitations of the policy approaches adopted in
recent years to combat violence and protect victims. This realization stems not so much from an
analysis of trends in feminicide or the failure of strategies heavily focused on criminalization, but
rather from the deep-rooted nature of violence within interpersonal relationships and the alarming
scale and severity of sexual violence—particularly against young and very young women and girls.
Notably, 10% of reported gang rapes involve children under the age of 13. These concerns are
reinforced by Istat data collected through calls to the 1522 helpline, 5 which indicate both the
persistence of violence over time and its relational and familial dynamics. Nonetheless, on 25
November Prime Minister, Giorgia Meloni, echoing a claim previously made by Education Minister,
Giuseppe Valditara, suggested that the highest incidence of cases of sexual violence could be
attributed to immigrants, particularly those without legal status.
There is no doubt that, following the death of Giulia Cecchettin, requests for help at CAVs
have increased exponentially. This would suggest that her feminicide has played a significant role—
especially among young women—in raising awareness of violence, its structural nature, and,
crucially, the importance of speaking out and seeking help when needed. However, while part of
society has condemned violence against women and called for meaningful action to address its root
causes, it cannot be said that the institutional response has met these political demands, despite an
increase in available funding. Giulia Cecchettin’s murder represents a turning point in media
attention to feminicide, but not in terms of policy response. Instead, it appears to have led to even
greater reliance on repression and emergency-driven measures, rather than a comprehensive approach
to tackling gender-based violence.
As those working to support women have long pointed out, violence in intimate relationships
—like institutional violence—breeds further violence. Combating this phenomenon requires
addressing multiple forms of inequality. Some expressions of male dominance over women are stark
and brutal, as in the case of feminicide; others are more subtle, less immediately visible, and
sometimes embedded in language itself. Consider, for instance, use of the term ‘cara’ (‘dear’) to
address a Podemos MP in the European Parliament by a fellow Spanish politician during a heated
debate in Strasbourg. This occurred precisely as the MP was firmly rejecting his condescending tone
and stressing the importance of respectful, non-sexist language. Conversely, take the choice made by
Italy’s Prime Minister to be referred to as ‘il’ rather than ‘la Presidente’. These linguistic choices,
though seemingly minor, reveal implicit yet deeply ingrained cultural assumptions about women’s
subordinate role in society.
Failing to recognize the structural, endemic and historical nature of gender-based violence
risks leading to ineffective responses. A sobering example in our country is the many accounts of
women who, after reporting the violence they have suffered, are not believed and instead face
institutions that downplay, justify, or even imply that they are somehow responsible for their
situations. Addressing the condition of women today requires more than just repressive measures. It
demands policies of social justice aimed at building new redistributive, regulatory and cultural
frameworks across different areas of public intervention—without which any meaningful progress
remains unlikely. Yet, in 2024, as in previous years, such measures have been notably absent.

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Notes
1
It is well known that statistics on violence against women—whether global, European, or national—are severely lacking,
and there is broad consensus that the reported figures are significantly underestimated.
2
‘Audio di Giulia, «vorrei che Filippo sparisse dalla mia vita»’, [Link], 23 November 2023.
3
Translator’s note: these would probably be referred to in the English-speaking world as ‘women’s crisis centres’ –
although in Italy, while CAVs primarily support women experiencing domestic or gender-based violence, their services can
extend to children and, in some cases, to other vulnerable groups.
4
All documents related to this visit can be accessed at the following webpage: [Link]
convention/italy.
5
Istat; “Il numero di pubblica utilità 1522: dati trimestrali del I e II trimestre 2024”, [Link]
numero-di-pubblica-utilita-1522-dati-trimestrali-del-i-e-ii-trimestre-2024/?mtm_campaign=wwwnews&mtm_kwd=03
_2023.