Social Questions Under

Colonialism UNIT 31 POPULAR PROTESTS AND SOCIAL

STRUCTURES

Structure
31.0 Introduction
31.1 Historiographical Trends
31.2 Dominant Features of Pre-Colonial Society
31.3 Colonial Rule and Ruptures in Society
31.4 Characteristics of Popular Protests
31.5 Kol Revolt
31.6 Santal Revolt
31.7 Munda Uprisings
31.9 Moplah Uprisings
31.9 Punjab Disturbances of 1907
31.10 Kisan Sabhas and Baba Ramchandra
31.11 Telengana
31.12 Summary
31.13 Glossary
31.14 Exercises

31.0 INTRODUCTION

The official documentation deploys terms like Fituri, Hool, Ding , Ulgulan and Vidroha
to describe varied uprisings which were dubbed mainly as law and order problems.
However recent researches have shown that these terms denoted popular uprisings
against colonial exploitation. These were led by peasants and tribals who were not
monolithic entities. The differentiation within peasants and tribals indicated that they
were parts of existing social structures and during time of protest, they were as much
helped by other poor classes.

31.1 HISTORIOGRAPHICAL TRENDS

Numerous works exist on the agrarian and social history of precolonial and colonial
India. While the imperialist historiography has denied exploitation of India and has
taken credit for bringing intellectual awakening in India, the nationalist historiography
for a long time has only focused on Indian national movement. The role of congress
leadership in mobilising peasants has been highlighted. However this has come under
scrutiny.
Within Marxian framework, agrarian society and economy has been analysed within
the context of mode of production. In the process social differentiation within peasantry
has been also pointed out. However Shahid Amin in his study of ‘Peasant Production’
in colonial Uttar Pradesh has stressed the need to study process of production. In his
assessment, only then the problems of peasants and nature of their subjectivity can
be highlighted.
Initially works like those of [Link] also focussed on the role of peasantry in
studying popular movements. However this lacuna has been removed. Social
Anthropologists and Historians have focused on various tribal movements to indicate
the nature of social structures that determined popular protests led by tribals. In this
regard [Link] Singh has produced seminal works on the protest movement led by
34 Birsa Munda.
Ranajit Guha who has studied the popular aspects of peasant insurgency between Studying Tribes Under
1783 and 1900 has provided an analytical framework. He has shown that official Colonialism
documentation was indicative of ‘power-discourse’. The points out since most of
rebels were illiterates they found their existence in official documentation within
colonial perspective so only by deconstructing these documents voices of peasants
can be found.

He has argued that, as the rebel was conscious of starting revolt against dominant
groups so he was an insurgent. However he found his identity at the level of dominant
groups. That’s why he possessed negative consciousness. Ranajit Guha’s work definitely
helps in understanding social ties, intellectual and spiritual beliefs that went into the
making of peasant revolts. Though historians have questioned his concept of negation
and the categories of dominant and subaltern groups but it remains a fact that he has
produced wealth of information on the nature of popular protests.

The role of national movement, Mahatma Gandhi and Communist leadership in mobilizing
people and coordinating anti imperialist movements has been highlighted in several
works. Gyanendra Pandey and Kapil Kumar have analysed Kisan-Sabha movements
in Northern India during 1920s. The autonomy of Kisan leaders like Baba Ramchandra
and role of restrictive leaderships of congress in controlling peasant movements has
been highlighted. Similarly the role of communist party in 1940s in leading popular
protests against colonial and feudal exploitation has been highlighted. Mridula Mukherjee
in her study on the Punjab has shown the variegated social structures in rural areas,
which provided the milieu for variegated protest movements against colonial regime.

In recent years, there has been stress on the environmental history. Ramchandra
Guha and Gadgil have argued that Marxian framework of mode of production does
not take into account the exploitation of natural resources. They have focussed on
‘modes of resource use’ to point out how human beings either used natural resources
rationally or exploited them on an unlimited scale. Both have argued there emerged
‘ecosystem people’, ‘omnivores’ and ‘carnivores’. In ‘This Fissured land’, both have
focused on colonial forestry to point out its role in dislocating ‘ecosystem people’.
Their work definitely helps in understanding the social economic position of tribal &
non-tribal people who were at the subsistence level.

Several historians and anthropologists have done the categorisation of various popular
protests. Kathleen Gough has focused on restorative and trans formative movements.
[Link] has deployed the concept of social banditry in studying pre-industrial
Europe. He has differentiated between crime and revolt. Gough has also used this
category. However Ranajit Guha has argued that while Hobsbawn has dubbed such
protest as pre-political in pre-industrial Europe, however under colonial rule, aims and
ideological basis of peasants revolts, though in nascent form were political in nature.
[Link] Singh in his analysis has pointed out the changing nature of various protest
movements.

The presence of millennarian trends in popular uprisings has been studied by Stephen
Fuchs in his ‘Rebellious Prophet’ the emergence of messianic leaders who emerged
during times of ruptures between traditional and alien cultural norms has been highlighted
by him.

31.2 DOMINANT FEATURES OF PRE-COLONIAL

SOCIETY

Several researches have shown that pre colonial Indian society was not static. Though
village was the basic unit of administration and social ties. India was mainly rural and
was constituted by thousands of villages. However these were not ‘little republic’ as
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Social Questions Under colonial administrators dubbed them to show that villages were static and self-dependent,
Colonialism having no linkages with larger ‘political set-up’. The land revenue was the main
source of income for the state. After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, decline and
disintegration of Mughal Empire was followed by the emergence of numerous successor
states. During this period social structure was shaped by several elements. One of
the most important elements was rooted in economic ties within village and between
villages and urban centres.

The political turmoil of the later eighteenth century left its mark on the countryside.
In the Delhi region, semi-tribal groups like the Gujars and Jats extended their settlements
from the upper doab, to the arable ‘upland’ plain. Their settled village communities
depicted hierarchy of traditional rights over land. There were either ‘primary’ or
‘secondary Zamindars’. Mostly there existed joint extended family management and
partial ownership constituted the most common tenurial form. In Punjab, primary
Zamindars were the cultivators. The bhaichara communities of the Jats owned land
collectively. In the upper doab, primary land control rights were held by dominant
castes that were elites in the society.

The relationship between groups of dominant peasant castes and service and artisan
castes were shaped by the Jajmani system. It centred on the organization of production
and distribution around the institution of hereditary occupational castes. The non-
agricultural castes were either granted fixed village produce in lieu of their services
or small plots of land. The prevalence of caste system did not denote rigid division-
[Link] has pointed out the process of upward mobility in several parts of India.
Though service and occupational castes were free to sell their products within village
or even outside, however there was a tendency towards a high degree of specialization.
It resulted in close relationship between specific castes and occupations. The dagbar
who made leather bags for holding Ghi and Sugar cane juice was socially and
occupationally distinct from the Chamar manufacturing shoes, leather ropes and
drumhead. The flexibility and mobility was evident in the fact that a very large
proportion of the gentry in Bihar, both Hindu and Muslims, cultivated with their own
hands. Brahmins were also farmers in the South.

In the tribal regions like Bengal, land hitherto held by tribals was gradually being
claimed by dominant castes. While some tribal groups were hunters and gatherers,
others were engaged in shifting cultivation. There was dependence on forest and
water bodies. In the western ghats of Maharashtra, villages were formed by two
castes groups of the Kunbis and Gavlis. The former living in the lower valley practised
paddy cultivation. The Gavlis living on the upper hill terrace kept large herds of
buffaloes and cattle. There was interdependence between both groups for obtaining
necessities of life. In the state of Karnataka, in a village Masur, British Gazetteers
noted the existence of thirteen different endogamous groups. Some of them were
fishing communities, other were agriculturalists, horticulturalists and entertainers.

There were no direct linkages between caste and class. Within a caste, social
differentiation existed on the basis of status and power. Infact the relations of domination
and subordination were governed by moral codes. The low castes were required to
obey and respect dominant castes. Within the family, patriarchal domination caused
the subordination of women. Kinship and sexual status was also marked by difference
in speech. In his description of Malabar in the nineteenth century, Logan noted—

‘The house itself is called by different names according to the occupant’s caste. The
house of a Pariah is a cheri, while the agrestic slave –the cheraman-lives in Chala’.

In Gujarat a patidar youth was not allowed to initiate conversation in the company
of his elders. In Orissa, a Bauri untouchable was not to speak to a high caste until
spoken to. In parts of southern India, a servant would cover his mouth while receiving
36 his master’s command. The objects of wear also constituted status symbol. Umbrella
and shoes were markers of high castes. In Gujarat, the so-called impure Mahars Studying Tribes Under
were not allowed to tuck up their loin cloths but had to trail it along the ground. Colonialism

Thus social differentiation was buttressed by customary and cultural norms. The
religious groups enjoyed power in tribals regions. There was faith in superstitions and
rituals sanctioned by dominant religions. There existed village deities and also symbols
of nature. The role of education was limited. It was the religious beliefs, which
shaped the ritual practices and belief systems of people.

Within this milieu, several changing processes marked colonial intervention.

31.3 COLONIAL RULE AND RUPTURES IN SOCIETY

It was the East India Company, which had come to India for trade. Taking advantage
of local polity, it laid the foundation of colonial rule from Bengal in the eighth-century.
Irfan Habib has divided colonial rule of British into three distinct phases from
monopolistic trading rights, company shifted to the policy of free trade in the early
nineteenth century. After 1813, British declared themselves to be the ‘Paramount
Power’ in India. The colonial expansion lasted till 1856. After suppressing the revolt
of 1857, British converted India into the direct colony of Britain. In the subsequent
years, colonial domination was further entrenched.

From the outset British evolved policies, which were meant to maximize their resources.
The ideological basis of British rule rested upon the suppression of subject population.
The advent of Christianity from eighteenth century was marked by the establishment
of press, church, hospitals and orphanages. Alongside administrative structure was
supported by the police and the army.

The established colonial hegemony led to disaffection of different social groups. The
Dual System in Bengal (1765-1772) resulted in widespread famine claiming 1/3 of
total population. The attempts of British to deprive locally influential Rajas, Zamindars
and Military persons also caused tension.

As land was the main source of income for the state so British focused on the land
revenue system. For this purpose Cornwallis introduced the Permanent settlement in
1793 in Bengal. Bihar and Orissa. During the same period, Monroe introduced the
Ryotwari system in Madras. In 1835, William Bentinck introduced the Mahalwari
system in North Western Province. It was further extended to Punjab. After annexing
Punjab, in 1849, British introduced agrarian changes in the provinces. There was
extensive canal colonisation in western Punjab. These agrarian changes not only
augmented the resources of state but also gave birth to colonial sociology.

The colonial sociology encouraged land lordism. In canal colonies, supporters of Raj
were given land, which led to settlement of Punjabis in western Punjab from central
Punjab. Everywhere position of peasantry started declining.

The penetration of market forces and connection with capitalism led to

commercialisation of agriculture. However numerous studies have shown that it only
led to decline and indebtedness of peasantry. In pre-colonial times also small peasants
had to borrow from village’s Banias. However in the existing network, peasants could
not be evicted from their land. Under colonial rule, big merchants and Zamindars
became the moneylenders. They used the legal system to deprive peasants of their
land. The situation was worse in tribal regions where outsiders started settling as
traders and moneylenders. In several places, tribal population could not understand
the implication of established legal and administrative set up. There was hatred for
outsiders or dikus as they were called.
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Social Questions Under The process of deindustrialisation further deprived peasants of their source of income.
Colonialism Numerous village industries declined. The artisans were reduced to the position of
labourers. They had to leave their villages in search of work. Their living conditions
in industrial belts like Calcutta, Bombay and Kanpur were miserable. In this way,
there was decline and disintegration of traditional ties symbolised by the Jajmani
System.

As British declared themselves to be the owners of forest wealth, it directly affected

the position of tribal communities which were dependent upon forest It was in 1865
that an Act was passed which declared claims of the state over the forests. It was
followed by the enactment of the Indian Forest Act of 1878. Under this Act, control
of state over the resources of forests increased. Very limited rights were given to
traditional tribal communities. Thus, there was ban on the shifting cultivation. The
tribals as per their customs were not allowed to hunt and they were assigned limited
space for their animals. The extension of railways network further led to penetration
of rich trading classes into the distant areas of India. The development of plantation
economy not only led to degradation of environment but the ‘rule of records’ as
formed by the ‘ British led to the undermining of traditional rights.

Subjected to exploitation, various castes and communities responded in multiple ways.

The web of relationships that had existed since pre-colonial times were sustained in
several parts of India. Those who had been deprived of power and authority gained
support from common people. Thus displaced rulers had the support of local population.
Within specific regions, tribal population reacted against exploitation. In several cases
intertribal affinities were formed.

The social religious reform movement in nineteenth century also had its bearing on
small peasants, low caste groups and tribal population. There was influence of
Christianity as well. There was affirmation of faith in specific belief systems. By late
nineteenth century, as nationalism was evident in public domain and gradually it gave
birth to mass nationalism, there was change also in the popular protest movements.
While some retained their autonomy, others joined anti imperialist struggle.

31.4 CHARACTERISTICS OF POPULAR PROTESTS

In his assessment, Ranajit Guha has counted 118-protest movements between 1783-
1900. Their number kept on rising in the twentieth century. It is not possible to analyss
hundreds of these movements. However by focusing on the structure of protest,
dominant characteristics of popular protests in colonial times can be pointed out:
1) In the initial years of British rule displaced rulers and military personnels reacted
against colonial demands. For instance when Warren Hastings demanded money
from Chet Singh, Raja of Banaras and when latter failed to give it, he was
arrested. However people of Banaras supported Chet Singh and protested
against colonial rule. The Bishenpur revolt of 1789 led by local ruler and supported
by local people was also identical in nature. Between 1799-1800 Poligars who
were deprived of their military power adopted Gorilla warfare to thwart the
authority of British rulers. These were localised protests and rooted in specific
causes.
2) In all popular protests, economic exploitation as perpetuated by the British rule
caused tension. The land revenue policies and Forests laws led to resentment.
Alongside exploitation of dominant Indian Zamindars and Moneylenders was
also opposed. Thus the revolt of Sanyasis and Fakirs, which resulted from the
famine of 1769-70, was directed against British rulers and local Zamindars in
Bengal. The revolt of Kols (1831-32) and Bhumij (1832-33) was also rooted in
colonial exploitation.
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3) Many uprisings were restorative in nature. The rebels aimed to restore back Studying Tribes Under
pre-existing political structure and social and economic rights. There was protest Colonialism
against the penetration of alien authorities and outsiders. Thus in the revolt of
1857, leadership of traditional rulers was accepted. Alongside small peasants
belonging to Jat and Rajputs also rose against alien rule. There were peaceful
efforts to restore back what the protestors regarded their rights. Thus in the
Pabna uprising of 1873-1883 tenant farmers hoped that the British rule was in
favour of restoring back their landed rights.
4) In numerous uprisings there was protest against growing indebtedness. Thus the
Deccan revolt of 1875 was against Marwaris moneylenders.
5) Violence was an integral part of popular protests. It was directed against
oppressors.
6) Over the period of time, protest movements/uprisings became more organised.
The role of charismatic leaders and religion in providing support and strength to
rebels also became clear. Thus Titu Mir in rising against the exploitation of
zamindars, who were Hindus, effectively used Islam in forging solidarity among
his people .The millenarians trends were also evident in the revolt of Santals and
Mundas.
7) In terms of seeking support it was found that inter-tribal and inter regional
linkages were also formed. The revolts were only directed against exploiters.
Thus, the Kinship ties, caste and tribal identities were permeated by class-
consciousness.
8) The role of women was also apparent in the revolts of Santals, Mundas and
Mopilahs. They were an integral part of families and communities. They helped
their male folks in productive activities and during the time of tension, they also
joined them in acts of violence.
9) Numerous historians have explored the nexus between popular movements and
national movement. The role of Gandhian leadership in converting national
movement into mass movement was also evident. During 1920s Kisan Sabhas
in U.P and Bihar provided organizational skills to peasants. Similarly, the role of
communists in leading peasants’ protests against colonial and feudal exploitation
became explicit in 1940s.
The above-mentioned features can be analysed in detail by focusing on specific
protests in colonial period.

31.5 KOL REVOLT

It erupted in some parts of Bihar in 1831-1832. Kols were agriculturalists. The

growing land revenue and indebtedness caused socio-economic tension in the area.
It was noted by British official Wilkinson that landlords and contractors had increased
land revenue by 35%. There was resentment against the land revenue system as the
British introduced it. The tension erupted when in 1831; twelve villages of Sinhari
Manki in Sonpur were handed over to outsiders. They were reports about maltreatment
being meted out to his sisters. It was also reported that one Munda women had been
kidnapped in Singbhum. There was growing recognition that British policies had
deprived Kols of their rights over land. It was against this exploitation that Kols of
Sonpur, Tamar and Naundgoan were directed to assemble in Tamar. The decision
was taken to avenge insult by indulging in acts of loot, killing and burning. They were
also extended help by the Mundas. The revolt spread in Chotanagpur, Singhbhum and
Palamau. Thus the revolt of Kols exhibited the tribal consciousness against exploitation.
Their ability to unite their people and to secure help from other tribals residing in their
vicinity was indicative of the fact that they were united in their protest against
colonial exploiters .
39
Social Questions Under
Colonialism 31.6 SANTAL REVOLT
Santal revolt was characterised by class solidarity transcending ethnicity. There was
not only well defined programme to resist exploitation but the leadership of Sido and
Kanho was characterized by usage of spiritual codes to organise rebels. Before the
outbreak, elaborate preparations were made. Both written and oral messages were
used to solicit support. Above all, women also played an important role in the uprisings.
The way this revolt started and spread over vast space showed that Santals were
determined to combat their exploiters.
Santals lived in Birbhum, Singbhum, Hazari Bagh, Bhagalpur and [Link] were
agricultualists .However the entrechment of land lordism, usage of legal machinery
by money lenders subjected them to continuous exploitation. As per the contemporary
accounts of lawyer Degamber Chakravarty and Chhotre Dasmanj , Santals failed to
comprehend the exploitative nature of British administration. Initially they hoped that
their grievances would be redressed by the British officials. However when it did not
happen , Santals decided to rise in revolt.
In leading Santals against growing exploitation, leadership was provided by Sido and
[Link] proclaimed divine sanction to lead the revolt. They issued parwanas
containing their messages and directing local population to extend help to them. For
it, they sought help from non tribal population like artisans and other service groups
like the Dom , the Lohar and the Gwala. The defaulters were explicitly warned that
they work loose their lives. Thus Sido and Kanhu exhorted their local populace to
take up arms against exploiting money lender and British administrators. Thus one of
the parwana sent by Sido and Kanho read, “the sahib and the white soldiers will fight.
Kanoo and Seedoo manjee are not fighting. The thacoor himself will fight————
——“. They also observed, “The Mahajans have committed a great sin; The Sahibs
and the amlah have made everything bad, in this the Sahibs have sinned greatly.
Those who tell things to the magistrate and those who investigate cases for him, take
70 to 80 Rupees. with great oppression in this the Sahibs have sinned. On this
account the Thacoor has ordered me saying that the country is not the Sahib”.
There were series of meetings in which tribal chiefs and local population outlined
preparations for the revolt. It started in 1855 with series of dacoities in Bhagalpur,
Birbhum and Bankure where Bengali landlords were attacked and their properties
were looted. From the beginning looted goods were equally divided among rebels.
There was participation of women in dacoities. There was appropriation of religions
rituals practised by upper castes. For instance, Sido and Kanhu offered puja to
Goddess Durga. For the performance of Puja , two Brahmins were abducted. It was
also decided to march to Calcutta in order to present their grievances before the
rulers. However brutal suppression by authorities who resorted to destruction of
Santals villages and accumulated loot, led to weaking of the movement. Santals
resorted to plundering for the purpose of sustaining themselves. However ,eventually
the army suppressed the revolt. There were arrests on large scale. Women were also
arrested.

31.7 MUNDA UPRISINGS

The scholarly work of [Link] Singh on the history of Munda tribe reveals how this
tribal community responded to on going exploitation. The penetration of outsiders and
colonial administration coupled with missionary activities created a milieu in which
Birsa Munda provided the charismatic leadership and led the revolt in 1899-1900. The
millenarian trends were evident in this uprising. The support of regional customary
ties permeating different tribal groups helped in solidifying support for the Mundas.
The leadership of Birsa Munda was successful in uniting exploited against the exploiters.
40
This tribe resided in the region south of Ranchi. The land holdings were based on Studying Tribes Under
tribal lineages or the Khuntkatti land system. This was eroded by merchants and Colonialism
money lenders who penetrated into their area as contractors and landlords. There
was recruitment of indentured labour. To redress their grievances , Mundas resorted
to peaceful methods. They sought help from missionaries. However there was no
change in their position.
The growing resentment resulted in the protest of tribal chiefs-Sardars. They tried to
dislodge the alien landlords and also tried to put an end to forced labour. In this, they
sought help of a Calcutta based Anglo-Indian lawyer. However they were cheated.
It led to the feeling that both Sarkar and he missionaries had done nothing to resolve
their problems They had to seek help from within their community.
It came in the form of Birsa Munda. He was born in 1874. His father was a share
cropper. Initially, he received education from the missionaries. He was also influenced
by Vaishnava religion. The practitioner of vaishnavas had led a movement in 1893-
94 to prevent village waste land being taken over by the forest department. Birsa
Munda also came under the influence of Christianity and mixed many of its beliefs
in his religious and spiritual formulations. It was in 1895 that he had a vision of a
supreme God. He claimed himself to be a prophet having miraculous heading powers.
Soon thousands of people flocked to hear the ‘new word’ proclaiming an immediate
deluge. For extending help to the Sardars in their struggle, Birsa was jailed in 1895.
After two years, when he was released, Birsa had become more determined to fight
against oppression. In 1898-99, a series of night meetings were held in the forest.
Birsa exhorted gatherers to kill ‘Thakedars, Jagirdars, Rajas, Hakims and Christians’.
He promised that ‘the guns and the bullets of enemies would turn into water’. There
was faith in his miraculous powers.
The uprising began in 1899 on Christmas Eve. The Mundas shot arrows and tried to
burn down Churches in Ranchi and Singhbhum. They also targeted the police. However
they were defeated at Sail Rakab hill on January 9. There was arrest of Birsa Munda
who died in jail. Many hundreds of Mundas were arrested and were punished.
Though the Munda urising failed to redress grievances of local population but the
vision of Birsa Munda survived and kept on inspiring the local people.

31.8 MOPLAH UPRISINGS

Between 1836-1919 , Moplahs rose 28 times against the exploitation of Jenmis or

landlords. There was participation of only 349 Moplahs in these outbreaks. However
what distinguished their violent revolt was the permeation of Islam in inducing them
to rise against the landlords. Though illiterate Moplahs did not understand the doctrines
of Islam correctly but they believed that by killing Jenmis and then by facing death,
they would attain martyrdom. In this form of protest,they were symbolically prepared
by their wives.

Moplahs lived in Malabar where they were either lease holders – Kanamdars or
cultivators- Verumpattandars. They were Muslims and were subjected to the growing
authority of Hindu upper caste landlords. These were Namboordi and Nair Jenmis.
The British policies further strengthened their hold over Moplahs. They lived in small
villages and had very limited resources. It was the mosque, which provided them
identity. The number of mosques rose in Malabar from 637 in 1831 to 1058 by 1851.
They also came under the influence of Sayyid Alwawi and his son Fadl who were
Tangals of Mambram near tirurangadi. It were in Ernad and Walluvanad talukas of
South Malabar that revolts started . Many Jenmis were killed. Most of Moplah
martyrs were poor peasants. Thus some historians see it as a class struggle, which
was permeated by religious ideology.

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Social Questions Under
Colonialism 31.9 PUNJAB DISTURBANCES OF 1907

The process of canal colonisation in western Punjab was rooted in the rule of British
paternalism. Large tracts of land were colonised by carefully selecting different caste
and status groups. The crown tenants were granted the right to purchase land after
completing an initial period of probation. Many big landlords emerged in this region
.The existing laws were manipulated. The local lower level bureaucracy extorted
money to prevent punishment to the potential defaulters. Subjected to everyday
administrative interference, resentment grew in several canal areas.

It exploded in the form of the agrarian agitation of 1907. The discontent of peasants
resulted from a series of government measures. The Punjab land colonisation bill was
introduced in the Punjab council on October 25, 1906. It sought to alter the conditions
on which land was granted to colonists in the canal colonies. In November 1906,the
government ordered enhancement in the canal water rates on the Bari Doab canal.
It provided water for irrigation in the district of Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Lahore. The
increased rate was up to 50 percent. The land revenue in the Rawalpindi district was
also enhanced. More over the colonization Bill of 1906 sought to legalize the imposition
of fines for infringements of the conditions laid down for grant of land. These were
to remain outside the purview of courts. The law of primogeniture for inheritance
was stressed. There was even bar on the purchasing of the land by the colonists.

Subjected to these restrictions, peasants started their agitation. Not only there was
breakdown in rural and urban divide but also peasants cutting across religious differences
joined the struggle. The big Zamindars Association took the lead. With the coming of
Ajit Singh and Lala Lajpat Rai, agitation became wide spread. Numerous public
meetings were held to criticise government’s measures. Eventually the government
had to yield. The viceroy vetoed the colonization Bill. The Punjab government also
withdrew the enhancement of water rates. The agitation symbolised radicalization of
peasantry and its linkages with nationalism.

31.10 KISAN SABHAS AND BABA RAMCHANDRA

David Hardiman has observed that by the end of nineteenth century, there was
emergence of peasant nationalism. By the time mass nationalism had emerged under
the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, there was widespread influence of Congress in
many parts of India. In U.P, numerous Kisan sabhas had emerged. When the Non-
Cooperation movement started in 1921. Kisan Sabhas provided the recruitment ground
for Satyagrahis. However autonomy of Kisan Sabhas and their participation in anti
imperialists struggle was also evident in Southeast Avadh. Here, Baba Ramchandra
provided the leadership. His domination over peasants was resented by the Congress
leadership, which wanted peasants participation to be non-violent in nature. However
peasants rose in widespread agrarian riots in Rae Bareli, Pratapgarh, Fyzabad and
Sultanpur between January and March 1921. Not only bazaars were attacked, the
houses and crops of Talukdars and property of merchants was also targeted. On
January 6, 1921, 10000 peasants attacked Fursatganj bazaar in Rae Bareli and resorted
to fixing of prices for grain and cloth. There were also clashes with police. The
subversion of colonial authority was evident in setting up of peasants’ panchayats to
redress their grievances. Thus through Kisan sabhas, peasants were organising
themselves. They also responded to mass nationalism. However, they also exhibited
consciousness, which was cognitive of exploitation being perpetuated by big landlords
and merchants. That’s why attempt of Congress to channelise them in peaceful
struggle directed only against authorities failed.

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 Studying Tribes Under
31.11 TELENGANA Colonialism

During 1930s and 1940s peasants had come under the influence of Kisan Sabhas,
Congress and Communist ideology. In several states, violent protests were led by
feudal exploitation and the control of land by feudal lords was strongly resented. It
was in Telengana that the biggest peasant guerrilla war occurred between July 1946
and October 1851. It spread over 16,000 square mills covering 3000villages. Nearly
three million people participated in the struggle.

It was in Telengana that lower caste, tribal peasants and debt slaves were subjected
to exploitation of Muslims and high caste deshmukhs and Jagirdars. The state of
Hyderabad under Asafjahi Nizams was also indifferent. The influence of communists
spread during world war II. They had used the Andhra Mahasabha to spread their
influence. They also provided leadership in leading struggle against local issues.
There was also massive collection of arms by peasants.

The revolt began when on July 4, 1946, thugs employed by the deshmukh of Viunar
in Jangaon taluka of Nalgonda murdered a village militant. The latter was involved
in struggle to defend a land of poor washerwoman. Very soon, the movement spread
into the district of Warangal and Khammam. From early 1947 small bands were
formed. They used guerrilla warfare resulting in disappearance of Vetti and bonded
labour. Not only agricultural wages were increased but also in several instances,
confiscated land was returned back to previous peasants holders. Even wastelands
were redistributed. Sundarayya , a leading figure in the armed struggle had shown
in his narrative, how socio-economic equality was sought to be established in the
liberated areas. There was wide spread influence of the communist leaders. However
strong military action and indifference of better off peasants led to slackening of
influence of communist leaders. They were driven out from the settled plains of
Nalgonda, Warrangal and Khamman. They had to make Nallamallia hills across the
Krishna to the south and the Godavari region to the northeast as their base. Chenchu
and Koya tribals were organised. However gradually by 1950-51, guerrilla action
degenerated into occasional murders. Though the Telengana movement could not
benefit tribals but the regime of Hyderabad was destroyed. Andhra Pradesh was
formed on linguistic lines and Jagirdari was also abolished.

31.12 SUMMARY
The above-mentioned narrative indicates the popular movements denoted struggle of
dispossessed and exploited peasants and tribals. Their social milieu was tied down by
co relationship with several other caste groups. The colonial rulers through their
administrative set up also subjected them to exploitation. There was penetration of
outsiders into their region. Over the period of time, several protests sought redressal
of their grievances in peaceful [Link] also responded to the call of dispossessed
local Rajas in their struggle against colonial rulers. However, over the period of time,
there was recognition that both rulers and Indian dominant groups were
exploiting them. Most of popular protests remained localized. During the time of
revolts, they used existing social ties cutting across ethnicity. There was also influence
of religions In an era of mass nationalism, these protests came to exhibit class
consciousness. Autonomous leadership provided the ideological basis and all India
based movement led by the congress. The growing influence of communists also
became apparent. Thus both leadership and specified goals came to characterise
popular uprisings.

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Social Questions Under
Colonialism 31.13 GLOSSARY

Vanis : Village Mahajans

Thangals : Priests in malabar
Jenmis : Landlords of Malabar region
Social Banditry : a term used by [Link], to point out acts
of violence in pre industrial Europe by poor
people. These were not criminal acts but were
result of collective action by poor people to
redress their grievances
Deshmukhs : revenue collector turned landlords.
Restorative Movement : a term used by Kathleen Gough to study those
protest movements of peasants and tribals, which
aimed at restoring pre-colonial political
set up.
Transformative Movements : These denoted strong organisational set up and
well defined ideological base. Leaders, who after
subverting colonial authority aimed at establishing
new order in the region often, led these. Such
set up was meant to grant rights and privileges
to exploited people.
Insurgency : Acts of violence/protests by peasants
Millenarianism : Stephan Fuchs studied these movements under
this concept, which were marked by the
emergence of messianic leaders. They drew
inspiration of various religious and promised their
followers new world where in they were to enjoy
their rights.

31.14 EXERCISES
1) Assess the role of British policies in undermining the rights of peasants in
nineteenth century India
2) Briefly describe the dominant features of popular protests in the nineteenth century
3) Describe the role of religion in the Moplah and Munda uprisings.
4) Assess the contribution of Ranajit Guha and K. Suresh Singh in the historiography
of popular uprisings in colonial India.
5) Briefly describe the Telengana struggle of 1946-1951.

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