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Fascism and Big Business
Examines the development of fascism in Germany and Italy and its relationship with the ruling capitalist families there.
318 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1936
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1090 people want to read
About the author
Daniel Guérin
65 books104 followersDaniel Guérin was a French anarcho-communist author, best known for his work
Anarchism: From Theory to Practice
, as well as his collection
No Gods No Masters: An Anthology of Anarchism
in which he collected writings on the idea and movement it inspired, from the first writings of Max Stirner in the mid-19th century through the first half of the 20th century.
He is also known for his opposition to Nazism, fascism, Stalinism and colonialism, in addition to his support for the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) during the Spanish Civil War, and his revolutionary defence of free love and homosexuality.
He is also known for his opposition to Nazism, fascism, Stalinism and colonialism, in addition to his support for the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) during the Spanish Civil War, and his revolutionary defence of free love and homosexuality.
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Displaying 1 - 20 of 20 reviews
September 27, 2019
This is not a light read by any means, but it is one of only two works about fascism that I have read that makes sense. Guerin (French, as the name suggests, though since this is primarily a theoretical work, that doesn't come into it) believes the cause is an economic one. This makes infinitely more sense than the armchair speculations about mass insanity and group think that I found predominated in the European history department where I was once an undergraduate (though not University of Washington, my alma mater).
The text is not accessible enough for high school or English language learners. In fact, since it was originally written in French, some readers may prefer to read it in that language. I can't, but maybe you can.
Get out your highlighter and prepare to give it your full attention, then see what you think.
The text is not accessible enough for high school or English language learners. In fact, since it was originally written in French, some readers may prefer to read it in that language. I can't, but maybe you can.
Get out your highlighter and prepare to give it your full attention, then see what you think.
September 24, 2016
This book is definitely not a light read, but in an age where right-wing populism is on the rise in the shape of Trumps and Le Pens, this book provides an excellent and detailed overview of the underlying material history of fascism. How Mussolini and Hitler went from newspaper editor and rejected paint artist to rulers of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The book closely examins how they were able to get financial backing, to overcome the existing socialist organizations, to construct an ideology which allowed them to obtain a mass base, how they came to power and cemented the dictatorship, and finally their economic policies once they were in power. Full of lessons to learn and extremely well sourced, this book is a recommended in this time.
March 26, 2020
Le livre retrace l'historique du fascisme italien et allemand et montre les liens entre les fascistes et les magnats de la finance. Faisons un résumé de tout cela.
1. Face à ses contradictions, le capitalisme a généré une crise. Ainsi les profits diminuent.
2. Pour éviter la révolution, la bourgeoisie a subventionné massivement les fascistes afin de permettre leur développement local.
3. Ce développement a permis aux fascistes de se rendre indispensable au grand capital en cassant les grèves, en tuant les syndicats ouvriers et en occupant les lieux de contestation comme les ports et les institutions ouvrières.
4. En parallèle, l'idéologie fasciste, ou plutôt la foi fasciste, s'infiltre dans les milieux et prend de l'ampleur, toujours avec le soutien de la bourgeoisie. En confondant le culte de l'homme providentiel avec le culte de la patrie.
5. Les fascistes adoptent une rhétorique "anti-capitaliste" pour ratisser la classe ouvrière et prendre le pouvoir. Dans les faits, l'objectif affiché n'est pas socialiste mais libertarien (ce que je déduis ce ce qui est écrit), c'est à dire que l'État ne doit être là que pour assurer la concurrence entre les travailleurs en détruisant les monopoles.
6. Une fois le pouvoir pris, les fascistes interdisent la grève et les syndicats, ce qui induit une baisse des salaires de 50 à 60% en 5 ans, augmentent le pouvoir des industries monopolistique, donnent des exonérations fiscales à la bourgeoisie et privatisent tout ce qu'ils peuvent. On peut ajouter aussi le fait que les femmes ont été retirées des usines pour que les hommes chômeurs puissent avoir du travail.
7. Le parti fasciste absorbe l'État et teinte l'ensemble des institutions de son idéologie, par exemple l'armée impose ses conditions pour accepter le changement de régime, ce qui va faire que les SA et les SS vont perdre tout leur pouvoir. De même, les administrations se multiplient, donnant une bureaucratie très puissante mais coûteuse.
8. En parallèle, il y a une épuration des plébéiens au sein du parti pour tuer tous les marxistes qui espéraient faire une deuxième révolution, socialiste cette fois ci, après la prise du pouvoir. C'est ce que Guérin nomme l'absorption du parti par l'État.
Régulièrement, Guérin invite indirectement à l'autocritique, rappelant que la naïveté et le légalisme bourgeois de la gauche a bloqué cette dernière dans sa lutte contre le fascisme. C'est effectivement logique que de faire confiance à l'État, c'est faire confiance aux dominants qui subventionnent le fascisme, donc pas le meilleur plan dans le contexte.
Guérin passe énormément de temps à développer comment le fascisme s'articule avec le capitalisme pour s'imposer comme religion suprême. Ce qui sous entend une démagogie particulière, une tactique donnée et une doctrine. Je ne développe pas dessus car je préfère le laisser découvrir aux personnes intéressées.
Le livre démontre point par point que le fascisme a créé un système économique basé sur le "en même temps" à l'avantage des riches et n'a pas su gérer les temps de crise économique, faisant que le "plein-emploi" affiché et revendiqué n'était qu'une façade car derrière, les salaires diminuaient et les prix augmentaient. La politique agricole était déplorable car même en temps de crise, elle était à l'avantage des grands propriétaires.
Pour conclure ce résumé, il n'y a que les ignares profonds qui peuvent penser une seule seconde que les nazis étaient socialistes parce qu'il y avait socialisme dans national-socialisme alors que ce n'était qu'une façade. Et que finalement "une bonne vieille dictature" ça fonctionne pas comme on pourrait le penser, sauf pour tuer des révolutions dans l'oeuf, car c'était exactement le résultat de la doctrine fasciste, à savoir une jeunesse incapable de penser l'existence du communisme ou du socialisme.
Le livre est long (511 pages) pour un prix de 20€, c'est cher mais c'est largement rentable pour comprendre ce qu'est le fascisme et surtout ce que veut le grand capital à terme. Il faut comprendre les dynamiques de classe en jeu pour les dépasser et s'adapter. S'il y a bien un livre que je recommande, en plus de "10 questions autour de l'anarchisme", c'est celui là.
1. Face à ses contradictions, le capitalisme a généré une crise. Ainsi les profits diminuent.
2. Pour éviter la révolution, la bourgeoisie a subventionné massivement les fascistes afin de permettre leur développement local.
3. Ce développement a permis aux fascistes de se rendre indispensable au grand capital en cassant les grèves, en tuant les syndicats ouvriers et en occupant les lieux de contestation comme les ports et les institutions ouvrières.
4. En parallèle, l'idéologie fasciste, ou plutôt la foi fasciste, s'infiltre dans les milieux et prend de l'ampleur, toujours avec le soutien de la bourgeoisie. En confondant le culte de l'homme providentiel avec le culte de la patrie.
5. Les fascistes adoptent une rhétorique "anti-capitaliste" pour ratisser la classe ouvrière et prendre le pouvoir. Dans les faits, l'objectif affiché n'est pas socialiste mais libertarien (ce que je déduis ce ce qui est écrit), c'est à dire que l'État ne doit être là que pour assurer la concurrence entre les travailleurs en détruisant les monopoles.
6. Une fois le pouvoir pris, les fascistes interdisent la grève et les syndicats, ce qui induit une baisse des salaires de 50 à 60% en 5 ans, augmentent le pouvoir des industries monopolistique, donnent des exonérations fiscales à la bourgeoisie et privatisent tout ce qu'ils peuvent. On peut ajouter aussi le fait que les femmes ont été retirées des usines pour que les hommes chômeurs puissent avoir du travail.
7. Le parti fasciste absorbe l'État et teinte l'ensemble des institutions de son idéologie, par exemple l'armée impose ses conditions pour accepter le changement de régime, ce qui va faire que les SA et les SS vont perdre tout leur pouvoir. De même, les administrations se multiplient, donnant une bureaucratie très puissante mais coûteuse.
8. En parallèle, il y a une épuration des plébéiens au sein du parti pour tuer tous les marxistes qui espéraient faire une deuxième révolution, socialiste cette fois ci, après la prise du pouvoir. C'est ce que Guérin nomme l'absorption du parti par l'État.
Régulièrement, Guérin invite indirectement à l'autocritique, rappelant que la naïveté et le légalisme bourgeois de la gauche a bloqué cette dernière dans sa lutte contre le fascisme. C'est effectivement logique que de faire confiance à l'État, c'est faire confiance aux dominants qui subventionnent le fascisme, donc pas le meilleur plan dans le contexte.
Guérin passe énormément de temps à développer comment le fascisme s'articule avec le capitalisme pour s'imposer comme religion suprême. Ce qui sous entend une démagogie particulière, une tactique donnée et une doctrine. Je ne développe pas dessus car je préfère le laisser découvrir aux personnes intéressées.
Le livre démontre point par point que le fascisme a créé un système économique basé sur le "en même temps" à l'avantage des riches et n'a pas su gérer les temps de crise économique, faisant que le "plein-emploi" affiché et revendiqué n'était qu'une façade car derrière, les salaires diminuaient et les prix augmentaient. La politique agricole était déplorable car même en temps de crise, elle était à l'avantage des grands propriétaires.
Pour conclure ce résumé, il n'y a que les ignares profonds qui peuvent penser une seule seconde que les nazis étaient socialistes parce qu'il y avait socialisme dans national-socialisme alors que ce n'était qu'une façade. Et que finalement "une bonne vieille dictature" ça fonctionne pas comme on pourrait le penser, sauf pour tuer des révolutions dans l'oeuf, car c'était exactement le résultat de la doctrine fasciste, à savoir une jeunesse incapable de penser l'existence du communisme ou du socialisme.
Le livre est long (511 pages) pour un prix de 20€, c'est cher mais c'est largement rentable pour comprendre ce qu'est le fascisme et surtout ce que veut le grand capital à terme. Il faut comprendre les dynamiques de classe en jeu pour les dépasser et s'adapter. S'il y a bien un livre que je recommande, en plus de "10 questions autour de l'anarchisme", c'est celui là.
February 23, 2025
fairly compelling analysis of the connection between fascism and industrial capital, with a lot of info on fascist economic policy and how fascism in power interacted with its capitalist backers. don't really agree on everything in here(i think the section on the mass base of fascism is particularly questionable) but there is a lot of interesting sources quoted and guerin is quite a compelling writer. also because the a lot of the book was originally written prior to the end of ww2 there is a lot of info on fascism in power in the interwar period, which is a perspective you tend to hear less of in more recent books. i thought this characterisation of how fascism seizes power by fundamentally legalistic constitutional means was particular insightful:
"The fascists know, therefore, that in reality the conquest of power for them is not a question of force. They could take possession of the state immediately if they so wished. Why do they not do so? Because they do not have behind them a sufficiently large section of public opinion. It is impossible in our time to govern without the consent of large masses. Hence fascism must arm itself with patience and first win over these large masses. It must give the impression that it is swept into power by a vast popular movement and not simply because its financial backers, including heads of the army and the police, are ready to hand over the state to it. Thus its tactic is essentially legalistic; it wants to come into power through the normal action of the constitution and universal suffrage."
"The fascists know, therefore, that in reality the conquest of power for them is not a question of force. They could take possession of the state immediately if they so wished. Why do they not do so? Because they do not have behind them a sufficiently large section of public opinion. It is impossible in our time to govern without the consent of large masses. Hence fascism must arm itself with patience and first win over these large masses. It must give the impression that it is swept into power by a vast popular movement and not simply because its financial backers, including heads of the army and the police, are ready to hand over the state to it. Thus its tactic is essentially legalistic; it wants to come into power through the normal action of the constitution and universal suffrage."
October 14, 2021
This study, first published in 1939, was both illuminating and easy to follow. There is still much confusion about fascism today, and it would be very useful if more people read this, along with Leon Trotsky's writings on Germany, which were an important inspiration for Guerin's work.
Guerin shows comprehensively the way fascism serves big business interests, as well as the way that fascist parties tried to disguise this fact, through the use of mysticism and nationalism. He discusses the common features of Italian and German fascism, making clear that this is not a phenomenon isolated to any particular country (which is still what some people think today).
He explains why the middle class came to be the mass base of support for fascism, and he contrasts the "anti-capitalist" demagogy with what the fascists did when they came to power. Again, this is useful in combating far-right propaganda today, which attempts to make some appeal to some workers and small businesses.
Guerin shows comprehensively the way fascism serves big business interests, as well as the way that fascist parties tried to disguise this fact, through the use of mysticism and nationalism. He discusses the common features of Italian and German fascism, making clear that this is not a phenomenon isolated to any particular country (which is still what some people think today).
He explains why the middle class came to be the mass base of support for fascism, and he contrasts the "anti-capitalist" demagogy with what the fascists did when they came to power. Again, this is useful in combating far-right propaganda today, which attempts to make some appeal to some workers and small businesses.
June 20, 2018
A bold, reader-friendly explanation of the characteristics (political, economic) that make fascism unique from traditional forms of bourgeois politics.
April 12, 2020
Crucial read. How horrifyingly little the left has learned.
January 26, 2019
Was turned on to this title by a Michael Parenti speech. This is a Marxist history of the march to power of reactionary, anti-bolshevism forces in both Italy and Germany up to the beginning of WWII. Fascism is super capitalism on steroids, despite its origins on a foundation of socialistic benefits for the masses (ie. national socialism). Guerin and unnamed co-authors use first hand accounts, newspaper reports, and press releases to paint a stark and disturbing picture of how a reactionary alternative to the rising wave of socialism sweeping central Europe after the Bolshevik Revolution, climbed to power by physically smashing union supporters, assassinating union leaders, and promising a better, fairer live for all citizens. The early fascists co-opt much of the socialist rhetoric while elections matter, and simultaneously sleep with capitalists to gain their financial backing. Having gained power the fascists begin breaking all their promises to the people, but bend over backwards to refloat and reinvigorate ailing industry, especially armaments, and huge farms, assuring them of rich rewards for their investment in a fascist state.
This is a gripping take on economic history prior to the outbreak of European hostilities in 1939. This is a Marxist history. Renew your understanding of bourgeoisie, proletarian, plebians, and dialectics prior to reading. This book is a crucial addition to the understanding of the tumultuous blood-letting that we call WWII, principally the harsh situation of working-class families prior to the war. The book needed more personal stories and less deductive broad strokes. It could easily be a guiding inspiration to a stellar mini-series about the fate of several families during the giddy rise of the most horrible phase of human history.
This is a gripping take on economic history prior to the outbreak of European hostilities in 1939. This is a Marxist history. Renew your understanding of bourgeoisie, proletarian, plebians, and dialectics prior to reading. This book is a crucial addition to the understanding of the tumultuous blood-letting that we call WWII, principally the harsh situation of working-class families prior to the war. The book needed more personal stories and less deductive broad strokes. It could easily be a guiding inspiration to a stellar mini-series about the fate of several families during the giddy rise of the most horrible phase of human history.
July 21, 2025
dense mais passionnant
October 15, 2023
This is a great book on fascism, highly recommended for any one hoping to learn about fascism and what its goals are and what its base is.
March 29, 2022
A very good, if occasionally frustrating, examination of classical fascism. Guerin does a very good job laying out the class basis of Italian and German fascism and demonstrating the effects of it's policies on the classes in these societies. He does a good job showing the inherent instability of fascism as it essentially turbocharges all of the contradictions of capitalism.
Some critiques however would be his political orientation as a Trotskyist hurts his analysis of how to combat fascism. He on the one hand excoriates the policies of the "Stalinist" Third International for its inconsistent policies and ultraleft period, while at the same time attacking Dimitrov's line on United and Popular Fronts as reformist and class collaborationist. You kinda gotta pick one or at the very least propose an alternative not just decry the policies. He mentions the failure of the German Revolution and the Italian factory occupations, and makes some fair criticisms of the policies of the German and Italian socialists, but completely then ignores the conjunctural effects that failure had on the possibility of future organizing by more revolutionary actors like the KPD and Gramsci's groups within the PCI. Guerin is always excited to attack the "Stalinists", and some of his criticisms are valid, but he never actually proposes an alternative policy besides "they should have done better, and they failed because they didn't", which is not very satisfying.
Those criticisms aside, this book does a very good job analyzing how fascism came to power, which groups provided it with backing and support, and how it functioned in power. If you want to read just one book on fascism, I'd probably still recommend Poulantzas' Fascism and Dictatorship, but this would be a close second.
Some critiques however would be his political orientation as a Trotskyist hurts his analysis of how to combat fascism. He on the one hand excoriates the policies of the "Stalinist" Third International for its inconsistent policies and ultraleft period, while at the same time attacking Dimitrov's line on United and Popular Fronts as reformist and class collaborationist. You kinda gotta pick one or at the very least propose an alternative not just decry the policies. He mentions the failure of the German Revolution and the Italian factory occupations, and makes some fair criticisms of the policies of the German and Italian socialists, but completely then ignores the conjunctural effects that failure had on the possibility of future organizing by more revolutionary actors like the KPD and Gramsci's groups within the PCI. Guerin is always excited to attack the "Stalinists", and some of his criticisms are valid, but he never actually proposes an alternative policy besides "they should have done better, and they failed because they didn't", which is not very satisfying.
Those criticisms aside, this book does a very good job analyzing how fascism came to power, which groups provided it with backing and support, and how it functioned in power. If you want to read just one book on fascism, I'd probably still recommend Poulantzas' Fascism and Dictatorship, but this would be a close second.
October 31, 2025
Lecture parfaite vu la situation politique et la confusion de la période.
Particulièrement dense, je vais avoir besoin de lire certains chapitres une seconde fois pour bien assimilier toutes les idées, le livre évoque le fascisme de ses débuts comme petit groupe de briseurs de grèves, on avénement politique, la prise de pouvoir, ses conflits internes et sa politique économique. Les idées des premières pages sont donc bien loin de celles presentées dans les dernières.
Mais le découpage est parfait, la façon dont le livre est écrit, souvent par parallélisme entre fascisme italien et allemand, au dela de mettre en avant les similarités rend la compréhension beaucoup plus simple, les idées sont exposées de manière claire.
Particulièrement dense, je vais avoir besoin de lire certains chapitres une seconde fois pour bien assimilier toutes les idées, le livre évoque le fascisme de ses débuts comme petit groupe de briseurs de grèves, on avénement politique, la prise de pouvoir, ses conflits internes et sa politique économique. Les idées des premières pages sont donc bien loin de celles presentées dans les dernières.
Mais le découpage est parfait, la façon dont le livre est écrit, souvent par parallélisme entre fascisme italien et allemand, au dela de mettre en avant les similarités rend la compréhension beaucoup plus simple, les idées sont exposées de manière claire.
August 29, 2024
I had no real clue what fascism was beyond vague feelings, so this book was revelatory. It's a shame that we're seeing a return not just of fascism, but of the same tactics that didn't work or even worsened fascism. The passage on "lesser evilism" is particularly relevant.
July 12, 2024
Must read
March 26, 2025
pretty good in terms of content but the organization -- jumping back and forth constantly between Italy and Germany -- made it a little tough to read imo.
June 25, 2025
3.5 stars
June 29, 2025
While I think the most important writings on fascism are those by Trotsky, especially those collected in The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany and On France, those are difficult polemical works, requiring some knowledge of the history of the revolutionary workers movement. This one is, in my opinion, somewhat more accessible.
(A few years ago, some fool writing for one of the online "leftist" publications tried to use whatever small part of 'The Struggle Against Fascism' he had read to prove that Trotsky would have been a supporter of Hillary Clinton against "fascist" Trump. Not a single argument raised in this abomination which went on for some pages had anything to do with Trotsky's actual positions on anything at any time. People whose only knowledge of politics is bourgeois electoral politics can't grasp a single sentence).
Guerin was at the time greatly influenced by Trotsky and he based this book on ideas from just those books I first mentioned (which he states). But he also did extensive research of his own. Each chapter of the book takes up an aspect of fascism, with data from both Italy and Germany to support it.
From ideology to class composition to mysticism and demagogy, to who financed the movement and what class politics it actually carried out, this book provides the answers.
Note: to those who think fascism is whatever they and their friends hate at the moment, buy yourself a good fantasy novel instead.
(A few years ago, some fool writing for one of the online "leftist" publications tried to use whatever small part of 'The Struggle Against Fascism' he had read to prove that Trotsky would have been a supporter of Hillary Clinton against "fascist" Trump. Not a single argument raised in this abomination which went on for some pages had anything to do with Trotsky's actual positions on anything at any time. People whose only knowledge of politics is bourgeois electoral politics can't grasp a single sentence).
Guerin was at the time greatly influenced by Trotsky and he based this book on ideas from just those books I first mentioned (which he states). But he also did extensive research of his own. Each chapter of the book takes up an aspect of fascism, with data from both Italy and Germany to support it.
From ideology to class composition to mysticism and demagogy, to who financed the movement and what class politics it actually carried out, this book provides the answers.
Note: to those who think fascism is whatever they and their friends hate at the moment, buy yourself a good fantasy novel instead.
September 4, 2008
excellent...
January 14, 2014
Well researched, clearly written and still worth reading as a tool for understanding authoritarian politics.
April 20, 2017
Essential reading. The parallels between post-WWI Italy and Germany and the late-stage capitalism through which we're suffering in the contemporary USA are striking and frightening. Either the proletariat rises up or we get fascism (which begs the question of whether we already have it). The history is thorough and the contemporary descriptions are enlightening. If you have any interest avoiding exploitation at the hands of a fascist state and its big-business benefactors, please read this book.
Displaying 1 - 20 of 20 reviews