Alfonso Archi

Università degli Studi "La Sapienza" di Roma, Dipartimento di Scienze dell'Antichità, Emeritus

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Born in Pavia, 28/12/1940. Ph.D in Anatolian Studies (1963) at the University of Florence; director Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli. Further studies at the Universities of Marburg/L. (H. Otten), Mūnchen (D.O. Edzard, A. Kammenhuber), Mūnster (W. von Soden), Pontificio Istitito Biblico, Rome (J.J. van Dijk.
From 1966to 1977 researcher fellow at the "Istituto per gli Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici", Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Roma. From 1972 to 1980 associated professor at the University of Rome, La Sapienza. From 1980 to 2011 full professor at that University.
From 1977: epigraphist of the Missione iItaliana in Siria, Tell Mardikh/Ebla.
Visition professor at the University of Aleppo (1978); visiting fellow at Wolfson College, Oxford; visiting professor at the École Pratique des Hautes Études IVéme section, Paris (May 1998); visiting professor at the Collège de France, Paris (May 2006),
Supervisors: [email protected] and [email protected]

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The God Ḥay(Y)A (Ea / Enki) at Ebla

BRILL eBooks, 2010

Testi amministrativi: Registrazioni di metalli e tessuti (L.2769)

Journal of the American Oriental Society, Apr 1, 1991

The Head of Kura—The Head of ʾAdabal

Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Apr 1, 2005

... cereal for the bread (ninda) of the god Kura; 6 gubar measures of cereals for the bread (nind... more

Aštata: A Case of Hittite Imperial Religious Policy

Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions, Nov 24, 2014

The Hittite documentation concerning the Land of Aštata on the Euphrates, with Emar as capital, c... more The Hittite documentation concerning the Land of Aštata on the Euphrates, with Emar as capital, can now be better evaluated thanks to a more precise chronological order of the documentation from Emar (1400–1180b.c.). Hittite rule did not exercise any religious imperialism, on the contrary, it was Mursili ii who transferred to Hattusa some Aštata cults for the Syrian goddess Išḫara. He did not refrain from calling to his court priests from Emar in order to celebrate the proper rites to the goddess in an emergency. The king of Karkamiš, who exercised Hittite control over Emar, sent there one of his diviners to enquire through oracles if the local gods were in favour of his travelling to the city. A reorganization of cults promoted by Tuthaliya iv was at the origin of the introduction in Emar of a liturgy for some Hittite gods. This was not a superimposition of a theological organized pantheon over the local gods, but personal gods of the king; their cult was committed to the local family of diviners in charge of the cults of the city, with which the Hittites maintained close relations. Apparently, Hittite religion never deeply penetrated Emar society. A group of seals used by some Emariotes, however, presents the same iconographies as Hittite seals, with gods of the Hittite pantheon, an evidence of adhesion to the Hittite rule.

Indexes of discussed names, terms and texts

De Gruyter eBooks, Oct 29, 2015

Fifteen Years of Studies on Ebla: A Summary

Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, 1993

The discovery, in 1974-1976, of the Ebla archives of the 3rd millenium B. C. opened up a new fiel... more The discovery, in 1974-1976, of the Ebla archives of the 3rd millenium B. C. opened up a new field in Oriental studies, and three articles published in the second issue of the series "Eblaitica" are aimed at assessing the state of research carried out.1 A balanced evaluation of the historical and linguistic data is provided by I. M. Diakonoff in "The Importance of Ebla for History and Linguistics" (pp. 3—29) which warns against the theories formulated in the years immediately following the discovery of the texts due to a hurried interpretation which ignored, in particular, "the specific rules of Eblaite writing and spelling" (p. 4). C. H. Gordon in "Eblaite and Northwest Semitic" (pp. 127-139) examines a list of details of the Eblaite documentation (morphology, vocabulary, religion, etc.) and compares them with West Semitic data. The third contribution, by B. Kienast and H. Waetzoldt, "Zwölf Jahre Ebla: Versuch einer Bestandsaufnahme" (pp. 31-77) has the declared aim of giving a more detailed and up to date picture of every aspect of the Ebla civilisation, with the exclusion of the linguistic problem. The results obtained through research in recent years are presented in groups of texts, ordered according to the typologies given by G. Pettinato in: Catalogo dei testi cuneiformi di Tell Mardikh Ebla (MEE I). However, whilst Waetzoldt organizes that section for which he is responsible: "Wirtschaftsund Verwaltungstexte" (pp. 33—58) according to the subject which emerges from the documentation

Neues zur Bronzezeit in Syrien

Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, Dec 1, 2008

As the Author notes, (p. 1) “The god Dagan is one of the least known deities and, paradoxically, ... more As the Author notes, (p. 1) “The god Dagan is one of the least known deities and, paradoxically, one of the most important in Syrian religion in the Bronze Age”. Originally the principal god of the Middle Euphrates region, his cult spread to several cultures, to the extent that, according to the Old Testament, Dagon was the god of the Philistines. He is mentioned by authors of the Hellenistic period and of the start of Christianity and is, therefore, the most persistent of the Ancient Near Eastern deities. We have no myths or hymns defining Dagan’s character (unlike Hadda/Ba‘al). Late sources from the Syrian coast and Palestine have occasionally conditioned our interpretation of this god.1 The excellent article by Healey provides a synthesis, which employs all of the sources well, but had to evaluate particularly the biblical evidence.2 Recently, B. L. Crowell, JANER 1 (2001) 32–83, has studied relevant elements of the cult of Dagan during the various periods using a sagacious methodological approach. Dagan, however, seems to defy all attempts at interpretation. The present volume is noteworthy in scrutinizing carefully and in great detail all of the earliest sources: those of the 3rd millennium and of the Old Babylonian Period (Mari) which today constitute the bulk of the documentation available. The figure of this god is thus re-established in all its complexity. The persistence of the cult of Dagan in the region of the Middle Euphrates during the Middle Babylonian Period is documented in particular by the texts from Emar. The situation has, therefore, changed dramatically since 1928 when H. Schmökel published the first monograph dedicated to this god. Thanks to the texts from Ebla, Dagan (as Hadda) can no longer be considered an “Amorite” god. One day, when excavations resume at Tell Bi‘a/Tuttul, we will even have the earliest and famous sanctuary of Dagan (which, however, probably did not hold an archive).

Further concerning Ebla and the Bible

The Biblical archaeologist, Jul 1, 1981

The current epigrapher at Tell Mardikh provides us with the text and some fresh views of some of ... more

Šeš-II-Ib

Penn State University Press eBooks, Jul 21, 2002

Il in the Personal Names

Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, 1996

Middle Hittite—“Middle Kingdom”

Penn State University Press eBooks, Jul 21, 2003

Remarks on the Early Empire Documents

Altorientalische Forschungen, 2005

Die Selbstrechtfertigung eines hethitischen Beamten (KUB LIV 1)

Altorientalische Forschungen, 1985

Unter den im Vorderasiatischen Museum zu Berlin aufbewahrten Tontafeln aus Bogazköy . befinden si... more Unter den im Vorderasiatischen Museum zu Berlin aufbewahrten Tontafeln aus Bogazköy . befinden sich nur noch wenige größere Texte, die bislang noch nicht ediert wurden oder bereits anderweitig stärkeres Interesse gefunden hätten.i Zu ihnen gehört die nunmehr als KUB LIV 1 publizierte Tafel, die sich aus neun Bruchstücken zusammensetzt und damit noch knapp die Hälfte des dereinst auf ihr aufgezeichneten Textes überliefert.2 Bis auf das Zitat zweier Passagen (Kol. I 36 bzw. II 48 sowie IV 9)̂ ist diesem großen Tafelfragment bisher kaum Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt worden. Der Versuch, den Text zu bearbeiten und seinen Inhalt verständlich zu machen, läßt die Problematik dieses Tafelfragments deutlich werden und erahnen, weshalb es bislang nicht in die wissenschaftliche Diskussion gebracht worden Ì8t. Die Schwierigkeiten liegen nicht allein in der bruchstückhaften Überlieferung insbesondere der Rückseite (Kol. III und IV), sondern auch in den Problemen, die der erhaltene Text bietet. Bisher erschlossene Wortbedeutungen scheinen hier «uweilen nicht zuzutreffen, es treten bisher nicht belegte grammatische Formen auf, ])honetische Komplemente zeigen die Unkenntnis akkadischer Kasus. Der Text ist offenbar unter einem starken emotionalen Druck verfaßt worden, die Darstellung erscheint verworren und sprunghaft ; zudem wird wohl die Kenntnis der Umstände, die zur Abfassung des Textes führten, vorausgesetzt. Selbst die Identität des Verfassers ist nicht eindeutig zu bestimmen. Dabei handelt es sich jedoch nicht um einen Text in flüchtiger Schrift, wie sie etwa bei Gerichtsprotokollen zu beobachten ist, denen der Text wenigstens partiell nahesteht. Die Tafel ist vielmehr sorgfältig beschriftet und macht den Eindruck eines Archivexemplares.

Transmission of Recitative Literature by the Hittites

Altorientalische Forschungen, 2007

The transmission of literary texts of foreign origin poses different but no less complex problems... more The transmission of literary texts of foreign origin poses different but no less complex problems to the transmission of rituals from peripheral regions such as Arzawa and Kizzuwatna. A hymn for the Weather-god. KBo 3.21 (CTH 313) is a translation (probably by a Babylonian scribe resident at Hattusa) of an Akkadian text, for which we do not have the Old Babylonian original. 1 The hymn for the Sun-god KUB 31.127+ (CTH 372) is. instead, a free composition by a Hittite scribe who had access to an Old Babylonian(?) hymn to Samas (again unknown to us today). Parts of this hymn were also used in some prayers to Hittite gods. 2 Another Akkadian hymn to Samas, Sin and Lätaräk (perhaps OB). KBo I 12 (CTH 792), had its Hittite translation in the column which is now almost entirely missing. 3 A late Old Babylonian Akkadian prayer to IStar, KUB 37.36(+)37, copied by a Hittite scribe, was known also in an Hittite translation, KUB 31.141 (CTH 312). whose scribe had at his disposal "a better copy in which the verses were separated correctly"." 1 Also a later bilingual (Sumerian-Akkadian) hymn to ISkur of the Kassite period was provided with an Hittite translation. 5 In the period of the Old Kingdom, a few important state documents also existed in an Akkadian version for reasons of prestige (the Akkadian translation of the Annals of Hattusili I must be dated, however, only to the 14 lh or 13 lh century). The Siege of Ursum, written in Akkadian, represents the king (Hattusili I) as the heroic leader of an expedition in northern Syria, echoing the epos of the kings of Akkad. In the Empire period, scribes 1 A. Archi (1983). 20-30. The last preserved line mentions an "Akkadian (pa-bi-li-li) scribe". IV 12: while Babylon is quoted in IV 5. :

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Lapis Lazuli and Shells from Mari to Ebla

BRILL eBooks, Sep 6, 2017

TELL AFIS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY b.c.e.: Under the Rule of the Hittites

Near Eastern Archaeology, Dec 1, 2013

Three letters in Hittite language found at Tell Afis (thirteenth century b.c.e.) prove that North... more Three letters in Hittite language found at Tell Afis (thirteenth century b.c.e.) prove that Northwest Syria (east of the Ugaritic state) was under the direct control of a “Lord of the Country” residing at Alalakh (the capital of the Antioch plain) who was, in turn, under the authority of the Hittite central administration (Hattusa). Excavations on the western slope of the acropolis have given a stratigraphical sequence covering the whole Late Bronze Age. The tablets have been found in Building F, exposed for approximately 400 m2. While the cultural horizon of this phase is representative of an inner Syrian Late Bronze II context, a lugged axe and pithoi with marks point to a connection with Central Anatolia. Six other tablets in Akkadian were written by the local administrative office. The individuals' names are mostly Hurrian, in agreement with the situation in Alalakh.

Il dio Zawalli

Altorientalische Forschungen, 1979

Oltre all'angoscia di fronte alia morte, e alia preoccupazione per il benessere dei defunti n... more Oltre all'angoscia di fronte alia morte, e alia preoccupazione per il benessere dei defunti nell'Aldilä, gli Ittiti, come altri popoli, provano il timore che i morti esercitino una qualche azione sul mondo dei vivi. Di qui le indagini mantiche condotte per individuare i malefici influssi degli spiriti dei morti (akkant-, ETEMMÜ, GIDIM), nel caso che essi abbiano ancora conti da regolare con chi b rimaeto in vita, oppure perchö i culti a loro dovuti vengano trascurati. Talvolta si fanno

The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different Traditions

De Gruyter eBooks, Dec 31, 2013

The City of Ebla and the Organization of its Rural Territory

Altorientalische Forschungen, 1992

Two ancient urban communities known to us from epigraphic documentation seem best to illustrate t... more Two ancient urban communities known to us from epigraphic documentation seem best to illustrate their various organizational and economic aspects: Girsu, capital of the state of Lagash in southern Mesopotamia, and Ebla in northern Syria. Both date to the 24th century B.C., and the administrative texts derive from a limited number of years, approximately fifteen for Girsu 1 , and between forty and fifty for Ebla. The different ecological situation imposed a different use of the rural environment. In southern Mesopotamia, only irrigation agriculture was practicable, and its high productivity enabled a greater concentration of the population. This concentration was also favored by the fact that an important source of food supply was furnished by fishcatches. Girsu was situated near the swampy area created by the mouth of the Tigris and Euphrates. In Syria, where only cultivation was extensive, the rural population was more widely distributed over the territory in a large number of villages. In addition, Ebla, during its last twenty-five to thirty years (probably under king Igris-yalam), had been transformed from a city-state to a regional state. A few decades earlier, in eastern Syria, a similar process of transformation from a city-state into a regional-sized state had taken place. Through warfare conducted by four kings, Mari had gained control of the Middle Euphrates. Anubu, the first king, was responsible for some military expeditions. His successor, Saumu, pushed north to Ra'ak: Istup-Isar defeated Emar, and Iblul-Il penetrated into the area of the Habur and reached to the west the territory of yassuwan, on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the height of the Amanus. 2 The kingdom of Ebla, as a regional state, included both Karkemish and Hama, extending for approximately 200 km from north to south and reaching the plain of Antioch to the west and the area of the Jabbul to the east. Part of the economic resources needed by the capital were certainly funneled through the outlying centers (some of which, like Karkemish, may have been city-states earlier) governed by "overseers", ugula; lacking, however, is documentation enabling us to give full details of this flow of goods beyond desultory deliveries. For this reason, considered here is only the relationship between the city of Ebla and its rural territory, whose extent it is not possible to determine with certainty, since the villages listed in the documents regarding agricultural accounts cannot be located precisely.

format_quoteEbla's Palace employed approximately 1,800 servants and functionaries, showcasing a complex administrative structure for resource distribution.format_quote

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Jewels for the Ladies of Ebla

Zeitschrift Fur Assyriologie Und Vorderasiatische Archaologie, 2002

Die Frauen der königlichen Familie von Ebla erhielten besonders kostbare Geschenke zur Heirat ode... more

Alfonso Archi

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