Eduardo Torrecilla
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2017 - Divine Names in the Tell Hadidi/Azu Texts
2017, KASKAL 14
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Abstract
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The paper investigates the divine names mentioned in the tell Hadidi/Azu texts, specifically focusing on the prominent deity Dagān and its representations in the cuneiform tablets discovered at the site. It examines the patterns of naming conventions, the use of logographic versus syllabic spellings, and the relationships between Dagān and other deities such as Ba‛al and Aštar within the context of ancient Near Eastern religions, particularly in the Middle Euphrates area during the Late Bronze Age.
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texts, seems to be more of an epithet than a divine name; the god's actual name does not appear in these texts, nor in any other legal or administrative text from the late Achaemenid period. However, a compilation of esoterica, commonly referred to as the Nippur Compendium (GEORGE 1992: 143-162), will shed some light on the matter. The Nippur Compendium (nibru ki ní.bi.ta dù.a) is known primarily from two late Babylonian manuscripts (IM 44150; IM 76975) with the same structure and content, and three additional, smaller tablets, two of which come from Nineveh (K 2892+ K 8397; K 10062) and the third one is a late Babylonian excerpt tablet (BM 38413, GEORGE 1992: 145-146). 2) The text begins with a listing of the names and titles for the city of Nippur and its main temple, Ekur, followed by a list of deities. This list, in which each deity is represented as 'lord of (my) city + of place name', occurs only in the two late Babylonian manuscripts, and is of particular interest to our case as it contains a series of 'dieux topiques' and their localities. Among the legible place names in the list, we find the lords of Borsippa and Dēr, but also deities of smaller settlements in the region between Uruk and Nippur, such as the lords of Šalammu and Kār-Ninurta (GEORGE 1992: 150: 19'; 21'; 24'). 3) Interestingly, the list happens to mention a deity by the name of Erimabinutuku, who is designated as the 'dieu topique' (bēl-āliya) of a place named uru sá.sá.érim (GEORGE 1992: §7, 22'). We suggest to slightly emend the reading of the toponym to sá.di.érim (sá=di), because this spelling (sá.di.érim) stands for the city of Šāṭir, as demonstrated by the late 5 th century BCE text TÉBR 32 (ll. 11 and 14). As noted earlier, the 'dieux topiques' section in the Nippur Compendium, refers not only to Šāṭir, but also to several other sites in the region between Nippur and Uruk, such as Šalammu and Kār-Ninurta, which, like Šāṭir, were still inhabited in the 5 th century BCE. Thus, our suggestion matches the evidence in the section on 'dieux topiques' in the Nippur Compendium in more than one way: they share the same spelling for Šāṭir (sá.di.érim), the same geographical horizon, and the same chronological framework. If we come back to the question of the identity of Lord-of-Šāṭir, it is now clear that according to the Nippur Compendium the deity Erimabinutuku is the Lord-of-Šāṭir. Despite the scarcity in textual sources regarding Erimabinutuku, the Sumerian composition Angim, allows us a better understanding of his nature. According to Angim, Erimabinutuku, the worshipped entity of Šāṭir, is named after one of Ninurta's divine weapons known 'to have established the people in heaven and earth' (COOPER 1978: 82, 146; GEORGE 1992: 447). Notes 1. See, for example, the case of 'Bēl-ālīya-ša-Šarrabānu'('lord-of-my-city-of-Šarrabānu', Baker 2004: 127:128). The city was also located in Bīt-Amukānu.
On Gods and Scribal Traditions in the Amarna letters, Ugarit-Forschungen 22 (1990), pp. 247-255.
The Amarna Letters, discovered more than a century ago, are still our main source for the history and culture of Canaan in the Late Bronze Age. Many details concerning the land and its inhabitants have been extracted from these letters and the overall picture is to a certain extent based on the analysis of this source material. Due to its central position in scientific research, the archive still deserves special attention and progress in the understanding of difficult passages and terms could contribute to a better understanding of the historical and cultural situation. On the other hand, mistaken interpretations may lead scholars to stray far from ancient reality, since in certain cases there are no other sources against which these conclusions and inferences may be checked.
Two Chthonic Features of the Daēva Cult in Historical Evidence
History of Religions 54 3 (2015): 346-370.
In the younger layers of the Avesta and the subsequent Iranian religious and literary traditions, the daēvas are noxious supernatural beings. But this is not the case in the Gāthās, the metric compositions traditionally attributed to Zarathuštra and dating perhaps to late second millennium B.C. The poet of the Gāthās condemns the daēvas, but as deities worshipped by the members of his community. There are references, sometimes enigmatic, in these texts to the ritual devoted to these ancient Iranian gods. The ‘men’ who take part in the cult are said to pursue ‘immortality’ and engage in ritual rage, cruel treatment of the sacrificial victim, and consumption of drugs. The cult survived, and possibly thrived in some regions, in the face of the expanding Zoroastrianism to at least the Achaemenid period. There may have been accommodations on both sides. It is thus almost certain that there were reflexes of the cult in historical evidence. This article examines two such reflexes: nocturnal celebration and wolf sacrifice. These two features are anomalous in the perspective of normal Indo-European festivals and sacrifices. There is no reason to dismiss the authenticity of the reports that convey our evidence. What do they tell us about the daēva cult and the daēvas? I consider the evidence and try to answer this question.
Divine Names in the Derveni Papyrus and Mesopotamian Hermeneutics
Trends in Classics, 2013
The author of the Derveni papyrus makes wide use of etymologies of divine names to interpret an Orphic theogony. With the help of these etymologies, he links episodes of the Orphic theogony with a philosophical model of the evolu- tion of the cosmos. In this article, I argue that the techniques used by the Derveni author for the analysis of divine names are related to Mesopotamian hermeneuti- cal and theological traditions that go back to the end of the second millennium BCE, but were still alive in the fourth century BCE when the text of the papyrus was presumably composed. I compare the interpretative strategies of the Derveni author with those of Assyrian and Babylonian scholars as found in Tablets VI and VII of Enūma eliš, in certain Akkadian commentaries, and cuneiform god-lists to show that there is a similar system of beliefs in the text compared.
A Dilmun seal found in Ur depicts Mesopotamian and Hindu constellations: a palm-tree, a scorpion, snakes, a recumbent human, a zebu and a bristle
A Dilmun seal found in Ur depicts Mesopotamian and Hindu constellations: a palm-tree, a scorpion, snakes, a recumbent human, a zebu and a bristle, 2018
In the first part of this paper I claimed that these constellations were related to the sky gods Anu (Heaven) and Ashur (Whole Heaven). In the second part I demonstrated that the people from the Indus Valley Culture where able to read this seal and that they also recognized the myth of Shiva and Daksha in two constellations.
Mixing of divine metaphors, Indus Script hypertexts.dhā̆vaḍ 'smelters' āra 'brass', karandi 'fire-god', ib 'stylus, iron', Assur, Asurya, Mehru, Meru
Thanks to Yigal Bloch and Laura A. Peri who have rendered a lucid account of the inscription of Tukulti Ninurta I in Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology, Vol. 8, 2016-2017, Jerusalem, pp. 2-56. Mirror: https://tinyurl.com/yam92gaa Fig. 10 Sumerian stone tablet and copper peg figurine bearing dedicatory inscriptions; such objects have been found together as foundation deposits Fig. 11 (above, right) King Assurbanipal of Assyria portrayed as a temple builder carrying a basket, carved on an inscribed stele commemorating him as rebuilder of Esagila, the god Marduk’s temple in Babylon. Image result for anzu sumerian archaic cylinderBrj. dã̄wrī f. ʻ rope ʼ rebus: dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ panja 'feline paw' rebus: panja 'kiln, furnace' kambha 'wings' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' I suggest that the metaphor of the peg in Ancient Near East is relatable to received memories of ancestors evidenced by Indus Script hypertext documented by Meluhha metalworkers and seafaring merchants: A. dāmā ʻ peg to tie a buffalo -- calf to ʼ; Ku. dauṇo m., °ṇī f. ʻ peg for tying cattle to ʼ,Brj. dã̄wrī f. ʻ rope ʼ(CDIAL 6283) Rebus: dhāˊtu n. ʻ substance ʼ RV., m. ʻ element ʼ MBh., ʻ metal, mineral, ore (esp. of a red colour) ʼ Mn., ʻ ashes of the dead ʼ lex., Pa. dhātu -- m. ʻ element, ashes of the dead, relic ʼ; KharI. dhatu ʻ relic ʼ; Pk. dhāu -- m. ʻ metal, red chalk ʼ; N. dhāu ʻ ore (esp. of copper) ʼ; Or. ḍhāu ʻ red chalk, red ochre ʼ (whence ḍhāuā ʻ reddish ʼ; M. dhāū, dhāv m.f. ʻ a partic. soft red stone ʼ (whence dhā̆vaḍ m. ʻ a caste of iron -- smelters ʼ, dhāvḍī ʻ composed of or relating to iron ʼ); -- Si. dā ʻ relic ʼ; -- (CDIAL 6773) I suggest that the memories of Asur, Meluhha metaoworkers of the Bronze Age who documented their wealth-creating activities of metalwork in over 8000 Indus Script inscriptions, are enshrined in the Assur expressions on cuneiform texts and archaeological artifacts of Ancient Near East, discussed in this monograph. See: https://tinyurl.com/yc84k7k8 Vedic asūrta based on svàr/sūr ‘sun’ and Mlecchita vikalpa. Itihāsa of Asur/Bhāratiyo metalcasters, as Bhāratam Janam A remarkable excursus of Marcus Albino explains the semantics and purport of Vedic asurta-, surta-, asuryá-, asurá- in EJVS, Vol. 20, Issue 2, 2013 (http://www.ejvs.laurasianacademy.com/ejvs20/asurta.pdf). "(Trans.) In this essay I try to establish that Ved. asūrta- an extended exocentric composite of svrr-sun, no negated formation of a formation with one "Possessive" suffix -ta, and that sūrta- a decompomposition Education. I'm going to discuss that also ved. asūryá- is an extended exocenter. that ved. asūré is an "absent-mindedness" of the type arajjáu 'without a knot'." This brilliant philological excursus is validated by the itihāsa of Bhāratam Janam with three identifiable attributes: 1. attested sun-worship documented in ancient cuneiform texts, archaeological artifacts and ancient Indian texts; 2. emergence of Mlecchita vikalpa as a writing system with hieroglyphs to denote metalwork; 3. groups of people self-designated as Assur/Asur in Ancient Near East and in Bharatam respectively. yáyor ádhi prá yajñÁ asUré sánti sUráyaH tÁ yajñásyAdhvarásya prácetasA svadhÁbhir yÁ píbataH somyám mádhu (RV 8.10.4) Geldner's translation: Which the victim and the victim gentlemen in Asura proceed, they are connoisseurs of the victim, the ordinance, the drink soma sweet to taste. In this rca, the word Asūré is interpreted by Marcus Albino as 'absence' formation as in arajjau 'without a knot' -- as I understand the import, something like, 'worshippers rising without the Sun'. Thus, central to Marcus Albino's thesis is that the gloss 'asur' is related to worship of svàr/sūr ‘sun’. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Kudurru_of_Nazi-Maruttash.jpg BOUNDARY STONE (KUDURRU), CA. 1125-1104 B.C., BABYLONIAN, SIPPAR (MODERN SOUTHERN IRAQ), STONE, 25 3/16 X 7 1/16 IN. © COPYRIGHT THE TRUSTEES OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM, ME 90858 "Approximately 160 kudurrus and fragments exist today and range from one foot to one yard in height. Their shapes vary only slightly, with a generally rectangular form and more or less rounded edges. Their surfaces are covered (but not completely) with inscriptions and images arranged in registers, the traditional layering used in the art and writing of the ancient Near East." http://www1.seattleartmuseum.org/eMuseum/code/emuseum.asp?style=browse¤trecord=1&page=search&profile=objects&searchdesc=celestial&quicksearch=celestial&newvalues=1&newstyle=single&newcurrentrecord=1 From Joseph Campbell’s book The Mythic Image we see the Kudurru, a Babylonian boundary stone shown above is dated to the Twelfth century B.C. and shows the manifestations of deity in the six stages. The Kudurru from top down it shows (left to right) the planet Venus of the goddess Ishtar, then the lunar crescent of the moon-god Sin, and the solar disk of Shamash (the sun god). There is a huge serpent (note Tiamat, is Akkadian for "sea," the female half of the primordial couple) winding up the left side of the sculptured stone where the head is above the cup of the crescent moon. This reptile is symbolic of the primal generative waters that surround the universe, support it from beneath, and rain down upon it from on high. As you go downward, stage by stage it is the elements of the watery abyss. The star, moon and solar disk represent the ultimate governing powers of the cosmos. On the first of the lower stages are three chapels, or thrones of deities such as Anu, the sky god (light or fire) which is associated with Nuska, the fire god, Enlil the storm god (of the air and atmosphere), akin to Ramman-Adad (Heb. Rimmon) and Ea (Enki, Oannes) the water god in his "sea house," associated with the tortoise of the watery elements. Next below are the seats and symbols of the special patron gods of Babylon: Marduk, son of Ea, patron god of the city, whose animal is a dragon; was called the king of the gods. Nabu (Nebo), son of Marduk, a messenger, the god of writing and wisdom, shown as a goat; Ninhurshag-Ninlil, the goddess-queen herself, the Mountain Mother. The following two ranges are of this earthly plane, first of the atmosphere all about us and then of the earthly powers below ground. The first shows the standards of the guardians of the four world quarters. It has a bizarre hawk’s head at the left and double-lion column beside it are emblems of two monster-slayers, Zamama of Kish and Ninib of Nippur; the enshrined image of a horse’s head is an Aryan, warrior god; and the miserable eagle to the right is a war god. Below ground sits the goddess Gulu, (the earth-goddess; also Ninmah, goddess of the underworld), where the cosmic serpent begins to rise. She is the patroness of herbs, healing, life, as her flowered garment shows. Hands lifted in prayer, she sits with her dog, defender of homes, while before her a Scorpion Archer mounts guard at the uttermost bound of the earth (cosmic sea), to defend against demonic powers and protect the rising and setting sun. Beneath all, in the abyssal sea are the symbols of the four elements of which all things above are composed; at the right, the lamp of Nuska (Nunska), a god of fire; at the left, the bull and thunder-sign of Ramman-Adad (Heb. Rimmon), an air and storm god; below, the scorpion, earth-dwelling dealer of death; and above, the swimming tortoise, here supporting with his feet the entire cosmic mountain. The ones on the bottom have connections to those on the top. http://www.mazzaroth.com/ChapterFour/ScorpioAndBoundaryStones.htm Indus Script hypertexts on kudurru phaḍa 'cobra hood' rebus: phaḍa 'metals manufactory'. arka 'sun' rebus: arka 'gold' kamar'moon' (Pashto) rebus: kamar 'blacksmith' (Santali). bica 'scorpion' rebus: bica 'haematite, ferrite ore' kamāṭhiyo 'archer' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage' kamaṭha 'turtle' rebus: kammaṭa 'mint, coiner, coinage'
Here a God, There a God: Conceptions of Divinity in Ancient Mesopotamia
Much ink has been spilled on the examination of Mesopotamian conceptions of the divine in the past, and the topic has received renewed attention in the present. The following article offers yet another synthetic analysis of the Mesopotamian divine sphere, amassing in one place a vast array of data and the scholarly assessments of that data. More particularly, after examining what constitutes a god in ancient Mesopotamia and the essential and characteristic qualities of Mesopotamian deities, the article attempts to sort the divine sphere, focusing on the relationship between the various beings that populate the divine world and between a single deity and its various aspects. However, although synthetic, the present contribution offers several new insights. Most prominently, it posits the concept of divine constellations as a model for understanding Mesopotamian deities, in which the major Mesopotamian deities are presented as a constellation of aspects that may be treated as (semi-)independent beings or as a unity depending on the context.
2022 Gods in the Archival and Other Middle Assyrian Texts: An Overview. In: Riva, Rocío Da - Arroyo, Ana - Debourse, Céline (eds.), Ceremonies, Feasts and Festivities in Ancient Mesopotamia and the Mediterranean World (Melammu Workshops and Monographs, 7). Münster, Zaphon, pp. 209-225
2022
The aim of this paper is to survey the attestations of gods in the Middle Assyrian archival texts as a preliminary contribution to future, more indepth studies on religion during the MA period. In doing so, a series of problems regarding these attestations will be evidenced.
Religious Origin of the Terms Dao and De and Their Signification in the Laozi
Journal of The Royal Asiatic Society, 2009
This article applies a synthetic approach of philological, religious, philosophical, and cultural studies to explore the original meaning of the terms dao and de , two primary concepts in traditional Chinese intellectual history. Through an etymological analysis of the characters dao and de, and supported by both received and discovered texts and materials, this article demonstrates that dao originally represented the spirit of the Pole Star/High God and the movement of Heaven, and de, in relation to dao, originally represented the impartial virtue and power of Heaven. In terms of this new interpretation, the article further discusses the signification of dao and de in the Laozi to uncover the mystic aspects of the text.
UNIVERSITÀ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA
KASKAL
Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico
Volume 14
2017
LoGisma editore
Firenze 2017
UNIVERSITÀ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA
KASKAL
Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico
Volume 14 _ 2017
Direzione _ Editorial Board
Stefano de Martino, Frederick Mario Fales, Giovanni Battista Lanfranchi, Lucio Milano,
Simonetta Ponchia
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Yoram Cohen, Stefano de Martino, Frederick Mario Fales, Francis Joannès, Michael Jursa,
Giovanni Battista Lanfranchi, Cécile Michel, Lucio Milano, Simonetta Ponchia, Michael Roaf,
Jack M. Sasson
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All articles published in this journal were submitted to peer reviewed evaluation.
ISBN 978-88-94926-03-3
ISSN 1971-8608
Stampato in marzo 2018
KASKAL
Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico
Volume 14 (2017)
DIVINE NAMES IN THE TALL HADIDI/AZÛ TEXTS
Eduardo Torrecilla1
The 15 tablets found at the Middle Euphrates archaeological site of Tall Hadidi/Azû are still
awaiting publication, although a preliminary online edition, arranged by Robert M. Whiting in 2007,
can be found on the internet.2 Following the transliterations found in the online edition, this paper
focuses on the different DNs included in those tablets. The aim is to contextualize all religious data
found in the Azû texts by comparing it to the information gathered from the nearby archives of
Emar and Ekalte. Despite the fact that the texts are not many, a sketch on the local pantheon can
be made in order to try to find a correspondence with the Middle Euphrates pantheon,3 provided
that Emar, Ekalte and Azû shared a cultural and religious context.
1. The corpus
In the 1970s, fifteen Syrian-type, clay tablets were found at the Middle Euphrates site of Tall Hadidi
by an archaeological mission led by Rudolph Dornemann (Milwaukee Public Museum). The
cuneiform tablets were found at Stratum 6 (area H), which corresponds to the LBA. Tall Hadidi,
named Azû in the Late Bronze Age, was located on the west bank of the Euphrates, about 5 km
1. Abbreviations: AuOrSI = Arnaud 1991; CD-ROM = CD-ROM incorporated to Pruzsinszky 2003; CM
13 = Westenholz 2000; DN = Divine Name; E = Arnaud 1985/1987; Ek = Mayer 2001; EM 99 = 1999
archaeological mission at Emar (Pruzsinszky 2003:XXVI); FK = Sigrist 1993; Had = Tall Hadidi texts,
online edition arranged by R.M. Whiting; HCCT-E = Hirayama Cuneiform Collection Texts–Emar
(Tsukimoto 1984, 1988, 1990, 1991, 1992, 1994); LBA = Late Bronze Age; MBQ-III = Werner 2004; PN
= Personal Name; RA 77 = Huehnergard 1983; RE = Beckman 1996; SMEA = Arnaud 1992.
2. See http://www.helsinki.fi/φwhiting/hadidcat.html.
3. In his catalogue of Emar divinities, Beckman (2002, 39) points out a fine line (E 373:40) where the local
pantheon is termed “the seventy gods of the land of Emar” (70 DINGIRMEŠ gáb-bi [ša KUR]E-mar).
Beckman himself found more than a hundredth of gods in the Emar texts.
2 Eduardo Torrecilla
north of ancient Ekalte (Tall Munbāqa) and 30 km north of Emar (Tall Me^kene), the main site
excavated in the Middle Euphrates era.
As Mayer and Whiting already indicated, the Azû tablets can be chronologically linked to the
Ekalte corpus, since the names of four individuals are shared by both archives.4 The texts from
Ekalte and Azû have traces of the same culture, sharing similar social, linguistic and religious
contexts. This can also apply to the Emar Syrian-type texts, which predate the Emar Syro-Hittite
tablets. In fact, I believe that the Ekalte and Azû archives are contemporary to the Emar Syrian-
type texts, as I have discussed elsewhere.5
2. Theophoric PNs
Since the whole corpus deals with economic and legal matters, DNs are scarcely attested and are
almost exclusively found as elements of theophoric PNs. Not much information on local religion –
such as cultic calendars, festivals, offering lists, oaths, curses, temples, etc. to compare to
information supplied by the Emar liturgical texts – can be found in the Azû tablets. However, the
bureaucratic nature of the tablets provides a notable number of PNs, thanks to the witness lists
included at the end of almost every text. Hence, a sketch on the Azû pantheon can be elaborated
parting from those deities included in the onomasticon.
It is also remarkable to find shortened DNs within PNs, in accordance with the Middle
Euphrates tradition also noted in Emar and Ekalte – thus Da for Dagān, Ra for Rašap and Te for
Teššup, not to mention the sign BE for Ba‛la, are found at Azû. Because of the narrow horizontal
space of the Syrian-type tablets, the second element of the PN was shortened to only its first
syllable, as Cohen (2010, 38, 41) suggests.6
3. Dagān as the patron-god of the city
Most of the deities found at the corpus are attested once only; however, theophoric PNs including
the DN Dagān are many (see Fig. 1), making it by far the most popular god in the onomasticon.
The abundance of attestations of Dagān in Azû PNs supports the widely-spread idea that Dagān
was the head of the pantheon in LBA Middle Euphrates.7 He was termed “Lord Creator” and had
the role of “Father of Gods”,8 being hence equated to deities such as An in Sumer or Enlil in
4. These individuals are Pazūrī-Dagān the scribe (Had 1:32; Had 2:37; Had 9:31; Ek 74:37; Ek 75:51);
@uzāmu, son of Abī-~ami#, (Had 1:28; Ek 75:46); Nūrī, son of Dagān-tillatī (Had 4:30; Ek 74:27) and
another scribe named Kunūri^ (Had 5:29; Ek 43:34; Ek 63:2’; Ek 69:7). See note on line 28 in
http://www.helsinki.fi/φwhiting/hadid01.html.
5. See Torrecilla 2015, 189-192.
6. Cohen (2010, 37) points out that shortened forms are by far more common in the Emar Syrian-type
texts – portrait-orientated – than in the Syro-Hittite ones, which used wider lines due to is landscape
orientation. In addition, none of these shortened forms is preceded by the dingir determinative, probably
due to the same space-economy purposes.
7. See, e.g., Crowell 2005, 217; Feliu 2003, 276-277 and Fleming 1993, 89.
8. Feliu 2003, 239-240.
Divine Names in the Tall Hadidi/Azû Texts 3
Babylon. Emar and Ekalte PNs also show an overwhelming preference for Dagān in the
onomasticon;9 this confirms the prominence of this god in the Middle Euphrates pantheon.
The spelling for Dagān is the usual in the Middle Euphrates: either dDa-gan and the logogram
dKUR are commonly used (31 and 18 attestations, respectively), sometimes at the same tablet for
one PN (e.g. Dagān-tari~ in Had 2:13,17; see Fig. 1).10 The sign Da is also used as an abbreviation
for Dagān in three PNs. 11 There is no further information in the Azû tablets about why the
logographic writing dKUR was used for Dagān.12 Still, we know that Emarite Syro-Hittite scribes
preferred this writing to the syllabic one;13 therefore, I believe that the ambivalent use of both
writings in the Azû tablets hints at a proximity in time to the Syro-Hittite period.
In addition, Dagān is the only deity – with the sole exception of A^tar, see Fig. 3 – which is
found outside of the onomasticon in Azû.14 This is because Dagān is portrayed as patron-god in
Azû – especially in Had 4 and Had 5, where Dagān appears as real estate owner –, what strengthens
his prominence in the local cult. In Emar and Ekalte, the role of the local patron-god is played by
other divinities, namely NIN.URTA in Emar and Ba‛laka in Ekalte.15 The patron-god is a figure
linked to the governing collective institutions of the town, which in the case of Azû are the
Brothers (a~~ū).16 The patron-god appears in contracts – most of them public real estate sales –
where this deity is claimed as the owner of the plot of land sold to private individuals. The actual
owners of the plot of land in question were the council of Brothers of the town, who are
mentioned as co-owners in the texts.17 Dagān plays this role in Azû, as attested in Had 4:12-15 ([É-
9. 47% of the theophoric PNs in Ekalte (75 out of 154) refer to Dagān (see Torrecilla 2014, 241). For
Emar, see Feliu 2003, 250-263.
10. A vast majority of the Ekaltian PNs use the syllabic spelling Da-gan (277 times), whereas the logogram
dKUR is seldom attested (8 times); see Torrecilla 2014, 240.
11. Ba‘lī-Da(gān): Had 2:10,33; Had 9:21 (m.dEN-li-Da); Ibni-Da(gān): Had 5:19 (mIb-ni-Da); Ikki-Da(gān):
Had 9:9,10 (Ik-ki-Da).
12. On dKUR for Dagān, see Feliu 2003, 215-216; Pruzsinszky 2003, 50 or Roche-Hawley 2012, 153. Mayer
(2001, 9) observes a significant relation between the usual meaning of logogram KUR – šadu “mountain”
– and the elevated location of the Ekalte temples, one of which was dedicated to Dagān. Mayer stresses
the disposition of the previously mentioned temples, at the top of the acropolis and parallel to Mt. Ğabal
‛Arūda.
13. As Cohen (2009, 96) puts, the spelling dKUR for Dagān is “typical of, although not exclusive to, Syro-
Hittite scribal traditions”. See also Feliu 2003, 216.
14. There are many references, epithets and attributes of Dagān in the liturgical texts of Emar, as well as
several references to a temple of Dagān at Emar (E 370:46; E 386:20; E 387:25; E 392:3; E 394:37; E
446:96; E 448:18; E 452:40). See Beckman 2002, 41-42 and Feliu 2003, 237-249. Dagān is also mentioned
in curses and oaths in the Ekalte tablets (see Torrecilla 2014, 200-201); however, no examples of these
curses (see below, fn. 29) are recorded in the Azû texts.
15. See Mayer 2001, 19-21.
16. See Torrecilla 2012, 66.
17. The same legal formula is used in public sales from Emar and Ekalte. In the latter, for instance, the
common formula is used as follows: (Real estate) ša dBa-a~-la-ka ù LÚ.MEŠši-bu-ut URUKI KI dBa-a~-la-ka ù
LÚ.MEŠši-bu-ut URUKI be-lu-ú (real estate) PN DUMU PN a-na x GÍN KÙ.BABBAR #ur-pí a-na ŠÁM
TIL.LA (real estate) i-ša-am LÚ.MEŠši-bu-ut URUKI KÙ.BABBAR ma-a~-ru ŠÀ-šu-nu DÙG.GA, “The (real
estate) belongs to Ba‛laka and the Elders of the town. From Ba‛laka and the Elders of the town, owners
of the (real estate), PN, son of PN, for x shekels of refined silver, as a total price, has purchased the (real
estate). The Elders of the town have received the silver, they are satisfied”. Ek 3:13-22; Ek 4:9-21; Ek
5:10-21; Ek 6:10-19; Ek 7:9-19; Ek 8:10-19; Ek 9:9-21; Ek 10:10-20; Ek 11:20-30; Ek 61:9-20; Ek 62:5-
11; Ek 73:12-23; Ek 74:9-20; Ek 80:4-13.
4 Eduardo Torrecilla
tu]m an-nu ša dDa-gan [ù LÚ]MEŠa~-~i [KI d]Da-gan ù LÚ.MEŠa~-~i [be-lu?] É-ti “This house belongs to
Dagān and the Brothers. From Dagān and the Brothers, owners of the house...”) and Had 5:6-8 (É-
tum ša dDa-gan ù UR[U?]KI KI dDa-gan ù LÚ.MEŠ[email protected] be-el “The house belongs to Dagān and
the town. From Dagān and the Brothers, owners...”).
Dagān is also supposed to receive a part of the fine imposed to future claimants against the
agreement, what is stipulated via the formula šum-ma ur-ra-am še-ra-am É-tim/-ta i-ba-qa-rù x
KÙ.BABBAR-pa a-na dDa-gan/dKUR x KÙ.BABBAR-pa a-na LÚ.MEŠa~-~i Ì.LÁ.E.MEŠ “Whoever in
the future claims the house will pay x [shekels of] silver to Dagān [and] x [shekels of] silver to the
Brothers” (Had 4:23-27; Had 5:13-17). 18 This custom was also usual for the Emar and Ekalte
patron-gods.19
Finally, the patron-god Dagān is also claimed to be the owner of the cylinder seal which
validated the contracts. This seal is mentioned in Had 4:39 (NA4.KIŠIB [ša] dDa-gan), Had 5:31
(NA4.KIŠIB ša dDa-gan) and Had 9:32 (NA4.KI[ŠIB] [d]KUR).20 Out of the seven seal impressions
preserved in the Azû tablets,21 one of the two seals catalogued T-11, imprinted on Had 5 – which
claims to bear the seal of Dagān –, portraits a seated divinity receiving a standing man, whose
gesture indicates greeting or obedience, and another figure probably representing an interceding
goddess.22 Interestingly, this scene is similar to the one portrayed in the Ekalte seal of Ba‛laka, the
patron-god.23
PN SCRIPT LINE(S)
Abī-Dagān A-bi-dKUR Had 13:4
A~ī-Dagān A-~i-dKUR Had 9:27
Dagān-Ba‛la m.dDa-gan-EN Had 3:39
Dagān-enni [m.dDa-gan-en-ni] Had 11:1’’
Dagān-kīnu dKUR-GI Had 9:26
[d]Da-[gan]-ma-li-i[k?] Had 3:34
Dagān-malik dKUR-[ma]-l[ik]? Had 12:25
(m.)dDa-gan-na
Had 1:15; Had 2:31; Had 4:10;
Had 5:4; Had 7:3,13; Had 9:18
Dagān-na
[dDa-gan-na] Had 3:11,26
dKUR-na Had 2:22
(m.)dDa-gan-na-i Had 2:34; Had 3:41; Had 6:31
Dagān-na’i m(.d)KUR-na-i Had 9:28
18. Interestingly, Had 5:16 reflects the buyer – Ilī-a~ī, son of &ur^i – and not the Brothers, as fine receiver.
19. Cf. the formula used in Ekalte: ša ur-ra-am še-ra-am (real estate) i-bá-qa-ru 1 li-im KÙ.BABBAR-pa a-na dBa-
a~-la-ka 1 li-im KÙ.BABBAR-pa a-na URUKI Ì.LÁ.E, “Whoever in the future claims the (real estate) will
pay 1000 [shekels of] silver to Ba‛laka [and] 1000 [shekels of] silver to the town”. Ek 2:21-25; Ek 3:23-28;
Ek 4:21-25; Ek 5:22-25; Ek 6:20-23; Ek 7:20-24; Ek 8:20-22; Ek 9:21-25; Ek 10:21-24; Ek 11:31-33; Ek
61:21-24; Ek 62:12-16; Ek 73:24-28; Ek 74:21-23; Ek 79:3’-5’; Ek 80:17-21.
20. Ba‛laka, the patron-god of Ekalte, is also claimed owner of the official public seal with the same formula
NA4.KIŠIB dBa-a~-la-ka (ù LÚ.MEŠši-bu-ut URUKI) “Seal of Ba‛laka (and the Elders of the town)” (Ek 7:44;
Ek 8:36; Ek 11:50; Ek 61:42; Ek 73:44). The same occurs in Emar with the patron-god NIN.URTA (see,
e.g., E 2, E 3, E 4, RE 35, RE 52, RE 59).
21. They can be found in Dornemann 1979, 147 and Beyer 2001, 3.
22. Dornemann 1979, 146-147; Dornemann 1980, 220-221.
23. Cf. Werner 2004, 28 (MBQ-III 4559).
Divine Names in the Tall Hadidi/Azû Texts 5
dDa-gan-ta-ri-i~ Had 2:13
Dagān-tari~ dKUR-ta-ri-i~ Had 2:17; Had 5:3
dKUR-ta-ri-[i~] Had 4:8
Dagān-tillatī dKUR-ti-la-ti Had 4:30
Dagān-zaki dKUR-za-ki Had 13:4
Dagān-[......] [d]D[a-gan-......] Had 3:18
Ip-~ur-dKUR Had 2:15,20
Ip~ur-Dagān mIp-~ur-dDa-gan Had 3:38; Had 9:5
mIp-~ur-dD[a-gan] Had 3:4
Ipqī-Dagān Ip-qí-dDa-gan Had 1:11,12
mI-ri-ib-dKUR Had 4:28
Ir’ib-Dagān mIr-ib-d[KUR] Had 5:33
mIr-ib-dDa-gan Had 12:22
Yarīb-Dagān Ia-ri-ib-dDa-gan Had 4:33
Itar-Dagān I-tar-dDa-gan Had 3:37
Yatūr-Dagān Ia-túr-dKUR Had 6:34
Ma-ti-dKUR Had 6:43
Mati-Dagān
Ma-ti-dDa-gan Had 6:48
Pazūrī-Dagān mPa-zu-ri-dDa-gan Had 1:33; Had 2:37; Had 9:31
Yā^ur-Dagān m[I]a-šur-dDa-gan Had 4:6
m$í-lu-dKUR Had 12:19
$illu-Dagān m$í-lu-dDa-gan Had 14:5
Ba‘lī-Da(gān) m.dEN-li-Da Had 2:10,33; Had 9:21
Ibni-Da(gān) mIb-ni-Da Had 5:19
Ikki-Da(gān) Ik-ki-Da Had 9:9,10
Fig. 1: Dagān in the Azû PNs.
4. The Storm God – IŠKUR, Ba‛la, Teššup
Evidence reflecting different cultural variations of the Storm God is found in the Azû tablets. The
West-Semitic Storm God Ba‛la – spelled Ba-a~-la, Ba-la or with logograms dEN and BE – coexisted
with the Hurrian Storm God Teššup, represented with the abbreviated form Te. The logogram
IŠKUR, used not only for Ba‛la and Teššup but also for Addu in the Middle Euphrates texts, is also
attested in six PNs. However, the ambivalence of the reading of IŠKUR prevents from identifying
which Storm God is referred to in each case (see Fig. 2).
The coexistence of different manifestations of the Storm God is common throughout Syria
during the Second Millennium. This is due to the confluence of Western Semites, Hurrians,
Hittites, and Assyrians in the territory. The mixture of different traditions and religions also
provoked a confluence of different Storm Gods, such as Addu, Ba‛la, and Teššup – all of which
were represented with the logogram dIŠKUR.24 This was also the case for the logogram dU (dX,
d10), common in Emar but unattested in Ekalte and Azû. On the contrary, dEN – which stands for
24. As an example of this, Oliva (2002, 82) points out that dIŠKUR is interchangeably used for Addu and
Teššup in the Amarna letters. As for examples on the ambivalent use of dIŠKUR for both Addu and
Ba‛la in Emar, see Pruzsinszky 2003, 186 (fn. 368).
6 Eduardo Torrecilla
bēlu “lord” – is used exclusively for Ba‛la, although Ba‛la is often equated to dIŠKUR in the PN
IŠKUR-Ba‛la (Had 13:6).25
Six PNs contain the element dIŠKUR in Azû, including IŠKUR-kabar ((m.)dIŠKUR-GAL), a well-
documented PN given that it is the name of at least two Emarite kings from the 2nd dynasty.26 No
mentions to IŠKUR or the other forms for the Storm God are found out of the onomasticon in
Azû; however, it is widely documented in Emar religious texts27 and also in Ekalte, where I KUR is
summoned – usually together with Dagān – in curses against contract offenders. This is possibly
due to the patron-god nature of Ba‛la, who would admittedly be the figure hidden behind I KUR.28
These curses were established in order to “destroy the name and the offspring” of whoever
modified the clauses stipulated at the contract in question.29
The West-Semitic deity Ba‛la is the most attested Storm God in Azû. Local scribes seemingly
preferred EN as the main form for Ba‛la; Ba-la or Ba-a~-la are scarcely found.30 Likewise, the use of
the sign BE for Ba‛la, also documented in Emar and Ekalte,31 is recorded in a few examples from
Azû – Itar-BE (Had 9:23) and Zula-BE (Had 4:37, Had 12:25).
Ba‛la enjoyed a high preponderance in the Middle Euphrates pantheon, since it is the second
most represented god in the PNs from Emar, Ekalte and Azû.32 This is confirmed by the Azû
onomasticon evidence, although there is no direct mention of Ba‛la in the few unearthed tablets.
The importance of Ba‛la within the Emarite pantheon is doubtless;33 there, a temple dedicated to
Ba‛la was located at the highest spot of the city, next to the sanctuary in honor of Aštarte.34 On the
other hand, Ba‛la was the patron-god of Ekalte; whenever Ba‛la appears in the texts playing the
25. This PN is widely attested in both Ekalte (see Torrecilla 2014, 156-157) and Emar (see CD-ROM, 185-
189, 332), where the writing dU-EN is also found. However, one must bear in mind the possible
translation “lord” for EN in this PN, but the dingir determinative is sometimes used for both elements in
this PN, resulting in dIŠKUR-dEN (e.g. Ek 54:1, Ek 61:14). A similar case occurs in the PN Ba‛lu-
Te(ššup) (EN-lu-Te) in Had 13:3. Note, however, the strange equation to Dagān which occurs in the PN
Ba‛lī-Dagān (m.dEN-li-Da); despite the dingir determinative before EN, the use of the genitive and the
character of Dagān – not a Storm God – leads to propose “My lord is Dagān” as the correct translation.
26. See CD-ROM, 208-218 under Ba‛lu-kabar.
27. For attestations of dIŠKUR and dU at Emar, see Beckman 2002, 44-45.
28. The patron-god NIN.URTA, and not I KUR, is the god summoned alongside Dagān in this kind of
curses in Emar (see, e.g. E 125:35-41 and RE 15:31-35). However, note the preference for the syllabic
writing Ba-a~-la-ka for Ba‛la in Ekalte, usually in the same texts. On the other hand, Schwemer (2007,
139-140) remarks how Adad and Šamaš were often called on together as divine witnesses in legal affairs.
Given the well-known role played by Adad/Addu as god of law and guardian of oaths in Assyria and
Upper Mesopotamia, one could suggest the possibility that IŠKUR refers to Addu and not to the patron-
god Ba‛la in the curses.
29. With few exceptions, the pattern of these curses in Ekalte is ša a-wa-ti an-né-ti ú-na-kar/i-bá-qa-ar dIŠKUR
ù dDa-gan NUMUN-šu i-~al-liq “Whoever these words modifies, may IŠKUR and Dagān destroy his
offspring”. Ek 2:26-27; Ek 7:27-28; Ek 11:34-35; Ek 22:3’’-5’’; Ek 43:25-27; Ek 70:14-16?. Ek 6:24-25
shows a curse against claimants (not offenders) where the punisher is IŠKUR alone.
30. Cf. Zū-Ba‛la in Had 3:38 (Zu-Ba-la), Had 5:28 (Zu-Ba-a~-la) and Had 13:3 (Zu-Ba-la).
31. Cohen 2010, 37.
32. The importance of Ba‛la would grow in time in the area of current Syria, as can be discerned from the
Ugarit archive (Schwemer 2008, 9-10).
33. Even the patron-god NIN.URTA is placed after Ba‛la in the offering lists (Schwemer 2008, 14). For the
different epithets of the Storm God in the Emar liturgy, see Beckman 2002, 41 [Ba‛al (dBa-‘-lu @alab) and
B lu (dEN, EN)].
34. Fleming 1994b, 129. See also Schwemer 2001, 553-561 and del Olmo 2006, 177-188.
Divine Names in the Tall Hadidi/Azû Texts 7
patron-god role, its name is constantly spelled dBa-a~-la-ka),35 the meaning of which is unclear.36 On
the contrary, dBa-a~-la-ka occurs only once in the Ekalte PNs, suggesting a well-established
difference between Ba‛la and its local character Ba‛laka. As mentioned above, Ba‛laka plays in the
Ekalte legal contracts the same role as the patron-god Dagān in Azû: it is portrayed as “owner” of
the real estate sold to an individual by the Elders or ^ībūtū – the main council in Ekalte, as opposed
to the Brothers (a~~ū) from Azû; Ba‛laka is also supposed to receive punishment fines imposed to
claimants37 and is also claimed to be the owner of the official public seal (MBQ-III 4559).38
Teššup, a god of Hurrian origins, 39 is also present in the Azû texts, although there is no
complete syllabic record of its name. Always found as a second element of theophoric PNs, the
scribes constantly used the abbreviated form Te for Teššup in the nearly ten PNs which have been
preserved. In the same way as for Ba‛la, the presence of Teššup in Azû is also determined by the
occurrences of logogram dIŠKUR, which could also refer to the Hurrian Storm God.40
DEITY PN SCRIPT LINE(S)
Ba’lī-Da(gān) m.dEN-li-Da Had 2:10,33; Had 9:21
Zu-Ba-la Had 3:38; Had 13:3
Zū-Ba‛la mZu-Ba-a~-la Had 5:28
Dagān-Ba‛la m.dDa-gan-EN Had 3:39
mA-bi-EN Had 3:42
Abī-Ba‛la [A-bi]-EN Had 4:38
A-bi-dEN Had 6:42
Yatūr-Ba‛la Ia-túr-EN Had 4:31
Ba‛la
Ba‛la-\ābi/u EN-\a-bi Had 4:32
Ba‛la-malik dEN-ma-lik Had 5:25
Ilī-Ba‛la Ì-lí-EN Had 13:2
Ba‛lu-Te(ššup) EN-lu-Te Had 13:3
IŠKUR-Ba‛la dIŠKUR-EN Had 13:6
Itar-Ba‛la I-tar-BE Had 9:23
mZu-la-BE Had 12:25
Zula-Ba‛la
Zu-[la]-BE Had 4:37
IŠKUR Had 1:32; Had 7:15;
IŠKUR-kabar (m.)dIŠKUR-GAL
(Addu/Teššup/Ba‘la?) Had 12:28
35. Ek 61:23 (dBa-a~-la) is the only exception, although a complete writing dBa-a~-la-ka can be found at the
same tablet. On no occasion is the patron-god’s name written logographically.
36. Mayer (2001:19) proposes that the name could be an abbreviation of either “Ba‛la Ekalte” or “Ba‛la
kabar”. Considering the existence of shortened PNs and shortened legal formulae (e.g. Ek 11:34-35; Ek
62:19-20), the second alternative – dBa-a~-la-ka=Ba‛la ka(bar) – seems more likely.
37. Only in Ek 74:21-23 is Ba‛laka absent in the economic fine clause.
38. See Werner 2004, 28. The Storm God is the most represented deity in the Ekalte glyptic.
39. As Schwemer (2008, 4) explains, the presence of Teššup in the Middle Euphrates pantheon is due to the
abovementioned cultural merge of traditions, especially thanks to the Hurrian military expansion during
the Late Bronze Age. According to Laroche (1981, 487), the iconography of the Hurrian Storm God
adopted typical attributes of Addu and Ba‛la, such as the lightning bolts, the mallet, or the bull.
40. For instance, cf. Ewri-Teššup (mEN-dIŠKUR, CD-ROM, 323) or Talmi-Teššup (mTal-mi-dIŠKUR, CD-
ROM, 765) in Emar. An example of a doubtless logographic mention of Teššup is Uri-Teššup (mÚ-ri-dU-
up), as well as @išmi-Teššup (@i-iš-mi-dU-up), both in Emar (CD-ROM, 386, 808). The addition of the
phonetic complement –up to dU for Teššup might mean that a specification to identify the Storm God in
question was necessary.
8 Eduardo Torrecilla
IŠKUR-tagi m.dIŠKUR-ta-gi Had 2:15,19,32
IŠKUR-išdu m.dIŠKUR-DÚR! Had 5:25
IŠKUR-Ba‛la dIŠKUR-EN Had 13:6
I KUR-kīnu dIŠKUR-GI Had 13:6
IŠKUR-gamil m.dIŠKUR-ga-mil Had 14:4
A~u-Te(ššup)? mA-~u-ut-te Had 2:13
/A~utte? [mA-~u]-te Had 2:17
Ya~nu-Te(ššup) [m]Ia-a~-nu-Te Had 3:32
Dunnī-Te( up) mDu-ni-Te Had 9:9,10
Ta-ki-Te Had 9:12
Taki-Te(ššup)
Te(ššup) [Ta-ki]-Te Had 10:13
Itar-Te(ššup) mI-tar-Te Had 11:3’’
Yarīb-Te( up) mIa-ri-ib-Te Had 11:4’’
Ilī-Te(ššup) mÌ-lí-Te Had 12:20; Had 14:3
Ba‛lu-Te(ššup) EN-lu-Te Had 13:3
Na‘mi-Te(ššup) mNa-mi-Te Had 14:1
Fig. 2: The Storm gods in the Azû PNs.
5. Other divinities attested
Given the small number of tablets found at Tall Hadidi, the scarcity of attestations of other
divinities is not surprising (see fig. 4). However, the overwhelming difference between the high
popularity of Dagān and the Storm God in PNs, compared to other DNs, is remarkable. Nine
more gods are documented; however, most of them appear in only one PN.
5.1. Abba
A Babylonian divinity popular in the Mari onomasticon, 41 Abba could be attested in one
anthroponym in Azû, namely Illi-Abba (Ìl-lí-Ab-ba, Had 9:8).
5.2. Anna
A divinity of uncertain origin,42 Anna is found in the PN Zū-Anna (Zu-An-na, Had 2:14,18; Had
5:18,20,34), a well-attested PN in both Emar and Ekalte.43 Besides, Anna gave its name to a month
(“The month of An[na]”: E 446:77’) in the ritual calendar of Emar.44
41. Durand (2008, 268) identifies two different divinities, both present in the archives of Mari: the god Abba
and the goddess Aba. Aba is also present in the Emar texts (dA-ba, E 380:17), but neither female nor
male condition is specified. Beckman (2002:40) adds that Aba’s origin was West Semitic. Abba is also
attested in one PN in Ekalte (Abba-šu, Ek 79:18’). As for Emar, cf. CD-ROM, 4-9.
42. Beckman 2002, 40. Some scholars prefer to consider Anna as a Syrian deity, despite his presence in the
Hittite pantheon. See Haas 1994, 568; also van Gessel 1998, 30.
43. See CD-ROM, 828-830 and Torrecilla 2014, 183-184.
44. In the offering lists to gods from Emar, one can find An-na (ša) kib-ri (“Anna of the river bank”) in E
373:99, E 381:16, E 382:5, and 392:7. Other direct mentions to Anna in Emar are found in E 447:13 and
E 471:26. See Cohen 1993, 344, 356, 358 and Beckman 2002, 40.
Divine Names in the Tall Hadidi/Azû Texts 9
5.3. Anu
The theophoric formula Zū-DN is common among the Middle Euphrates PNs;45 Zū-Anu (Zu-A-
nu, Had 7:16) is another example, although the Akkadian name for An – the Sumerian King of the
Gods – is not found in Emar or in Ekalte.
5.4. Aštar
Apart from Dagān, A^tar is the only DN attested out of the onomasticon in the Azû texts. 46
Interestingly, this deity is mentioned as a seal owner ([NA4].KIŠIB dAš-tar) at the end of a badly-
preserved text (Had 12:34) presumably concerning a will dictated by a man named Šurši.
Unfortunately, the bad preservation of the will clauses prevents from obtaining information about
the role played by Aštar in the legal context of the town, as well as its connection to the Brothers,
had there existed any. Interestingly, the DN A^tar is also found in one PN, namely Ilī-A^tar, at the
witness list of the same tablet (Had 12:27).47
DEITY FUNCTION SCRIPT LINE(S)
House owner; LÚ.MEŠa~-~iša dDa-gan Had 4:2
identification with the dDa-gan Had 4:12,14,39
Dagān Brothers dKUR Had 4:25
House and seal owner dDa-gan Had 5:6,7,15,31
Seal owner [d]KUR Had 9:32
Aštar Seal owner dAš-tar Had 12:34
Fig. 3: Gods attested out of the onomasticon in the Azû texts.
5.5. Aya / Ea
Aya/Ea, the Akkadian god of water, is found in the PN Aya-A~ī (Had 9:3). It is also recorded in
the Emar onomasticon and liturgical texts, where Ea is the protagonist of one of the kissu festivals
and a temple is mentioned to have been dedicated in its honor.48 This god is present in two PNs in
45. See CD-ROM, 826-857 and Torrecilla 2014, 183-186.
46. Attestations of Aštar at Emar (dAš-tar): E 373:101; E 378:39; E 384:4. Beckman (2002, 41) records two
local alternative characters in Emar, i.e. Aštar-~aši (dINANNA-~a-ši, E 767:25; dAš-tar-~a-ši, CM 13 25:8)
and Aštar-#arba (dAš-tar-#a-ar-ba, HCCT-E 3:6). Both of these characters could be connected to the
goddess Aštarte, what suggests that Aštar could be some variation of Aštarte’s name (see Torrecilla 2014,
218-219). No records of the goddess Aštarte are preserved in the Azû texts, although it is present in both
Emar (see Beckman 2002, 41) and Ekalte (in the PN Zū-A tarti, Ek 59:2).
47. It is tempting to think that the seal owner could actually be Ilī-A tar himself, rather than the goddess.
However, this would imply the omission of the first element of the PN, and PNs were constantly
shortened in their second element (see Cohen 2010). Only one exception comes to mind: Da-kabar (Ek
1:11’; Ek 30:17; Ek 39:28; Ek 81:10), where the first element Da(gān) is shortened – not omitted.
48. See Beckman 2002, 41 (dA-Υa) and 42 (dÉ-a). See also Torrecilla 2014, 222-223 and CD-ROM, 302-304.
10 Eduardo Torrecilla
Ekalte – Ea-DINGIR and Ea-b lī –, where the DN is spelled dÉ-a.49 Ea also appears in the Ekalte
glyptic, especially in the seal MBQ-III 4568.50
5.6. El
One of the most important divinities in the Ugaritic mythology, El (’Ilu) is found in the PN Abu-El
(Had 2:32). Since El is not recorded in the Emar texts, this god is only attested once again in the
rest of the Middle Euphrates archives, namely in the PN @ammu-El (@a-mu-Él) in a text from
Ekalte (Ek 82:2).
5.7. Iš~ara
The Syrian goddess Iš~ara is found at a well-attested PN in the Middle Euphrates texts – Abdi-
Iš~ara (Had 6:33). This goddess is well documented in the Emarite liturgical texts (dIš-~a-ra)51 and is
also present in several invocations, festivals and offering lists. In fact, Archi (1993, 77) claims that
Iš~ara had a high relevance within the Emarite pantheon.52 In Emar, seven theophoric PNs contain
the name of Iš~ara,53 contrarily to Ekalte and Azû, where only the PN Abdi-Iš~ara (ÌR/Ab-di-dIš-~a-
ra) is recorded.54
5.8. Ra(šap)
The West-Semitic underworld deity Rašap is probably found in the PNs Ip\u/Yap\u-Ra and Yadu-
Ra, using an abbreviated form for the DN. No complete writings for Rašap are documented in
Azû, either syllabically or logographically. Ra for Rašap is common in Emar; Pruzsinszky (2003, 49)
and Cohen (2010:33) found examples of PNs in which Rašap’s name is abbreviated to Ra, in the
same way as Da for Dagān and Te for Teššup.55 Interestingly, Rašap is not found in the Emar
49. dÉ-a-[DINGIR] (Ek 36:34); dÉ-a-be-li (Ek 98:5,9,44). Torrecilla 2014, 141.
50. One of its symbols – the goatfish – has also been identified in MBQ-III 4576. Ea could also appear in
MBQ-III 4570 – a figure seemingly flanked by two streams of water –, but Werner (2004, 48) prefers to
identify this figure with the so-called “Sechslockiger Held”. The Emar glyptic also portraits Ea. See
Torrecilla 2014, 222-223; Beyer 2001, 327 and Espak 2010, 216-217.
51. See Beckman 2002, 44; also Prechel 1996, 164-165.
52. One of the Emar kissu festivals (E 387) was dedicated to her and the Emar patron-god NIN.URTA, to
whom she was paired (CM 13 19:3); in addition, one of the sacrifice texts from Emar mentions a temple
of Iš~ara (É dIš-~a-[ra], E 446:32). Finally, Prechel (1996, 74-75) remarks a text from the time of Muršili II
in which Iš~ara is appealed as “Iš~ara of Aštata”, what proves the high importance of the goddess in the
cult practiced throughout the whole land. See Cohen 1993, 356-358; Prechel 1996, 77-87; and
Westenholz 2000, xv.
53. Abdi-I^~ara, Nadi-I^~ara, Nami-I^~ara, Tupki-I^~ara, Warad-I^~ara, I^~ara-ilī, I^~~ara-ummī (Prechel
1996, 89-90).
54. This PN appears in numerous texts in Ekalte, since it was the father’s name of a well-attested individual,
the ~azannu $illu-Dagān (Mayer 2001, 29, 41). It is also invoked in a curse in Ek 98:39 and possibly in Ek
91:17-21 (under the spelling dNIN-É.GAL).
55. An example is the PN Abī-Ra^ap (A-bi-Ra) in AuOrSI 3:27; AuOrSI 47:29; AuOrSI 50:36; EM
99:200,13; HCCT-E 21:11,29; HCCT-E 22:49; RE 52:30; RE 61:26; RE 70:6. See CD-ROM, 55.
Divine Names in the Tall Hadidi/Azû Texts 11
liturgical texts, 56 being only found as an element of theophoric PNs. 57 Ekalte scribes show a
preference for logograms rather than the syllabic dRa-ša/sa-ap spelling: dGÌR, dIGI and
dMAŠ.TAB.BA for Rašap are attested. All of these logograms were previously used for Nergal, the
Mesopotamian god of the Underworld.58
5.9. Šamaš/Šimige
The Sun God is included in one PN, which refers to the deity with the well-known logogram UTU
(m.dUTU-a). In fact, UTU is permanently the writing used for Šamaš in the Middle Euphrates,
instead of the syllabic one.59 The reading of the whole PN is unclear, given the second element –a.
Thus, either Šamaš (Šamša) or the Hurrian Sun god Šimige/a could be read.60
DEITY PN SCRIPT LINE(S)
Abba Illi-Abba Ìl-lí-Ab-ba Had 9:8
Had 2:14,18; Had
Anna Zū-Anna (m)Zu-An-na
5:18,20,34
Anu Zū-Anu Zu-A-nu Had 7:16
Aštar Ilī-A tar Ì-lí-Aš-tar Had 12:27
Aya/Ea Aya-a~ī mA-ia-a-~i Had 9:3
El Abu-El A-bu-El Had 2:32
Iš~ara Abdi-Iš~ara Ab-dì-Iš-~a-ra Had 6:33
Yadu-Ra? mIa-du-Ra Had 2:6
Yap\u-Ra Ia-ap-\ú-Ra Had 4:35
Ra(šap)
Had 6:41; Had 10:32;
Ip\u-Ra Ip-\ú-Ra
Had 12:28
Šamaš-a / Šamša /
Šamaš/Šimige m.dUTU-a Had 9:20
Šimiga
Fig. 4: The rest of divinities in the Azû PNs.
6. Conclusions
Even though the Azû archive is too limited to reach definitive conclusions, a few aspects on the
religious contexts of this Middle Euphrates settlement are remarkable. Firstly, the abundance of
56. On the other hand, Rašap is represented in the Emar glyptic (see Beyer 2001, 310-312).
57. Apart from the abbreviation Ra, the common syllabical forms are Ra-ša-ap, Ra-šap and Ra-šap-pa. The
logogram used is dGÌR and is found almost exclusively in Syrian-type tablets (Pruzsinszky 2003, 49).
58. See Torrecilla 2014, 227-228; Roche-Hawley 2012, 155-158; Mayer 2001, 138 (fn. 4); Litke 1998, 197 (no.
302).
59. For the epithets of Šamaš in Emar (dUTU), see Beckman 2002, 49. Šamaš is also present in five Ekalte
PNs, as well as in the glyptic from both Emar and Ekalte (see Torrecilla 2014, 231-232; Beyer 2001, 308-
309; Werner 2004, 45).
60. Cf. dUTU-ga, in which Pruzsinszky (2003, 51, fn. 27) suggests that -ga could be an abbreviation of -gamil,
but also a phonetic complement to specify the identity of Šimige. A hypocoristic form should not be
discarded, either.
12 Eduardo Torrecilla
attestations of the god Dagān in PNs supports the commonly accepted idea that this god was the
head of the Middle Euphrates pantheon. In addition, Dagān is given yet more prominence in Azû,
since he is also portrayed as patron-god, which, as in Ekalte and Emar, is portrayed as the owner of
public real estate properties. On the contrary, Dagān was not the patron-god in Ekalte or Emar.
The different characters of the Storm God (Ba‛la, Teššup, IŠKUR) follow, in a very similar
pattern than the one found in bigger Middle Euphrates archives. Most of the rest of deities
symbolically documented in Azû are also present in the Emar or Ekalte texts. However, they are
too few and are too scarcely attested to reach reliable conclusions about them.
It is remarkable to find abbreviations for DNs such as Da (Dagān), BE (Ba‛la), Ra (Rašap) or Te
(Teššup) in the Azû PNs, a scribal practice also found in Emar and Ekalte, probably for space
economy purposes. Likewise, the regional tradition of using the logogram dKUR for Dagān is also
recorded, even at a higher proportion than in Ekalte.61
To sum up, the few religious data from Azû seem to share, in general terms, the religious
context of the Middle Euphrates archives, in which there is an overwhelming preference for Dagān
in the theophoric PNs. Details like DNs abbreviations or the use of logogram dKUR support a
chronological relation between the Azû, Ekalte and Emar Syrian-type tablets and, indeed, two
scribes – Pazūrī-Dagān (Had 1:32; Had 2:37; Had 9:31; Ek 74:37; Ek 75:51) and Kunūri^ (Had 5:29;
Ek 43:34; Ek 63:2’; Ek 69:7) – are attested in both Azû and Ekalte. However, little can be added
from Azû to what is already documented on the Middle Euphrates religious traditions.
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