The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background

BEYOND HATTI Gary M. Beckman BEYOND HATTI A TrIBuTE TO GArY BEckMAN edited by Billie Jean collins and Piotr Michalowski LOckWOOD PrESS ATLANTA All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by means of any information storage or retrieval system, except as may be expressly permitted by the 1976 copyright Act or in writing from the publisher. requests for permission should be addressed in writing to Lockwood Press, P.O. Box 133289, Atlanta, GA 30333, uSA. © 2013 by Lockwood Press ISBN: 978-1-937040-11-6 Library of congress control Number: Number: 2013901050 his paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper). contents Publications of Gary Beckman vii Preface xvii Abbreviations xix Alfonso Archi he West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background 1 Mary r. Bachvarova Adapting Mesopotamian Myth in Hurro-Hittite rituals at Hattuša: IŠTAr, the underworld, and the Legendary kings 23 Joel P. Brereton he r̥gvedic Ghosā Hymns and the Atirātra 45 Billie Jean collins he Place of KBo 13.145 in the Hantitaššu Text Tradition 63 Marjorie Fisher A Diplomatic Marriage in the ramesside Period: Maathorneferure, Daughter of the Great ruler of Hatti 75 Benjamin r. Foster Albert T. clay and His Babylonian collection 121 Harry A. Hoffner, Jr. “he king’s Speech”: royal rhetorical Language 137 Stephanie W. Jamison A Sanskrit riddle in hree Movements rig Veda V.84 155 H. craig Melchert Luvian Language in “Luvian” rituals in HattuŠa 159 v vi Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman Piotr Michalowski he Steward of Divine Gudea and His Family in ur III Girsu 173 Alice Mouton Le rituel d’Allī d’Arzawa contre un ensorcellement (CTH 402): une nouvelle édition 195 Elizabeth E. Payne Accounting for Gold in a Period of unrest 231 carole roche-Hawley and robert Hawley An Essay on Scribal Families, Tradition, and Innovation in hirteenth-century ugarit 241 Jack M. Sasson Prologues and Poets: On the Opening Lines of the Gilgamesh Epic 265 Brian B. Schmidt he Social Matrix of Early Judean Magic and Divination: From “Top Down” or “Bottom up”? 279 Piotr Steinkeller he umma Field ušgida and the Question of GAršana’s Location 295 claudia E. Suter he Divine Gudea on ur III Seal Images 309 Terry G. Wilfong Dig Dogs and camp cats at karanis: he Animals of the 1924–1935 university of Michigan Expedition to Egypt 325 Gernot Wilhelm Texts and royal Seals of the Middle Hittite Period from the “House of the chief of the Guards” at Hattuša 343 Index of Ancient Sources 355 The West Hurrian Pantheon and Its Background Alfonso Archi 1 . he Hittite versions of Hurrian poems and epics, together with poorly preserved fragments (with the exception of the Epic of Freeing) in the original language, reveal the great debt owed by the Hurrians to Babylonian culture. he ability to create lengthy compositions in free verse is a literary form that they acquired by adapting certain written Akkadian epics to their own tastes (e.g., Gilgameš), and possibly also by listening to bards singing in the Mesopotamian language. certain themes in these poems, such as the separation of Heaven and Earth and the succession of various generations of gods, derive from Babylonia, as do the tasks of the god Ea. he logogram É.A does not, therefore, “translate” the name of a Hurrian god. On the contrary, Enlil (the name of the supreme Sumerian god) corresponds to kumarbi according to a Syro-Hurrian theological equation, since both have the title of “father of the gods”; it is for this reason that kumarbi resides at Nippur (according to kingship in Heaven).1 2. here are numerous cases of cultures that were profoundly inluenced by contact with other societies. here was a remarkable exchange between the Sumerian and Akkadian lexicons, resulting from contact between and superimposition of the two ethnic elements. he fact that the East Semites acquired cuneiform writing from the Sumerians, together with the tools required for learning this complex system of writing (lexical lists, “literary” works used as school texts), had a profound impact on Akkadian “literary” texts. It is impossible to propose an overall evaluation of Hurrian culture and its relations with that of Babylonia. he Hurrian documentation 1. Alfonso Archi, “Translations of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, DAGAN/NISABA, Ḫ alki,” OrNS 73 (2004) 319–36. 1 2 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman resembles a landscape convulsed by a cataclysm, from which only islands of diferent geological strata emerge.2 he administrative documents from the region of Nuzi (northern Mesopotamia; iteenth–fourteenth centuries), where the Hurrian language was in use, were drawn up in an Akkadian that was inluenced by the spoken vernacular.3 As early as the start of the nineteenth century, in the area stretching from northern Mesopotamia to eastern Anatolia, as far as Kaneš, part of population was already Hurrian-speaking. In an eighteenth-century treaty between Till-abnû, king of Šehna (Tell Leilan), and Aššur, the deities invoked by name are followed by “the gods of Amurru and Subartu (di ng i r MAR.TU ù Šu-ba-ri-im),” that is, the Amorite and Hurrian deities, intending “all the other gods” (T.L.-5 I 21).4 In Amorite Mari a woman of the harem writes to king Zimri-lim, “I will pray for you before Tešup (? dIŠKUR) and Hebat” (ARM 10.92, 22–23). From Tikunani (south of Samosata) we have a prism of king Tunib-Teššub (a contemporary of Hattušili I of Hatti) with roughly three hundred personal names, the vast majority of which are Hurrian.5 he court of Mittani, at Waššukanni (near one of the sources of the Habur river; iteenth–fourteenth centuries), like all the other eastern courts used Akkadian as the language of diplomacy, as shown by the letters of Tušratta, a contemporary of Amenhotep III and Amenhotep IV. A princess of Mitanni, however, arrived to the Egyptian court proudly introduced by a long letter in Hurrian (EA 24). Religious texts from Aleppo and Mukiš 2. A general presentation of the spread of Hurrian-speaking peoples has been given by homas Richter, “Die Ausbreitung der Ḫ urriter bis zur altbabylonischen Zeit: Eine kurze Zwischenbilanz,” in 2000 v. Chr. Politische, wirtschatliche und kulturelle Entwicklung im Zeichen einer Jahrtausenwende, ed. J.-W. Meyer and W. Sommerfeld. Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschat 4 (Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Druckerei, 2004), 263–311. 3. See Gernot Wilhelm, Untersuchungen zum Ḫurro-Akkadischen von Nuzi, AOAT 9 (Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker, 1970). Previous important studies are A. Leo Oppenheim, “Zur Landessprache von Arrapḫa-Nuzi,” AfO 11 (1936/37) 56–65; Albrecht Goetze, “Some Observations on Nuzu Akkadian,” Language 14 (1938) 134–43. 4. Jesper Eidem, he Royal Archives from Tell Leilan. Old Babylonian Letters and Treaties from the Lower Town Palace East (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 2011), 417, 425. 5. Mirjo Salvini, he Ḫ abiru Prism of King Tunip-Teššub (Roma: Istituti Editoriali e Poligraici Internazionali, 1996). Also a small administrative tablet, probably from the same unknown place, presents only Hurrian personal names (Gernot Wilhelm and R. Akdoğan, “Ein Täfelchen über Gerstenrationen aus Tigunānu(?),” AoF 37 (2010) 159–62. Alfonso Archi 3 (the region of Alalah) are only known from secondary sources in the Hittite archives. Roughly half of the population of Alalah VII (second half of the seventeenth century) had Hurrian names;6 at Alalah IV (iteenth– fourteenth centuries) this proportion rises to around three-quarters.7 Conirmation of this is provided by tablets from Tell Ais (55 km south of Aleppo), from the period of Hattušili III.8 Some letters found at Qatna sent by various individuals, including Takuwa, king of Niya, and Hannutti, a Hittite general, to King Idadda, a contemporary of Šuppiluliuma I, are in Akkadian. hey include, however, terms explained by Hurrian glosses and words—even verb forms—as elements in Akkadian phrases.9 Niya lies in the Ghab, near Apamea, and this shows that in inner Syria, between the coast and the valley of the Euphrates, the spoken language was Hurrian.10 6. Anne Drakorn Kilmer, Hurrians and Hurrian at Alalaḫ: An Ethno-Linguistic Analysis (Ph.D. diss.: University of Pennsylvania, 1959). 7. For the use of the Hurrian language in Mukiš, notice that the whole ritual of Allaituraḫḫi “the woman from Mukiš ”(CTH 780; Volkert Haas and Hans Jochen hiel, Die Beschwörungsrituale der Allaituraḫ (ḫ )i und verwandte Texte, AOAT 31 [Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1978]; Volkert Haas and Ilse Wegner, Die Rituale der Beschwörerinnen SALŠU.GI, ChS I/5 [Rome: Multigraica, 1988), nos 1–39]) had to be originally in Hurrian. 8. Alfonso Archi, “he Cuneiform Tablets of Ais,” OrNS 81 (2012) 32–55. 9. For the Hurrian glosses in the Alalah IV tablets, see Ignacio Márquez Rowe, “Notes on the Hurro-Akkadian of Alalaḫ in the Mid-Second Millennium B.C.E.,” in Past Links: Studies in the Languages and Cultures of the Ancient Near East, ed. Shlomo Izre’el, Itamar Singer and Ran Zadok (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1998), 67 (with previous bibliography). 10. homas Richter, “Kleine Beiträge zum hurritischen Wörterbuch,” AoF 32 (2005): 23–44; idem, “Ḫ urriter und Ḫ urritisch im Bronzezeitlichen Syrien,” in Motivation und Mechanismen des Kulturkontaktes in der Späten Bronzezeit, ed. Doris Prechel (Florence: LoGisma, 2005), 145–78; idem, “Šuppiluliuma I. in Syrien. Der ‘Einjährige Feldzug’ und seine Folgen,” in Ḫ attuša - Bogazköy. Das Hethiterreich im Spannungsfeld des Alten Orients, ed. Gernot Wilhelm, Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschat 6 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2008), 197–203. Richter (“Ḫ urriter und Ḫ urritisch im Bronzezeitlichen Syrien,” 147) writes: “(Verschiedene Überlegungen machen es deutlich,) daß das Hurritische in weiten Teilen der heutigen Republik Syrien gesprochene Sprache war und als Erstsprache (‘Muttersprache’) zu gelten hat, wenngleich man gegenwärtig davon wird ausgehen müssen, daß es stets neben anderen (semitischen) Sprachen existierte, denen vermütlich ebenfalls der Status einer Umgamgssprache zugebilligt werden muß.” 4 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman 3. Although our knowledge of the Hurrian lexicon is incomplete, and is, moreover, gleaned from diferent areas and periods, this does sketch out the priviliged relations enjoyed with Babylonian culture.11 Some loanwords are not of much signiicance since they are: a) only attested in vocabulary lists: kurum(m)ati “food allowance” (RS 94-2939); b) technical terms: šin(n)iperuḫḫe “of ivory” (< šinni pīri); c) Kulturwörter: kāzi (< kāsu) “cup” (Bil.); d) names of animals and trees: kunkalle (< kukkallu) (a breed of sheep) and nāli (< nālu) “deer” (Bil.), šerminḫi (< šurmēnu) “cypress”; e) units of measure: šiklate (< šiqlu) “shekel,” parizzate (< parīsu; a measure of capacity).12 he few terms relating to the exercise of power do not reveal any cultural dependency. he Hurrian word for “lord, king” is ewri, allai being its feminine counterpart.13 Hurrian endan qualiies Tiš-atal of Urkiš (in a Hurrian inscription), while Atal-šen is LUGAL of Urkiš and Nawar (in an Akkadian inscription). For Tupkiš of Urkiš both the titles of endan and LUGAL are attested.14 Endan has been interpreted as a profession name: en+dan, from Sum. en, Akk. enu(m), considering also that the logogram for “king” in the texts from Ebla and Nabada (Tell Beydar) was e n.15 In essence e n was the Sumerian word for “king” in Uruk, while lug a l was the term in Ur, and e ns i 2 was the term in Girsu. he scribes of Ebla (and Nabada) chose en as the logogram for malkum (their word for “king”), because they knew that lug a l was already equated to šarrum in other Semitic speaking centers (e.g., Mari).16 he scribes of Naram-Sin had to 11. Erich Neu, Das hurritische Epos der Freilassung I, StBoT 32 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996) (= Bil.); idem, Das Hurritische: Eine altorientalische Sprache in neuem Licht (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1988), with a useful index. GLH: Emmanuel Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, RHA 34–35 (1976–77) 1–323. RS 94.2939: Béatrice André-Salvini and Mirjo Salvini “Un nouveau vocabulaire trilingue sumérienakkadien-hourrite de Ras Shamra,” SCCNH 9 (1998) 3–40; “Addition and Corrections to SCCNH 9 (1998) 3–40,” SCCNH 10 (1999) 434–35. For terms without quotation, see Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite. 12. Neu, Das Hurritische: eine altorientalische Sprache in neuem Licht, 16, notes 41–42. 13. Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, 85–86, 42–43. 14. Giorgio Buccellati and Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati, “Überlegungen zur funktionellen und historischen Bestimmung des Königspalastes AP in Urkeš,” MDOG 133 (2001) 91. 15. Gernot Wilhelm, “Die Inschrit des Tišatal von Urkeš,” in Urkesh and the Hurrians. Studies in Honor of Lloyd Cotsen, ed. Giorgio Buccellati and Marilyn KellyBuccellati, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 26 (Malibu: Undena, 1998), 121–23. 16. Alfonso Archi, “Les titres EN et LUGAL à Ebla et des cadeaux pour le roi de Kish,” MARI 5 (1987) 37–52. Alfonso Archi 5 face the same problem when they had to report the campaigns of their king in Upper Mesopotamia, from the Transtigris to the Jezirah. he local rulers could not be compared with the Akkadian king. he scribes chose, therefore the logogram en; RIME 2, E2.1.4.25 33–36 and E2.1.4.2: “he governors (ÉNSI.ÉNSI) of Subartum and the lords of the Upper <Lands> (EN.EN a-lí-a-tim).” hat en-dan would be a neologism created in the scriptorium of Urkiš and in the northern regions by Hurrian scribes aware of the use of e n by the Akkadian scribes in their royal inscriptions is possible, but not so evident. he Hurrians received few words related to the administrative organization: Akk. ’akallu (< Sum ’à-g a l ) “palace”;17 ḫ alzi (< ḫ alsu) “fortress; district,” see also ḫalzuḫlu “commandant of a ḫ.”; to the echange activity: tamkari (< tamkāru) “merchant,” tamkarašši “proits”; puḫukaru (< pūḫu) “replacement.”18 Concerning religion, instead, there is a strong Akkadian inluence. he ritual KUB 27.38 (ChS I/5)19 (probably a ceremony concerning kingship) includes material from three diferent periods.20 In the irst column there is a Hurrian song related to the preparation of wool igures representing divinized “kings,” šarrēna (I 23). he names of these kings are listed in I 1–7. he irst names are missing; it follows (the images) “of the divine kings,” Dšarri=n(a)=āš=e, of Atal-šen (king of Urkiš and Nawar), of the Sea, of a mysterious Immar, of the Mountains, of the Rivers (all with the divine determinative). he god list in col. II belongs in general to a more recent period than the section of the divinized kings. In III 13 a list begins with famous “wise kings (šarrēna)” of the ancient time, opened by NaramSin (with divine determinative, according to the Akkadian tradition!) and Sargon of Akkad (here the text breaks of). In IV 9–11 there is Audalumma king (ewri) of Elam, followed by Iammašku king (ewri) of Lullu and Kiglipadalli king of Tukriš (IV 13–14); then Man-ištušu “king (ewri), the older son of Sargon” and Šar-kali-šarri (IV 22–25). he preceding section (IV19–21) introduces two divine kings: “Silver, king (ewri), as king (šarra) 17. Wilhelm, “Die Inschrit des Tišatal von Urkeš,” 129–30. 18. Jeanette Fincke, “Beiträge zum Lexicon des Hurritischen von Nuzi,” SCCNH 7 (1995) 17–19. 19. For a general treatment of this ritual, see Stefano de Martino, “KUB XXVII 38: Ein Beispiel kultureller und linguistischer Überlagerung in einem Text aus dem Archiv von Bogazköy,” SMEA 31 (1993) 121–34. 20. Annelies Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis, Träume und Vorzeichenschau bei den Hethitern, THeth 7 (Heidelberg: Winter, 1976), 89. 6 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman …; Hedam(mu), king (ewri), Kumarbi created you as king (šarra).”21 Šarre(na) are the divine kings, while ewri is the earthly king.22 Šarri is the common epithet for Teššub,23 while Hadda of Halab, on whom Teššub had been superimposed, was bēlu “lord (of Halab).” His spouse Hepat was allai “lady,”24 not šarratu; already from the Ebla period the female partners of the gods were called ba‘ltum “lady” (not maliktum or the feminine of šarru!).25 here was a ceremony of “kingship,” šarrašši concerning Teššub, and of “ladyship,” allašši, for Hebat.26 A “Song of Kingship,” šarraššyaš SÌRRU, KBo 8.88 obv. 8–9, was recited, together with the “Song of the Sea,” on the occasion of a festival for Mt. Hazzi (CTH 785). As Howink ten Cate writes: “It is attractive to assume that the ‘Song of Kingship’ of the festival description was identical with either the Hurrian original, the preferable option perhaps, or with the Hittite redaction of the ‘Song of Kingship in Heaven.’”27 Other Akkadian loanwords relating to the sphere of religion are šankunni (< šangû) “priest”; šukkalli (< šukkallu) “vizier (of gods)”; arni (< arnu) “guilt”; the epithet ḫ azzizzi (< ḫ asīsi) “understanding.” 4. M.-Cl. Trémouille has noted a tendency to mention varying gods with epithets:28 Allani “the Lady (of the Netherworld)”; Hutena “(hose) 21. Gernot Wilhelm, “König Silber und König Ḫ idam,” in Hittite Studies in Honor of Harry A. Hofner Jr. on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, ed. Gary Beckman, Richard H. Beal, and Gregory McMahon. (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2003), 393–95. 22. Kammenhuber, Orakelpraxis, Träume und Vorzeichenschau, 89. 23. Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, 217. 24. Emmanual Laroche, “Panthéon national et Panthéons locaux chez les Hourrites,” OrNS 45 (1976), 98; idem, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, 42. 25. Francesco Pomponio and Paolo Xella, Les dieux d’Ebla, AOAT 245 (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1997), 111–21. 26. Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, 216–17; Hans Martin Kümmel, Ersatzrituale für den hethitischen König, StBoT 3 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1967), 47–49. 27. Philo Howink ten Cate, “he Hittite Storm God: His Role and His Rule According to Hittite Cuneiform Sources,” in Natural Phenomena. heir Meaning, Depiction and Description in the Ancient Near East, ed. Diederik J. W. Meijer (Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1992), 117. 28. Marie-Claude Trémouille, “La religion des Hourrites: état actuel de nos connaissances,” SCCNH 10 (1999) 288–89. Volkert Haas (Geschichte der hethitischen Religion [Leiden: Brill, 1994], 309) adds Pairra “die Bauenden” and Irširra “die Säugenden(?),” formed with the suix -iri-. Alfonso Archi 7 of favoring”;29 Hutelluri “midwife”;30 Mušuni “(She) of justice”;31 Ebrimuša “the Lord of justice”;32 Ša(w)uška “the Great”;33 Tiyabenti “(he/she) who speaks favorably.”34 he names of two of the principal deities are ethnic indicators: Kumarbi “(He) of Kumar”;35 Nabarbi “(She) of Nawar.”36 his situation is not peculiar to Hurrian. Among the Hittite gods, there are the Storm God Tarḫun(t) “the Victorious”; the Tutelary God(s) Innara / Innarawantes, Annari / Annarumenzi “the Forceful(s)”; Išhašara “the Lady.”37 5. Pan-Hurrian gods38 were Kumarbi; Teššub (in the inscription of Tišatal of Urkiš: IM; one of his major sanctuaries was in Kumme, east of the Upper Tigris, attested in documents of the OB period),39 Urartian Teišeba (of Qumenu);40 Šimeki (Šimeka(-n) in Tišatal’s inscription); the 29. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 309. 30. Ibid., 483 with note 131. 31. Gernot Wilhelm, “Mušun(n)i, Mušni,” RLA 8 (1993–97), 498–99. Originally an independent goddess, Mušuni forms usually a dyad together with Hebat already according to MH texts. 32. Heinrich Otten, “Ibrimuša,” RLA 5 (1976–80) 23. 33. Ilse Wegner, “Der Name des Ša(w)uška,” SCCNH 7 (1995) 117–20. 34. Ilse Wegner, “Grammatikalische und lexicalische Untersuchungen hurritischer Beschwörungen aus Bogazköy,” in Hurriter und Hurritisch, ed. Volkert Haas, Xenia 21 (Konstanz: Universitätsverlag Konstanz, 1988), 152. 35. he name has to be derived from kum- “tower,” as well as Kumme, the cult-place of Teššub, to be placed east to the Tigris (Gernot Wilhelm, “Kumme und *Kumar: Zur hurritischen Ortsnamenbildung,” in Beiträge zur altorientalischen Archäologie und Altertumskunde. Festschrit für Barthel Hrouda zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Peter Calmeyer, Karl Hecker, Liane Jakob-Rost and C. B. F. Walker [Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994], 315–19. 36. Volkert Haas, “Nabarbi,” RLA 9 (1998–2001) 1–2. he Lady of the pasture land (naw-) was orginally a goddess of the Upper ̮abur. Although nawar cannot be related with Nagar (contra Michael Guichard, “Zimrî-Lîm à Nagar,” MARI 8: 334–37), it is probable that this goddess has to be identiied with the Lady of Nagar and the Haburītum of the Ur III texts. 37. On the name-giving of the gods, see Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 308–11. 38. In general, see Gernot Wilhelm, he Hurrians (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1989), 49–57. 39. Wolfgang Röllig, “Kumme,” RLA 6 (1980–83), 336–37. 40. It is probable that Teššub was the dominant god already from the end of the third millennium; see Daniel Schwemer, Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschrikulturen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001), 444– 50. 8 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman Sun God (in the inscription of Atalšen: UTU); Kušuh, the Moon God;41 Nubadig (Tišatal: Lubadag);42 Šawuška (Atalšen: INANNA); Nergal of the Sumerian-Akkadian tradition (Tišatal, Atalšen: a Hurrian god equated to him, e.g., Aštabi?);43 the Lady (NIN) of Nagar (Tišatal) hat of the kingdom of Arrapḫe (sixteenth and iteenth centuries b.c.e.) is an example of a pantheon in an eastern region formed by panHurrian and local gods.44 he bowl of Hasanlu (ca. eleventh century), with three male deities in the topmost register: the Moon and the Sun Gods each in a chariot drawn by mules, the Storm God in a chariot drawn by a bull; in the lower registers: a hero ighting a monster with human head and its lower body enclosed in a mountain (the Storm God and Ullikummi); Ištar/Šawuška on two rams, exposing her nude body; the presentation of a newborn child by a female igure (a midwife) to an enthroned god (Ullikummi presented to Kumarbi), shows (according to the fascinating interpretation by Edith Porada45) the persistence of the cult of pan-Hurrian gods and mythical motives in the east until the beginning of the irst millennium b.c.e. A goddess of eastern origin who occupied a position of a certain importance in the West Hurrian pantheon is the Elamite Pirinki/ar: a type of Ištar.46 he pantheon of Mittani listed in the treaty of Šattiwaza with Šuppiluliuma I responded to political needs, diferent from those of a cultic pantheon. It opens with Teššub of Heaven and Earth; Moon (Kušuh) 41. Heinrich Otten, “Kušuḫ,” RLA 6 (1980–1983), 382–83. 42. Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, 186–87; Gernot Wilhelm, “Lupatik, Nubatik,” RLA 7 (1987–90), 173–74. 43. he name is written dKIŠ.GAL in Tišatal’s inscription, dKIŠ.UNU.GAL in that by Atal-šen, see recently Wilhelm, “Die Inschrit des Tišatal von Urkeš,” 124–25. Giorgio Buccellati (review of La civiltà dei Hurriti. La Parola del Passato 55. WO 34 [2004] 212) has suggested that this logogram should be red Kumarbi. In favor of the identiication with Nergal is the presence of dU.GUR (who was also the major god at Hayaša) in later documents, Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 367–68. 44. Karlheinz Deller, “Materialien zu den Lokalpanthea des Königreiches Arrapḫe,” OrNS 45 (1976) 33–45; the data are epitomized in Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 544–45. 45. Edith Porada, he Art of Ancient Iran (New York: Crown, 1965), 97–101; the interpretation of the two following igures on chariots as the Sun and the Moon Gods, was suggested by Pouran Diba, “Le vase en or de Hasanlu, le déilé du cortège divin,” Iran 3 (1965) 127–32. 46. Gary Beckman, “he Goddess Pirinkir and Her Ritual from Ḫ attuša (CTH 664),” Ktema 24 (1999) 25–39; Piotr Taracha, “Pirengir,” RLA 10 (2003–5) 570–71. Alfonso Archi 9 and Sun (Šimeki), the local Moon of Harran; some local form of Teššub; Ea lord of wisdom; Sumuqan of Gurta; Anu and Antum; Enlil and Ninlil; the Indo-Aryan deities Mitra-ššil, (W)aruna-ššil, Indra, Našattiyana; the subterranean watercourse of Šamanminu (the Baliḫ-river?); some local forms of Teššub (e.g., of Irrite); Pardahi of Šuda; Nabarbi; Šuruhhi; IštarVenus-star; Šala; Belet-ekalli; Damkina; Išhara.47 Teššub’s epithet “of Heaven and Earth” is derived perhaps from the Syrian milieu (the beginning of the Ugaritic god list is also organized according to cosmological principles48). he several hypostases of Teššub and other local deities deine approximately the core of the kingdom, therefore having a political function. Ea lord of wisdom, the two couples Anu-Antum and Enlil-Ninlil, as well as Belt-ekalli and Damkina are derived directly from the Babylonian theology. Šala and Išhara were instead Syrian goddesses. he Indo-Aryan deities concerned the cults of the Mittanian aristocracy. 6. he cult lists of the Hurrian gods known to us come from the western regions. heir origin lies in the canon established in Aleppo before Šuppiluliuma I, transmitted to Kizzuwatna and Hatti. he less extensive lists of Ugarit also relect the Aleppo ordo. E. Laroche reconstructed the lists from Aleppo (1948), published those of Ugarit (1968), and, with insight, interpreted this data (1976).49 At the head of the pantheon are Teššub and his consort Hebat, each of whom is followed by a court (kaluti) of deities, respectively male and female. he Hurrians received Hebat from the local cult: she had been the consort of the Storm God Hadda of Halab at least from the twenty-seventh century.50 his division by gender was an innovation introduced by the Hurrians residing at Aleppo (there is no evidence to suggest that it derives, instead, from Amorite or pre-Amorite tradition). his probably relects the positioning of images and symbols of the gods in the temple of Aleppo. According to KUB 29.8 (ChS I/5 no. 9) I 3–7, 50–57, the gods were aligned 47. his list is given in Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 542–43. 48. For an edition of the list, see Dennis Pardee, Ritual and Cult at Ugarit, WAW 10 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2002), 19–21. 49. Emmanuel Laroche, “Teššub, Hebat et leur cour,” JCS 2 (1948) 113–36; idem, “Textes hourrites en cunéiformes alphabétiques,” in Ugaritica V, ed. J. Nougayrol, E. Laroche, Ch. Virolleaud and Cl. F. A. Schaefer (Paris: Geuthner), 497–533; idem, “Panthéon national et Panthéons locaux chez les Hourrites,” 94–99. 50. he name Hebat is a later form of dḪ a-a-ba-du, /ḫa(l)abājtu/, “She of Halab,” the paredra of Hadda of Halab in the Ebla period (Alfonso Archi, “Studies in the Pantheon of Ebla,” OrNS 63 [1994] 249–51). 10 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman along the right side, the goddesses on the let.51 he two processions of Hurrian gods at Yazilikaya, instead, portray the male and female gods moving respectively from the let and the right towards the center. Teššub is followed by six major gods: Tašmišu (his “pure brother”), Kumarbi, Kušuh, Šimeki, Aštabi, Nubadig. A third group of male gods follows, in varying order. he goddesses who come immediately ater Hebat enjoy these positions because they are the consorts of the male gods in the second group (phonetic writings reproducing the Akkadian names alternate with logograms). It is only ater these that the goddesses of great importance in the cult appear: Šawuška, Išhara, Allani. Teššub / IM / U Tašmišu / Hitt. Šuwaliyat Kumarbi / NISABA (= Dagan) / EN.LÍL É.A (Hayya) Kušuh / 30 / EN.ZU (Sîn) Šimegi / UTU Aštabi / NIN.URTA Nubadig ~ Hebat Ø ~ NIN.LÍL ~ Damkina (DAM.KI.NA) ~ Nikkal (NIN.GAL) ~ Aya (A.A) (- Ekaldu)52 Ea (Hayya) is a Babylonian god. Hurrian texts attribute to this god the Akkadian epithet: “lord of wisdom,” bēl ḫasīsi (attested in the Tušratta treaty), Hurr. māti-ni, Hitt. ḫattannas LUGAL-uš (the epithets may be divinized: dMati dḪ azzizzi). Also received along with him are his spouse Damkina and his vizier Izzummi (Akk. Isimud/Ušmû). he fact that, in Hurrian “songs” Ea plays a role similar to that attributed to him in the Babylonian myths, shows that the god was received directly from Babylonia. he cult of the god had reached Mari as early as the irst centuries of the second millennium.53 51. Volkert Haas, Die Serien itkaḫi und itkalzi des AZU-Priesters, Rituale für Tašmišarri und Tatuḫepa sowie weitere Texte mit Bezug auf Tašmišarri, ChS I/1 (Roma: Multigraica, 1984), 89. 52. he sequence dAya dE/Ikalti / dE/Ikaldun is a Syrian misinterpretation of Aya kallātu “Aya the spouse (of the Sun),” the usual epithet of this goddess, see Laroche “Teššub, Hebat et leur cour,” 133. Notice that the most aberrant forms occur in Hurrian texts, probably because the Hittite scribe was not acquainted with this name, KUB 45.41 II 10: dA-ya e-ni-kal-d[u(-); 23.13 I 19: dA-ya-ni-kán-du. 53. he most recent presentation of this local “pantheon” is in J.-M. Durand, “La religion amorrite en Syrie à l’époque des archives de Mari,” in Mythologie et religion des Sémites occidentaux I, Ébla, Mari, ed. Gregorio del Olmo Lete (Leuven: Peeters, 2008), 198. Alfonso Archi 11 he other male gods are Hurrian. Lubadag is attested already in the Tišatal’s inscription (dLu-ba-da-ga); the texts from Hattuša ofer the forms Lubadig/Nubadig (in Ugarit: Nbdg).54 It is possible that the natures of Šimeki (the Sun)55 and Kušuh (the Moon) were inluenced, in part, by contact with Babylonia. he frequent use of logograms in writing the names of these gods and the fact that their spouses are just Babylonian names added to the list of male gods to provide symmetry (only Nikkal appears outside this list), must not, however, mislead us. he grouping of the gods is not a stereotyped reproduction of a Babylonian model,56 even though the Hurrians were already aware of the Mesopotamian pantheon from the Late Akkadian period on. Apart from Ea (Hayya), included in the Hurrian theology because of his particular personality, the gods of the second group already appear individually in the earliest commemorative inscriptions. he choice of gods in the inscriptions of Tišatal and Atalšen does not appear to have been inluenced by literary models, even though some names are written with logograms. (Nergal = Aštabi?).57 he use of logograms, favored by the cuneiform writing, meant that, already in that period, a correspondence had to be established between the major Hurrian gods and those from Babylonia with similar functions. Without such a comparison, we would know very little about the nature of certain Hurrian gods. Nikkal (NIN.GAL) holds an important position in the Hurrian pantheon,58 since her cult was already widespread in Syria. It reached Mari as early as the last century of the third millennium,59 and, further, Ugarit. 54. Initial lu- and nu- alternate also in Sumerian (D. O. Edzard, Sumerian Grammar (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 18. Note the OB misinterpretation: dNu-ba-an-da-ag (ARM 26/1 581, n. 281, 8: a god of Karkamish). 55. Šimegi’s vizier was the Hurrian Lipparu; Ilse Wegner, Hurritische Opferlisten aus hethitischen Festbeschreibungen. Teil I: Texte für IŠTAR-Ša(w)uška, ChS I/3.1 (Rome: Bonsignori, 1995), no. 1 obv. II 21. 56. Wilfred Lambert (“he Mesopotamian Background of the Hurrian Pantheon,” RHA 36 [1978], 129–34) suggested instead that the Hurrian pantheon was modelled on a Mesopotamian pantheon, possibly an archaic Sumerian one. 57. he inluence of a literary model may be in some cases quite marked in writing a commemorative document. A good example is given by the foundation inscription of Yaḫdun-Lim of Mari, which presents some formulas inspired by Babylonian models, e.g., ll. 137–147: “Enlil, judge of the gods, … Sin, the elder brother among the gods, … Nergal, the god of the weapon, … Ea, king of destiny.” 58. Fiorella Imparati, RLA 9 (1998–2001), 356–57. 59. Durand, “La religion amorrite en Syrie,” 198, 211. 12 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman he goddess was the spouse of Yariḫ; a Ugaritic hymn is dedicated to her. he Hurrian documents from Ugarit have not only the couple Kušuh— Nikkal, but also Umbu (’Ib)—Nikkal, as in the Hurrian-Hittite texts.60 Umbu is another name for the moon received by the Hurrians.61 7. Teššub received some traits from the Syrian Hadda. he Mountaingods Hazzi (> Gr. Kasion, the Jebel al-Aqra‘; Sapuna, the mountain of the Ugaritic Ba‘l, was the Kasion: ks)62 and Namni (the Anti-Cassius?) are associated with him.63 It is quite possible that these two mountains were included in the cult of Teššub at Aleppo, although there is no evidence for it.64 he Hurrians gave the names Šerri(š) and Hurri to the two bulls who drew the chariot of the Storm God; an attribute of Hadda of Halab already attested by the Eblaite documentation.65 Teššub inherited also Hebat, the spouse of Hadda of Halab from the third millennium.66 Kumarbi was equated with Enlil (the Sumero-Akkadian father of the gods) and Dagan, the Syrian god of the Middle Euphrates region.67 In the Hedammu and Ullikummi myths (as well as in other fragmentary documents of the Kumarbi cycle) his vizier is Mukišanu, whose name is derived from Mukiš, the region of the city of Alalah.68 Ša(w)uška and Ištar were equated already in the last centuries of the third millennium. 8. Several gods were received from the Syrian milieu. NIN.É.GAL, Bēlet-ekallim, appears together with NIN.GAL, Nikkal, already in the “old” pantheon of Mari;69 therefore, she was introduced to Syria from Babylonia already in the Ur III period. In the cult of Teššub of Halab (CTH 698) she is associated to Pithanu, KBo 14.142 I 16, dupl. KUB 27.13 I 10: dPitḫanu Ù ANA dNIN.É.GAL ŠA dU uruḪ alap. She is qualiied as concubine of 60. Manfred Weippert, “dNINGAL/Nikkal,” RLA 9 (1998–2001) 357–59. 61. Durand (“La religion amorrite en Syrie,” 211–12) suggests that this name was difused in Northern Jezirah. 62. Schwemer, Wettergottgestalten, 516 note 4194. 63. For a text in Hurrian where both mountain gods are mentioned, see ChS I/5 no. 97 rev. 9. 64. Schwemer, Wettergottgestalten, 229. 65. Alfonso Archi, “Hadda of Ḫ alab and His Temple in the Ebla Period,” Iraq 72 (2010) 11 with n. 44. 66. See note 50. 67. Archi, “Translations of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, DAGAN/NISABA, Halki.” 68. Wilhelm, “Mušun(n)i, Mušni.” 69. Durand, “La religion amorrite en Syrie,” 198. Alfonso Archi 13 Teššub, KBo 14.142 I 14, dupl. KUB 27.13 I 9: dNIN.É.GAL na-šar-ta-ašša / na-šar-ti-ya ŠA dIM/U;70 KBo 35.155 IV 5 (ChS I/3.2 no. 151):71 [ANA] E-ŠE-ER-TI dU-ub-bi-na. For Pithanu, see also KUB 45.28+39.97(+) I 5: GAM gišŠÚ.A dU dPitḫanuš ešzi “down at Teššub’s throne sits Pithanu.” NIN.É.GAL had to be represented in a particular fashion because a statue of her (ALAM, zalmi, dZalmi) is mentioned in the cult of Ištar of Šamuha (KUB 27.1 II 54; 47.64 III [2]) and Hattarina (KUB 45.37 III 12, 38, 11), in the (ḫ)išuwa festival (KBo 15.37 II 38; 33.181 obv. 12; KUB 40.102 II 13).72 he Hurrian writing is dPí-en-ti-kal-li, KUB 27.13 I 20; Ug. pdg.73 (d) Ur/Úr-šu-u/ú-i/e / (d)U-ur-šu-u/ú-i/e, followed always by (d)Iš-kal-li, belongs to the court of ̮ebat. Very few passages have only (d)Iškalli.74 A Hurrian passage of the (ḫ)išuwa festival, KBo 17.98 V 15–16 (dupl. KUB 40.103 I 1–2) (ChS I/3.2 nos. 140, 141) has: dUršui dIškalli d̮u-u[-ur-ni(?)] / a-am-ma-na (d)Iškalli, where āmmana could be an epithet of Iškalli. he Hurrianized ritual “aux dieux antiques” CTH 492 qualiies Iškalli as “witness of the goddess,” KUB 17.20 II 13–14: EGIR-ŠU-ma dḪ u-ur-niiš e-eš-zi GAM-ma dIš-ḫa-aš-ḫa-ar-na ŠI-PU / DINGIRMEŠ LÚ MEŠ e-eš-zi EGIR-ŠU-ma Iš-kal-li ŠI-PU DINGIRMEŠ MUNUSMEŠ e-eš!<-zi> “behind sits Ḫ ušurni, next sits Išhašharna witness of the male gods; behind sits Iškalli witness of the goddess” (in III 10–11: dIškalli kutruaš “Iškalli witness”).75 his term could be derived from Akk. ešgallu “great temple (also a name of the nether world)” (the gods listed in the ritual KUB 17.20 are the Anunnakkū), and attributed to Uršui (/Uršu=e/), therefore: “the great temple (of the nether world deities) of the city of Uršu(m)”; its original meaning must soon have been lost. An element received from literary tradition (perhaps in Syria) is dḪ i-inkal-lu-uš (KUB 17.20 II 8), dḪ e-en-kal-li (KUB 60.153:11): the phonetic writing of Sum. ḫé -g á l “abundance,” divinized in the Hurrianized ritual “aux dieux antiques” CTH 492.76 70. Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, 179. 71. Ilse Wegner, Hurritische Opferlisten aus hethitischen Festbeschreibungen. Teil II: Texte für Teššub, Ḫ ebat und weitere Gottheiten, ChS I/3.2 (Rome: Bonsignori, 2002). 72. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 382–83; Ben H. L. van Gessel, Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 363, 735–37. 73. Albrecht Goetze, “he Ugaritic Deities pdgl and ibnkl,” OrNS 9 (1940), 223–28; Laroche, Glossaire de la langue hourrite, 200. 74. Van Gessel, Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon, 203–4, 541–42 75. Laroche, “Teššub, Hebat et leur cour,” 128–29. 76. Volkert Haas, “Ḫ ingallu,” RLA 4 (1972–75), 416. 14 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman Hatni is followed by Piša(i)šaphi, an adjective (-ḫi) which refers to the name of a mountain god, who, in the Hurro-Canaanite myth KUB 33.108, rapes Ištar/Šawuška.77 Mount Pišaiša appears in the lists of the oath deities following Mt. Lebanon and Mt. Šariyana (Hermon); it was therefore close to the coast.78 9. Some deities already belonged to the pantheon of people of Semitic language settled in Syria already in the third millennium b.c.e., as the documents from Ebla have revealed.79 Among them there are Adamma; Aštabi(l); Hebat;80 Išhara; Rašap, who received a prothetic vowel before r-: dAršappa, dIršappa,81 in the Hurrian pantheon of Ugarit: eršp.82 He appears among the male gods in Hurrian cults celebrated at Hattusa (CTH 704, 705) sometimes with the epithet: dam-gàr-ra-(aš-)ši, dam-ki-ra-a-ši “(tutelary god) of the market,” KUB 34.102 II 13; KBo 33.208 II 11 (ChS I/3.2 no. 5); KBo 35.144 I 18 (ChS I/3.2 no. 23), as well as in the cult of Šawuška of Šamuha, KUB 27.1 II 23. In the third millennium, Šalaš was the consort of Wada’anu and also of Dagan of Tuttul.83 At Mari LUGAL / Bēl mātim (Dagan) is followed by Šalaš (written also NIN.Ḫ URSAGA). According to the Hurrian-Hittite 77. he texts KBo 14.142 I 10 and KUB 27.13 I 7 list Ištar followed by dPiša(i)šapḫi, relecting the connection between the two deities. 78. Jared L. Miller, “Piša(i)šapḫi,” RLA 10 (2003–5), 576–77. 79. Haas (in a study written before the publication of the Ebla documents: Volkert Haas, “Substratgottheiten des westhurrischen Pantheons,” RHA 36 (1978) 59–69) was the irst to consider the inluence of a substrate in the formation of the West-Hurrian pantheon. He attributed to the Syrian substrate the following deities: Išhara, Hebat, Lilluri, Kubaba, and Adamma. I have reconsidered several times this problem at the light of the Eblaite documentation: Alfonso Archi, “Substrate: Some Remarks on the Formation of the West Hurrian Pantheon,” in Hittite and Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, ed. Heinrich Otten, Ekrem Akurgal, Hayri Ertem and Aygül Süel (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1992), 7–14; “he Former History of Some Hurrian Gods,” in Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology, ed. Sedat Alp and Aygül Süel (Ankara: Uyum Ajans, 1998), 39–44; “Formations of the West Hurrian Pantheon: he Case of Išhara,” in Recent Development in Hittite Archaeology and History, ed. K. Aslihan Yener and Harry A. Hofner Jr. (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2002), 21–33. 80. See above note 50. 81. Van Gessel, Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon, 47–48. 82. Emmanuel Laroche, “Textes hourrites en cunéiformes alphabétiques,” in Ugaritica V, ed. Jean Nougayrol, Emmanuel Laroche, Charles Virolleaud and Claude F. A. Schaefer (Paris: Geuthner, 1968), 521. 83. Archi, “Šalaš Consort of Dagan and Kumarbi,” in Studio Historiae Ardens. Ancient Near Easten Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Howink ten Cate on the Occasion Alfonso Archi 15 tradition, Šaluš/Šalaš became the consort of Kumarbi because he had been equated with Dagan.84 Šalaš receives the epithet (d)Pitinhi “of Bitin” and follows Kumarbi, for example, ChS I/1 no. 9 I 16–18.85 his epithet: bidi-en-ḫi-(ni-da) is attested to already in an OB Hurrian document from Mari.86 Bitin is a city attested to in the Alalah tablets.87 It is in general diicult to attribute a divine name to a linguistic family. Names such as Adamma, Aštabil, Kubaba, and Šalaš are in any case hardly Semitic. According to the texts from Ebla, Adamma was the spouse of Rašap, while in the Hurrian pantheon from Kizzuwatna she forms a dyad with Kubaba, sometimes enlarged to include Hašuntarhi. Adamma gave the the name to the ninth month of the local calendar: dA-dam-ma-(um).88 Kubaba does not appear, instead, in the Ebla text, although she is attested as the goddess of Karkamiš already from the eighteenth century. he cult of dÁš/Aš-da-bíl was fairly widespread in the period of Ebla. his name is written dAš-ta/da-(a)-bi at Hattuša and Alalah (a month name), Aštb in the Hurrian god lists of Ugarit. In the Hurro-Hittite texts he is considered a warrior god. he writing dAš-ta-bí-il, attested in three documents from eighteenth-century Mari, conirms that the name ended originally in -l, even though it tended to disappear at this time as it is of His 65th Birthday, ed. heo P. J. van den Hout and Johan de Roos (Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 1995), 1–6. 84. Notice that the list of the deities invoked in the treaty from Tell Leilan L.T.-5 opens with [AN] / [dEN-LÍL] / [LUGA]L ma-tí-in /[dD]a-gán (Eidem, he Royal Archive from Tell Leylan, 329, 417): three denomination of the same god, because LUGAL mātim was the epithet of Dagan of Tuttul, and in Syria Dagan was equated to Enlil. According to a contract from Hana, “the king Šunuhrammu ofered a sacriice to Dagan of the Hurrians (i.e., Kumarbi: dDa-gan ša Ḫ ur-ri)” (Ignace J. Gelb, Hurrians and Subarians [Chicago, IL: he University of Chicago, 1944], 63). 85. Ilse Wegner, Gestalt und Kult der Ištar-Šawuška in Kleinasien, AOAT 36 (Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1981), 86–87; Daniel Schwemer, “Šaluš, Šalaš,” RLA 11 (2006–8) 590. 86. Fr. hureau-Dangin, “Tablettes Hurrites provenant de Mâri,” RA 36 (1939) 17, no 5, 3. 87. J. A. Belmonte Marín, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der Texte aus Syrien im 2. Jt. v. Chr. RGTC 12/2 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2001), 59–60. 88. Alfonso Archi, “Studies in the Ebla Pantheon, II,” OrNS 66 (1997) 416–17. Adam(ma) was a month name also at Emar; the pantheon of Emar included Adam(m)atera (Gary Beckman, “he Pantheon of Emar,” in Silva Anatolica. Anatolian Studies Presented to Maciej Popko on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, ed. Piotr Taracha (Warsaw: AGADE, 2002), 40. 16 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman demonstrated by I-bal-aš-ta-bi, the name of a man from the northern Habur region.89 hese gods of the Ebla period, who later did not belong to the Amorite pantheon, were, so to say, free to be included in the pantheon of newcomers, as the Hurrians.90 Among them there was also a great goddess, Išhara, who reached Babylonia from western Syria already in the Late Akkadian period. She was the tutelary goddess of the Eblaite kingship. Even the Hurrians were aware of this tradition, because in the Epic of Freeing she tries to protect Ebla against Teššub; moreover, a Hurrian document from Emar mentions Išhara of Ebla.91 A local god from the time of Ebla was instead Ammarik, whose name appears in a text in Hurrian listing mountains of Syria (including Pišaiša), and also in a Hittite document where the border of Karkamiš towards Mukiš are deined. Ater having conquered Haššum (a city north of Aleppo), Hattušili I brought from there to Hattuša the statuette of “the Storm God lord of Armaruk” (a corrupted form for Ammarik). he Hurrians had therefore inherited cult of a divinized mountain, which went back at least to the middle of the third millennium.92 10. Interference between Hurrian and West Semitic resulted in the concept “the god the father,” eni attanni; “the gods of the father,” enna attanni=wena (GLH, 63–64). he Hurrians, in becoming aware of Mesopotamian mythical narratives, acquired the idea of a succession of earlier generations of the gods, “the former, primeval gods,” ammatina enna, Hit. karuileš šiuneš. he most elaborate Akkadian writings on these “former gods” are to be found in later works such as the Epic of Creation (Enūma eliš) or the god list An = Anu ša amēli.93 he proem of Kingship in Heaven, which narrates the succession of kingship from Alalu to Anu, Kumarbi, and Teššub, invokes these gods: “[…] Let the primeval 89. Some not convincing Semitic etymologies of this divine name are listed in Pomponio and Xella, Les dieux d’Ebla, 75–76, included the bold one (pace Xella) by J. M. Durand: /yaštabi-il/ “El/he god has satisied himself.” At Ebla -BÍL is never used to represent -il “god.” 90. Archi, “he Former History of Some Hurrian Gods,” 41. 91. Archi, “Formations of the West Hurrian Pantheon,” 27–33. 92. Haas, “Zwei Gottheiten aus Ebla in hethitischer Überlieferung,” OA 20 (1981) 251–53. 93. he theme of an omniscent son of Enki destined by his father to be king of the gods, found in the Old Babylonian Song of Bazi (Andrew R. George, Babylonian Literary Texts in the Schøyen Collection, CUSAS 10 [Bethesda, MD: CDL, 2009], 1–15) inds an echo in the Hurrian poem of Ea and the Beast. Alfonso Archi 17 gods, who [. . . . .] mighty gods, listen! (it follows a list of these gods). … Let Ammezzadu, [Tuhuši(?) …] the father (and) mother of […] listen! Let [Enlil(?) and Apant]u, the father (and) mother of Išhara, listen. Let Enlil [(and) Ninlil …], who are the mighty (and) irmly established gods, listen!” “Father (and) mother” indicate the known (and unknown) ancestors of a deity, invoked in order that all the gods may be present. In the kaluti of Teššub,94 the bulls Šerri and Hurri are followed by (nos. 18–19): “the gods of the father of Teššub; the gods of the father of the sacriicer (DINGIRMEŠna attanni=wena ašḫušikkunni=na); similarly, in the kaluti of Hebat,95 the goddesses Adamma, Kubaba, Hašuntarhi are followed by (nos. 15–16): “the gods of the father of Hebat; the gods of the father of the sacriicer.” As well as for Teššub and Hebat the gods of the father are attested for other major deities: the Sun God Šimeki, NIN.GAL, Šawuška, Lilluri. Exceptionally, the gods of the father of Šimeki are qualiied as “male,” and those of Šawuška as “female”: an irrational division by gender.96 A list of the passages where the gods of the father occur is given by van Gessel,97 ad/t-d/ta-aš DINGIRMEŠ; 999: DINGIRMEŠA-BI; 1002–6: e-en-na / DINGIRMEŠ at-ta-an-ni-bi/we-na). A theological system can admit that a god has a father (and a mother). “he gods of the father of DN” is, instead, an anomalous expression, modeled on “the gods of the father of the sacriicer.” In Semitic Syria the cult of the god(s) of the father was widespread from the third millennium.98 An echo of this can be found also in the Tale of Appu and the Romance of Kešši, which the Hurrians composed in Syria.99 Used to refer to the gods, “the god of the father” is a misconception. 94. Reconstructed by Laroche, “Teššub, Hebat et leur cour,” 115–16. 95. Ibid., 121–22. 96. Wegner, Gestalt und Kult der Ištar-Šawuška, 44–46. 97. Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon, 980–81. 98. In some Syrian milieu these gods included also the deiied ancestors, according to Karel van der Torn, “he Domestic Cult at Emar,” JCS 47 (1995) 39. 99. Jana Siegelová, Appu-Märchen und ̮edammu-Mythus, StBoT 14 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1971), 23–24. Tale of Appu: attaš-miš DINGIRMEŠ-aš; Romance of Kešši: I Kiššiyaš attaš DINGIRMEŠ. he Month-festival KUB 2.13 VI 22–24 (Jörg Klinger, Untersuchungen zur Rekonstruktion der hattischen Kultschicht, StBoT 37 [Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996], 568–69) has: “he king drinks once in standing position the god of his father (DINGIRMEŠ A-BI-ŠU) from a cup. he singer sings in Hattian.” his (in origin) old text has some interpolations, e.g., two forms of Ištar in the preceding passages. 18 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman he Hurrian god lists from Ugarit, interpreting the respective lists in Ugaritic, reveal that the Hurrian theology had no diiculty in placing a “god father” at the head of its own pantheon, that is to say, an unnamed entity at the origin of everything: eni attanni “god father” (RS 24.295, 24.254); attanni “father” (24.274) enna-(šta) attanna-(šta) “gods fathers” (24.261), who were followed by El, Kumarbi, and Teššub.100 In light of the Hurrian to Ugaritic equivalence: ilib - DINGIR a-bi of the “Akkadian pantheon,” J. Nougayrol noted that “‘Dieu (ou: dieu) du père’ reste la traduction la plus ‘ingènue’ du texte accadien, et elle présente aussi l’avantage de convenir à tous les passages où ilib se rencontre. Cependant, a-bi peut être tenu également pour un st. abs. = st. cstr. de abu, d’où ‘Dieu (ou dieu) père’, … et, étant donné la place faite à ce dieu dans les textes rituels, il semble que cette interprétation soit préférable.”101 he Ugaritic pantheon opened with a genealogy, probably relecting a need to systemize resulting from the inluence of Babylonian thology: Ilib - El - Dagan - Ba‘l. Dagan only played a marginal role in mythopoetic thought (he usually appears in relation to his son, Ba‘l: bn b‘l) or in the Ugaritic cult; El is a igure created in the West Semitic milieu during the second millennium. he god El did not exist in the earliest Semitic pantheons: those of Ebla and Akkad.102 Still open to discussion is whether Ilib was “the god of the father,” that is “of the clan” (which would it in well with West Semitic tradition), or (less probably) was an artiicial igure, “god father.”103 he Hurrian pantheon did not follow the genealogy described in Kingship in Heaven. Following the Ugaritic order, Teššub was preceded irst by Kumarbi (equated with Dagan); then El (entirely extraneous to the Hurrians) and, lastly, a “god father”: a generic ancestor of the gods, since the sense of “the god of the clan” was not fully understood.”104 100. Laroche, “Textes hourrites en cunéiformes alphabétiques,” 519); “La syntaxe du hourrite n’autorise aucune hésitation: atta-nni “le père” est une apposition à en(n)i, “dieu” ou “le dieu” (Laroche, “Textes hourrites en cunéiformes alphabétiques,” 523). 101. Jean Nougayrol, “Textes suméro-accadiens des archives et bibliothèques privées d’Ugarit,” in Ugaritica V, 44–46. For the Semitic lists of Ugarit, see also Pardee Les textes rituels, Ras Shamra-Ougarit XII (Paris: Éditions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 2000), 292; idem, Ritual and Cult at Ugarit, 12–24. 102. Alfonso Archi, “Il in the Personal Names,” OLZ 91 (1996) 133–51. 103. See the long discussion in Pardee, Ritual and Cult at Ugarit, 187, 296–300, who interprets Ilib as /’ilu’abī/ > /’ilu’ibī/. 104. According to van der Torn, “Ilib (in general the deiied ancestor) stands (in this list) for a primeval deity whose reign has long since come to end” (“Ilib and the God of the Father,” UF 25 (1993) 385. Alfonso Archi 19 11. It is possible that Hutena and Hutellura, who belong to the kaluti of Hebat, have been modeled on the Syrian birth goddesses.105 E. Laroche has analyzed the name Hutellura as ḫ ute=ll=ur°=na: plural (-na), comitative (-ra-); Hutena as a nominal form, deriving both from the verb ḫ ut(e/i). From their Hittite equivalent Gulšeš, and the DINGIR. MAḪ MEŠ, he deduced that they were female divinities, and suggested the meaning “to favor” for the verb, in agreement with passages in the Mittani letter. he goddesses who determined one’s fate were seen as benevolent entities, auguring well.106 Hutena is “hose of favoring:” ḫ ud=we=na. In the Hurrian birth ritual KBo 27.1:10 (= ChS I/5, no. 98): MUNUSŠi-in-ti-maa-ni ḫ u-ti-il-lu-r[i], ḫ utilluri means “midwife,” being apposition of the personal name Šindimani.107 he Ugaritic pantheon has ktrt (Kotharāt) translated dSa-sú-ra-tum in the Akkadian version (RS 20.24), and ḫ dn ḫ dlr (Hutena - Hutellura) in the Hurrian lists. he Sumero-Akkadian Mother Goddess was assisted by seven assistants called “wombs,” Šassūrātu, who, because also of their equivalences in the Ugaritic lists, have to be identiied with birth goddesses.108 he Kotharāt were seven in number.109 he Kûšarātum were known also in the region of Mari.110 Proof of the interference between the Syrian and the Hurrian birth goddesses is that ḫ utilluri is the apposition to Šindimani in a Hurrian birth ritual KBo 27.1 (= ChS I/5, no 98, 10: MUNUSŠi-in-ti-ma-a-ni ḫ u-tiil-lu-r[i]) with the meaning of “midwife.” As Volkert Haas has remarked, the irst element of Šindimani is šind(i) “seven,” showing that the Hutena– Hutellura goddesses were a heptad,111 as well as the West Semitic Kotharāt. 12. While conquering Aleppo, Šuppiluliuma I was fully aware of the extraordinary importance of the cult of the city’s storm god in Syria and eastern Anatolia. hus he assigned religious functions to Telepinu, the 105. Alfonso Archi, “he Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and heir Diferent Traditions,” forthcoming. 106. Laroche, “Teššub, Ḫ ebat et leur cour,” 124–26. 107. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 483 108. Marten Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting, CM 14 (Groningen: Styx, 2000), 80–83. 109. Gregorio del Olmo Lete, “Mythologie et religion de la Syrie au II millenaire av. J.C. (1500–1200),” in Mythologie et religion des Sémites occidentaux, II: Émar, Ougarit, Israël, Phénicie, Aram, Arabic, ed. G. del Olmo Lete (Leuven: Peeters, 2008), 43. 110. Wilfred G. Lambert, “he Pantheon of Mari,” MARI 4 (1985) 529–30. 111. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 372–73. 20 Beyond Hatti: A Tribute to Gary Beckman son he established as king in Aleppo, while the task of wielding Hittite control over northern Syria was entrusted to another son, Piyaššili/Šarrikušu, king of Karkamiš.112 Hurrian rituals had been celebrated at the Hittite court since at least the time of Arnuwanda I and of Tuthaliya III (father of Šuppiluliuma). A copy of the itkaḫi and itkalzi rituals for the archives of Hattuša (CTH 777) was made from manuscripts kept in the palace of Šapinuwa. When “Tuthaliya, the Great King, son of Arnuwanda, [sat] on the throne of his father,” on that occasion “the king [perform(ed)] the kingship ritual (SÍSKUR šarrašian[za]) for [Teššub], and [then celebrat(ed)] the queensheep ritual ([SÍSKUR] allašiyanza) for [Hebat],” KUB 11.31 VI 1–6 (CHD Š, 245, s.v. šarrašši- B; CTH 700). he cults of some Syrian and Hurrian deities, such as Išhara (KUB 40.2), or Ištar/Sawuška of Nineveh (ChS I/3.2, nos. 35–50),113 reached Anatolia directly. Other deities were introduced to Anatolia through the canonical Hurrian pantheon established at Aleppo. It is probable that it was Šuppiluliuma himself who introduced the cult of Teššub and his consort Hebat to Hattuša in the form laid down in Aleppo.114 he ordo of the deities in two kalutis, one for the gods and the other for the goddesses, including deities of Hurrian and Syrian origin, marked a dramatic change in the Semitic Syrian tradition, which we cannot, however, date with any certainty. It is unlikely that this was promoted by the dynasty of Ilimilimma and his son Idrimi, king of Alalah who, at least in the name giving, mantained the West Semitic tradition. It is, however, a matter of fact that Alalah and (according to the cult lists) Halab became predominantly Hurrian by at least between the iteenth and fourteenth centuries. Certain gods, such as the consorts of some major gods, had no autonomy whatsoever and were only received as elements in the pantheon. Akkadian names were distorted, as were also Hurrian names that the Hittite scribes could not understand. Although the itkaḫi and itkalzi rituals did not present god lists, the fragmentary ritual that mentions a queen and the princes Mannini and 112. Horst Klengel, “Nochmals zum Rolle der Herrscher von Ḫ alab und Karkamiš in der hethitischen Großreichzeit,” in Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalischen Studien für Volkert Haas zum 65. Geburstag, ed. homas Richter, Doris Prechel and Jörg Klinger (Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Druckerei), 2001. 113. Gary Beckman, “Ištar of Nineveh Reconsidered,” JCS 50 (1998) 1–10. 114. he documents, listed in CTH 698, Cult de Teššub et Ḫ ebat d’Alep, attest a long textual tradition; the only historical reference is, however, to Muwattalli II, KBo 14.142 III 34 (Vladimir Souček and Jana Siegelová, “Der Kult des Wettergottes von Ḫ alap in Ḫ atti,” ArOr 42 (1974) 39–52. Alfonso Archi 21 Pariawatra (to be dated therefore, to Arnuwanda I) includes already the kaluti of Hebat (ChS I/3.2 nos. 76–83). he ordo of Aleppo had, therefore, already reached Kizzuwatna at least at the time of Tuthaliya I. A quite diferent kaluti of the same period is that of NIN.GAL (no. 84). he usual kalutis are attested for Teššub and Hebat of Kizzuwatna (nos. 89–99), for Teššub of Manuzzi (nos. 100–106), Teššub of Šapinuwa (nos. 107–108), and Teššub of Durmitta (no. 126). he (ḫ)išuwa-festival had instead a diferent pantheon (ChS I/4, 143–55, 3rd tablet).115 A shortened version of the Aleppo pantheon is that found in the Hurrian texts from Ugarit.116 Emar was not inluenced by the process of Hurrianization of the Aleppo cult; the Hurrian Šeliš, Tašmišu, and Tenu belong only to the Anatolian Ritual (Emar VI 471, 472), while the Syrian Adammatera and Šuwala appear in some local rituals.117 hrough the contacts with Kizzuwatna and then with the Hittite conquest of Aleppo, the ordo of Aleppo found a more favorable expansion towards the western than the eastern regions. 115. Ilse Wegner und Mirjo Salvini, Die hethitisch-hurritischen Ritualtafeln des (Ḫ )išuwa-Festes (Rome: Multigraica, 1991). 116. Laroche, “Textes hourrites en cunéiformes alphabétiques,” 518–27. 117. Schwemer, Wettergottgestalten, 409; Beckman, “he Pantheon of Emar.”