Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations

This paper explores the linguistic landscape of Pre-Islamic Arabic to determine
if a distinction between nomadic and sedentary dialects can be detected in the epigraphic
corpus. The analysis focuses on Northwest Arabia from the 1st century BCE to the 5th
century CE, a period and region with a wealth of epigraphic data in various scripts, allowing
for a detailed examination of dialectal differences.
The study reveals that while some features distinguishing modern Bedouin and
sedentary dialects were not yet present in ancient times, several isoglosses did exist. Key
differences between the dialects are identified in the definite article, the realization of
etymological triphthongs, the status of interdentals, final short high vowels, the nominal
feminine ending, and n-assimilation. These linguistic distinctions provide evidence for a
nomadic-sedentary divide in Pre-Islamic Arabic, with some features arising from contactinduced
phenomena, such as Aramaic influence on sedentary dialects, and others
spreading through trade networks.
The study concludes by tracing the subsequent linguistic changes, including the spread
of sedentary features into nomadic speech, driven by sociolinguistic prestige and increased
connectivity between different communities.

This study seeks to show the significance of prior beliefs (mindset) concerning the acquisition and teaching of English pronunciation. A mixed-method approach is employed by the researcher, which includes literature analysis and semi-structured interviews with students and teachers. The literature review sets the stage by focusing on important issues like integrating phonology in language instruction, the critical period for phonology learning in childhood, and the global English environment. Data from interviews also reveal the difficulties, techniques, and mindsets that manifest in the classroom. The study highlights how preconceived phonological orientations lead to learning effects and instructional effectiveness through a thematic style of analysis. These conclusions indicate that such attitudes greatly affect how pronunciation is taught and learned. This study can help advance second language acquisition by offering tailored interventions that utilize learners' existing attitudes to enhance pronunciation teaching in online English classes. Additionally, this research will contribute to the dialogue surrounding language teaching and serve as a useful resource for educators in designing more sensitive and effective pronunciation teaching approaches.

This exhibition on the history of science focuses on the photographic discovery of the Orient from 1839 to the First World War. It explores the different expectations surrounding the new medium and its contribution to knowledge of the world at the time, as well as its role in politics, science, archaeology and ethnography. Topics include the work of photographers and studios, photographic expeditions, world exhibitions, the relationship between photography and paintings, the representation of society and religion, as well as the photographic estates of famous Orientalists.

This article presents the preliminary results of investigations at the site of Qach Rresh on the Erbil Plain of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, conducted by the Rural Landscapes of Iron Age Imperial Mesopotamia project (RLIIM). The site of Qach Rresh is estimated to have been founded in the mid-eighth century B.C.E., at the height of the Assyrian Empire, and continued to be utilised in varying capacity until the onset of the Hellenistic period (c. 320 B.C.E.). Magnetic gradiometry survey and excavations currently suggest that Qach Rresh served as a rural administrative/storage center during the Assyrian Empire, which fell into disrepair following the empire's collapse. The following post-Assyrian/Iron Age III period then saw several of its large buildings repurposed as refuse areas containing debris from largely domestic contexts. Qach Rresh is the first rural settlement investigated within the Assyrian imperial heartland. The results from this project seem to indicate a high degree of Assyrian state or elite involvement in the countryside, serving as a critical first foray into assessing the relationship between urban governing centers and their "hinterlands".

This paper examines the practice of donating people to deities in southern Mesopotamia between 2600 and 2000 BC. It offers a diachronic analysis of Early Dynastic, Old Akkadian, and Ur III sources and considers Old and Neo-Babylonian evidence to address questions raised in Gelb's (1972. "The Arua Institution." RA 66: 1-32) foundational study. This paper demonstrates, first, that donors and recipients were rarely close relatives, as the dedicatees often included foreign captives, former slaves, orphans, and incomplete families temporarily under patronage prior to donation. Secondly, despite becoming temple "servants" (performing mostly unskilled labor like water-drawing, weaving, and, rarely, cult-related tasks), officials recorded the names of the donors of many dedicatees. In some cases, this was because the dedicatees were former slaves who continued living with their former masters after donation (and manumission), supporting them in old age as part of the paramonē arrangement. Other dedicatees may have lived with temple officials and employees or even within temple complexes. Third, the paper challenges the "temple slaves" model in interpreting the status of dedicatees in early Mesopotamia. Although third-millennium sources describe them as a deity's "servants," similar to how slaves in private households were referred to as someone's "servants," the dedicatees faced a social and legal dead end: temple officials could neither sell nor release them because their master or mistress was a deity. In effect, thirdmillennium dedicatees became part of a broader "menial" class of full-time temple dependents. Their status resembled that of the Neo-Babylonian oblates (širkū), who were legally free but subject to strict temple control. Finally, building on Patterson's (1982. Slavery and Social Death. A Comparative Study. Cambridge, MA, London: Harvard University Press) model of slavery as a substitute for death, this paper argues that the donation of humans to temples in southern Mesopotamia functioned as an alternative to slavery. For the local impoverished population, donating family members to temples provided an option other than outright sale into slavery.

This rare hard to find writing is a seminal work in comparative religion and mythology, offering an ambitious synthesis of ancient astronomical knowledge and its relationship to the development of religious systems. Dupuis, a member of the French Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres and the National Institute of France, was a prominent intellectual during the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. This work embodies his rationalist critique of religious orthodoxy and attempts to trace the roots of all religious worship to natural phenomena, particularly celestial events. Dupuis argues that early humans, through their observations of celestial cycles—the movements of the sun, moon, stars, and planets—constructed symbolic systems that gave rise to myths, rituals, and ultimately organized religions. He posits that the zodiacal constellations served as a universal framework, encoding agricultural knowledge and seasonal changes. This astronomical basis of religion is explored through a detailed analysis of ancient mythologies, including Egyptian, Greco-Roman, and Near Eastern traditions, with particular focus on the Zodiac of Denderah, an intricate celestial chart from ancient Egypt.
The work is structured around several key themes:
• Astronomy as the Root of Religion: Dupuis demonstrates how solar deities, lunar symbols, and stellar mythologies emerged from humanity’s early attempts to understand and regulate their environment. He highlights how the sun’s annual journey through the twelve zodiacal signs formed the archetypal template for divine figures across cultures.
• The Zodiac of Denderah: Dupuis provides a meticulous description of this ancient artifact, interpreting its inscriptions and constellations as a testament to the Egyptians’ advanced astronomical knowledge. He underscores its significance as evidence of the antiquity and universality of zodiacal symbolism.
• Comparative Mythology and Rationalism: Drawing on myths from diverse traditions, Dupuis showcases parallels between Egyptian, Babylonian, Greek, and Roman deities, arguing for a shared cosmological origin. For instance, he equates Horus, Apollo, and Jesus Christ as solar saviors, linking their narratives to the solar cycle of birth, death, and rebirth.
• Critique of Religious Dogma: The work embodies Dupuis’ Enlightenment ethos, challenging the divine origins of religious texts and doctrines. By unveiling their human, astronomical foundations, he aims to liberate thought from ecclesiastical authority and superstition.
• The Universality of Symbolism: Dupuis emphasizes the global nature of his thesis, exploring parallels in Indian, Persian, and Chinese traditions. He argues that religious motifs like the virgin mother, the dying god, and the apocalyptic judgment are universal expressions of natural phenomena.
This translation enriches Dupuis’ original text with additional context and illustrations, including detailed diagrams of the Zodiac of Denderah. These visual aids reinforce his argument by elucidating the astronomical underpinnings of religious symbolism. In addition to its historical significance, the work is a cornerstone of Enlightenment thought, reflecting the period’s intellectual shift toward secular, scientific interpretations of human culture. While criticized for its reductionist tendencies, Dupuis’ methodology paved the way for modern comparative mythology and the interdisciplinary study of religion, astronomy, and anthropology. His arguments remain relevant to contemporary debates on the intersection of science and spirituality, as well as the origins of religious thought.
Contents summary
Preface of the Author & Translator
• Author's Preface: Introduces the purpose of the work, focusing on the natural and astronomical origins of religious worship.
• Translator's Preface: Explains the value of the translation and its relevance to English-speaking audiences.
Memoir on the Life and Writings of Dupuis
• An overview of Dupuis’ life, his intellectual contributions, and his influence on Enlightenment thought.
Chapter I: Of the God-Universe and His Worship
• Explains the concept of the universe as a deity, worshipped through natural phenomena.
Chapter II: Evidences of Universality of Nature Worship
• Provides historical and archaeological evidence supporting the widespread worship of nature in ancient cultures.
Chapter III: The Animated and Intelligent Universe
• Discusses the belief that the universe itself is alive and intelligent, forming the basis for religious worship.
Chapter IV: Divisions of Nature and Light vs. Darkness
• Examines the duality in nature—active/passive forces and light/darkness—as symbolic principles in religions.
Chapter V: The Heracleid and the Worship of Hercules
• Interprets the story of Hercules as a solar myth, symbolizing the sun’s journey through the zodiac.
Chapter VI: Travels of Isis and the Moon’s Worship in Egypt
• Explains the myth of Isis as an allegory for the moon and its phases, central to Egyptian worship.
Chapter VII: Dionysiacs and Bacchus as the Sun
• Analyzes the poem Dionysiacs by Nonnus, interpreting Bacchus (Dionysus) as another symbol of the sun.
Chapter VIII: Argonautics
• Describes the Argonauts’ myth as an allegorical tale representing astronomical and seasonal cycles.
Chapter IX: The Sun Worshipped as Christ
• Suggests that the story of Christ is rooted in solar worship, with parallels to earlier sun deities.
Chapter X: Worship and Human Duties
• Explores the connection between religious practices, moral principles, and the needs of humanity.
Chapter XI: The Mysteries
• Delves into ancient religious mysteries, their symbolic meanings, and their role in worship.
Chapter XII: The Apocalyptic Work of the Light and the Sun
• Interprets an esoteric work on the mysteries of light and the sun, symbolized by the celestial ram or vernal lamb.
Description of the Circular Zodiac of Denderah
• Provides an in-depth analysis of the Denderah Zodiac, an ancient Egyptian astronomical artifact.
Tags
Religious worship, Charles-François Dupuis, Origin of religion, Zodiac of Denderah, astronomy and religion, mythology, ancient worship, comparative religion, Enlightenment thought, celestial phenomena, solar mythology, lunar worship, ancient Egypt, Greek mythology, Roman mythology, Babylonian religion, universal symbolism, natural phenomena, light and darkness, active and passive forces, Heracleid, travels of Isis, Dionysiacs, Bacchus, Argonauts, Christ and solar worship, religious mysteries, esotericism, celestial ram, vernal lamb, moral theology, ritual practices, ancient civilizations, religious symbols, pagan deities, astronomical cycles, anthropological study, sacred texts, monotheism origins, polytheism, mythological parallels, religious evolution, ancient monuments, universal archetypes, zodiac interpretation, historical analysis, cultural anthropology, symbolic representation, philosophical inquiry, rationalism, critique of orthodoxy, sun worship, moon phases, Denderah temple, allegorical analysis, myth deconstruction, enlightenment critique, cultural myths, agricultural cycles, universal deities, comparative mythology, cosmological frameworks, ancient traditions, historical critique, sacred rituals, theological inquiry, historical theology, Enlightenment-era studies, universal religion, sacred astronomy, zodiacal signs, ancient wisdom, myth interpretation, cosmic cycles, human consciousness, religious iconography, spiritual practices, early religions, astrological roots, sun myths, moon goddesses, mythic hero archetypes, ancient texts, esoteric teachings, hermetic thought, ancient symbolism, divine archetypes, sacred calendars, ancient cosmology, symbolic cycles, myth origins, sacred artifacts, ancient relics, astrological mythology, mythic parallels, early humanity, creation myths, epic poetry, spiritual symbolism, celestial deities, sacred traditions, divine narratives, creation cycles, rationalist theology, Egyptian mythology, Indo-European myths, Middle Eastern deities, natural religion, star worship, cosmic order, the Zodiac of Denderah, ancient narratives, religious allegories, divine solar cycle, sun and moon worship, deification of nature, ancient Greek cosmology, Roman rituals, enlightenment philosophy, French Revolution theology, Dupuis’ critique, astronomical worship, cross-cultural analysis, historical worship, ancient texts study, sacred mysteries, pre-Christian religion, zodiac symbolism, divine constellations, philosophical rationalism, religious anthropology, monotheism critique, mystical cosmology, esoteric religions, pagan rituals, sacred poetry, Enlightenment atheism, ancient religious texts, sacred geometry, Denderah Zodiac analysis, Dupuis’ influence, religious art, cultural origins, archeological discoveries, religious historiography, human spirituality, universal myths, sacred mythmaking, enlightenment-era thought, pagan deconstruction, divine cosmos, religious anthropology, universal religious motifs, mythic sun gods, ancient lunar deities, religious syncretism, human consciousness in religion, celestial myth analysis, Dupuis’ theories, sacred naturalism, ancient literary criticism, historical astrology, sacred storytelling, mythological traditions, cultural cosmology, religious rites, sacred astronomy, symbolic theology, French Enlightenment, Dupuis biography, cosmological cycles, light symbolism, pagan symbols, sacred history, esoteric cosmology, solar archetypes, lunar cycles, ancient theology, ancient symbology, spiritual evolution, religious criticism, comparative anthropology, mythic studies, sacred thought systems, divine allegory, theological rationalism, symbolic religion, spiritual cosmology, celestial mythology, cosmic order, sacred sun worship, rationalist critique, cultural mythos, Dupuis scholarship, universal belief systems, early human spirituality, anthropological religion, mythic archetypes, sacred dualism, religious expression, Enlightenment...

ارتفع أعمال العنف كل سنوات في المجتمع، فلاعجب وتوجد في المجتمع أعمال العنف بالسهولة في أي مكان و زمان، العنف هو من أشكال العمل من قبل شخص إلى طرف آخر مما يئدي إلى ظهور الألم و تغيير جسديا و نفسيا. و المراة اكثر ضحية من تصرفات العنف، خاصة في مضايقة جنسية. وجدت أععمال العنف في الرواية "حكاية زهر لحنان الشيخ"، كشخصية الرئيسية اصبت زهرة العنف في الرواية ، أما من اقاربها أو من أصدقائها شحض جديد تعرفه، وذلك تأثير أعمال العنف على زهرة برضة و ندبة العميقة. أغراض البحث هو بيان رمز العنف اصابتها شخصية الرئيسية زهرة و تشرح المعنى الرمز العنف. المنهج المستخدم هو المنهج الوصفي التحليلي بالدراسة السيميائية لشارلز ساندرز بيرس (Charles Sanders Peirce) بالعملية السميائي المثلث لعرف التمثيلية (Representament) والموضوع (Object)والطبقة (Interpretant) ثم تعلق بعلم الأمراض الإجتماعية (Social Pathology) و الحكم.(Law) نتائج البحث في الرواية حكاية زهرة لحنان الشيخ، وجدت الباحثة أعمال العنف. بناء على نتائج التحليل، تنقسم استنتاج الأعمال العنف في الرواية إلى قسمين، هما الجسدي و النفسي، منها مضايقة ج...

The number 3,400 is mentioned specifically in the foreword (p. xi). According to the reviewer's own database of Neo-Assyrian toponyms derived from the RGTC 7 dataset, there are 3,997 places recorded by Bagg, including 367 lands and mountains and 114 cities known only from their KUR and URU determinatives. When one subtracts the aforementioned 481 nearly-completely damaged geographic names, the final number is around 3,500 names. Neo-Assyrian sources from the reign of the tenth-century-BC king Aššur-dān II (934-912 BC) down to the period immediately after the capture and destruction of Nineveh in 612 BC, when the Assyrian Empire ceased to exist as a political entity. The lion's share of texts derive from material published in the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Assyrian Periods (RIMA), Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period (RINAP), and State Archives of Assyria (SAA) series,2 2 RINAP 2, RINAP 5/2, RINAP 5/3, and SAA 22 were not published before Bagg completed his work on the volume presently under review. In the case of SAA 22, this is irrelevant since RGTC 7 would not have included the letters to Ashurbanipal included in that volume since they were written in Neo-Babylonian dialect and, therefore, fall into the jurisdiction of RGTC 8, according to the editorial principles of the series (see p. lxxi). For this reason, the geographic names in SAA 17, SAA 18, and SAA 21 are also excluded from RGTC 7, especially Part 3, the volume that covers Babylonia. Thus, anyone doing any serious research on geography of the Neo-Assyrian Period must also consult RGTC 8.

1894 -1924 yıllarında Londra British Museum'da Mısır ve Asur antik eserleri küratörü olan Sör Wallis Budge  görevi boyunca çok sayıda çivi yazılı tablet, Mısır papirüsü ve Yunanca, Kıpti, Arapça, Süryanice ve Etiyopya el yazması topladığı ve yayınladı. Türkçemize Çevirisini yaptığımız bu eser de British Museum Mısır Sergisini ziyaret edenler için hazırladığı bilgilendirme broşürüdür.

, she is survived by her two sisters and their families. She had a second 'family' in Israel with whom she lived for many years, the Whetstones: Sherry and Vernon and their family. Barbara often said she was not interested in the typical occupations available for women in the 1960s. She first earned a degree in Political Science from Southeast Missouri State College. Then, with the encouragement of her instructors Geneva Parmley and Dr. E. Otha Wingo, she received her M.A. and Ph.D. degrees in Art History and Classical Archaeology from the University of Missouri. While there, she met Drs. Saul and Gladys Weinberg. They introduced her to Israel, where she lived full time for thirty years and worked for more than half a century. She received multiple pre-and post-doctoral grants and fellowships: she became an Agora Fellow at the American School of Classical Studies in Athens, a Research Fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, NJ, and a Visiting Scholar at the Kelsey Museum at the University of Michigan. She certainly achieved her goal of experiencing a world far beyond a small Missouri town!

L’élamite est la première langue attestée sur le Plateau iranien entre le 3e millénaire av. J.-C. au moins et 1000 de notre ère, bien avant l’arrivée des locuteurs de langues iraniennes dans cette région. Malgré sa redécouverte au XIXe siècle grâce au déchiffrement de l’écriture cunéiforme mésopotamienne, son caractère isolé la rend encore très mal comprise. Ce séminaire sera l’occasion de faire le point sur cette langue à l’aune notamment du récent déchiffrement du système  développé spécialement pour la noter : l’écriture élamite linéaire.
Elamite is the first attested language on the Iranian plateau from at least the 3rd millennium BCE to 1000 CE, long before the arrival of Iranian language speakers in this region. Despite its rediscovery in the 19th century thanks to the decipherment of Mesopotamian cuneiform writing, its isolated nature makes it still poorly understood. This seminar will be an opportunity to review this language, particularly in light of the recent decipherment of the system developed specifically for writing it: Linear Elamite.

الملخّص:
      اشتهرت عائلة ابن الأثير بمّا ألّفه الإخوة الثلاثة من تراثٍ متنوّعٍ، بين الديني، والتاريخي، واللُغوي... ليتميّز مجد الدين أبو السعادات، المبارك بن أبي الكريم، محمّد بن محمّد بن عبد الواحد الشَيْباني؛ المعروف ب"ابن الأثير الجَزَري"؛ الملقّب ب "مجد الدين" بتبحّره في المجال اللُغوي، وعلم الحديث، مع ملاحظة تأثّر الإخوة ببعضهم البعض في منهج وأسلوب كتاباتهم.   
        وفي دراستي لمؤلَّفِه "المُختار من مناقب الأخيار" لمحتُ أنّه كان أيضًا مؤرّخًا، من خلال ما ذكره من تراجمٍ، متبِّعًا منهج المؤرّخين في التناول من جهة، ومن جهة أخرى يمكن الاعتماد على ما ذكره في التأريخ للفترة الزمنيّة التي عاشت فيها تلك الشخصيات التي ترجَم لها، خاصّة وأنّه كان يذكر المكان والزمان مع بعض الأحوال السياسيّة والثقافيّة والاقتصاديّة التي تمكِّن الباحثين من الاعتماد عليه كمصدر؛ لما له علاقة بأبحاثهم،          والكتاب كذلك ترْجم لصاحبه بطريقةٍ غير مباشرة؛ إذ ترجم لشخصياتٍ مختلفة، حسب المناطق التي انتقل إليها منها "الموصل"، وأشاع صفاتِ الفضيلة بتخليده لمناقب الأخيار، ما يؤرّخ به للصوفيّة وأهل التصوّف. فإلى أيّ مدى كان مجد الدين ابن الأثير الجزري مؤرّخًا في كتاب "المُختار من مناقب الأخيار"؟.
Summary:
        The Ibn al-Atheer family was famous for the diverse heritage composed by the three brothers, between the religious, the historical and the linguistic… Majd al-Din Abu al-Saadat was distinguished, the Mubarak ibn Abi al-Karim Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahed al-Shaibani; Known as "Ibn Al-Atheer Al-Jazari"; Nicknamed "Majd Al-Din", he delved into the field of linguistics and hadith, noting that the brothers were influenced by each other in their writings.
      However, in my study of his author, “The Chosen Ones from the Goodness of the Good,” I hinted that he was also a historian, through what he mentioned of translations, following the approach of historians on the one hand, and on the other hand it is possible to rely on what he mentioned in the history of the time period in which those characters who were translated lived It has, especially since it was mentioning the place and time with some political, cultural and economic conditions that enable researchers to rely on it as a source; because of their research.
        The book was also translated to its owner indirectly; It was translated for different personalities, according to the regions from which “Mosul” moved, and spread the qualities of virtue by immortalizing the virtues of good people, which is dated by Sufism and the people of Sufism.
            To what extent was Majd al-Din Ibn al-Athir al-Jazari a historian in the book "The Chosen Ones from Manaqib al-Akhyar"?.

Luwian wašha- / wišha- ‘master / lord’ came from PIE *H2weso- ‘being / good?’ (possibly first a title of respect like ‘good (sir)’ used similar to Mr.) with metathesis:  *H2weso-s > *wesH2o-s.  Since Hittite išhā- must also be closely related (1), it had *w- > 0- for some reason.  Based on the loan Hattic wašhaf- / ašhaf- ‘god’ (2), this was caused by dissimilation of *w-f > *0-f.  This is part of a widespread change.  If H2 = x or χ and H3 = xW or χW, that Anatolian *H3 > hw- but sometimes merged with *H2 > h- could be explained by dissimilation of *xW > *x near W / P:  *xWowi- > L. ovis ‘sheep’, Luw. hawi-; *xWopni- > L. omnis ‘every/whole’, *xWopino- > H. happina- ‘rich’.


But where did -f come from in *wesH2o-s > *wesH2a-f?  If there was some environment that caused *s > *f, it seems to also exist in other words that “lose” s but gain a round feature :

*(s)ker- ‘cut (apart)’ > G. keírō ‘shear / destroy’, Arm. k’erem ‘scrape / scratch’, OIr scaraim ‘separate’, Li. skiriu, H. kuer- ‘cut’

If this began as assimilation, *sk is relatively rare (more *sk^ and *skW ), so a change of *s > *x near plain K allows :

*sk > xk > fk > kf > kw

This is possible and seen in many languages that had f > x or x > f (or sometimes xW) due to somewhat similar sounds (Celtic *ps / *pt > xs / xt, Yeniseian and Japanese *p > *f > x / h).  If so, H2 = x or χ might cause assimilation of s near H in *wesH2o-s > *wesH2a-f :

*-χas > -χax > -χaf > -haš

These changes might show that similar unclear changes in other H. words were from the same cause.  For example, in *pr̥k^-sk^e- ‘request / ask (for)’ > Hittite punušš- the presence of -u- could be due to:

*pr̥k^-sk^e- > *pǝrx^sx^e- > *pǝrxsx^e- > *pǝrfsxe- > *porfsxe- > *ponfsxe- > *ponwsxe- > punušš-

Here, the presence of -n- makes most linguists reconstruct origin from a different root with *n.  However, it is not appropriate to look only at words that sound alike without regard to meaning; this is mere folk etymology.  This contains an odd cluster *-k^sk^-, and there is no way to know a priori what it would become, especially without being aware of all the changes to *x, etc., needed for other words that have been ignored.  Pretending that no sound change could exist except very obvious ones that only produce very similar sounds ignores all the evidence from known changes within historical languages that sometimes create very odd outcomes.  Though these are less common, they are not nonexistent, and should be considered on their own merits.  Since ls > ns is theorized for *kWl̥saH2- > H. Gulsa- ‘fate goddess’, Luwian Kwanza- (Yakubovich 2013-14), an intermediate stage with *ls > *ns > nts vs. *rf > *nf > *nw seems possible (I don’t think all r / l / n in Anatolian is regular, but it makes no difference in these examples).  The change of *r̥ > *or between P’s is similar to *l̥ > *ol after *kW in Gulsa-.


This is not all.  The changes of *H3-w > š-w and similar shifts (Cohen & Hyllested 2018) are needed to explain *H3okW- ‘eye’ > H. šākuwa-, Luw. tāwa-, etc.  They occur in exactly the same environment I theorized for H3 > H2 (hw- > h- by dissimilation near W / P ).  This seems best explained by merging the 2 ideas.  PIE *H was either velar or uvular in Anatolian, seemingly free variation (3), and when *χW-w > *χ-w it appeared as h-w but when *xW-w > *x-w it underwent my *x > *f appeared as š in Hittite, as t- / d- in Luwian.  This would mean all *f > š in Hittite, but initial *f- > *θ- / *ð- > t- / d- in Luwian (and similar for Lycian, etc.).  It is likely that *-f > -š in both, but since this is only seen in the nom. it is possible that it was instead restored by analogy.


With this, Hattic wašhaf- / ašhaf- is explained as an adaptation of the nom. of *H2weso-s > *wesH2o-s > Proto-Luwian *wasH2a-f / *asH2a-f (or a similar path).  It seems clear with this that the name of Hurrian Teššub / Tisupi / Tisapa / Tesub / Tet’up ‘Storm God’ can have the variants explained as from H. tethai- ‘to thunder’ and *wasH2a-f ‘lord / god’ as:

*tetxa-wasxaf > *tetxa-was_af > *testxa-waf > *testxawf > *testxavf > *testxavp > *testxo:p

This includes dissimilation of *x-x > *x-0, likely causing metathesis.  Other changes are likely regular.  The cluster *stx could simplify > *tx > t’ or *ts > *ts / *ss > s / šš.  There is no cluster that would be more simple yet produce all these outcomes; emphatic t’ from *tx or similar seems to fit.  Since -f also existed in Hurrian, -p here would show that *-wf > *-wp, likely due to old *w > *v creating an odd *-vf that was “fixed” by dissimilation.  Since *wašha-f also looks very similar to Kassite bašhu / mašhu ‘god’, it is possible that Luwian (or a similar old Anatolian language) spread this word across much of northern Mesopotamia (depending on the previous location of the Kassites).


There is other evidence for assimilation of *d(h) to b near W, which makes it likely that *d(h) > *ð first, similar to *f / t above :

*kWodhiH > L. ubi(:) ‘where’, G. póthi, *kWoði > *kWoβi > *kWobi > H. kwapi ‘where / when’

Just as Latin -b- came from *-dh-, there is no reason to separate H. -p- [-b-] from other IE cognates.  In the same way, H. wemiya- ‘find’ is unusual in having no clear cognates and odd structure for verbs of CeC-y.  Both these can be explained simply by realizing it is related to IE words with the same meaning, not the same sound, due to sound changes :

*wid-ne- ‘know’ > Arm. gtanem ‘find’, *wind- > OIr finn- ‘know / find out’, Skt. vindati ‘find’, *winβ- > *wimw- > H. wemiya- ‘find’

Thus, CeC-y is not odd since it did not come from *CeC-y, or have any affix with *y at all, just dissimilation of *w-w > w-y.


Also, there were several chief gods (of very similar nature) who were credited with bringing rain to northern Mesopotamia.  Hittite versions resemble Indra (and he also fought a giant snake, like Indra and Vritra), even down to a unique weapon wielded by the god with a name not used for others (Luwian warp(i)-, Skt. vajra-), obviously analogous to lightning.  With wašhaf- / ašhaf- clearly a loan, the Hattic Weather God Taru having a name very similar to Hittite Tarhunna- ‘Storm God’ seems significant.  Knowing which name was older could help in explaining the origin of these myths (as well as when and for how long these groups were in contact).  These 2 words as loans from the Anatolian branch of IE seems to work.  This would support an older presence of Anatolians in the region than sometimes thought, and a relatively high power in the region (since loans of ‘god’ and ‘Weather God’ would not occur unless their was some pressing reason).  Theories that non-IE elements from the Near East were the source of IE myths, gods, etc., were once common, but each has been made less likely as new evidence appears.  This includes Linear B showing that Greek gods existed long before extensive contact with the Hittite Empire or Egypt.


Notes

1.  If Hittite išhā- is instead compared with L. erus ‘master of a house / head of a family’ (Kloekhorst 2008) it would ignore nearby Luwian wašha- / wišha- and require *H1esH2o-.  There is no suffix *-H2o- and wašha- already requires metathesis to explain *H2w- > w-h-, so these features being unrelated seems impossible.  Loss of w- is also seen in Hattic wašhaf- / ašhaf- ‘god’, so not reconstructing the same for Hittite would be pointless.

2.  Hattic wašhaf- / ašhaf- ‘god’ has been seen as showing an affix wa-, but if Hittite išhā- & Luwian wašha- / wišha- are related, this would obviously be from the same cause, not a native affix.  As far as I know, there is no evidence that any affix expressed plurality in Hattic, or that wa- is collective (or seen in any other words).

3.  Cohen & Hyllested claim this change was regular, but plenty of examples show it was not.  Instead of separating hw-w > š-w from hw-w > h-w or saying that all examples that don’t fit one theory are “wrong” or not cognate, it seems clear that some optionality existed.  This is not a problem, and is no different in type than many other examples of irregularities considered as “expressive” or due to dialects (many of which are completely unattested), yet are not seen as a problem for Neogrammarians.

One of the most common methods of determining the location of settlements, mountains, and other geographic features related to historical and archaeological studies is to examine the geographic data included in written documents and to investigate them with the locations of a modern region or area. By using and understanding the contents of these sources, it is possible to draw a reliable map within a general or specific framework. This, in turn, can lead to more nuanced research in historical and archaeological investigations, thus providing a better understanding and description of the cultural and political background of these regions. This is particular true of the western region of the Iranian Plateau, especially during the eighth century BCE.
Based on the information provided by royal inscriptions of Sargon II of Assyria (721–705 BCE) and the “Sargon Geography,” a text attributed to Sargon of Agade (ca. 2334–2279 BCE), this article examines the geographic position of a settlement called Karzinû/Karzina in the central Zagros and an adjacent settlement called Ḫandakiyaš. New modern locations are proposed for both places. Fur-thermore, based on Neo-Assyrian inscriptions, especially those from the reign of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BE), it appears that there were two cities with the name Bīt-Ištar, rather than just one. The proposed locations of both cities are discussed. Finally, the article examines Bīt-Bagaya and its po-sition within the central Zagros.

The economic ideas put forward by Ibn Khaldun (ALmuqaema-Introduction) is a rich and fertile subject for research, which has aroused the interests of contemporary economists of different economic doctrines. A number of researchers have stopped at these ideas and their approach with the ideas of Adam Smith and Karl Marx, and some of them went as far as to consider Ibn Khaldun as the father The founder of economics who preceded the classic economic founders of modern economics by about four hundred years, and this conclusion did not stop there, but some, especially in American universities, found that many of the issues and problems in free capitalist economics can be found solutions and answers to them in the thought of Ibn Khaldoun. Ibn Khaldun touched on many issues, and clearly demonstrated the historical necessities of dividing labor according to professions and the prosperity of civilization, and studied the factors affecting determining the value of goods, products and prices, and singled out a place to talk about monopoly and the relationship between the size of taxes and the boom of markets or the crisis of economic depression, and did not Ibn Khaldun neglected the relationship between the size of the population and the size of demand in the markets, and the difference in purchasing power between the cities and civilizations, according to the level of urbanization and business prosperity. Finally, we stopped when Ibn Khaldun explained the role of luxury and corruption in the fall of civilizations.

This paper examines the prosodic features of the Pragmatic Marker (PM) you know in English spoken discourse produced by Egyptian speakers. The prosodic features examined in this study include initial and final pitch, duration and the type of tone associated with the PM you know. These features are identified by applying auditory perception and acoustic measurements to the PM you know in an English discourse produced spontaneously by male and female Egyptian speakers and one native speaker as an example of the typical native use. For the auditory measurement, a jury of five English language experts are consulted. For the acoustic measurement, you know is analyzed each time it occurs using a computer-aided method (PRAAT, Version 6.1.03). The results show that the PM you know is used to serve such pragmatic functions as signaling repairs, marking content, and providing common grounds between interlocutors. The results also prove that the PM you know is used with a level tone (about 10 times) by the Egyptian speakers. The female ‫العدد‬ ‫والثالثون‬ ‫احلادي‬ ‫الثاين‬ ‫اجلزء‬ 348 Egyptian speakers tend to have higher pitched PM you know at final position than their male counterparts. The PM you know tends to have the same duration in the cases of both male and female speakers.

The study sheds light on the sensitivity of the major crises or tribulations that afflict a nation in a particular country, and this sensitivity can be felt in the literature through the contents and ideas that we find in what literature writers write here and there. Therefore, the study will be concerned with the objective aspect of the poets of the DecisiveStorm, which will reveal to the reader the most important issues and topics that the literature writers focused on in their poetry about the DecisiveStorm as a type of war literature in our time.

A web version of the book at http://oracc.org/rinap/rinap5/index.html and http://oracc.org/rinap/rinap5/pager.
This second volume of Joshua Jeffers and Jamie Novotny’s new and updated editio princeps of the inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian king Ashurbanipal provides reliable, up-to-date editions of 169 historical inscriptions of this seventh-century BC ruler, including all such texts known from clay tablets and presumed from Kuyunjik, the citadel mound of the Assyrian capital Nineveh. Each text edition is presented with an English translation, a brief introduction, a catalogue of basic information about all attested exemplars, a commentary on further technical information and notes, and a comprehensive bibliography. This volume includes a general introduction to sources edited in the volume, a study of Ashurbanipal’s building activities in Assyria, photographs of tablets inscribed with texts of Ashurbanipal, indices of museum and excavation numbers and selected publications, and indices of proper names.

Alloglottography, the act of using one written language for the purpose of writing another one in whole or in part was commonplace in the ancient Near East. While in most cases the heterogeneity of the language written and the language underlying it is self-evident, the fact that it is not uncommon within heterogeneous linguistic contexts suggests that similar practices might have obtained among and between languages conventionally construed as homogeneous. This paper will present evidence for this phenomenon from the sacred scriptures of the Mandaean religious community of Iraq and Iran, in the form of by-forms, "archaisms," and hypercorrect forms that appear to reflect ad hoc exceptions to well-attested sound rules in Mandaic and other cognate forms of Aramaic, in pursuit of a more comprehensive and comprehensible understanding of the phenomenon of Aramaic.

Awe has been characterized as a prosocial emotion, one that diminishes a sense of self and permits individuals to combine easily into groups for collaborative action and collective identity formation. It plays a prominent role not only in religious and political engagement but also in aesthetic experiences. In Mesopotamia, where the earliest cities – collectives on a massive scale – were established, the elucidation of awe represents a particularly interesting avenue of research. This chapter approaches the topic through an analysis of melam (Akkadian melammu), typically translated as a type of aura or splendor that is “awe-inspiring” (or fearsome or terrifying) in nature.

A diverse range of entities and things may possess melam: these include gods, kings, temples, cult objects, monsters, daimons, weapons, and illnesses. As a means of representing abstract concepts like extra-ordinary strength and capacity, melam appears to envelop and radiate from its possessors and to function as both source and signifier of their powers – visual, material, affective, and other. It may also possess a haptic aspect for those who come into its presence, representing a convergence of light (radiance) and heat that is too overwhelming to touch or look upon. The entangled physical, sensorial, cognitive, and emotional effects of melam, explored here under the rubric of awe, are specifically examined within the framework of the Old Babylonian Period (ca. 2000–1600 BCE) Sumerian narratives Gilgamesh and Akka, Gilgamesh and Huwawa A, and Gilgamesh and Huwawa B. Other emotions and emotional expressions evinced in these narratives are also briefly examined.

The discovery of some favissae, or what is presumed as such, from the Persian period along the Levantine coast containing mixed coroplastic materials, has generated a long-lasting debate regarding the presence of “eastern” and “western” style terracottas. This debate went so far as to hypothesize both the possible presence of the earliest Greek temples in Phoenicia and the evidence of syncretism between the Greek and Phoenician worlds. To date, this raises the question whether we can really say that these temples ever existed. Was there already an active syncretism at a local level during the Persian period? And what exactly is meant by “western” style terracottas? This paper aims to answer these questions through the analysis of part of the Graeco-Phoenician coroplastic and its local development. Firstly, two import phases are distinguished based on chronological issues and the presumed origin of production centres in Greece. The interpretation of the terracottas in Greek contexts is then used to explain the phenomenon of imports into the Levant. Simultaneously, the degree of "foreignness" of this production is disclosed with the identification of derivative, imitation, and hybrid figurines. Imitations and hybrids, in particular, serve to understand how these figurines may have been perceived locally. They both demonstrate a process of acculturation in which Greek and Phoenician elements are fused and/or alternated. Ultimately, an interpretative hint is provided regarding the relationship between cultic objects, the worshippers behind them, and the way the latter interacted with the divine. Indeed, the plurality of coroplastic specimens and their supposed various geographical origins could reflect a mixed cultural composition of the attendants in Levantine temples.

Petrosyan examines the amalgam of linguistic, archaeological, mythological and historical evidence that bears on the origins of the Armenian people. He surveys and deconstructs the foundation myths of the Armenian people and their neighbors. He examines the written evidence of the various peoples who occupied the Armenian highlands and discusses the conflicting evidence for a traditional center in the Ayrarat region while the main cult centers appear to have been in Upper Armenia. He locates the Armenians in the overall network of ethnic and linguistic entities that flourished in the multi-ethnic Urartian empire. Finally the author surveys and assesses the variety of solutions to solve the problem of Armenian origins.

This opening chapter of the volume Art/ifacts and ArtWorks in the Ancient World examines the marginal and contingent integration of the ancient Near East into the narrative of Western (art) history and the consequences of this integration for the study of Near Eastern things. It also outlines the volume’s contributions, which are centered around the themes of Art | Artifact; Representation; Context; Complexity; Materiality; Space; and Time | Afterlives.

This essay begins by taking up a passage from Gilgamesh and Huwawa A (GHA 1–7), read as a rare and early literary account of a significant royal practice: the situating of one’s own indelible and perduring presence, as in the form of one's image or name and deeds on rock reliefs, statues, and stelae (monument types that are often not differentiated) throughout one’s kingdom and, in some cases, also beyond its borders. This is followed with case studies focusing on the Neo-Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (859–824 BCE). Shalmaneser erected his image and his name—his essential presence—throughout his realm on rock reliefs as well as stelae and statues in the round. The essay explores the lives and afterlives of such royal representations with particular emphasis on their entanglement with the images and inscriptions of earlier kings. It necessarily considers the nature of images in Mesopotamia, particularly royal images; issues of presence and absence, bound up to an extent in the composite nature of identity; and the materiality and situation of Assyrian rock reliefs, which permitted the distribution of royal presence and identity not only beyond the king’s immediate body, but also beyond his lifetime.

The Standard Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic is the best known of the Mesopotamian narratives to survive to the present day. It has been the subject of numerous studies and analyses over recent decades, but many of its features remain to be fully explored. This study, conceived as a contribution to the larger task of defining the (or, rather, a) system of emotions prevalent in Mesopotamia, specifically examines and compares those characters in the Standard Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic who take counsel before acting—who take thought for consequences and outcomes—and those who demonstrate unthinking willfulness, and who act (without taking counsel) on the basis of impulse and overwhelming or excessive emotion.

The city of Lachish played an important apolitical rule in ancient history, it has occupied a prime location in downtown Palestine, in addition to its proximity to the sea, and the fertility of its soil, as Tell Ed-Duweir area between a number of Palestinian cities, which accounted for the depth of Palestine lies, and served as a strategic location between the Near East regions, making many of the neighboring countries try to extend its control them, most notably Egypt, also coveted by those people who attacked the Phoenician coast and settled some time in Tell Ed-Duweir, featured their tracks where through the graves that were found in several areas of Palestinian cities, and found in layers Tell Ed-Duweir several inscriptions dating back to the era of Zedekiah king of the Kingdom of Israel, then came under Assyrian siege, where the imposition of Sennacherib the siege encircled in order to impose its control over Palestine and parts of the south of Syria in 612 BC., and the imposition of the blockade because it complies with the orders of Egypt and its always Revolution against the Assyrian monarch. Then the Babylonians who their tracks appear in the Tell Ed-Duweir through Ostraca that found it, does not rule out that it has signed under Persian rule, and possibly the presence of palace called Albright there was "Persian Palace", refers to it, and perhaps what confirms that some of the deficiencies found in Ed-Duweir I took the same similar to the existing deficiencies in the style of Elam, particularly in the capital of Susa. Find then reviews some of the cultural models in Tell Ed-Duweir (Lachish).

The Hittite Kingdom was plagued in the reign of Šuppiluliuma I. Plague led to killing the king himself, his son Arnuwanda II, and many people in the Hittite Kingdom. The reasons of plague in Hittite were different, but prayers of Muršili II determine some reasons, such as his father's sins. For example; transgressing the treaty with the Egyptians and occupation of some territories, and captured plagued captives, led to spread plague in the capital of Hittite and Anatolia. Another Šuppiluliuma I crime is killing his brother Tudhaliya III. According to prayers of Muršili II, the plague was a divine punishment resulted from Šuppiluliuma sins. The Plague continued for 20 years approximately. Muršili II made to preventive procedures, such as pleading to gods personal cleanness, non-reusing food tools, and hiring some physicians from neighboring countries such as Egypt and Mesopotamia and their prescriptions.

The Hittite Kingdom was plagued in the reign of Šuppiluliuma I. Plague led to killing the king himself, his son Arnuwanda II, and many people in the Hittite Kingdom. The reasons of plague in Hittite were different, but prayers of Muršili II determine some reasons, such as his father's sins. For example; transgressing the treaty with the Egyptians and occupation of some territories, and captured plagued captives, led to spread plague in the capital of Hittite and Anatolia. Another Šuppiluliuma I crime is killing his brother Tudhaliya III. According to prayers of Muršili II, the plague was a divine punishment resulted from Šuppiluliuma sins. The Plague continued for 20 years approximately. Muršili II made to preventive procedures, such as pleading to gods personal cleanness, non-reusing food tools, and hiring some physicians from neighboring countries such as Egypt and Mesopotamia and their prescriptions.

Starting off from the so-called Guennol Lioness, an important early artwork first published over seventy years ago, the article presents historical and iconographic evidence for the presence of the maneless Asiatic lion in southwestern Iran and the implications of this for our understanding of lions depicted in the ancient Near East. The presence of a mane, often considered a criterion for determining whether a lion was male or female in ancient Near Eastern iconography, is shown to be unreliable. The attributes of the Guennol Lioness are reconsidered in light of this evidence.

REFLEXES OF A HURRIAN WORD IN ARMENIAN:A THEONYM, A DENDRONYM, AN ANTHROPONYM
In Old Armenian,  saws means ‘proud, luxurious, great,’ ‘some (bright) color,’ and saws
and sawsi mean ‘oriental plane tree’. The word has no etymology. Hurrian has the word
šauša [sausa] ‘big, great’ and the theonym Šauša / Šauška for the local version of the great goddess Ištar. The article undertakes to find a single etymon looking for the clue in comparative mythology. It is known that Anušavan, one of the ancient Armenian mythical patriarchs, was referred to as Sawsanuēr which can be interpreted as “The gift of plane trees” (with a reference to the cult of the plane trees of Armawir, the earliest capital of Armenia). According to mythology, Anushavan’s father and grandfather were related to Šamiram (Greek Semiramis), the queen of the city of Nineveh (capital of Assyria) that is seen as a historicized version of the local goddess Šauš(k)a otherwise called “Ishtar of Nineveh”. The Armenian saws ‘great, magnificent’ quite correlates with this name as a loan from the Hurrian šauša ‘great,’ with a regular apocope. The plane trees were probably symbols of the goddess. Thus, it is natural to assume that the dendronym saws / sawsi (the second form with the Indo-European suffix *-iyā, characteristicof Armenian dendronyms, cf. the genitive plural form sawseac‘) is of Hurrian origin. The first meaning of the Hurrian word ‘great, magnificent’ subsequently turned into theonym and then to the Armenian dendronym, the name of the largest and most luxurious tree in the Armenian Highland and adjacent territories.

Keywords: Armenian mythology, ethnogonic legends, goddess Ishtar, Shamiram /Semiramis, Armenian language, dendronym, theonym, etymology

The imprints of the living body in stone, as relics of the prophets and other venerated men, are held in particular respect by many Muslims. There is a wide range of such relics, ranging from traces left by the oldest prophets (such as Ibrahim) to the footprints of the Prophet Muhammad, his contemporaries (Ali) and persons from later history such as the Shiʿi imams. There is a connection between footprints in stone and certain sanctuaries, the ḥaram of Mecca being the most prominent among them, while other examples can be found throughout the Middle East and North Africa. The practice of veneration becomes tangible not only in rites of pilgrimage, but also in the representations of footprints (and sandals), which can be found in book painting as well as in other media. This paper will argue that the symbol of the footsteps offer a twofold perspective: Since the standing before god is a crucial element of the attitude of the believer during prayer, and can also be connected with the pilgrimage to Mecca, the motif of the footprints is imbued with a potential of identification for the believer. On the other hand, the motif represents the sacred that is worthy of veneration. Looking at several footstep (or sandal) images, it will be asked whether it is possible in each case to interpret and to determine what the communication through the relevant object implied.

This volume assembles leading art historians, archaeologists, and philologists to critically examine contemporary approaches to the arts and artifacts of the ancient world. The thirteen contributions address seven principal themes: Art | Artifact, Representation, Context, Complexity, Materiality, Space, and Time | Afterlives. A number of sub-themes and questions also thread through the work as a whole: How might art historical, archaeological, anthropological, and philological approaches to the ancient world complement and inform each other? What material and conceptual slippages characterize our contemporary engagement with things from the past? Where might a thing’s meaning and authenticity inhere if not in its form and matter? What are the processes through which the past is actively recreated and re-imagined in the present? And how do analyses of the arts and artifacts of the ancient world participate in and contribute to contemporary discourses emerging from a diverse array of other disciplines?

Πώς ερμήνευε ο άνθρωπος στο απώτατο παρελθόν θανατηφόρες λοιμικές ασθένειες, όπως η λέπρα, ο τύφος και η χολέρα, και με ποια μέσα τις αντιμετώπιζε; Πόσο παλαιά είναι η κοινή αντίληψη για την (αυτο)θυσία του εξιλαστήριου θύματος; Ποια είναι η σχέση της προσφάτως βιωμένης πανδημίας με την πανάρχαια αντίληψη για τον αποδιοπομπαίο τράγο, τον αρχαϊκό ελληνικό αποικισμό και τον θεό Απόλλωνα;

Αυτά είναι μερικά μόνο από τα σημαντικότερα ερωτήματα που τίθενται στο ανά χείρας πόνημα. Οι ανθρώπινες κοινωνίες ήδη από τα προϊστορικά χρόνια, αδυνατώντας να αντιληφθούν τα πραγματικά αίτια για τα οποία ενέσκηπτε λιμός ή και λοιμός, απέδιδαν την εμφάνιση τέτοιων συμφορών σε επέμβαση θεϊκών δυνάμεων, οι οποίες τις έστελναν στους ανθρώπους ως τιμωρία και ως μέσο σωφρονισμού για την παραβατική τους συμπεριφορά. Με στόχο τον εξευμενισμό του θεού, την ίαση και την επιστροφή στην ομαλότητα επιστρατεύονταν κατάλληλα τελετουργικά και ειδικές προσευχές, που συνέτασσαν και εκτελούσαν μάντεις-θεραπευτές οι οποίοι, λόγω της εξειδικευμένης τους κατάρτισης, ήταν σε θέση να ερμηνεύουν τα κακώς κείμενα και να δίνουν τις προσήκουσες λύσεις.

Στο βιβλίο αυτό, μέσα από τη σύγκριση των πρωιμότερων αρχαίων ελληνικών πηγών με διάφορα εξειδικευμένα τελετουργικά κείμενα Χετταίων, Λουβίων, Χουρριτών, κ.ά. ιατρομάντεων της τρίτης και δεύτερης χιλιετίας π.Χ., που προέρχονται από βιβλιοθήκες αρχαίων ανατολικών βασιλείων, ιχνηλατείται η πορεία της αντίληψης για την αποπομπή του τελετουργικού φαρμακού (του αποδιοπομπαίου τράγου) στις αρχαίες κοινωνίες. Μέρος της πολύτιμης αυτής και μακραίωνης γνώσης των λαών της αρχαίας Εγγύς Ανατολής φαίνεται πως πέρασε απρόσκοπτα στον κόσμο του Αιγαίου και της ηπειρωτικής Ελλάδας περί τις αρχές της πρώτης χιλιετίας π.Χ. Κατά το μεγάλο ταξίδι των μύθων στον αρχαίο ελληνικό κόσμο και την Εγγύς Ανατολή, η μορφή του ισχυρού επήλυδος θεού Απόλλωνος αναδείχθηκε, και μάλιστα με την καίρια συμβολή του ίδιου του Ομήρου, σε θεό θεραπευτή λοιμικών ασθενειών και προστάτη του ελληνικού αποικισμού, μπολιάζοντας καθοριστικά τον αρχαίο ελληνικό πολιτισμό.

How did man in the distant past perceive deadly infectious diseases, such as leprosy, typhus, and cholera, and by what means did he treat them? How old is the common understanding of the (self-)sacrifice of the scapegoat? What is the relationship between the recently experienced pandemic and the ancient concept of the "sacrificial lamb", the archaic Greek colonialism, and god Apollo? These are just some of the major questions raised in this book. Already since prehistoric times, human societies, unable to comprehend the real causes of famine or plague, attributed the occurrence of such calamities to the intervention of divine powers, both as punishment and as a means of correction for their transgressive behaviour. In order to appease the gods, to heal and return to normalcy, appropriate rituals and special prayers were employed, composed and performed by special healers who, due to their specialized knowledge, were able to interpret the wrongdoings and shortcomings providing pertinent solutions.
In this book, the course of the ritualistic sacrifice (pharmakos or scapegoat) in ancient societies as a perception is traced through a comparative analysis between the earliest ancient Greek sources and various specialized ritual texts of Hittite, Luwian, Hurrian, among other, iatromanteis (physician-seers) of the third and second millennium BCE, recovered from libraries of ancient eastern kingdoms.
A portion of this valuable and long-lasting knowledge of the peoples of the ancient Near East seems to have passed unhindered to the world of the Aegean and mainland Greece around the beginning of the first millennium BCE.
Throughout the great journey of myths in the ancient Greek world and the Near East, the figure of the powerful incomer god Apollo, even more so with the crucial contribution of Homer himself, emerged as a god-healer of infectious diseases and protector of Greek colonization, thus decisively embedding himself into the ancient Greek culture.

يهدفُ هذا البحث إلى الكشف عن العلاقة الوثقى بين اللسان والعمران من خلال الكشف عن أثر اللغة العربيّة في انتشار الإسلام وتوسّع الحضارة العربية والإسلامية خارج جغرافيا جزيرة العرب. وينطلق البحث من سؤال أساسيّ مفاده: كيف أسهم تضافر العناصر البشرية واللسان في بلوغ أهداف الحضارة العمرانيّة؟ وقد اعتمد البحث على استطلاع السياسة اللغويّة التي بدأت مع ظهور الإسلام في جزيرة العرب، وما أعقبه من تخطيطٍ لغوي رافق انتشار الإسلام والفتوحات العربية في العالم القديم.
وخلص البحث إلى أنّ للإسلام أثرًا جوهريًّا في إنتاج سياسة لغوية في شبه جزيرة العرب عززت من روابط الوحدة والهويّة اللسانيتين الجامعتين. وفي المقابل فقد ساهمت اللغة العربيّة على انتشار الإسلام خارج حدود شبه الجزيرة العربيّة.
الكلمات المفتاحية: العمران، السياسة اللغويّة، التخطيط اللغوي، انتشار الإسلام، العالم القديم.


Abstract
Language and Civilization: The Role of Arabic Language in the Spread of Islam
This study seeks to examine the strong relationship between language and civilization through unveiling the role of Arabic in the spread of Islam and the expansion of the Arabo-Islamic civilization outside the Arabian Peninsula. The study argues that both language and human interaction have contributed to the formation of that civilization. It will demonstrate this through exploring the language policy that began with the emergence of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula, coupled with the language planning that accompanied the spread of the religion and the Arab conquests in the Middle Ages. The study will conclude that Islam had an essential impact on producing a language policy in the Arabian Peninsula, a policy that strengthened the identity and unity of the entire community.

The Neo-Assyrian site Šibaniba (modern Tell Billa) served as a provincial center at the very edge of what is traditionally known as the "Assyrian Heartland". Excavations in the early 1900s under Dr. Speiser of the University of Pennsylvania uncovered architecture in the southwestern portion of the mound, but a loss of records and lack of publication have prevented any comprehensive publications or analysis of the archaeological material. The architecture from Level I in the southwest corner is the remains of a palace from the latter half of the Neo-Assyrian periodcomprised of an inner, paved courtyard and surrounding rooms. The analysis of this palace complex is carried out herein, with a discussion of its positioning and importance, especially during Nineveh's tenure as imperial capital. Overall, Šibaniba, despite being located so close to the Heartland, was an important administrative center in its own rightillustrated by a restructuring of the citadel's organization in the later Neo-Assyrian period and its inclusion in Sennacherib's irrigation program.