Academic Dependency and Professionalization in the South: Perspectives from the Periphery

EDIUNC, 2014

SEPHIS

Academic dependency and professionalization in the South: perspectives from the periphery / Fernanda Beigel ... [et.al.] ; coordinado por Fernanda Beigel y Hanan Sabea. - 1ª ed. - Mendoza: EDIUNC; Rio de Janeiro: SEPHIS, 2014.(Encuentros; 5)

E-Book.

Traducido por: Sebastián Touza y Cecilia Pereyra

ISBN 978-950-39-0304-9.

1. Políticas de Educación. 2. Política Científicas científicas. 3. Enseñanza Universitaria. I. Beigel, Fernanda II. Beigel, Fernanda, coord. III. Sabea, Hanan, coord. IV. Touza, Sebastián, trad. V. Pereyra, Cecilia, trad.

CDD 379.2

Legal deposit has been made as provided by Law 11723

© EDIUNC, 2014

Edition: Fernanda Beigel and Hanan Sabea

Direction: Pilar Piñeyrúa

Proofreading: Juan López and Erik Marsh

Translation: Sebastián Touza and Cecilia Pereyra

Cover photo: Juan Manuel Moreno

Cover design: María Teresa Bruno and Leandro Esteban Vallejos

E-book production: Lucía Domenech and Juan Pablo Del Peral

Table of contents

Preface: SEPHIS and a Critical Look at Academic Dependency in Today’s World

Introduction

—I.The Research Field and Recent Contributions

—The Nationalist Approachand the Perspective from the Periphery

—II. Disciplining the Social Sciences: Questions of Value and Conversions in the South

—A Story of a Story: Histories of Social Science Production and Circulation in MENA

—III. The Second Workshop on Academic Dependency and the Organization of this Book

—References

SECTION A: Conceptualization and Theoretical Debate

Chapter 1: Academic Dependency: The Intellectual Challenge

—Defining Academic Dependency

—Dependency on Ideas: Eurocentrism in the Curricula

—Dependency on Recognition

—A Project to Reverse Academic Dependency

—The Sociology of José Rizal

—Conclusion

—References

Chapter 2: Cultural Components of Social Science in the Global Age

—Natural and Social Sciences in the New Setting

—Persistence and Change in the Global/Local Dichotomy

—Trends in the Production of Authoritative, Certified Knowledge

—Critical Reconstruction of the Biased/ Reductionist, Global Agenda

—Inexhaustible Cultural Diversity and Alternative Ways of Doing Things

—Conclusion

—References

Chapter 3: The Problematic of Indigenous and Indigeneity: South Asian and African Experiences

—Anthropology, the Colonial Episteme and Nationalism

—Nationalism and Framing of Modern Sociology: D. P. Mukerji’s Sociological Imagination

—The African Renaissance and the Framing of an African sociology

—Conclusion

—References

SECTION B: Internationalization and Academic Autonomy in Historical Perspective

Chapter 4: Middle Classes and Pan American Networks: Building a Class for Social Change

—The Pan American Project

—The Study of the Middle Classes

—The Size of the Middle Class and Its Contribution to Social Change

—The Middle Class in Argentina

—The Agreement between Local and International Agendas

—References

Chapter 5: There is No Development without Experts: International Cooperation and the Education of Public Administration Professionals in Chile

—International Cooperation: There is No Development without Experts

—The Education of Public Administrators and Political Scientists in Chile

—FLACSO’s ELACP, a Case of Foreign Cooperation and Academic Autonomy

—The Role of Foreign Aid in the Faculty of Law and Social Sciences at the University of Chile

—Conclusions

—References

—Archival Sources

Chapter 6: Professional trajectories as a route to the legitimization of Sociologists: Notes on the Chilean Case

—The Symbolic Possessions of Sociology in Chile

—The Social Construction of Disciplinary Identity

—The Origin of the Prestige of Sociology in Chile

—The Period of Symbolic Dispossession of Chilean Sociology

—Conclusions

—References

Chapter 7: Questions on Internationalization of Research Groups, Student Mobility and Brain Drain

—International Student Mobility: A Dependency Indicator?

—Return, Reconnection and Repatriation: Variations Around Highly Qualified Migration

—The Internationalization of Scientific Elites: A Large-scale Phenomenon?

—Conclusion

—References

SECTION C: Peripheral Proffesionalization and Academic Dependency

Chapter 8: Alternatives to Hegemonic and Eurocentric Agendas of Socio-environmental Research: An Experience Based on the Zapatista Case

—Decoloniality: A Theoretical Alternative to Hegemonic Research Agendas

—The Ricardo Flores Magón Autonomous Zapatista Municipality (MAREZ): A Scenario for Visualizing Non-Dependent Forms of Research

—Historical Highlights of the Lacandon Jungle Population

—Biocoloniality: An Example of Interpretation Influenced by Academic Dependency

—Bioprospecting

—Environmental Services

—Ecotourism

—Oil Palm Crops to Produce Biofuel

—The Role of Research in the Solution of Socio-Environmental Conflicts and the Search for Alternatives to Hegemonic Agendas

—Conclusions

—References

Chapter 9: A Case of Financial Dependency: Scientific Policy during the Argentine Military Dictatorship (1976–1983)

—Expansion and Decentralization of the National Science System as policy goal: a priority of the ——……—Argentine Military Government

—Origin, Evolution, and Corollaries of the Role of the LADB in Latin America

—The IADB–Conicet Loan: Weights and Counterweights of a Case of Financial Dependency

—Final Remarks

—References

—Archival Sources

Chapter 10: Academic Dependency and Scholarly Publishing among Social Scientists at Selected Universities in Nigeria

—Social Relations of the Quest for International Publishing

—International Publishing and Local Dissemination Outlets

—International Publishing and the Career of Social Scientists

—Conclusion

—References

Chapter 11: Citizen of the World or a Local Producer of Useful Knowledge? That’s the Question

—New International Context: Mega-Science, Large Networks and the Division of Scientific Labor

—The Consequences of the New Model for Latin American Research

—Three Cases Illustrating the New International Division of Scientific Labor

—Chagas Disease: Scientific Papers or New Drugs and Vaccines?

—Seagulls and Whales in Patagonia

—Plasma Physics on the Periphery of the Periphery

—Conclusions

—References

SECTION D: Higher Education and Foreign Models

Chapter 12: An Emancipatory Look at Comparative Education: A Formative Discipline for Research and Government in Latin America

—Historicizing: What is Making Comparisons Good For?

—The Comparative Method in the Social Sciences

—Traditional Comparative Studies

—Our Emancipatory View of Comparative Education: What Does it Consist of?

—The Global-Universal and the Local-Particular as a Theoretical Comparative Framework

—International Organizations in Latin America and Comparative Studies

—Toward a Transformative Role for Comparative Education in Latin America

—References

Chapter 13: Effects of Structural Adjustment Programs on Funding Policies in Institutions of Higher Education in Kenya

—Contextualizing the Expansion of HigherEducation in Kenya

—Effects of Expansion on Social Sciences in Kenya

—Decentralization of Power and Financing of Universities in Kenya

—Restructuring Higher Education in Kenya

—Conclusion

—References

Chapter 14: The Expansion of Higher Education in Brazil and Its Principal Challenges

—The Educational Issue in Brazil

—The Higher Education System in Brazil

—Policies of Access to Higher Education: The Case of Affirmative Action

—Affirmative Action in Public Institutions

—Affirmative Action in Private Institutions

—Final Considerations

—References

List of Abbreviations

About the Authors

—Hanan Sabea

—Fernanda Beigel

—Syed Farid Alatas

—Hebe Vessuri

—Sujata Patel

—Diego Ezequiel Pereyra

—Natalia Rizzo

—Anabella Abarzúa Cutroni

—Nicolás Gómez Núñez

—Sylvie DidouAupetit

—Adriana Gomez Bonilla

—Fabiana Bekerman

—Víctor Algañaraz

—Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale

—Pablo Kreimer

—Marcela Mollis

—Susan M. Kilonzo

—Marcia Lima

Acknowledgments

This book grew out of the Second Workshop on Academic Dependency, held at the National University of Cuyo (Mendoza, Argentina) in November 2010. It was a productive academic event made possible by the commitment and collaboration of three institutions: the National University of Cuyo, SEPHIS–The Global South Program, and the Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLASCO). We also received a grant for Scientific Meetings (RC) from the National Agency for Scientific Research and Technology (ANPCyT). The edition of this book would not have been possible without the support of SEPHIS and UNCuyo University Press (EDIUNC). In particular, we are thankful for the commitment of Claudio Pinheiro and Pilar Peñayrúa.

Preface

SEPHIS and a Critical Look at Academic Dependency in Today’s World

Claudio Pinheiro

(SEPHIS–The Global South Program)

Eloísa Martín

(SEPHIS–The Global South Program)

SEPHIS Program proudly welcomes the edition of Academic Dependency and Professionalization in the South: Perspectives from the Periphery, organized and edited by Fernanda Beigel and Hanan Sabea.

The main theme adressed is very dear to SEPHIS and closely related to its background, relevance, and milestones over the past 20 years. The initiative that led to the creation of SEPHIS in the early 1990s, which realized that an uneven international scheme for knowledge production and dissemination served as a source of inspiration for specific efforts to support intellectual cohort training and to build ties across peripheral institutions and scholars.

The issue of academic and intellectual dependency has become a classic approach for reflections on global knowledge production. At least since the 1960s, renowned thinkers in Asia, Africa, and Latin America have pondered this problem, producing a great number of works, ranging from essays to raise awareness to sophisticated sociological analyses on dependency that have influenced agendas for both intellectuals’ education and operations at institutions involved in knowledge creation in the Global South, known as the Third World back then. These authors tried to explain and reverse the influence of colonialism on research topics, training paths, and funding agendas that restricted the engagement of peripheral countries in global idea production realms. Names like Claude Ake, Paul Houtonji, Amílcar Cabral, Syed Hussein Alatas, Edward Said, Samir Amin, and many others emerged from their university departments, decolonization trenches, and political domains to underscore how the intelligentsia and the structures of knowledge production in the periphery had been compromised by colonialism and its durable effects.

Since then, this concern has gathered momentum, as new scholars have renewed analytical approachesover recent decades, supporting research studies that go beyond ideological considerations of knowledge production in the periphery of global capitalism. Intellectuals currently debating this agenda no longer replicate the dominant geography of the 1960s and 1970s that organized the world around the divide separating a wealthy North from a poor South. Thus, the South is no longer characterized as the site of poverty, but as a semantic realm divested of epistemological and theoretical tools dominating international knowledge production schemes, as noted by Raewyn Connell in Southern Theory. As a result, today’s debates are pushing the boundaries of the Global South.

Academic Dependency and Professionalization in the South tackles several of these matters. It is the second publication sponsored by SEPHIS on these topics in the past three years. Both books have been based on the debates and contributions drawn from two events sponsored by this Program. In February 2008, Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff coordinated the seminarCoping with Academic Dependency: How?, organized by SEPHIS in collaboration with the Asian Development Research Institute (ADRI), in Patna, India. The papers presented at this seminar were edited in 2010 by Kathinka Sinha-Kerkhoff (ADRI) and Syed Farid Alatas (National University of Singapore) in a book entitled Academic Dependency in the Social Sciences: Structural Realities and Intellectual Challenges, published by SEPHIS and New Delhi’s Manohar publisher.

In November 2010, SEPHIS organized a second seminar on these topics, coordinated by Fernanda Beigel, under the title Academic Dependency: The Challenge of Constructing Autonomous Social Sciences in the South. The present book compiles the contributions made by participants at Mendoza’s seminar, some of whom had attended Patna’s seminar, showing SEPHIS’ continued support of the debate on material and epistemic conditions of knowledge production in the Global South. These events and publications were intended to debate the approaches that drive inequality in the production of ideas and outline the boundaries of academic dependency. This publication renews the scope of this debate, incorporating classic sociological topics. Its chapters look at issues concerning conceptualization, theoretical debates, internationalization and autonomy, professionalization, and higher education agendas based on Northern models. Hence, they complement and broaden the scope of the debate encompassed by Sinha-Kerkhoff and Alatas’ 2010 publication.

In addition, this publication comes at a time of celebration and new challenges for SEPHIS. In 2014, the Program celebrates its 20-year anniversary in its new home, with SEPHIS being finally transferred to the South, settling down in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

Several activities and publications commemorate the Program’s many initiatives to help overcome the gaps and inequalities imposed on international knowledge production that have historically attempted to sentence the Global South to subalternity and silence. For two decades, SEPHIS has encouraged and supported efforts to revamp the debate with theoretical notions surfacing in the South itself, promoting exchanges and links among intellectuals and funding research centers. However, it has been with its initiatives to strengthen youths’ intellectual capacities that SEPHIS has primarily built a more renowned and lasting experience.

The fact that these 20 years are being celebrated in the South itself is another reason for great satisfaction. Moving SEPHIS’ headquarters to the South was a wish long harbored by the Program’s Board, and its materialization is likely to have a significant impact on the debate’s agenda. While Southern countries acknowledge the theoretical debate on divisions in international knowledge production, alternative actions for creating theoretical, epistemological, and scientific practice strongholds seem less visible. It is hard to find specific policies instituted by funding agencies or organized actions by groups of intellectuals to fuel this debate in terms of scientific policies. It is not just about a debate of ideas but about the conditions of ideas’ production, asSouthern countries have historically depended more on public funding for knowledge creation. When peripheral States (by means of their research funding agencies) do not recognize the need to think locally, they end up irreversibly curtailing the possibility of considering actual alternatives to current schemes. As, over these past 20 years, SEPHIS has contributed to a more equitable knowledge production structure, we hope that now, settled in the geographic and epistemological South, it consolidates as a more favorable setting and an active agent for the creation of agendas and funding policies from and for the Global South. The debatesfeatured in Academic Dependency and Professionalization in the South certainly bring new hope for the future of SEPHIS’ policies and the continuity of its projects.

Introduction

Hanan Sabea and Fernanda Beigel

The notion of academic dependency refers to the unequal structure of production and circulation of knowledge, historically built into the international scientific system. For decades it has been a recurring concern for peripheral academic communities and an issue of growing interest for mainstream institutions and inter-governmental agencies. The dependency focus arose in the 1960s as a theoretical problem, with the intention of re-diagnosing underdevelopment within collective and interdisciplinary reflections. Dependency was outlined as an historical situation, occurring under certain national and international conditions, which were conceived of as the result of the global structure of underdevelopment. It was not only seen as an external imposition, but mainly as a relationship between industrialized and peripheral countries. Dependentists contributed significantly to re-thinking the concept of underdevelopment and enriched the structural-historical method (Cardoso and Faletto, 1969; Frank, 1967; Furtado, 1975; Quijano, 1970; Dos Santos, 1968; Sunkel, 1970).

The historical, cultural, and political-economic specificity of Latin America as a space differentiated from the dominant capitalist center heightened dependentists’ awareness of the dominance of foreign theoretical models and about the need to think autonomously. They thus contributed to a regional process of developing scientificparadigms forged at the crossroads between a local variant of Structuralism (Estructuralismo Cepalino), Marxism, and indigenous colonial studies. In this context, cultural imperialism and euro-centrism emerged as critical concepts delineating persistent problems for the social sciences in the Third World, and several scholars offered salient contributions to such debates (Amín, 1989; Fanon, 1974; Mattelart and Dorfman, 1972; Said, 1993; among others). However, the dependentists’ works were mainly published in Spanish and remained marginal, as a result of the military dictatorships in South America and the dismantling of the institutional setting in which this intellectual current emerged (Beigel, 2010a).

Recently, Aníbal Quijano made a major contribution, reflecting on the limits of the categories of the nation and class, which were key foci that prevailed in the 1960s. According to him, economic dependency, class inequality, and racialization of subaltern groups are the result of a long-lasting structure of domination: namely the coloniality of power as he phrased it (Quijano, 2000). Such conceptualizations traveled across the periphery, shaping and becoming part of ongoing intellectual and political conversations with other Latin American scholars (e.g. Dussel, 2000; Escobar, 2007; Mignolo 2000), in Africa (e.g. Bissell, 2007; Cooper, 2002; Mamdani, 1996; Mbembe, 2000), the Middle East (e.g. Bilgin, 2004) and Asia (e.g. Chakrabarty, 2000; Dirlik, 2004; Patel, 2004; Sinha, 1997). Such dialogues and engagements fostered important debates about the categories of the universal and the particular, the national and the international.

For some time now, the nature and scope of international/universal social sciences has been debated, and a consensus has not yet been reached. The French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu discussed the existence of universal concepts and ideas. According to him, a set of categories and theories can be imposed globally—hiding the fact that they reflect local conditions and contexts such as those of the United States or France (see also Nugent, 2010, who traces forms and mechanisms of the domestication of social science knowledge). These mechanisms are found very often in the circulation of academic novelties, in which case the imperialism of the universal is reinforced (Bourdieu, 1999, p. 154). The imperialism of the universal translates to anthropological theorizing and research in what Arjun Appadurai (1988) referred to as gate keeping concepts, ideas and themes "that become metonymic prisons for particular places (1988, p. 40). To elaborate his argument, Appadurai turns to the historical and spatial construction of the concept of native in Africa, hierarchy and caste in India, and honor and shame in the Middle East.

Pursuing a similar critique of imperial constructions of spaces and peoples, Lila Abu Lughod, informed by the work of Edward Said, asks in the case of the study of the Arab Middle East why is theorizing distributed into those particular zones? … and what limits, exclusions and silences does this distribution entail? (1989, p. 268). In this sense, questions of who writes about whom, how concepts are translated, how languages are forced in order to reach others, and whose terms define the discourse, analysis and conceptual frameworks deployed remain critical in the pursuit of social science in the case of the Middle East, and we can argue, by extension, in the spatial configuration of other places as well (see also Appadurai, 1986; Asad, 1986; Mitchell, 2003).

Since the Gulbenkian Report, Wallerstein has fostered the unthinking of social sciences in order to overcome the mandates of nineteenth-century European paradigms (Wallerstein, 2003; see also Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s 1991 analysis of anthropology, its development and strategies for rethinking its relationship to the very project of the West, and Escobar’s 2007 project of Worlds and Knowledges Otherwise). Contemporary globalization has revived such debates and has laid out the challenge of constructing a sociology that can be both international and contain non-dominant universals (Patel, 2010). Problematizing space and locality has been critical in rethinking not only the universalizing practices of Eurocentric (and colonial) social science. Equally important and relevant to arguments about dependency is the construct of indigenous (see Chapters 2, 3 and 8 of this book). As Suman Seth (2000, p. 378) reminds us, locality is socially and historically produced in and through a dynamic interaction. The local is not a space where indigenous sensibilities reside in any simple sense. Seth (2000) further argued:

Anthropologists (in particular) have evinced skepticism towards the very idea of an authentic, systemic and autonomous indigenous knowledge as something to be opposed to a singular scientific knowledge. Local knowledge cannot be simplistically equated with indigenous knowledge…We need to pay attention to the ways in which (techno)-scientific knowledge and its way of ordering the world may be both implicated and imbricated in the very indigenous epistemologies to which it is commonly juxtaposed. (p. 378)

Such paradoxes of social science knowledge production can be exemplified by a detour to the Middle East, by briefly engaging the events of 2011 and how they become objects of knowledge and interpretation. The tension and trouble with facile dichotomies as well as the effects of universalizing categories was thus most glaringly exemplified in the recent attempts to name and analyze the revolutions in the Middle East since January 2011. From referencing the East European model as taxonomic equivalent, to an adamant and arrogant insistence on the inevitable path of transformation to and signification of liberal democracy, revolutionary processes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria and Bahrain were already scripted within and along lines defined by an Anglo-Saxon narrative. Despite the evident limits of many such analyses, the analytic lens has either remained confined to a universalizing narrative of transformation, or was simplistically juxtaposed to the national (read: local) variant and its culturalist logic.

The range of taxonomies deployed varied: revolution vs. uprising, Arab Spring, transitional period to democracy, and the long, convoluted debate about coup or mass revolution for the events of June 30, 2013. Dispersed in between were assertions of the inherent autocratic nature of peoples and rulers in the region, the immaturity (or even improbability) of democracy, and the impossibility of following any other path to freedom and liberty that questions (or reveals the limits of) the very foundational premise of liberal democracy, namely the ballot box and procedural elections. This brief example of the revolutionary processes in the Arab World (also named the Middle East or Middle East and North Africa) cannot but expose the ceaseless quest to frame, name and script the path of transformation from an already given and familiar vantage point. In the same vein, and as we discuss further below, what questions to ask, how categories are deployed, and how rules of the game are defined and reproduced represent yet different angles along which the production of social science knowledge has been configured.

I. The Research Field and Recent Contributions

Critical social studies of science have a long history and emerged in the North and in the South.There was heightened interest in the mid-twentieth century, when science (and especially social science) became embroiled in the cold war. There is no shortage of studies on the relation between scientific research and foreign aid, international publishing and material resources, uneven distribution of academic prestige among disciplines and institutions, or dissimilar research capacities and heteronomous academic mobility. As a research field, currently academic dependency is intellectually informed by debates and critiques from the social studies of science, critical epistemology and comparative studies of higher education. It encompasses the production and circulation of knowledge as institutional, individual and collective processes, mutually related, which have produced different paths to academia-building. In the periphery, these combinations are the historical result of national and regional responses to internationalization—particularly given the diverse roles played by the state in scientific development and higher education.

Scholars who engage academic dependency as a research problematic focus on processes by which domination is embedded within knowledge production. These studies critically converge with dependency analysis and Latin American structuralism—two traditions originally concerned with economics and politics. In the second half of the 1970s, pioneer works by Edward Shils and Philip Altbach attested to specific factors shaping subordination within the academic field. Gareau (1988) published an important work arguing that Western-forged social sciences built their truths with only marginal input from the Third World, a fact that raised serious questions about objectivity. His analysis of the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences showed that 98.1% of the authors were affiliated to US universities, or secondarily, to European universities, mainly in the UK, France, and Germany.

Recent studies show that universal standards for social research and good theory have been constituted and legitimized by the international system started of publications by Eugene Garfield in the 1950s. For many decades, the Science Citation Index’s rankings and impact factor have influenced US and European journals’ editorial decisions. Academic prestige was progressively concentrated in top ranked journals and research institutions which helped establish a set of international hierarchies, which increasingly separated research in more prestigious academic centers from marginal knowledge produced and published outside this pool (Beigel, 2013a). Within universities as sites of knowledge production, a system of measure as the Edu-factory Collective (2011) refers to it, comprises the increasingly elaborate techniques that the private and public bodies managing universities introduce to attempt to quantify the quality, impact and value of their employees’ work [read: faculty and scholars] (2011, p. 3).

Elements such as university and journal rankings have consolidated these hierarchies and these inequalities in the international circulation of ideas. The 2012 Times’ Higher Education World University Ranking placed no Latin American University in the top 100 and only four made it into the 400 world-wide listed universities (Bernasconi, 2013, p. 1). Challenging the results, a group of University leaders who met in Mexico in 2012 argued that the rankings are biased and unfair to the region and that Latin American universities are essentially different from the concept of a university implied in the rankings, the latter derived from standards defined by Anglo-Saxon universities (2013, p. 1). Various forms of resistance to these rankings by academic capitalism can be found throughout the South and North. ¹ Moreover, the rankings of many if not most aspects of socio-cultural life and experiences proliferate, such as world values in the World Value Surveys, development and governance indices (in the World Human Development Reports and the Mo Ibrahim Good Governance index), freedom and democracy standards, gender equality or measures of gender violence, and the Global Competitiveness Index published by the World Economic Forum. Such indices, measures and maps, though embedded seemingly in social science methodologies, have become an inseparable from the geopolitical management of global order.

The World Social Science Report (UNESCO, 2010) showed that unevenness in institutional settings, translation capacities, and material resources are powerful determinants in academic life. Collaborative research is still dominated by Northern partnerships, with a minimal share of joint South-South articles (2010, p. 146). Heilbron has shown that symbolic goods produced by central academies—and written in English—have a dramatically broader international circulation than those produced in dominated languages (Spanish, Portuguese, Arabic, Russian). The latter’s export rates are very low or even zero, as they have minimum access to the more prestigious journals published by established research centers. Despite the growth in scientific production in many peripheral countries, Latin America, Asia and Africa currently have a minimum share of the articles indexed by ISI–Thomson Reuters or Scopus. As a result, academic autonomy has become a complex and uphill enterprise for peripheral social sciences, while it is simply taken for granted in American or French Sociology (Beigel, 2014).

In the field of studies on academic dependency, the very concept of autonomy has been thoroughly discussed in light of empirical studies that have clearly shown the development of science in the periphery. Meanwhile, for some, knowledge in the periphery is the result of imitation and the captive mind (see Chapter 1), others have demonstrated that a community on the periphery can reduce foreign theoretical imports and increase local production of concepts or methods. It is far more difficult to increase the international circulation of this knowledge. Also significant is the case of peripheral centers that have reached dominant positions within Southern regions, but remain subordinate within the world academic system (Beigel, 2010). The argument is equally relevant to disciplines such as anthropology, for instance: though peripheral regions have for years served as key sites for ethnographic research, they remain on the margins in publishing domains and circuits of knowledge production and circulation.

The tensions between globalization and internationalization, and the alternatives for non-dominant social sciences have been also explored (Garretón et al., 2005; Kuhn and Weidemann, 2010; Patel, 2010). Given that internationalization contains the idea of nations as homogeneous spaces, it is sometimes considered a phenomenon of the past that has been superseded by a truly global. Using the term in this book, therefore, stresses the fact that national spaces are still a valid unit of analysis to understand much of the current education, research, and funding in the social sciences. Of course it is not the only unit of analysis, nor is it adequate to use only this one. As Sassen (2010) has argued, the global is partly built inside the national.

The Nationalist Approach and the Perspective from the Periphery

Peripheral scientific communities have been often misrepresented as lacking in autonomy on account of their location in social spaces besieged by powerful exogenous forces—state interventions, politicization, and/or the influence of foreign