THERUKOOTHU: A TRADITIONAL SOUTH INDIAN DANCE DRAMA FORM AS MANIFEST IN NATAL SINCE 1860. A DISSERTATICN SOMINTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE RUQUIRENGRITS FOR THE DEGRKE CF ASTER OF BaTS TH THE DRPARTHENT OF DRAMA UNIVERSITY OF DUREAN - WESTVILLE By SATARSIVAN IER! 2LAT ANNAN AkO 4 recor OY DoRSAN NovENEER 1992 recession NO. ann ‘ens NoCONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1.1. Scope of study . 1.2 Socto-Historical Framework .......+ 1,3 Methodology .... 1.4 Organization of Material ....... 1.5 General Probleas . (CHAPTER ONE 2.1. Socio-Economic Status of the indentured Indians in South Africa ....... 2.2 Historical and Geographical background ©f Mount Bageconbe 2.3. The Cast Syste Bagecombe .....- 2.4 The Sugar Estates - 2.5 Language and Education in Mount Edgecombe ‘and Communality in Mount ‘and Surrounding Areas in the 1900's . 2.6 Self-Help Organizations and Schemes . 2.6.1 Sathia Gnanam Sangam ....00/-+.. 5 2.6.2 The Hindu Young Men's Association .... 2.7 ‘The Temple 2.8 Festival ....... 2.9 Other artistic Manifestations in Mount Edgecombe and Surrounding Districts " 33 38 39 ° 45 s “6s « so2.9.1 2.9.2 2.9.3 2.9.4 in the 1900's Temple Society .........+ Drama .. ‘The Tiger Dance - Brief overview of Theatre by South African Indians from the Sixties to Presesnt Day . Conclusion . Notes (CHAPTER TWO Descriptive Definition of Therukoothu 3.1, Nature of Therukoothu ..... 3.2 Ritual function . 3.3 Origins ... 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3 34 3.5 3.5.1 3.5.2 3.6 Therukoothu Music Instruments 3.6.1 3.6.2 Natya Sastra , ‘The Ramayana Mahabarata . Dramatic Content ........ ‘Theatrical Features ‘The Curtain Entrance .......+e++++ Kottakai (Green room) ....-- ‘The Mirdhangam Harmonium ....- 37 37 59 6 65 68 70 ” 16 19 83 sz 92 93 98 99 103 105 1053.6.3 Mukavinai . . 105 3.6.4 the Talam . 106 3.7. Therukoothu Music . ee 3.7.1, Therukoothu Songs 108 3.7.1.1 The Invocation Song .. ses 108 3.7.1.2 Vaaraai 3.7.1.3 Entrance song - 3.7.1.4 Character Song - 3.8 Lighting - 3.9 Facial Make-up . 3.9.1 ‘Therukoothy Notife ..... is 3.10 Head and Body Gear ......-.+ ns 3.11 Movenent and Dance in Therukoothu ......6... 124 3.12 Conclusion « ee 130 notes ... oS CHAPTER THREE 4.0. Introduction — 136 4.1 The State of Therukocthu in Natal .......s6++ 136 4.2 The First mxperiment ......6. ess oe 4.2.1 choice of Episode ...... cee 8 4.2.2. The Time-Frane . eae 146 4.2.3, Choice of Troupe... eee 147 4.2.4 The Asoka Theatre ... a 48 4.2.5. The Foyer Exhibition ......cceeeeeee 1504.2.6 The Production Team ... 182 4.2.7, Spatial Challenge .. 154 4.2.7.1 ‘Te Kottakai (Change-rooa) +. 160 4.2.8 Lighting . 161 4.2.9 Acoustics : 2.163 4.2.10 The Concept of the Komali . s. 164 4.2.11 Conclusion -..esseseeseeeeseeeeee + 166 4.3. The Second Experiment ....seccecseseeeeeeses 168 4.3.1, The Title of the Play .....-- 170 4.3.2 characters . . ae wn 4.3.3. Dramatic Plot/Story ....ee.eeee+ 116 4.3.4 Dramatic Action 2... 179 4.3.5 the First Section . Aes 4.3.6 ‘The Second Section : 186 4.3.7 The Three Dimensions ......60cceeeseeeeees 188 4.3.8 Conclusion ..... Aes concrusrow ... aes ere 191 BIBLIOGRAPHY . eee 198 APPENDICES ... . 205 A Brochure: The Battle of Mayal_Ravay B Press Release: The Battle of Mayal Ravanan © Foyer Exhibition: The Battle of Mayal Ravananzou moe Female Characters in Therukoothu Musicians on Set: The Battle of Mayal Scene of Prayer before Therukoothu performance ‘The Komali in Therukoothu ‘rrance in Therukoothu Pamphlet: The tle of Mayal Ravanan ‘The Battle of Mayal Ravanan ‘The Battle of Mayal Ravanan Review: Varsity Voice Brochure: Lutchanana Morcha Article: Tamil adaptation of Bertolt Brecht's The Caucasian chalk Circle Programme: Three Hand Six Foot cast: Three Hand six Foot Production Team: Three Hand Six Foot ‘Three Hand Six Foot‘plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. 10 LIST OF PLATES curtain Entrance. 96 Rottakai (Change-Room). . -100 Ritual before applying Make-Up....113, Motifs used in Make-Up . 116 Kiritam (ead Gear)....666eeee005.120 Cikarek (Head Gear)... -120 Arrangement of Head and Shoulder Gear. 2123 187 Stage Setting. Stage Setting showing incomplete Kottakat... 187 Musicians on stage. 139 LIST OF FIGURES Stage Setting 101 Miranangan. cee eee e108 Harmonium. 108 Mukavinad.. -108 alan... seest04 ae iis Pattern of Mal 115 Mal for Biman. 7 icc ie: Make-Up under the Lip. 118Fig. 11. Kiritam. . .119 Fig. 12. Cikarek : 9 fig. 13. Shoulder Gear........++ a2 Fig. 14, Arrangement of Head and Body Gear, 7 : <2 Fig. 15. Dance Pattern (circular)...++.....127 Fig. 16. Dance Pattern (full frontal)......128 Fig. 17. Dance Pattern (Full frontal). Fig. 18. Dance Pattern (Kirikki)ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The writer wishes to expr. his gratitude to all those who assisted him at the various stages of preparation of this dissertation.Introduction 1.1 Scope of stuay Tt would appear that there has been no indepth study into the evolution of local dance dranas, variety concerts or popular theatrical performances amongst the Indians in South Africa. This is possibly due to the sporadic and fragmented spurts of theatrical activity amongst the Indian conmunity since their arrival in South Africa in 1860, Theatrical forms such as Therukoothu and the Drama’ remained for a period of time the only examples of ‘Indian Theatre’, until the inception of the more loosely structured, episodic variety concerts of the early 1900's and their continuation into the 1990's. This latter development had the effect of robbing theatre researchers of the ability to compare local Indian theatre developnent with the Western model. The unique local development where Therukoothu began to give way to films and other popular Indian theatrical forms is the intended field of my dissertation. The theatrical nature of Indian dance dramas especially that of the South Indian Therukoothu, With it's multi-dimensional nature (which will belexamined in chapter two) has proved and continues to prove, a logical source for exploration by theatre enthusiasts within and outside the Indian continent. (see appendix M) This practice however, has never been the case in the past amongst South Agrican Indians for reasons peculiar to the society. The area of study is both pertinent and of acadenic concern to South African theatre and cultural analysts who are presently attempting to determine how cultural forms from ancther society interact with an adopted society, and how new forms rge. Besides its ~theatre' relevance, it is also a means of locating the social and cultural interactions of the Indians in Natal through their aramatic practice. 12 bue to the nature of the Indenture System and the subsequent socio-economic circumstances that underpinned the lives of the early Indians in South Africa not much has happened between 1869 and 1900, especially in the ares of socio-cultural‘upliftment (discussed in chapter one). The prime intention of the Indentured System was to extract maximum work-hours to develop the sugar industry. ‘The long working hours and the stringent conditions of service left the Indians with very littie time to pursue extra-curricular goals. These chrounstances prevailed right up to the early 1800's, effectively rendering the social lives of the Indians barren (see chapter one). The sparse activity regarding the arts and, culture that occurred just prior to and after the 1900's will therefore receive brief mention, without an analytical study, just so as to place it in ite speci€ic socio-historical context. The freeing of the Indians fron their indentured contracts in 1911 heralded the beginning of the socio-economic, cultural and the socio-political development of the community. Tt is around this time that theatrical and general cultural activity began to take root. This activity was Linked inextricably to the religious rituals and festivals (see pp.51-52) that became popular around this time.theatrical forms such ‘Therukoothu were not individually pursued but were a communal interaction that took place during specific tines in the year and were inevitably linked to ‘sacred periods’ in the Hindu calendar. (see p-52) To such festivals, the Isipingo Marianman Temple Festival ‘and the Mount Edgecombe Shree Znperunal Temple Festival are known to have drawn thousands of devotees and members of the public. ‘The inception of the Festival in the late 1800's heralded the beginning of activities amongst the Indians in Natal. Mount Edgecombe was therefore at the forefront of cultural activity amongst the indentured Indian community. zt is against the background of these festivals and their related activities that the researcher has selected the Mount Edgecombe area as the primary source area for collection of material pertaining to the early dramatic activity, with specific reference to the South Indian Dance Drama form, Therukoothu. Mount Edgecombe was one of the prime Indian settlenents that thrived on a successful sugar industry, with each becoming reliant on the other for it's survival (see chapter one). The area can be seen as'a microcosm of the broader settlement of Indians in Natal and the subsequent processes and dynamics that came to operate within this community, Early theatrical activity in South Africa and especially the Therukoothu dance drama have evolved according to the dynamics that operated in the Natal coastal villages. In South India the form thrived mainly in the traditional villages and after being brought out to South Africa found a similar environment in the village of Mount Edgecombe. The destabilization of this ares and the many other settlement areas which was caused by the redistribution of people of colour in the 1850's, effectively removed the traditional art forms from their traditional settings and placed then in urban, industrialized ones, which were totally unsuitable for their continued survival. The early 1900's saw valiant efforts by certain community organizations such as the Hindu foung Men's Association, the Arya Yuvuk Sabha and the Tamil Vedic Society to inject the kind of stimulation the community required. Numerous fund- raising concerts were undertaken by these organizations to subsidize the vernacular andEnglish education projects. (see pp.46-47) These self-help schemes were usually centred around theatrical entertainment which in some cases developed fairly successfully. A case in point is Tonmy Lalbahadur, who under the auspices of the Arya Yuvuk Sabha wrote and directed a number of successful plays. Concerning the traditional art fora of Therukoothu in South Africa, recent years have seen it's bastardization to such an extent that it is necessary to provide descriptive definition in terns of it's proper context. A trip by the author to South India and an effort to locate an authentic troupe was also considered zecessary in order to validate the descriptive definition. the researcher was also able to ascertain the sociological implications of the form in recent times, the effect of urbanization and modernization and also note the influence of this form on other developing forms such as those presented by the researcher namely, The Be ‘Three Hand Six Foot. \ttle of Mayal Ravanan and‘The staging of the The Battle of Mayal Ravanan in the Asoka Theatre was a necessary exercise to test the strengths and weakness of the Therukoothu form, especially the theatrical elements in terns of then being adaptable to modernization, both technologically and sociologically. Three Hand six Foot on the other hand was far renoved from the ‘traditional performance’ in that it is an original piece of work, written and directed by the researcher which sought to explore new ground both technologically and sociologically and also draw attention to’ the form and structure of the dramatic piece itself. (discussed in chapter three) 1.3. Methodology ‘This is basically an indepth descriptive study of Therukoothu in terms of it's historical development, structural form and application to the changing circumstances facing the South African Indian community. Chapter three deals specifically with a semiotic study of the two productions, The Battie of Mayal Ravanan and Three Hand Six Foot Extensive field interviews with knowledgeable persons, actors, perforners, directors and‘musicians associated with the form were undertaken both locally and abroad. An extensive survey of literature in the field was undertaken both in South India and South Africa relating to the socio- historical development of the South African Indian community ané the art form itself. 1.4 Organization of material The first chapter deals with two very distinct sections, the first pertaining to the early Indians and the Indentured System which maps out systematically the socio-economic conditions as a prime cause of the social and cultural stagnation of this immigrant community. The second section deals in the main with the early theatrical activity in the Mount Edgecombe area around the 1900's. ‘The second chapter attempts to define descriptively the Indian dance drama fora, Therukoothu, as found in South India and especially in the rural areas of North Arcot,nanely,Purisai. Form and structure are dealt with in order to give the reader a fairly concise descriptive definition of the dance drama form.‘me third chapter deals with two productions Aixected in the Asoka Theatre namely, The Battle of Mayal Ravanan and Three Hand Six Foot. Both the productions are dealt with in detail and give a first hand account of the dynamics and processes involved in mounting the same. The chapter also considers the sociological and _ technological phenomena prevalent in the latter part of twentieth century in Natal. 1.5 General Probler ‘The two major problem areas encountered were: (a) The lack of published material in the researcher's spoken Language. (») The age group Of the researcher's informants. While there may be sufficient published material on the early Indians and the Indenture syster in South Africa, information pertaining to their social and cultural lives is virtually non- existent. Theoretical and historica? research in South India was equally problematic in that most works are written in one or the other vernacular Janguage.10 ‘the average age group of most of the researcher's informants was sixty. A sizable number were in fact over the age of sixty. This created a problem of accessing and verifying information as the fragile memories of most of these people were often called into question. The researcher therefore had to spend a considerable anount of time with actors and dancers, interviewing and attending performances, and eventually directing most of these sane gentlemen in The Battle of Mayal ‘The researcher's participation in the production tended to alleviate many of the problens."2.1 Socio-eonoaic Status of the _tndentured Indians in South Africa The history of the Indians in South Africa has been documented by such people as Surendra Bhana, Joy Brain, Hilda Kuper, Maureen Swan, E.H.Brookes, Hugh Tinker and many other authors, all of considerable repute. tt may be pertinent however to trace briefly in this @issertation the historical development of the community in order to contextualize the proceeding content ané to highlight conditions of existence which may have influenced the state of the creative and artistic contributions of the early Indian settler community. this chapter will be divided into two parts. The first, vill dea? with the Indian Indenture Systen and the socio-economic conditions affecting those indentured up to 1911 and the second part will deal more specifically with their socio-cultural development and contributions after 1911. The initial statistical section concerning the arrival of Indian immigrants in Natal, especially between the period 1860 and 1911 is based on a2 ftudy by Surendra Bhana, previously head of the Department of History at the University of Durban, Westville. (Bhana,S.1987) The dissertation will deal in the main with peoples originating from south India or the province referred to as Madras Presidency and attempts further to deal with a @once-drama_ type peculiar to the Indians from the Indian sub-continent who have settled in south Africa since 1860. Migration from India began around the time of Gautama puddha(cirea 500 C) when there was a great cultural and trade expansion towards the south east of Asia, and also along the east coast of Africa as far as tanzibar.(1) The intensification of migration by the British in the nineteenth century under the Indenture System served as an alternative to slavery and provided the workers with certain limited safeguards.(2) Most of the researcher's sources have revealed that the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 was primarily the result of Britain's attempt to secure a cheap and viable labour systen for it's industrial progranne in it's various colonies. A brief overview of the3 as to ascertain the extent to which conditions necessitated Britain's elaborate system of importing Labour. According to Palmer (1957.p.2) it was because of the Boer Native Policy that Britain eventually decided to annex Natal in 1843, Although Natal wes said to have large numbers of | “kaffirs', approximately two million in 1880, they dia not provide the kind of labour that vas required by the colonists.(3) the colonists required a workable system which provided consistent and efficient labour. the native population consisted of essentially pastoral people who worked well as domestic servants. They engaged in small-scale agricultural activities, done mainly by the womenfolk. The menfolk were more involved in hunting, hut-building and fighting. The natives of the country were considered unskilled and unreliable for the following reasons: {a} They were not accustomed to regular and steady work. (b) They often desertea their employers and“4 returned to their kraals without prior notification. (4 (c) ‘They had no concept of a labour contract.(5) Xt has been shown that shepstone's Native Policy effectively blocked off any attempts to introduce harsh measures to get the natives to operate under any oppressive system. itis introduction of tribal reserves helped to retain their traditional methods of subsistence. (6) His understanding of the African peoples and his influence in the British government presented him with sufficient clout to introduce policies safeguarding their interests. ‘The ban on slavery in 1807 and the emancipation of slaves in 1634 further added to the sensitive nature of attempting to use native labour. In any case the freed slaves refused to work under any system.(7) Mauritius, which was another of Britain's sugar producing colonies was also experiencing the sane problems as Natal. Britain soon realized the gravity of her labour problens. (8)15 ‘in Natal the planters felt that their labour grieviances were sufficiently valid for certain industrial experiments and programmes were already well under way as the following report would suggest: The sugarcane is now being cultivated to a considerable extent within the colony, and as, the requisite machinery for it's “production into sugar Will,no" doubt goon be forthcoming... and probably at no distant day an actual export of this necessity of life may confidently be looked for. (9) Experiments with coffee and arrowroot were only relatively sucessful.(10) Maize could be grown but Natal lacked a railway system. Tt became nore ‘and more apparent that Natal was most suitable for cane growing. 19 any case milling stations were aiready in use from the 1850's,a development which stenned from Edmund Morewood's introduction of cane plants from Mauritius in 1847.(11) When the idea of using Indian labour was first mooted it met with stiff opposition in pritain because of its connections with the slave-trade only a few years earlier. A commission of inguiry16 was immediately set up to evaluate the system. Although initially meeting with opposition, the Indenture Labour system was mooted and endorsed, but with comprehensive proposals to safeguard the immigrants. A lengthy negotiation process resuned between the Indian governnent and Britain to sap out the most suitable system within which the ‘scheme could operate. (12) The conditions set out for the immigration aschene @iffered for each receiving colony while the following may be said to be the ones applicable to Natal alone: (a) Bach recieving colony had to enter into a separate agre: nt with the government of India. (>) Wages and rations for immigrants were to be specified. (c) Immigrants were to receive proper medical treatment in times of illness. (a) Terms of indentured service were to be laid down. (e) A Protector of Immigrants was to be appointed to see that the terns of the agreement were carried out, and who would remedy any legitimate griviences of the immigrants. (13)W ‘the flow of indentured Indians into Natal can be Aivided into two sections, those arriving between 1860 and 1866 and those arriving between 1874 and 1911. The Indenture system was temporarily halted between 1866 and 1874 when the Indian Government received complaints fron Indian labourers of ill-treatment by the colonists. Analysis of ship lists show that 152 184 indentured Indians came to Natal between 1860 and 1911.(14) Analysis of the period 1860 to 1866 reveals that 5 456 Indians arrived from Madras, and” 990 arrived from Calcutta, while from 1860 to 1911, $9 662 had arrived from madras and 35 720 from Calcutta.(15} Details of the flow of Indians from the ports of Madras Presidency reveal that approximately sixty percent of the indentured labourers ‘had embarked from ports in this province. (16) ‘The Tamil and Telegu speaking immigrants hailed mainly fron Madras Presidency which, until 1954, included the Telegu state of Andra Pradesh.(17) captain Christopher Bidon, the Protector at Madras produced a paper indicating the flow of18 migrants from South India. We reported that the main flow came from the'over-populated Tamii districts’, whilst the untouchables featured most prominently in his recruiting lists.(18) The early indentured labourers were clearly dominated by Tamil-speakers as the following quotation show: There was a heavy flow of labours from three districts in Madras: North and South Arcot and Chingleput. These three ‘Tamil-Language districts produced nearly sixty percent of the south Indian migrants to Natal, which may offer an explanation for’ the vitality of the ex-indentured Tamil community Sn Natal. (19) Statistics show that up to 1911 South Indians of the Hindu sect hailed mainly from the following North and south Arcot, Chingleput, Vizagapatam, and Godavari. These districts together with Neflore and Salem which were also districts supplying Indian labour, collectively averaged ninety five percent of Hindus in 1901, The South Indian districts of Coimbatore, Gangam, Kistna, Tanjore, Tinnevelly and Trichnopoly are minor sources of Natal immigrants. Analysis of ship lists between the period 1860 and 1902 for Madras indicated that there existed a ratio of twenty19 ‘eight percent females to sixty five percent males. (20) ‘The passenger Indians were mainly Gujarati speaking Moslems and Hindus from Kathiawar, Surat, and Marathis also from the northern province. The Moslems who stayed in Durban are predominantly Meman and Bohra and belong to the Sunni Sect. Other passengers from the north included a few Parsees from pombay and a few Jains from Gujarat who inevitably went into small business. ALL these passenger Indians embarked at Bombay and were labelled ‘Bombayees! (21) Reports of conditions on the two ships, the Belvedere and the Truro, leaving Calcutta and Madras in October 1860 and on subsequent voyages seem to have set the scene that was to prevail in the next fifty three years till the termination of the Indenture Labour System in 1913. ship's records reveal the deaths of one hundred and eighty labourers on board during the period 1860 and 1866 and sixty seven between 1881 and 1882. Diseases were rampant and crime ranged from indecent assault to rape of the female tanigrants. (22)20 hs group after group of labourers arrived they were ‘nerdea' together and escorted to unfinished barracks and left to fend for themselves. No arrangements had been made for disembarking, for housing or feeding the labourers pending assignment to their ‘masters'.(23) The meagre amenities and Squalor conditions aggravated the plight of the settlers and within days of landing many of them perished.(24) the labourers were essentially blocked from establishing any kind of community lige. the shacks which initially had afforded the Labourers an opportunity to cultivate patches of land around them were replaced by barracks which were utterly inadequate as official observation suggests: there is much rubbish about the Coolie huts together | with human excretenent. I found the roads, "paths, banks of the river even the river bed itself close “to. the place where the Coolies drink in a very filthy state. The stench on many parts of the estate, especially Sust before sunrise and toward Sundown was sufficient to cause serious “iliness. I found this defilement close to the buildings. . .(25)2 After sampling water from three streans and wells analysts reported that: Water highly impure, containing much’ organic matter of animal origin, and exposed to direct Sewerage contamination, quite unsafe for use. (26) ‘The unhygienic living conditions inevitably gave rise to # high degree of disease and lines which often could not be contained due to the inadequate and sometimes total absence of medical care on the estates. An interesting phenomena was the existence of what was referred to as ‘sham sickness’, a phrase probably coined by those in authority, an obvious reference to illness that is supposedly feigned by the labourers. The fact of the matter was that planters did not accept that “coolies could fall 111.‘ They could only pretend to be 11.(27) Fining workers the equivalent of three days pay for one days absence due to iliness was the general rule. Flogging, beatings and jailing became the order of the day as the following excerpt suggests:22 Kuran Pillay complained that he was i11 and could not work. They did not believe him, and when he collapsed during work ", the guard assumed that he waa malingering and kicked him "so that he fell. into the water. He died a few hours Tater: Ne had in fact, been suffering ‘from a. serious heart condition. (28) A planter reported the following: He said he had dyseatery and that is why T locked him up. T have sometime locked up other men in the hospital, sometines eight or ten who are shaming. (29) Although the labourers were often punished for shamming when they were in actual fact not shaming there were many who admitted feigning illness, ‘to enable them to attend to their oun affairs.’ (30) tn any fair labour system this attitude of the employers would of course not be acceptable. The varied tines and conditions stipulated by the planters were not in accordance with specific conditions of work that had been agreed upon by the British and Indian Governments. This left the labourers with little or no time to pursue social or cultural activities, they were expected to23 Work six days in the week from sunrise to sunset. unscrupulous planters demanded longer ‘stole time’ on Sundays as shown below: I complain that my cousins and other relatives are not allowed to Visit me. I work from 5 am to 8 pm daily including Sundays... complain that Tam not given a, pass to go out on Sundays. "Tam made to work from 4 in the morning till 9 0° clock at night including Sundays. .(31) hours or Labourers were generally afraid to voice their opinions to the district magistrate for being reprimanded by their employers return, Immigrant Although fear of on their although on occasion the Protector of its took their cas On several estates the week's rations are given out on the Sunday forenoon. This. they complain of, as keeping them at home when “they want to visit their friends. (32) sparse, evidence does suggest that the indentured labourer yearned to practice his culture he may keeper, follows: yy have done in hig ‘motherland.’ A Hotel- Rangasamy reports to a commission as24 Tam glad to have an opportunity of telling what’ we Coolies want in Natal. We want temples wherein to worship. We should like the Government to establish a Coolie location and Tet us buila a shrine ther They will nominate the holidays when the temple is built, as the law of the colony allows. Whatever cerenonies, according to the calendar, are fixed, the free Coolies would celebrate the feast for ten days; in those days there are principal ones, and the assigned Cocolies would “take leave to attend for those three days; this is for Hindoos. (33) Labourers on certain estates were occasionally more privileged than their fellow comrades on neighbouring estates. Many enployers were more lenient, allowing the labourers greater freedon to pursue activities of their individual choice. Such situations are inevitably reported in a favourable ight as follows: The Coolies at Riet valley call the Manager their father; and have buiit a Hindoo temple where they celebrate their own feast days. (34) Estates were also reported to make provisions for festive occasions by storing extra food on the estate.(35) Both the Coolie and Wragg Commission25 keports contain references to large numbers of incidents connected directly or indirectly to arunkeness, dagga smoking and prostitution. To focus on these factors in any detail is not within the scope of this dissertation but the causes of the above may well be the socio-economic conditions of the Indentured labourer as already outlined in the preceding pages. Similar conditions had undoubtedly also affected the caste system which operated in India at the time. Kuper (1960.p.18) describes the phenonenon as the most important traditional social characteristic of India. Fron the time of embarkation the traditional caste relationships of the indentured Indian were affected. | the conditions under which they travelled to. South Africa, as already mentioned, made it virtually impossible for them to maintain a social distance, and a blurring of caste Aistinctions became inevitable. Menbers of all varna had no option but to cram together in the same boat which journeyed anything from three weeks to three months, during which time they were26 also compelled to eat food from a common kitchen. (36) On arrival there were numerous factors as outlined below which forced the labourers to abandon the caste system: (a) They were housed in barracks roughly ten feet by twelve feet in size. (>) The barrack dwellings did not cater for unmarried women. (c) There was no privacy for the married. (a) ‘The traditional division of villages according to caste lines becane irrevelant. (e) ‘There vas a high ratio of men to women. (£) The restraining influence of the caste elders was absent. (37) Law 20 of 1874 which provided for the establishment of ‘The Indian Immigeation Trust Board eventually put importation and repatriation of labour ona sound basis but the system was doomed to fail for reasons in large measure already discussed: 1, The laws were disregarded in many ways by the employers. 2. The employees could not read English hence they id not understand the Law.a 4. The Indian labourers did not enjoy even-handed access to the law. (38) 4, magistrates seldom visited the plantations. 5. there was no person to control activities on plantations after hours. 6. The labourers were often afraid to report to the magistrates, hence the flood of complaints in India by returning labourers, tm 1866 between forty five and fifty percent of Indian immigrants returned to India. complaints of Flogging, inadequate medical facilities, wage @isputes and the general treatment meted out by the Colonists are amply reported in the Coolie Commission of 1874. the response of the Indtan Goverment to halt the Indenture Scheme in 1871 and its subsequent insistence for new measures gave rise to the Inmigrations Trust Board in 1874, which introduced to the Indenture system the Protector of Ammigrants. This Board saw to recruitment repatriation, employment and the general welfare of Immigrants. Tt also tackled the complaints concerning medical facilities. By the passing of Law 12 the Protector was appointed to see that28 ‘medical facilities were provided, and to ensure that a wage book was kept to prevent the wage disputes. The power of the Protector was extended to that of the district magistrate. with these changes the Indian Goverment felt secure and allowed the indenture schenes to continue. on 25 June 1874 the Jason arrived with indentured labourers once again. (39) ‘The similarities in the reports of both the Coolie Commission of 1874 and the Wragg Commission of 1885 indicate very strongly that the circumstances of the Indians over the period had not changed much. The system was doomed to fail. Although the Indenture System continued right up to 1911, the latter part of the 1870's saw the first changes in developing trends. Indians were refusing to re- indenture and stay on the plantations because they were able to earn better income on the free labour jarket. The change in status from the, indentured labourer to that of 'Indian settler’ came when Indians had completed their five year contracts and had become 'free'according to the labour contract ratified by the labour legislation in28 fatal, namely, Laws 13,14 and 15. On completion of a discharge certificate they were allowed to purchase or rent property, or to set themselves up in businesse, trade or agriculture. (40) Free Indians quickly took an interest in the general economy. Because the Indentured labourers belonged originally to the agricultural classes many ventured into farming while others got involved in a variety of occupations. The "gree Indians’ proved to be an enterprizing group, that in 1877 a Protector was able to report thus: ALL the fishing and nearly all the market-gardening and hawking of fruit and vegetables are in the hands of Indians. The annual acreage held by Indian agriculturalists increased steadily from 11721 acres under crops in 1896 to 42 000 acres in 1909. Cultivators extended their cultivations of maize, tobacco. and beans throughout the colony. Other enterprizing Indians rented plots” of land” and. acquired Eheir own animals. (41) While the indentured labourer strived in all Airections to better living standards the merchant who came as Passenger Indians' especially30 from North India were steadily beginning to constitute a middle class. These Indians had strong links in both Bombay and Mauritius and quickly set thenselves up as traders, selling items that could not be obtained locally. As the class barriers became more and more distinct the Indentured Indian, stripped of _traditiona? leadership was desired as a labourer and fitted into this status of ‘meniai and inferior with Limited opportunity for personal development. (42) This division of economic interest groups in early Indiin politics was only marginally narrowed with the arrival of Mohandas Karamchand Ghandhi who initially visited the country to settle a business dispute for a Gujarati client. the ‘political elite’ was a reference by Kuper (1960.p.45) to the merchant class who were steadily facing opposition by white traders who could not stand up to the competition that the Indian traders set up. The government took up the cudgels “tightening the scene on further Indian immigration.‘ Act 25 of 1891 withdrew the grant of crown lands to time-experienced Indian labourers. Act 17 of 1895 introduced the Indian Immigrationa iw Amendnent Bill which stipulated the following : (a) After his first five years of indenture, the Indian had to reindenture (maximum salary being ‘one pound per month); or (b) TE he ized to remain in the colony, he had to pay a ‘penalty’, of three pound per annum in addition to an annual one pound tax for males. Professor Gokhule later described it as a penalty upon residence. (43) ‘The introduction of the thr pound tax proved to be the single most devastating law imposed on the Indenturea Indians, The stringent measures served the goverment well. Most families could not afford to pay the tax. Men began to desert their families while women were forced to survive by ‘immoral’ means. Crime also became rife. Soon certain individuals Like Henry Polak took up the cause of the Indians. In 1909 Polek was sent by the Indians to India to motivate for the abolition of the indentured labour system. On 25 February 1910 Professer G.K.Gokhule mooted a resolution in parliament which wi ‘approved and effectively put a stop to the system as from 1st April 1911.(44)a2 fhe plight of the majority of the indentured labourers in Natal for over fifty years remained unaltered. Tt was only after Indians had completed their periods of indenture that they were able to pursue goals of their individual choice. these initiatives were received with mixed feelings by the coloniats and the British Government, who eventually opted for the protection of the whites anda clamping down on the Indians. The passing of the Franchise Law Amendment Bill (1994), the Indian Immigration Law Amendment Bill (1095) and the Dealers Licences Amendment Bill (1897) were all @irected to supress the Indian community which had up {11 then showed all the signs of being able to thrive under the most arduous conditions. (45) It was through the efforts of people like Henry Polak and Professor Gokhule that the case of the Indians was publicized and the syste abolished. As Free Indians the ex-indentured made great strides economically, eventually proving to the Natal Goverent that they were indispensible to its economy. Unfortunately the effort spent on socio33 economic upliftment took up so much time that any attempts at developing one’s cultural identity would have met only with limited succes: ‘he merchant or trader class on the other hand developed independently although some. interdependence through trade aid occur. The merchant class eventually made up the ‘political elite’ and got more and nore involved politically. Mohandas Karamchand Ghandhi in his twenty years stay in South Africa did much for the merchant classes with only occasional ‘gestures’ in the Girection of the lower classes. (46) Ghandhi and his non-violent struggle has little bearing on this dissertion and will therefore not be pursued. 2.2 Historical and Geographical background of Mount Edgecombe Early dramatic activity in Natal is inevitably connected to tenples, temple rituals and temple festivals.(47) this ‘divine connection’ is in keeping with the concept of Hindu philosophy that we live ritual lives. one cannot distinguish the arts from life or from the divine.(#3) They are inextricably one, whole. This oneness can be34 ‘seen in most of the traditional arts of India. The situation in Natal therefore provides the researcher with the opportunity easily to identify the Indian arts with the ‘divine’, which are subjects of Hindu rituals and festivals. The second chapter deals in some detail with a similar concept, namely, the link between Branha and Bharata and so on. Shiva in the form of the Nataraja is seen by all Hindus as the firet @ancer/actor of the universe. (49) Tt would seen that the first and foremost thought in the minds of the indentured labourers was to build a temple ‘wherein to worship’ and only then could ‘zeal development’ of this community begin. (50) Mount Edgecombe had clearly taken the lead in this area, propelled by a vibrant community. Neighbouring areas only then followed suit. Mount Edgecombe is one of the few Indian settlement areas that has consistently fought off the onslaught of Westernization and managed to retain its strong cultural and religious practices . This area with its sizeable Indian population managed to create for it's inhabitants a sort of comaradarie35 that egfectively united them in the 1900's.(51) With the hardships that pervaded the population the community seemed to achieve a group solidarity to ensure its survival and continued existence. A number of temples were built with the entire Hindu community assisting (52) Festivals were organised, again with the entire Hindu community participating, Effective working committees were formed that became proficient in organising these festivals. The employers of the sugar industry realized that by assisting it's employees by vay of donations and encouragement, they were actually creating the kind of relationship whereby both groups would benefit, This arrangement further assisted the Indians in Mount Rageconbe in making great strides in cultural, religious, educational and social’ advancement. (53) As village life was gradually eroded in the 1970's to give way to urbanization we see the gradual breakdown of a conmunity that had stood together for over hundred years. This is not to say that all was lost, for right up to the late 1980's cultural activities continued and still @o up to today, but the energy and zest are26 Hot the same. the causative factors contributing to this state of affairs run parallel to the state of the Indian traditional arts, a section that will be dealt with later on in this chapter. ‘The village of Mount Edgecombe was naned after sir Richard Edgecombe in the 1850's by Williaw Smerdon, an English sea-ceptain.(54) The village (barracks) ceased to exist when workers resettled in neighbouring estates. the 1900's saw Indian settlers dispersed all along the Natal coast with the concentration of settlers being greater in areas such as Mount Edgecombe, Verulam, Tongaat etcetera. This trend was determined by the successful establishnent of the sugar estates and sugar mills which attracted indentured labourers according ‘to their size and success rate. Brook points out: ‘The sugar mills might indeed be regarded ax the beginning of industrial activity, apart from then, there are no factories worthy ‘of the name in the Natal of 1887.(58) The sugar estate in Mount Edgecombe was established in 1089 by Captain Willian Smerdon who went on to build a mill two years later.(56) The mill wi37 later to change hands fron smerdon to Jules Langlois, a Mauritian,and then to the Natal Central Company and renazed Natal Sugar Estates. The Natal Sugar Estates was soon to acquire most of the neighbouring estates, thereby ensuring a heavy concentration of Indian settlers in and around Mount Edgecombe. Mount. Edgecombe then became one of the prime sugar villages with a large number of indentured labourers living in its barracks and working for the Natal Estates Limited. (57) Mount Edgecombe is situated approximately thirty kilometres north of Durban and is one of the few towns that have managed to retain to a degree it's traditional lifestyle. ‘The area is considered an ideal study area as the researcher believes that it 4s a prime example which can give an insight into the geographical background of the immigrant community settled here and also which introduced ‘Therukoothu to Natal. The researcher makes the above assumptions for the following reasons: (a) The community was clot nit, undivided by caste or other such barriers. (58) (>) The earliest and most successful sugar estate was established here. (59)38 ic) Mount gagecombe boasted one of the highest sttler communities. (@) The first two Hindu temples were built in this district. (e) Evidence suggests that the first ‘festival’ took place here, around 1890. (60) (£) Although spar: there was some theatrical activity here, , evidence does suggest that including the first Therukoothu performance believed to have happened around, 1891. (61) (g) The Festival was the only one of its kind in Natal, hosting therukoothu performances in three languages, Tamil, Telugu and Hindi. (62) 2.3. The Caste System and Communality in Mount Edgecombe ‘The caste system, which was the legalised division of peoples into classes in India did not seen to affect the early immigrant community in Natal, ‘This phenomenon may have existed for the following (a) The British Colonists did not recognize this ‘dividing line' and treated all the settlers alike. The fact that all suffered hardships alike may have created a common) co) «@ me 39 community bond and spirit. As has already been pointed out, the immigrants travelled on board the ships a: @ unit, No special arrangenents were made for travelling separately or eating Separately. Food was prepared in the same kitchen and go on. (See pp. 26-27) ‘The greater ratio of men to women has already been mentioned. This imbalance affected trimonial relationships. The settler community also had to contend with prostitution. (see pp. 26-27) ‘The fact that immigrants were ‘herded’ into shacks roughly (10' by 12') made it virtually impossible to pursue a life-style which was determined by the caste syst: There were no separate facilities for men or women. (63) The Sugar Estates sugar estates, initially opened by Millian Smerdon, and later taken over by the Natal Estates Limited seemed to ‘control’ and determine whatever happened in the early days in Mount Edgecombe. ‘This phenomenon, of course, cannot be considered40 ‘extra-ordinary for it is common knowledge that economics alone can determine whether a conmunity survives or not. Brook's view (1967.p-162) that the sugar mills can be regarded as the beginning of industry and that there were no other’ factories’ worthy of the name in Natal in 1867 indicates the extent to which the Natal Estates affected the Gevelopment of the Indian community settled in Mount Edgecombe in the 1900 The fact that the majority of residents living in Mount Edseconbe around the period mentioned above vere in the employ of The Natal Sugar Estates and the fact that the village experienced a cultural revival around the same period, confirms that economics and socio-cultural development are Linked. Captain William Smerdon is, up to present day, referred to as ‘the father of Mount Eagecombe', an honorary status bestowed upon the man for naming the village, opening the first sugar estate, the first mill and who in all probability made generous sponsorships towards the cultural advancement of the Mount Edgecombe residents. The residents themselves would have been to a certain degree loyal to a company which“ gave every indication that it cared about the welfare of it's employees. (64) The statistics provided below would give the reader sone idea of the members employed in the sugar industry around the 1900's. ‘THE NATAL CENTRAL SUGAR COMPANY LIMITED DAILY RETURN OF INDIAN IMMIGRANTS - 6 MARCH 1685 Is 1 TOTAL AT WORK om | « | a | wm | we | we | ‘DESERTERS 4 | = el lee eee | ‘SEK ON ESTATE 2 | | [ 1 once 5 | | | covewmenrHosera. | | | t cea roma w | os | we | ow | ow | a | (55)42 2.5 Language and Education in Mount Edgecombe and Surrounding Areas in the 1900's. It is apparent from the Indenture system itself that very little was done by the British to provide any kind of formal education for the Indian immigrants. Henning (1989.p.27) states that the poverty of early indentured Indians had also extended to the educational and cultural aspects and that except for a Little religous inatruction, the early schools available to Indian children were run by missionary bodies. It is ironic that the Education Committee of 1914 should report that: the Natal-born Indian is often fairly well educated and owes this to the self-sacrifice of his lowly indentured parents. (66) This statement by the Committee is an obvious reference to the religious and vernacular education by parent and comunity bodies, which pre-supposes that, according to the committee, this education was good enough for the indentured labourers and that a formal English education system was not nect ary. ‘This kind of mentality persisted till the realization dawned that the Indians were on the verge of becoming an indispensible part of the economy,a specially in the sugar industry around the Mount Bagecombe area. The early Indians worked within their community ang made valid contributions in terms of educational —facilities.(67) This _ private enterprize would begin by the aquisition of a suitable aite. The community would then rally together to erect a school building. once the project was completed an appeal would be made to the Provincial Educational Department for recognition. Burrows points out that: In 1927, some 10, 000 children out of’ a total of 55, 000 children between 5 and 19’ years Of age were accomodated in 39 Schools.” Nine of these were Provincial schools financed and staffed by the Natal Provincial Administration. Many of the private schools depended on Various “sources of | help; Provincial grants, subscriptions fron the “local community, school fees, gifts and use of other buildings, either at a sub-economic rental, or rent free. (68) ‘The above information makes it quite clear that it was left up to the settler community to t up educational facilities while the provincial administration did only the bare minimum.“4 "The Mount Edgecombe community through the shree Bmperunal society achieved a great measure of success in terms of establishing some sort of educational facilities. Not only did the arts flourish in this area in the mid 1900's but so did education, both in English and in the ‘mother tongue’ . (69) Members of the community went to great lengths to raise funds for educational projects. Land was sought after and schools were built.(70) The completion of the Mount Edgecombe Primary School vasa supreme example of self enterprize. Both English and the vernacular were promoted with vigour. A fair number of teachers, especially proficient in English and Tomi1 were to be found in the community’ itself. rt should be noted that there were teachers who taught all the languages. Attempts were also made to bring educators from India. Night schools and ibrar. established Villagers studied through. correspondence and achieved notable success as educators.(71) A case in point is Mr. K. Sarugaser who studied Tamil through correspondence and attained his degree (vidwan in Tamil). The“s fount, scombe Temple Society was xesponsible for starting education programmes in neighbouring estates.(72) 2.6 Self Help Organisations and Schemes There were various organisations which es ged in the 1900's attempting to reorganize the community in terms of its religous, social and cultural development. These attempts were a genuine endeavour to survive under extremely harsh conditions which the British Colonists had earlier subjected then to.{73) These stringent regulations had greatly subdued the creativity of the community. The 1900's which saw a gradual ‘break away’ from the indenture system, created a need for the community to rebuild itself from within, and this found expression in the formation of a number of clubs, societies and community organizations. The following two organizations were to some extent successful: 2.6.1 Sathia Gnanam Sangam: This organisation is believed to have been the firat to organize Tamil Rducation in the country in 1899, The organization started the first formal46 ramil school in 1905. (74) 2.6.2 The Hindu Young Men's Association According to Nowbath (1960.p.177) twin branches of the ~— Association were formed in Pietermaritzburg and Durban in 1905 by ‘western educated Tamil colonials’ which were the earliest effective non-passenger organisations in Natal. ‘he Association was launched after a visit by Indian Vedic mi onary, Professor Bhai Parmanand, who preached and promoted Hinduism in Natal. His philosophy and zeal steered the #. to organise and work within the Indian community. The aims and objectives of the association were to promote the religious, social, welfare, language and culture of the Hindus.(75) Subsequently a Tamil school was established in Pietermaritzburg in 1907 which celebrated a Diwali festival in Durban in 1909 when festivals were becoming popular in the 1900's. The Association went on todo some valuable work amongst the Hindu community as cited below: ‘Tamil dramas have been staged from tine to time as a means of swelling the funds of the Associations. An educational trust has been formed for the purpose of providing financial Assistance in the way of” bursaries to deserving Tamil students and of inviting Tamil teachers from India. The Trust was brought into existence through donations unananously received from the public. (76) 2.7 the Temple. ‘The 1900's in Mount Edgecombe saw both the busint and public sectors pooling their resources for mutual gain. this concerted effort probably initiated the construction of some of the major temples in this region, the first major festival with the entire Hindu community participating, and the creation of an artistic fraternity which implanted the Therukoothu tradition into south A€cican so{1. The social needs of the settlers were thus partly taken care of.(77) ‘The building of a temple is considered one of the most sacred acts that any Hindu person or community vould underta) Tt requires carefu) planning, a sense of spirituality and a devotion to God if the Project is to succeed and fulfill its function as the supreme symbol of a spiritual existenc (78) The temple was supposed to act as a meeting place for all classes of people, to encourage the arte“3 snd also to serve a centre of learning. Temples mere built throughout Natal by the Tamil and Hindi speaking settlers as indicated by the following: ‘The Hindus and Tamils have been responsible for — the building of the majority of the temples. These are dedicated to Vishnu and Siva, under one of their’ numerous manifestations. In gone of the temples no dividing Line is drawn and both Siva and Vishnu are housed under one roof. The Tamil counterpart is the Soobramaniar Temple. Temples. to Vishnu are. either called — Vishnu Temples or are dedicated to Rana or Radha and Krishna. Until recently the Gujaratis in Dutban had no particular temple of their own. Now they have a privately built one. Many Windus have a private shrine for family worship. In. most Tail and Telegu hones a room or a portion of a room is set aside for the Kamatchi lamp which is 1it ceremonially every evening. (73) ‘The rly settler community at Mount Edgecombe through a concerted effort built the two earliest tempi found in South Africa, the Shree Emperunal Temple in 1875 and the Ganesha Temple in 1898. (80) ‘The Ganesha Temple was rebuilt in 1925. The Shree Enperunal Temple epitoaized the strivings of @ community, which had eventually accepted thato ‘they were here to stay. the fact that a ‘Vishnu! temple was built, again highlighted the comaradarie of the residents. Vishnu, although a North-Indian deity was worshipped by all Hindus, the Tamils, Telegus and Hindi speaking alike. This interaction , of mixed linguistic and religious groups augured well for the future of the village and soon gave rise to what became the sost popular Feligious get-together of the South African Indians, the Festival. (81) The commission of physically constructing both these temples was given to a very able gentlesan, Kistappa Reddy (also an indentured labourer) who happened to be well versed in the Silpa Sastras, a comprehensive handbook which deals with the finer details of temple building. Mr Reddy completed the Ganesha temple in 1898 and the elaborate re- building of the Shree Emperunal Temple in 1925, which is said to genuinely reflect the sophistication and ingenuity of the builders artistry.(82)50 2.8 The Festival There is ample evidence to suggest that the settlers were eager not to forget their cultural and religious practices which they carried over fron India. This eagerness gave rise to the many temple festivals that began to happen wherever the Indians settled, early in the 1900 this phenomenon has however to be analysed against the backdrop of the heavy social and economic burdens that beset the community for at least forty years. Tt would seem that the peculiar nature of the community in Mount Eageconbe, as discussed earlier im the chapter, created an environaent conducive to such events as the festival taking place as Brookes remark: --,after a time they felt sufficiently settled to Celebrate their customary festivals. (83) Elaborate temple festivals were held throughout tal with the two most popular ones being hosted by the Isipingo Mariaynan Temple and the Shree Emperumal Temple. Thousands of devotees and members of the public would converge on the respective temple grounds to participate in the51 Feligious, artistic and fun-fair activiti arranged by the temple committe ‘The fun-fair activities usually catered for the entire family. Dance-Dramas, the popular ‘Wall of Death’, Merry go round, doll dancers, puppet shows and fire displays were some of the common events that happened at the festivals. (84) ‘The Shree Emperunal Temple festival which {s usually heid over chiteray (a sacred period in the Hindu calendar) is in many ways unique and will therefore take precedence for detailed discussion. The year 1990 marked the hundreth year that the festival was being held and many of the people interviewed by the author at the time, were quick to point out that all credit for this successful marathon should go to the Shree Emperunal Temple Connittee.(85) fhe festival had inevitably outlived almost all of the original menbers, fa but the remarkable point lies in the succe: administration of this mammoth project over so many decades. Thillavel, (1987.pp.47-48) in a general @iscussion of religion and temples, states that: Temple administration has always suffered it's greatest Weakness in that seldom if ever52 are men of great calibre Produced” to formulate rules by which to conduct the affairs of the Temple both religious and secular: (36) ‘The above statenent has proved itself over and over Where religious organisations have crumbled either because of mis-managenent or the lack of it. The Glare Estate Maha Vishnu Temple is a classic example of a tenple society that was for a period (approximately 1908-1980) successful in it's administration and organisation of temple festivals Which ultimately collapsed because of a weak administration.(87) It should be noted that the said society at one time hosted the most successful Therukoothu performances which featured well known performers.(86) ‘The Shree Enperumal Temple Society on the other hand seemed to operate from a well structured base, where committees and sub-committees were well defined. The Drana and the Entertainment sub-connittee are good examples of effective administration. That the employers of the sugar estates and mille were office bearers for certain periods of time and that they were safe-guarding their own interests may also be true, but the point of relevance in terns33 of this dissertation lies more on whether or not the Temple society had provided adequately in terns of its community's social and religious needs. To go into a detailed discussion on this subject will not, however, serve the primary purpose of this dissertation. A universal problen that besets most temple organisations is one of finance. To host a festival the size that the Shree Emperunal Temple Society. has grown use to, necessitates the collection of large suns cf money. The project was on various occasions financed by the mill, by compulsory donations from the mill employees, donations from the villagers, from till collections and from the hire of stalls. Bhajan groups and entertainment groups went from door to door requesting donations. Extensive publicity through hand bills and the local newspapers wi also carried out. (89) The festival itself consists of a ten day programe, which caters for multi-linguistic and multi-religious groupings. The festival opens with the flag hoisting ceremony and is then followed throughout the ten days with a wide54 variety of cultural activities. Listed below are sone of the reasons why the festival is held in the month of April: (a) the Tamil new-year always fell in this month Which is also the ideal month to invoke the God, Vishnu. (>) The festival was always held just before the crushing season began (April/May), thus the residents had more tine and could also pray for a successful season and for the safety of their families (c) The festival was also aimed at bringing the Giteferent language and religious groups together by arranging both rituals and entertainment (a) The festival also promoted the arts, where the community vere given the opportunity to participate either actively or passively. (e) ‘The festival also addressed such issues as poverty and hygiene as part of it's focus. Prior to the festival residents are urged to clean and also paint their hones. The paint or Limewash was usually provided by the sugar mills. (90)55 For the purpose of this dissertation it would seen that the most striking phenoeson that existed in the festival was the presentation of the “Therukoothu dance dramas'in three Languages. this practice clearly indicates the kind of dynanics that operated within the Mount Edgecombe community. The Temple was undoubtedly a centre which catered for the social, religious,cultural and multi-lingual needs of its devotees and general members. This tacit acknowledgement of ‘unity in diversity! (a philosophical principle in Hinduism) is one of the nalimarks that makes Mount Edgecombe unique in Natal.(91) the ‘Temple was inevitably seen as a symbol of devotion for all those who assisted in its erection, the researcher has already mentioned the implications of the Shree Eaperunal Temple being a‘Vishnu Teaple! Although there is evidence to suggest that the Mount Edgecombe Tesple celebrated its first festival in 1890, it cannot be assumed that the dance dramas were presented in the same year. The presence of Therukoothu exponents in the community in the 1890's however, indicates that sone form of @ramatic presentation began somewhere in the same56 “decade. It is more than likely that the Tamil ‘Therukoothu began around this period because of the heavier concentration of Tamil immigrants still arriving from South India. (92) According to interviews conducted in the Mount Edgecombe area it would seem that around 1960 the triple presentation of dance dramas (in three languages) were already coming to an end. The ‘Telegu presentation however was the first to come ‘to an end around the same period. A rare exception the Ilovu Bhajan Group which enacted an episode from the Ramayana, titled Lutchmana Morcha in the Mavishnu Temple in Illovy in 1936. The production was subsequently revived in 1941, and again much later in 1990, 1991 and 1992.(93) ‘he Hindi presentation is allegedly a mixture of ‘The Drama’ and the ‘Tamil ‘Therukoothu.' This Product is referred to as ‘The Drama'by some and'Hindi Therukoothu' by others. Tt became a regular feature of the Mount Ragecombe Festival and remains so up to today. In the sixties a group from the North Coast called Flash Entertainers were57 responsible for putting together this dramatic pis ‘This group later became very popular for it's Chutney renditions. The eighties saw the Royal Dancing Company take over, presenting similar Pieces which dramatized epics from the ‘North Indian’ epic, the Ramayana. (94) ‘The popular Therukoothu troupes in the 1970's that participated in the Festivals were The Blackburn Group, ed by Morgan Archary, The Night Key Group, led by K. Subramoney, Arthi and party, led by Murugas Govender and the Hospital Group whose members were drawn from the staff of the Natal Estates. (95) 2.9 other Artigtic Manifestations in Mount agecombe and Surrounding Districts in the 1900's 2.9.1 Temple Society Members of the Mount Edgecombe Temple Society certainly took the lead when it came to the arts. Most of these individuals were involved in one oF another of the traditionsi Indian artistic forma Listed below are those individuals from the organization who took an active interest in thearts: @ cs to) 58 Mr. Govindarajan Naguian (born in North Arcot, South India in 1883) who was a menber of the ‘Temple Committee for ten years, provided tuition to the Mount Eageconbe residents in both Therukoothu and Tamil. He was evidently brought to Mount Edgecombe by the father of a very prominent Therukoothy performer popularly referred to as “Night Key". Mr. Poongavanum Archary (born in Chestput, South India in 1672) was rescued by the Mount Bageconbe residents (representations were made to the Colonial authorities) from being repatriated. He stayed to teach Tamil Dance Drana and recite the holy scriptures. Me. Archary was also a wood sculptor. He continued to teach and perform the Therukoothu even after he lost his right leg. He continued with an artificial leg. Me. Kuppsn Marimuthu Sarugaser (born in Mount Edgecombe in 1909) was a Tamil scholar of note and a keen musician who mastered the violin and harmonium.59 (a) mr. Moonsamy Ganas Govender (born in 1923 in Mount Edgecombe) was popularly known as ‘xalaivani Ganas' because he founded the Kalaivani orc! xa in 1945. Mr. Govender was the leader of the band which won an award in 1967 and was placed first in the Natal ‘Tamil Eisteddfod both in 1966 and 1967. ‘The band was also involved in fund-raising activities for welfare bodies and provided tuition to young musicians. Mr. Govender was algo a leading actor who played major roles in over ten plays.(96) 2.9.2 The Drama Plays using the Western staging techniques were referred to as ‘The Drama’. This form of theatre began around the 1900's and declined gradually around the 1940's, This decline may be seen in conjunction with the increase in popularity of the f41m around the sane period. (97) Actors were @cavn from the community, from the ‘semi-educated’ to the ‘illiterate’. the directors of this dramatic form especially in the earlier years were teachers invited from the Magazine Barracks. At least five60 “teachers are known to have turned directors in the Mount Edgecombe area to direct plays in Tamil. (98) Mr. N.C. Naidoo is known to have travelled extensively with the play, Nella Thunga, and in the Process collecting a substantial asount of money for the Newcastle Tamil association.(99) These plays lasted the whole night, starting from approximately midnight and concluding around six in the morning. The reason for starting at midnight was because of the use of cinemas for these Presentations. The producers had to wait for the films to end before setting up for the show. Two such venues used were the Rawats bioscope and the Royal Picture Palace in Victoria Street.(100) The earlier presentations were usually mythologically orientated, which extracted stories from both the and the Mghabarata, while the later ones ranged from children's stories to adaptations of Shakespeare. These forms were initially performed built by concerted community effort in the nineteen thirties. Host of these dramatic forms followed scripts which were hand-written by learned men in the community, unlike the Therukosthu form which was improvisatory and often orally communicated.6 "hey were however, similar to the Therukoothu in terms of males playing the role of females and the incorporation of the comedian. (101) ‘This phenomenon of the comedian is always seen in f11ms, both the mythological, the later Westernized Hindi films and the Tamil and Hind! drana. Hoosain vividly describes the role of the comedian in keeping the audience attentive in an all-night performance.(102) The role of the Komali in the Therukoothu form 1s also very similar. The late Mr. Reddy of Merebank was a popular clown, not only in Therukoothu performances but also in a number of dramas and variety concerts. (103) Although the plays ccurred amongst the three Aifferent language groups, they were however, most popular amongst the Tamil-speaking people. The Hindi-speaking referred to this activity as ‘The Drama’ and ‘Hindi Six Foot Dance’. The researcher has concluded from observation that the Hindi form was in all probability a derivation from a fusion of 'The Drama’ and ‘six Foot Dance’. This product was often pat 4 off as ‘windi Six Foot Dance’ during the Mount Edgecombe2 Festivals. (104) 8 to have been most ‘The ‘Tamil Drama, app successful with many notable successes such as the early translations of children's fables, ack and ‘The Beanstalk and Alladin and The Magic Lamp. ‘These were directed by teachers from the Magazine Barracks. Evidence however suggests that many of these directors were undisciplined and often aid not see their tasks through to the end. A case in point is when Mr. Ganas Govendex, only nineteen years old at’ the time, had to fi11 in for a sacked teacher. Mr. Govender went on to becone a popular actor and director of these plays until they began to lose favour in the mid 1900's.(105) another case in point is that of playwright, producer and actor, Tomy Lalbahadur who with a dedicated group opened the Arya Yuvuk Bhajan Mandal in 1916 with the object of raising funés for the Arya _Yuvuk Sabha. The group believed that sufficient work had been done in terns of arematizing mythologies and opted for local plays written by Indian playwrights. This group fully contributed to theatre for almost a63 ‘quarter of a century.(106) 2.9.3 The Tiger Dance This street-dance happened in conjunction with and ‘at the conclusion of the Moharram Festivals which attracted participants from far and wide. The festival happened in the first month of the sslamic lunar calendar and commemorated the tragic massacre of Imam Hussain, the grandson of a Muslin ) Prophet.(107) The ‘Chariots’ (thaziyas or pagod: were led by the tiger dancers who had their faces painted yellow and black (some also wore masks which displayed the stripes of the tiger). The body was also painted. these dancers were usually wrestlers invited from the community to compete with wrestlers from other districts.(108) Many Hindus were also known to take part in what was essentially a Muslim celebration. This phenomenon may have existed because of the prospering relationship between the Hindu and the Muslim in the early days. The fact that the festival was introduced by Muslins from South India may also have been a contributory factor.(109) The festival was also referred to as ‘Allahsamy's6a Goonda’ which is the South Indian equivalent. (110) From Mount Eégecoabe and surrounding areas the chariots would move to the Mount Edgecombe Dam where the participants would compete and be ‘cleansed’. Other groups in urban areas and around Durban are known to have congregated near the ungeni River. The late Mr. Shaik Fakir from Mount Edgecombe was known to be very active in these festivai Me. Fakir was a Hindu who converted to Islam after marrying a Muslim. (111) There were other minor theatrical forms such as the Sarangi Thaal and the Natchannia which were “semi-performance' items. These forms at various times leaned either towards the acting or the music. They did not however have any significant impact on the overall, development of Indian theatre in South Africa. (112)6 2.9.4 A Brief overview of Theatre by South African Indiang from the Sixties to Present Day. The sixties saw the emergence of a new stream in theatre. Indians began to write and be involved in the kind of plays that challenged authority. This was a clear move from ‘Indian Theatre to Theatre by Indians’. Popular groups in the sixties were ‘econ, Mad, DATA., Club 225, Shah theatre Acadeny, and The Natal Drama Foundation. (113) While some groups presented works such as Antigone, Tecon explored social contradictions and produced works which promoted social change. This Antimidated the authorities who believed that the group were out to ‘stir trouble’ and this subsequently led to the, arrests of two prominent members of this group,viz., Saths Cooper and Strini Moodley.(114) Professor Devi Bughwan was head of The Durban lite’ Acadeny of theatrical arts (DATA). This group produced the kind of theatre that reflected a distinct European style. Presentations by this group were elaborate, with lavish settings and costumes. Durban playwright, Kessie GovenderSpeaks of the snobbish attitude that existed within this group and how if you weren't a part of this group ‘tough luck on you.' (115) ‘The shah Theatre acadeny was formed in 1964 by Ronnie Govender and Muthal Naidoo. It's main aim was to produce plays that reflected social realities as opposed to DATA, the group they had left. After working together for a few years, Muthal Naidoo Left to go to America, leaving Ronnie covender to keep the Acadeny alive. From the inception Gf the Shah Theatre Academy Ronnie Govender has gone on to write and produce a nunber of plays such as, Beyond Calvary, Swami, Lahnee's Bu At the Edge. Out of the shah Theatre Academy fold jure, Offside, Inside and more recently came many’ theatre personalities who were to make notable contributions to theatre in South Africa. Saths Cooper, Guru Pillay, Babs Pillay and Kessie Govender were some of these people. Strini Moodley was later to write the successful play, kon White, while Guru Pillay answered with an equally acclaimed presentation titled saras. (116)67 ‘me Stable Theatre Workshop was formed by Playwright/actor Kessie Govender. ‘the stable’, which vas the name given to the theatre itself, was never ina permanent venue. The theatre opened and closed at a number of different venues and is presently stationed at the old municiple building/ offices in Alice Street. K. Govender's acting career also sens to have followed a pattern that paralleled his organization. The reasons for this situation however can be partly attributed to treatment meted out to Black theatre practitioners in the early days. K.covender's most successful plays to date are Stablexpense, On the Fence and Working Class Hero. (117) Theatre which challenged the status quo in the sixties heralded a new direction. Theatre practitioners began to work with thematic material that was entirely new. this trend persisted throughout the sixties, seventies and eighties with each decade showing a preference for a stronger ideological content in written material. In the nineties we see a different breed of theatre emerging, theatre which has become more conscious68 bof the overall social pattern, supposedly led by the National Party and the African National Congres The beginning of the break dow of Apartheid has nonetheless affected the very core of South African life. This phenomenon has introduced an awareness of racial prejudices and ushered in a degree of ‘falseness' in social interactions and the arts. It has become popular to introduce the “token Black", not only in theatre forms but in many spheres of South African life. Conclusion We have seen that the period between 1860 and 1911 was dominated by socio-cultural dynamics that made it practically impossible for the indentured Indians to engage in any meaningful cultural activity. The dance or ausical performances which Probably took place was never recorded and cannot be commented on with any degree of certainty. The 1900's which saw the freeing of Indians from the Indenture Labour System provides a clearer account of social activity. the building of temples and the celebration of festivals were forenost in the minds of the Indians. The Shree69 mperunal Temple Society was certainly in the forefront of attempts to practice and propagate Indian culture. The sugar estates and the general community followed suit and all sorts of culturai, social and artistic aspects of the Indian community flourished. With the advent of the film industry in the 1930's we see a gradual decline in theatrical activities. Urbanization, Westernization and sodernization brought further changes. While the Therukoothu form declined, it also began to lose it's rural characteristics. Theatre which __—_ challenged authority and the social order took the lead in the sixties and constantly undermined the weakening, sporadic traditional forms that struggled to survive alongside it. Contemporary theatre it seems is going through a crisis in terms of reforming past theatre practices, to keep up with a rapidly changing South Africa.10 1 Kuper, H. 1960: Indian People in Natal. Matai Univesity Press, p.1- 2 bid, pp. 1-2. 3 Palmer, M. 1957: The History of the Indians in Natal. Oxford University Press, p.2. 4 watson, G.T. 1960: Tongaati, An African ‘Experiment, London. futchinson-and Company, Pee 5 Bhana, S. and Brain, J.B. 1990: Setting down, Roots. Witwatersrand University Press, p-23. 6 Choonu, A.G. 1967: Indentured Indian Immigration into Natal, 1660-1911. (M.A. dissertation) University of Natal, Durban, p. 79. 7 palmer, Op. cit. p.4. 8 Tinker, H. 1974: A New system of Slavery, London. Oxford university Frese, pp,t_t- versity Press, pp. 1-2. 9 watchai, v. “i9gt: Indentur ‘ation into Natal-with exphasis on idbour tegialation’ (-b'A tioss dissertation) Oniversity of Durban-Westville, p.3- 10 Guest, B. and Sellers, J.M. 1985: Enterprise ‘and eapioitation in a Victorian Colony = Pietermariteburg, University of Natal Pre p.201 11 Bhana, 'S. 1987: Indenturea Indias 186021902. (a, atady based On shipts Lists) 9.91. 12. Tinker, Op. cit. pp.17-18. 13° Palmer, op. cit: p.6. 34 Bhana and Brain, Op. cit. p.15. 15 Bhana, S$. 1991: tndentured Indian Immigrant tai, New Delhi. Promilia and Co., p-4- 16 ‘Op: cit. p. 43. 17 Kuper, Op. cit. p-6. 18 Tinker, Op. cit. p.5: 19 Swan, M. 1985: Gandhi, the south african Experience, Ravan Préas, p.1 20 hans; Op. cit. pp. 50-81,55-86. 21 Kuper, Op. cit. pp.7-8. 22 ct of Wragg Commission, 1887: Rpletermaritrbirg. F- Davie and sons, pp.120,161. 23° watson, ‘op. ‘cit. p.81. 24 Meer, 'Y.5."1980! Documents. of rndentured Labour. Institute of Research, p.6.25 26 27 28 29 30 Et 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 51 52 53 54 35, 56 37 58 59 n Report of the Wr: ission, Op. cit. Sit pee abla. Meer, Op. cit. p.10. Report of the Coolie Commission, 1872 Epfetermariteburg. Keith and Co. Printers, p.99 Report of the Wragg Commission, Op. cit. p.21. Report of the Coolie Commission, Op. cit. p.5. Rest OF eit pROn Report of the Cosiie Commission, Op.cit. p.19. Ibid., p.27. 1id., p.30. bid. p.20. Kuper, Op. cit. p. 24. ibid., pp.23/4, Henning, CG, 1989: Global Migration of Indians, article released as connencrative Yolune at the First Global Convention of People of Indian Origin, p.14- bie Bhana and Brain, op. cit. p.43. Brain, Unpublished articie, Docunentation Centre, University of Durban-Westville, p.211 Kuper, Op. cit. p.45- Henning, Op. cits p.i6. qbid., p17 Ibid.) pp-16-19. Swan, ‘Op. cit. p.114. onary Festival Brochure, Shree Experumal Temple of Mount fdgeconbe, 1890-1990, pp. 6-7 Bowers, F. "1900: Theatre in the ast, ‘survey of Asian Dance and Drasas New York. Grove Preas, inc. pp-6-13- Ibid. ie Nowbath, . 8.1 Chotai, 8, and Lalla, B. D., 1360: cited by Ranbiriten, B. in The’ Hindu Heritage in South Africa.'The South African indo Maka Sabha, -p-67" bia. bia! ipsa! Ibid: p.9. Brooks, E.H. and Webb, c. 1963: A History of university of Natal Press, p.162. Centenary Festival Brochure, Op. cit. p.11. ‘This is a well known fact. Also covered in interviews. Centenary Festival Brochure, op. cit. p.19. Chinnakollindhe, M. Interview, 1990.60 61 62 63 6a 65 66 67 68 69 70 n R 3 4 15 76 7 18 19 80 82 83 84 85 86 87 a8 89 90 1 92 93 4 95 n Shree Enperumal Temple records. Tia. ‘This has been verified in a number of interviews, viz. with Govender, J. and ‘and Subramoney, D. in 1989 and 1992 respectively. Kuper, Op. cit. p.24. Centenary Festival Brochure, op. cit p.19. qbid., p-14. Burrows, R, 1952: Indian Life and Labour in ‘Natal. South African Inatitute of Race Relations, p.56. Rambiritch, Op. cit. p.68. Burrows, Op. cit. p.56- Henning, op. cit. p.27- qbid. Centenary Festival Brochure, Op.cit. pp.27-48 The activities of the temple are fairly well documented compared to the other temples in Natal. Henning, Op. cit. p.27. Swan, Op. cit. p.17. Nowbath, Chotal and Lalla, op. eit. p.177. Tid. Govender, M.G. Interview, 1992. ‘Thillavel, K. 1987: Kavadi_and Worship of ‘Muruga, papers preseated at a syapostun held BE the University of Durban, Westville, p-44 Nowbath, Op. cit. p. 60. Centenary Festival Brochure, Op.cit. pp.19-20 qbid., p-19 rbid.; p.20 Brooks and Webb, op. cit. p.91 Govender, Ss. Interview, 1990. ria. Thillavel, Op. cit. pp. 47-48. Ramasamy, A. Interview, 1991 Thunbiran, B. Interview, 1992. Cash Book’ entries of the Shree Enperumal ‘Temple Society reveal this trend. centenary Festival Brochure, Op. cit. p.56. Klynev, B. 1989: Religion in Indian Society. New Delhi. Sterling Publishers, pT. centenary Festival Brochure, Op. cit. p.15 Sovenir Brochure compiled by the Merebank ‘Andra Cultural Group, 1992- Subranoney, D. Interview, 1989. bia.a centenary Festival Brochure, op.cit. pp.27-30 Jackson, M.B. An Introduction to the History, Of Music jst_Indian South Africans in fatal (ica dissertation) UD. pid) Govender, M.G. Interview, 1992. Nowbath, ‘Chota: and Lalla, Op. cit. p.176. Foosain, F. 198 ‘Changing Face of Theatre in’the indian community SP pupa ea Monscaiasrtations Uber b.7. Govender, M.G. Interview, 1992. Hoosain,'op. cit. p.7-8. Reddy, M. Interview, 1990. Subranoney, D. Interview, 1989. Govender, M.G. Interview, 1992. Woosain,'op. cit. pp.1-7- Meer, F. 1969: Portrait of Indian Sou! Rfeicans. Avon fous, Pade Govender, s. Interview, 1992. Meer, Op. cit. p. 206. qbid., p-207, Govender, S. Interview, 1992. wid. Hoosain, Op. cit. p.8. qbid. qbid!, p.12. qbid., pp.8-13. bid.Chapter Two bescriptive Definition of Therukoothy 3.1 Nature of Therukoothy Therukoothu may be described as Traditional Indian Dance-prama that makes use of prose, verse, music and dance, dramatizing stories from the epics of Indian Literature,nanely, the Bhagavata, Mahabaral and Ramayana. In South Africa, Therukoothu is popularly known as Six Foot Dance, the phrase originating from the intricate foot patterns used in it's execution. Although _traditionally Therukoothu may have been performed in rural settings the dance-drana has in recent times been performed in towns and cities. A traditionally open-air dance-drama, it has also been performed in tents and marques. While it may suffice to provide the Tamil equivalent for the term ‘Theru' as street or outside, the term ‘koothu' requires a little more clarification. according to Ramasany(1987.p.26) all theatrical arts in Tamil Nadu from ancient tines were named ‘Koothu'. 0 go into a detailed analytical study of the term ‘Koothu' is however not within the scope of this dissertation,5 Although it may suffice to say that the term is distinctly of Dravidian origin and one may reasonably assume that all Tamil dramatic performances were referred to as ‘Koothu’. Ramasamy points out that all dramas enacted in theatres are called Naatakas and when they are acted in the open are called 'Koothu'. rt should be noted however, that the above two terms are the most widely used terms in the Sangam anthologies that refer to dramatic performances. (1) ‘herukoothu is a typical South Indian theatrical form that is practiced mostly in the rural areas. Indian performing arts can generally be seen in two Gistinct categories, those linked to the tribal or village peoples which are termed ‘folk’, and those Linked to the urban areas which are termed ‘elassical’.(2) The form is ideally a cultural off-shoot that exists very much within a specific cultural context, adhering to certain broad principles as listed below: a) Te exists within a ritual milieu. b) Tt is didactic. ©) It is aesthetically relevant to the experience of the community.16 4a) Tt cannot exist purely as an entertainment fora. e) Tt has religious connotations. £) It follows religious and philosophical literature. 9) Tt conforms to general Western theatre conventions, such as the use of suspense, conflicts, climax and so on. h) Tt 4s a traditional Indian art form that is governed by the following principles: 1) Men play the part of women. 2) Ritual behaviour is employed in performance. 3) Usually performed in conjunction with temple festivities (celebration of temple deities). 4) Contains music,dance and poetry. 5) Operates in the 1st.and 3rd.person narrative, i) Tt adheres to the principles of the Natya Sastra. 3) Tt is a product of Tamil Nadu, land of the Taniis.(3) 3.2 Ritual function Im the past Therukoothu performances were usually presented in conjunction with Hindu ritual Festivals.(4) While this factor alone cannot justify the ritual relevance of the form itself, it does question its prominence in what is” jentially a religious festival. Therukoothu, Like other traditional art forms abound with ritual significance, yet together with its inherent entertainment value it is an ideal form for these festivals which usually happen within the precincts of temple premises. with the drama of the Gods and good triumphing over evil, myths and legends come alive in action. until very recently the mounting of this dramatic fora for pure entertainment or as a purely theatrical presentation was rare. Research locally and abroad has however shown that in what may have started off as a ritually orientated exercise, theatrical and aesthetic factors are also present and can become dominant. To label Therukoothu as devoid of either ritual significance or aesthetic values will be tantamount to a gross misreading of the traditional Indian performing acts. Both ritual and aesthetic factors have adequately to be dealt with if one seeks to undertake a comprehensive analysis of the same. One may assune then that ritual undertones may becone more dominant in a traditional tting, namely, a village, while aesthetic factors will be8 Btrengthened in a Town or City. (5) Again depending on the technical competence or inclinations of the performers a performance may a to lean either way. Frasca points out that the ‘event’ is of central importance, an idea which 4s central to village folk life. Ritual and Feligious concerns were without doubt the main concern of the ancient Hindus. (6) Actors who participated in this dance form were not just technically proficient in performance skills but were ugually men who came from a religious background. This phenomenon further entrenched the ritualistic element inherent in the performance. A ritual is usually performed before the drama begins . This ritual occurs in the form of a prayer which asks ‘the Gods to look over all the actors on stage.’ During the performance the actors are also known to go into trance inciting the audience to do the same. During certain sections where characters are of the ‘revered’ type a camphor is lit | and a little prayer is performed. This Phenomenon cannot however be said to occur in all m ‘Therukoothu perforsance9 3.3 Origins It is important to exanine the historical context within which South African Indian culture was moulded over the centuries, if one intends to make an objective study of it's artistic forms. Therukoothu is a direct product of Tamil Nadu, the Tamil state in South India which literally means Land of the Tamils, Tamil Nadu lies in the southernmost tip of India and remained unscathed while neighbouring states began to fall prey to foreign invasions and influences. It's language and culture was fortunately untouched. Although Tamil Nadu became the capital during British ‘and the rural nature of occupation, it's peopl the land remained largely intact.(8) which are According to the Sangam anthologi: Literary works of the pre-christian era, Tamil 1s the earliest written language in India, the granmar of which is outlined in the Tolkappiyam, believed to have been written in the third and fourth century 6.19)80 ‘me languages found in the southernmost states of India are referred to as Dravidian in origin. Although there is a great amount of speculation regarding the origin of the Dravidian sect, the most popular being thet of descendency from the Indus Valley which was said to have had a highly sophisticated community, clearer evidence shows that the Dravidian peoples achieved their own sophistication in isolation of Aryan control. the Aryans are said to have invaded the Indus Valley between 2300 and 1500 BC. (10) ‘The commercial sophistication of the South Indians throughout this period was exceptional with links in the north, south, east and west. Maritime trade also became a well developed activity. The period 500 to 900 A.D.saw three major kingdoms emerge in South India, the Chaiukyas, the Pallavas and the Pandyas. These warring kingdoms soon left themselves open to Aryan influences. The influence of Jainism and Buddhism stimulated popular religious sovenents. shiva and vishnu worship flourished. Through all this Tamil flourished until after the sixteen century when empire builders becane determined to establish hegemony over ali ofindia. The sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth, centuries saw great changes in the south, although the nineteenth century saw the Tamil language and culture prove itself sufficiently dynamic to absorb foreign intrusion. (11) Right up to the tenth century the states of Karnataka, Kerela and Andra Pradesh fell under what was known as Madras Presidency with the official language being Tamil. With intrusions, invasions and influences of the north these states took on ifferent characteristics and, because of this, later earned for themselves their independence. This state of affairs brought with it certain repercussions. Certain art forms inevitably underwent transformation which could be termed regional variations. A brief study of these Gramatic forma has left the researcher in Little doubt that they had developed from the same source. Researchers like Ramasamy (1987.pp.24-35) have also examined in detail the evolution of these forms. These are considered here as there has been confusion amongst certain theatre personalities in South Africa regarding the various levels of understanding of‘these phenomena and processes. Statements such as ‘Its on the Kathakali style,' (sic) do not serve any purpose in communicating the true nature of the Therukoothu form.(12) Kathakalit hi become popular as a highly Aisciplined classical art form and has claimed a specific place in the hierachy of the Indian performing arts. It is precisely for this reason that it cannot be used as a yardstick to describe a rural art form like Therukoothu. The researcher cites two ‘reasons why certain misconceptions may exist: (a) Westernization has caused Indians to be yhamed of their their indigenous art forms and therefore are ignorant of such aifferences in them. (>) The vernacular is understood by only a section of the community and therefore people may be affected more by the visual similarities The Therukoothu form has to be seen ina auch broader context, as one that belongs to and typifies a specific culture which in turn has had a binding influence over much of the Asian continent for many centuries.(13) Therefore the closea3 Gimilarities that exist between the different traditional art forms offer only subtle clues to show the differences that make each of thea peculiar to their environment. Nevertheless it should be noted that all Indian perforaing arts belong in some way to the Natya tradition and will therefore encompass certain principles governing their presentation. rt may therefore be pertinent at this stage briefly to examine the Natya Sastra, in order to link the common characteristics that may exist in certain traditional artistic forms . 3.3.1 Natya Sastra The Natya Sastra is said to have been compiled in approximately the second century 3.C.(14) The handbook which is made up of thirty six chapters contains minute details on the principles of performance governing the traditional arts. the aspect of Natya is said to be all-encompassing in that it is made up of all forms of creative expression; Sangita which consists of Gita, Vadya, and Nritta which means song, music and dance respectively, and all forms of dramatic Presentations. It also encourages the incorporationee of certain aesthetic values which theatre should strive towards, Raga which means enjoyment through ‘experiencing’ the production, Bhava, the stirring of emotions and Abhinaya which refer to the art of communication. (15) Tt is abundantly clear from the above information that the traditional Indian performing artist was more often than not expected to be able to speak, dance and sing. The nature of this genre can be seen in such forms as the Therukoothu, Kathakali and Yakshagaana. These forms show a basic unity in approach although the Kathakali relies on mine. The visual aspects of these forms possess a striking similarity. The head- sear, make-up and jewellery are employed in a very similar fashion. Although with minor variations the catis and Darus are present. These refer to the gait and musical form employed extensively in the presentations. Another characteristic common to each of these forms is the Sutradhara who is the @irector of the play. He generally introduces the play. This character 1s equivalent to the katiakaaran found in the Therukoothu form. The enploynent of the hand-held screen (Tiraisilat) tointroduce major characters is also a common feature in all these forms. Another phenomenon characteristic of traditional performances of males to Generally is the exclusive u portray female roles.(16} The reason for this may well be ritually connected as wonen were always considered ‘unclean’ (because of their menstruation cycles) to participate in activities that were religiously inclined. Tt should be noted hoxever that, in all the readings undertaken thus far the researcher has not come across any documented proof that this has always been the case. Ramasamy (1987.pp.12-35) provides convincing evidence that the Tamil Therukoothu found Presently in Tamil Nadu is actually a prototype of the Yakshagaana form found in the state Karnataka and the Kathakali form found in the state of Kerela. The state of Andra Pradesh also has a form of Therukoothu called viitneataka which is very similar to that found in Tamil Nadu. Andra Pradesh lies in close proximity to Tamil Nadu and was very auch part of this state until it gained its independence in 1953. Present day ‘Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu still has vestiges of the86 Telugu dialect and phraseciogies, a phenomenon which began when performances were done for mixed audience fe. Telegu and Tamil speaking. Remasamy's arguments (as cited earlier) that the Yakshagaana of Karnataka and the Kathakali of Kerela are regional variations further explains why certain misconceptions may exist. Bharatha (1983.pp.1-5) claims that the Kathakali form is peculiar to the state of Kerela. although fone cannot effectively dispute this, there is nevertheless an abundance of visual evidence in the characteristic features to suggest that the Kathakali, Yakshagaana and Therukoothu had evolved through a ‘give and take process’.(17) The above is however not central to this tation and will therefore not receive any further attention. ‘The Therukoothu performers that were interviewed both in South India and south Africa all pointed out that the form was passed from generation to generation, from father to son and from teacher to student.(18) Manuscripts of the dance drama are rare in South Africa and while they are available87 iin South India they are closely guarded by the Therukoothu masters and seldon given out freely for analysis, Their loyalty to work done by their fore-fathers and teachers is highly respected and scripts are regarded as sacred. The only instance that a script may be allowed to leave the master! hands is because of old-age or infirmity. In these cases they are handed down to respected students. (19) Tt would seem that the survival of Therukoothu over several decades stemmed from an underlying ritual instinct rather than any kind of teaching and learning procedure. Its relatively stable form over any generations is evidence of the fact that although the art vas informally passed down, its ritual and aesthetic values were never compromised. (20) Learning about the drama of the Gods from the great Hindu epics was a basic necessity that ritually bound the village folk. This fact further ensured the survival of the content in these dance arama forms. (21) ‘The interesting fact is that whilst for generations stories are told and re-told with only very slight88 variations, in most cases the scripts allow for improvisation. The titles used for the dranas are usually coined by the troupe leader while sone titles are known to have remained unchanged for decades. (22) Most of the South African Therukoothy performers however, claim that they learnt the art by accompanying their fathers or uncles who belonged to troupes and through constant exposure to performance, learnt both the technique and the stories. (23) ‘Theatre in Thdia is supposed to have begun with the Gods. Brahea commanded the first representation. Indian theatrical activity has always been known to have started with the ‘Drama of the Gods‘ with Brahma, the chief initiator as the following story suggest! ‘A long time ago before the earth was created a war broke out between the Gods and the denons in which the latter were defeated. In the victory celebration the Gods were requested by Brahma to re-enact the battle for their own amusement. On observing this the demons were once again angered and attempted to halt this re- enactment. Another fight broke out and once more the demons were overpowered. Brahma then explained89 to the demons that the re-enactment was for the pleasure of all. This the denons accepted and promised not to oppose the celebration. after the world was created and ordinary people wanted to imitate this drama of the Gods Brahna confided all the principles of dranaturgy to a sage called Bharata. The compilation of all these principles ater came to be called The Natya Sastra.(24) Tt could be gleaned from most works on the origins of theatre in India that Branha makes up the divine origin while Bharata brings it to mortal man. The implication then becomes obvious - the beginnings of Indian theatre were dominated by the Gods and Indian mythology. The development of Indian Theatre then can be said to have been based on philosophic principles @irectly Linked to its mythologies and @ivine literature. dian tradition uniformly assumed that Bharata is the founder of Indian @ranatic art while Kalidasa speaks of sharata as the playwright and the stage-manager of the Gods in heaven. (25) Religious education in the form of story-telling was a dominant feature of the ancient Indians.90 ‘This phenomenon however was not restricted to south India alone but was the trend that pervaded the entire Indian sub-continent. Like most other traditions the cultural and artistic development of the Indians, it would seem, evolved from what was essentially oral. This is supported by the presence of a Prasangi tradition (the recitation of mythological stories from Hindu literature), which is still current in Tamil Nadu.(26) The form uses the weitation mode of communicating stories from the great epics of Hindu literature. This Prasangi tradition by it's very nature compels one to assume that it did have some sort of influence fon the Therukoothu form. Historical data are however not available to back up this hypothesis What does however lend weight to this argument are the very similar descriptions of the evolution of Therukoothu by prominent scholars in the field. (27) the general concensus appears to be the following rural South Africana had a lot of tine to spare after the harvests which happened in april, @ period in the Hindu calendar which {s referred to as Thaai Poosam. South India also experiences it's warmest months between the months of April and August, during which time little or no1 work can be undertaken, making this period the ideal tine for all-night gatherings. During this period religious education in the for of story- telling (katai) was pursued most fervently. Groups of simple countzy folk assenbled to Listen to the Arana of the Gods being recited by learned men in the community, thus establishing a very strong ‘Tamil Prasangi tradition. This traditfonal mode of presenting the Hindu epics has, as Frasca (1984.pp.52-55) points out, been used in the pattu (song), katai (story), and kuttu (Gramatization) to varying degrees. Tt would seen plausible then that the presentational form as it existed then may have evolved into more dramatic forns later. Whilst the abore hypothesis rests on the scant information available, it does provide a logical explanatien for the evolution of the form. ‘The two sources that seem to be the most exploited in the traditional Indian performing arts are the epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabarata. Together they have proved that their content can be appropriately utilized for dranatic presentations and religious instruction alike. (28)92 3.3.2 The Ramayana This piece of work is made up of about forty eight thousand verses and is considered one of the earliest compositions of Sanskrit literature, believed to have been written by Valmiki Muni. xt describes the social, political, religious and economic lives of the Aryas of North india, with the two main characters being Rama and Sita. other colourful characters in the epic are Sugreev, Hanuman, Ravana and Vibhishna. (29) 3.3.3. The Mahabarata ‘This epic of about one hundred thousand stanzas which is believed to have heen written by Vyasa Muni, is considered equal in status to that of the Ramayana. It deals with a variety of themes such as L€i.shnes injustice, oppression, greed,pride, ana hypocrisy. The two protagonists are made up of the Pandavas and the Kaura ‘The story of Krishna as is contained in the Bhagavad Gita is part of the Mehabarata. Other intecesting characters in the epic are Bhishna Yudhishrhira, Arjuna, Vyasa, Vidur, Draupadi and Kunti. the greater part of the epic concentrates on vivid descriptions of the93, battle between the Pandavas and the Kauravas.(30) 3.4 Dramatic content The inherent artistic and dramatic content of the Ramayana and the Mahabarata undoubtedly provided most suitable source for the —‘Therukoothu performances over the centuries.(31) Stories were told and retold with only slight variations and each time it still captivated it's audiences. oth the Ramayana and the Mahabarata vividly describe the drana of the Gods ina variety of scenes, making available an inexhaustible nunber of episodes to be incorporated into the Therukoothu and other related forms. (32) vivid verbal and physical battle scenes are played out between characters like Hanuman, Ravana. Bhishma, Krishna and Arjuna. The aggressive and sonetines gentle exchanges between _these characters possess all the elements of Indian theatre in terms of religious teachings and Gramatic sequences. The Mahabarata is a conan source for the battle scenes that occur between the Pandavas and the Kauravas. It was observed that4 these sequences were generally held over ten days and are popularly known as : The Ten bay pattie ‘The majority of Therukoothu performances viewed in South Africa seen to favour an end which incorporates a battle scene where good triumphs over evil. (33) The Therukoothu style that this study concerns itselé with for comparison and analysis hails rom the district of North Arcot, South India. The specific group studied for this purpose belonged to & village called purisai and ed by hr. Kannappa Thuabiran. The choice of the area and troupe was based on the following: a) A significant number of Indians imnigrated from this district to South Africa. ») ‘The initial fieldwork (approx. two weeks) in the city of Hadras showed that this troupe was in fact respected and considered reliable and would therefore be suitable #8 study group. ©) The troupe was also held in high esteem by the Delhi government who awarded them a sponsorship for training in this field. @) ‘The group was used by other researchers such as Ramasamy whose findings can be used as back-up.95, 2) The group was recommended by two South Indian Universities, namely, University of Madras and University of Thanjuvar. £) The group's teacher belonged to the ‘proper caste’, which is said to have had many generations of practitioners in this field. This caste was also discussed by Frasca (1984.pp.30-34) besides being confirmed in the x6 jarcher's interviews with traditional theatre enthusiasts in South India. (34) ‘An attempt will now be made to isolate and analyse the theatrical features of this form. 3.5 Theatrical Features 3.5.1 The Curtain entrance The most striking structural feature of Therukoothu is the curtain entrance. rt is a stage convention that is used most often to introduce characters into the performing area. It is the single most suspense filled moment in a Therukoothu performance. (35) Before a character enters the performing area a curtain is held across the stage by ‘stage96 hands’ to prevent the audience from sighting the entrance prematurely. ‘The curtain is usually white but performances in the latter part of the century have shown that preference is given to brightly coloured fabric with the troupe's name often inscribed on it. (36) Plate 1 : Curtain Entrance 7 Although tradition demands that the curtain be hand-held, certain snail and unprofessional troupes make use of poles an keep the curtain up for the entire duration of the performance. All the while7 behind the curtain the character would reveal bits and pieces of his head gear and costume s0 as to create suspence and curiosity as to who he is.(38) According to Mr. Janes Govender, leader of the ‘Thiru Muruga Velaasa Nadaga Sabha, a Therukoothu troupe in Chatsworth, Durban, the screen is also representative of the ‘temporary boundary’ that exists between the audience and_—the. rformance. (39) The curtain entrance has the greatest influence on the stricture of a Therukoothu performance. Tt is a theatrical device that punctuates and @istinctly marku each scene. The following is the sequence of entrances for characters and development of plot of a Therukoothu performance, namely, the episode referred to as Vali Mochum: ‘They bemoaned the fact that they have been exiled for fourteen years to the forest. Entrance of Surpanaga. She falls in love with Rana but Rama spurns this love. He sends her to Lutchmana. she98 forces herself on Lutchmana who in turn disfigures her physical appearance. Entrance of Ravana. Surpanaga complains to Ravana about Lutchmana. She lies to Ravana that she found a girl whom she wanted to bring for him but while she was doing this, Lutchmana attacked her. Ravana calls for his nephew, Marishan to help him take revenge on Lutchnana Entrance of Marishan Ravana instructs him to turn into a buck and lure Rama and Lutchmana away from Sita whom he then manages to kidnap. when Rama and Lutchmana realise that Sita has been kidnapped they begin to lock for her but instead find Entrance of Hanuman Rama and Lutchmana explain to Hanuman the Previous happenings. Hanuman says that if he helps them (they) Rama must help Sukribin. Entrance of Sukribi: He tells Rana that Valli is taking his wife and that he needs assistance, and that Ranamust destroy him (valli). Rana tells Sukeibin that he must cause a fight with his brother during which time he (Rama) will shoot valli from a hide out. (40) 3.5.2 The Kottakai (Green room) This room which is roughly three metres square, or smaller depending on the space available, is built on stage. The positioning of this room is important in that it's purpose is sulti- functional. Tt is used asa waiting room, to prepare for acts, costume changes, putting on maké up and as a general wing. Easy access to this room also allows for flowing exits and entranc me rooa also serves other functions such as space from which actors could vocally support the chorus on stage, help with cues and assist with the overall co-ordination of the performance. (41) ‘Traditionally the materials used for the building of these rooms were coconut thatch and palm frond: More recently we have seen a variety of materials being used including coloured fabric as can be seen An the following plate:100 (42) Plate 2 : Kottakai (Change-Room) (Rear of Picture) The shape, size and materials used today are however determined by the budget or whether the performance is to occur outdoors or in a closed venue. (43) Tt was observed that the positioning of the kottakai on stage was more of a practical consideration rather than an artistic one. The tvo popular positions were however towards the rear101 of the stage or ‘stage left or stage right’ observation of the ‘village’ performances in South India showed that this room was preferred towards the x © of the stage.(44) ‘Village performances'in south Africa however have long ceased to exist. The researcher recalls from memory that right up until fifteen or twenty years ago performances in Natal preferred an arrangement as is graphically shown below: musicians alternate (eve/ rostra far dance Seqpemees change ro stage left Performance Crea raised feud — approx. soo em. cadence Fig. 1: Stage Setting102 The two levels or benches were also in the past 2 common phenomenon. The level for the musicians might have been determined by the following factor: (a) They renained on stage for the duration of the performance. (®) They had to be comfortable due to the reason cited in (a). (c) they underscored the dranatic action. An extra level (towards stage left in fig.1) was usually strategically placed to provide an alternate level for the dances and aggressive fight and battle scenes. A tree in a pot was also used in certain performances. Me. Gounden, (interview,1992) recalls a large tree (approximately six metres) once being planted into the soil through the stage to cater for an agile character. This depended on the episode that wa being perforned and added another dimension to the scenes which featured characters like the ‘monkey Goa", Hanuman, who would climb the tree or pluck off fruit.(45)103 3.6 Therukoothu Music Instruments ‘The most popular music instruments used for ‘Therukoothu music both in South India and in south Africa are the mirdhangam, harmonium, mukavinai and tala. Tt was observed that the mukavinal is not a very popular instrument in the dance-dranas found in South Africa. The instruments are traditionally of south mdian origin with the exception of the harmonium and are used for a variety of styles but are most popular in the Classical anf Carnatic styles. ‘The following drawings are graphic representation of the instruments used in the playing of the ‘Therukoothu music: Mirdhangam Fig. 2Mukavinai Fig. 4 Fig. 5105 3.6.1 the Mirdhangan This is a long drum with two playing sides. The instrument ig traditionally South Indian and is the most important and popular rhythm instrument in the playing of Classical and Carnatic music. 3.6.2 Harmoniun ‘This instrument was introduced to India by Christian missionaries approximately two centuries ago. It was initially not accepted as suitable enough for the playing of Indian music but gradually became indispensible in the playing of both Worth and South Indian music. The instrument comprises various sets of reeds and a keyboard. rt is played by compressing air into the bellows behind. 3.6.3 The Mukavinai This is of folk origin, It is a wooden reed instrument very much like the Nagasvaram. rt is one of the most important musical instruments used in South Indian ritual and Temple Festivals.106 3.64 The valan they are a type of percussive set of copper or brass cymbals with concave centres. Traditionally a ritual music instrument, they are also used as a percussion instrument for Therukoothu music. Although the talan is capable of only a few tonal variations it is nevertheless the primary instrument that is used to increase or decrease the tempo of the dance. (46) 3.7 ‘Thecukoothu Music Therukoothu music may be described as semi- classical but sung with a rural accent. zt is highly probable that the music has its roots in the early classical music system of India which may have still used the raga (scale) system but in an informal manner. Frasca(1984.p.189) speaks of, thirty five raga which are used to make up the general Therukoothu music system. Research has shown that the raga system employed and the quality of the music actually depended on the proficiency of the singers.(47) Therukoothu music however is clearly distinguishable from other forms of music.107 Simplicity in Therukoothu music is essential for the following reasons : 1. qt complements the action. At times it Leads the action. It is often repeated in chorus form. 2. a ‘“ ‘The music has a distinct story line -it narrates and comments. qt has to allow for improvisation as the situation demands. 6. Depending op the singer's skill, he must be able at the drop of a hat to translate the song into a different language (eg. Telegu) if there are Telegu speaking menbers in the audience. (48) ‘he masters or teachers of Therukoothu are generally learned men. Through India's strong Prasangi tradition it's people have learnt all the legendary epics of ancient times and developed a unique and intricate raga system. Thus we have a peculiar music style, a combination of rustic folk and classical. The Therukoothu singer is capable of singing in many ragas and has a very wide vocal range. Mr. Srinivasen, an exponent of classical music who is stationed in the Saraswathi Mahal Library in Thanjavur, South India demonstrated108 to the researcher very professionally how classical songs are sung in the rural areas, how a rougher style changes its ragas at liberty and allows for improvisation and interjections. (49) 3.7.1 Therukoothu songs ‘The following are excerpts from Therukoothu songs sung by different characters, translated into English. Most of the songs are self explanatory ‘and are integral to the performance in terms of meaning and plot. The songs also reflect the personalities of the character and punctuates the performance from beginning to end. Tt should be noted that the songs sung by the Komali are seldom the same because of the improvisitory nature of his role. 3.7.1.1 The Invocation song Gananadha, Gananadha, Gananadha praise you Look after us we pray to you You are the first God 8 look after us first Stand forward in my speech and look after us The song is the first song or prayer that is performed before the commencement of any performance.109 3.7.1.2 Vass Draupadi you have all my praises please stay with me and help me Teacher I pray to your feet for educating me and teaching me this dance 1 thank my mother and father For bringing me to this stage to perform this dance Task the public to forgive me if’ there are any errors in my songs or dance steps Thi song is in the first person narrative and performed before the actor gets into character. It clearly shows the respect and humility that the performers carry for the Gods and other mortal figures who may be portrayed on stage. 3.7.1.3 Entrance song ‘The whole world must shake and all the mountains will shake for when the flames come in his eyes all the people will shiver. When he brandishes all his weapons Like his bow and arrow and sword there will be no-one to challenge him ‘This song is referred to as the entrance song and is sung after the actor gets into character. It's tempo and quality is determined by the personality of the character. The lyrics of the song may well. be those of a character like Ravana, An important point to note is that the song is sung in the110 third person narrative, effectively distancing the actor from the character. The device is clearly ‘an attempt to communicate to the audience that the actor and the role are separate and that the former is capable of wrong portrayal and should be forgiven. 3.7.1.4 Character song Powerful Ravana came fiercely to shake the whole world When the world shakes the people run for cover When he takes his bow and arrow out his eneny flees for cover hia song is referred to as the character song. Besides possessing the aggressive quality of Ravana it also carries his name. It is sung in the third person narrative and happens after the character enters. The following is another example of a character song sung by Hanunan! gust Like the ground shaking he jumps up and cones forward all the Gods must also be aware of him coming When he comes with speed his two earings shake He carries a mountain and plays with it like a ball ‘This song clearly reflects the strength and prowess of this popular character as opposed to thefollowing song: Like a peacock dancing in the mango orchard she is making her entrance She's got bangles on her hands and bells on her fect She walke like a bird but is a pretty women with gentle steps ‘his song sung in the third person narrative is indicative of the kind of lyrics used to bring out the feminine quality. (50) ‘The Komali in any Therukoothu performance is at liberty to choose the songs he feels are appropriate for the occasion. This of course does pot include his entrance songs, the form of which which ike those of the other characters are set within specific guidelines. The Komali may take the ‘mickey’ out of local politicians or even poke fun at the audience as the following lines suggest: ‘Two and half cent tickie this is my stekie I'm very lucky this is my bokkie Although the lyrics may not have much depth in terns of meaning it nevertheless reflects the "bouncier and lighter’ nature of this colourful character. (51)3.8 Lighting Im ancient times burning flames were used, held by helpers who moved before or behind the actor so that he was made visible to the audience. tater we find that large brass ofl lamps were used. they were situated just in front of the auditorium. This type of lamp tent an added dimension to the costumes and make-up by it flickering in the night. ‘The lamps used more recently are the petronax lamps that were fastened onto large bamboo frames. Today, depending largely on the venue of the performance it is not surprising that electricity is preferred. (52) 3.9 Facial Make-up ‘Therukoothu make-up basically has the same colours and structural motifs as in the Kathakali dance Grama and other South Indian Traditional dance forms. It is intrinsically related to the system of mask-painting found in Mindy traditional art. ‘Therukoothu make-up then is not only used to @istinguish character but also bas a religious significance in the sense that characters are transformed to those depicted in the religious3 scriptures Centuuram ( dye-vermillon ) Vellaicapeetha, Vellatuul, Aritaaram (talcum powder) are sone of the ponder forms used for the make-up.(53) The make-up session traditionally takes the form of a ritual although thie is not always adhered to in the ‘unprofessional’ performances. (see appendix F) Usually a lamp is lit which is the Dilpan or cerenonial Light. A Little pooja (prayer) is performed and then only does the ke-up start. A figure of Ganesha is built with tumeric powder on which the word (aun) is painted. By this time the musicians have begun the invocation and are joined by the dances as they begin to paint their faces.(54) Plate 3; Ritual before applying Make-Uj (35)4 ‘The primary colours used are red, green, white and black. Most characters have a specific basic colour from the neck covering the entire face and, applied onto this, particular motifs to make the character more specific. The colour red is most frequently used in the Mahabarata cycle. Turccanun and ‘Triyotanan are two such characters. while basic colours maybe said to have an overall meaning, in-between shades vary from character to character, depicting subtle shades of personality difference. ultimately a character's personality in terms of make-up is determined by the colour used, the intensity of the colour and the motif painted onto thi Green 1s representative of heroism, benificience, morality, strength and power. The Mahabarata cycle has in it many characters who may be said to be eligible for the colour green, although shades may range from a very light green to a very dark green. ‘Arjunan and Biman are two such characters who will use the basic colour of green. (56) ‘The sections on motifs, head and body gear, and movement and dance are adapted from Frascaus (1984.chapters five and six) and from observations nade by the researcher himself. 3.9.1 Therukoothu Moti: ‘The most important motif used in Therukoothu make- up is referred to as the mal. The motif extends fron one end (near the ear ) to the other end and just below the eyes as shown in the figure Fig. 6 : The Mal Rig. 7 : Pattern of Mal‘The general pattern and width of the mal according to the character being made Figure 7 is an example of a pattern (see also plate 4) The dots thenselves varies wp. used. maybe either large or small but mostly white in colour. Plate 4: Motifs used in Make-up onn7 The following is a mal for Biman : Fig. 8 : Mal for Biman ‘The function of the mal is primarily to accentuate the eyes which are the single most effective expressive body part used in Indian Theatre. Kathakali, Bharata Natyam, and other classical modes of Indian art make extensive use of the eyes and make-up accentuating the same. (58) Another motif found in the lower part of the face is referred to as the Kiruta. This belongs to the warrior or evil type of character. It Tesenbles a moustache which cones down from the side-burns and is amassed all around the lower lip and chin as shown in the figure belowThe two portions under the lip are usually outlined with a different colour or dots: Fig. 10 Make-up vader Lip Demonic characters usually have painted on their chins white fangs extended fron the mouth, Characters who may use this kind of make-up are Hirayam and Vallarakkan. Artificial moustaches are also used. Made up of synthetic fabric, they are tied behind the head. Painted moustaches may also be used for the ‘minor characters’. (59)19 3.10 Head and Body Gear These are basically made up of the crown and shoulder ornament. There are two types namely the Kiritem and Cikarek. the Kiritan is decidedly larger than the Cikarek as shown in the drawings: (See also plates 5 and 6) Fig. 11: Kiritam Fig. 12 : Cikarekplate 5 : Kiritam (Head Gear Plate 6 :-Cikarek (Head Gear: (60)aa The crows are worn according to rank of kingship. For example among the Pandavas, Taruma -raga and Biman wear Kiritams, while Arjunan wears a Cikarek. Anong the Kauravas, Turiyotanan, the first in succession to their father, King Tirutarathran, wears a Kiritam while Turccacanan wears a Cikarek. The following is an example of the shoulder gear used in Therukoothu performance: Cot @-\ fig. 13: Shoulder Gear (Puja Kirtti) The Puja Kirtti is made up of the same material as the headgear ; light wood called Punnai and lavishly decorated with white and cofoured mirror pieces and coloured foil. the rest of the costune 4s made of combinations of the following : shirt- Like are (full of pleats) pyjamas, dhotis, richly embroided velvet coats, waistcoats, jibbahs,and long loose trousers with over-skirts.122 Although most of the costumes worn are elaborate, they are cleverly put together to facilitate easy movement. Dance bells (Kajai ) are worn by all the characters. ‘The following @iagram shows the arrangement of the head and shoulder ornaments of the Therukoothu performer: (see also plate 7) Fig. 14: Arrangement of Head and Body GearPlate 7 : Arrangement of Head and Body Gear (61)124 3.11 Movement_and Dance in Therukoothy ‘Therukoothu dance is difficult to define in that it is not a choreographed, well rehearsed or rigid form like Bharata Natyam, which has become widely acknowledged for these very reasons by the middle and upper classes. Scholars on the subject, such as Subrahnanyam (1979.p.15) have ventured only to describe the form as a ‘rustic counterpart to the classical theatre’. This claim has, subsequently become a popular angle for study and research. The classical connection however is aigeicult to discern if one has not had some kind of training in Indian classical dance forms. Therukoothu has never been in the forefront of the Indian performing arts tradition simply because it, never gained recognition by the so called elite.tt remained as part of India's folk tradition and was never scknowledged for its classical connections. An in-depth study of the classical tradition in relation to Therukoothu is unfortunately not within the scope of this dissertion. It would nonetheless be important to note that the classical tradition of India has had an influence on the ‘Therukoothu form and is a general feature125 applicable to the different elements found within a Therukoothu presentation.(62) At the same time it should be acknowledged that Therukoothu does lack the sophistication of the classical dance tradition of which the Bharata Natyam is seen as a supreme example. Any attempt at precise naming of Therukoothu ical dance steps or sequences using Indian cli terminology can only be a futile exercise. Frasca (1984.pp.217-221) goes to great lengths to prove that Bharata Natyam and Therukoothu use very similiar if not the sane dance steps and patterns. It has become conmon knowledge that most Indian traditional arts have developed from a classical base although this may have occurred to varying degrees. To use Bharata Natyam as a mediun through which you describe an ancient form like Therukoothy is a gross injustice and one which may lead the reader to the misconception that the form may have originated around the same time. Although the Bharata Natyam form has been glorified as the Supreme form conforming to all the principles of the Natya Sastra, it should be borne in mind that126 the manual dates back to only the third century B.C. Tt may be a truer comparison if one refers to a broader classical background rather than a tightly knit and well developed form. Therukoothu dance sequences are governed by many factors: a. A number of stories enacted. b. Dranatization cc. Heavy costunes and weapons. . Allowance for improvization. e. Many dancers on stage. £. Untrained dancers. 9. Setting. h. First and third person narrative. Although the above factors may give the impression of the dance form being totally improvisional, there are however certain sequences which have persisted. A popular dance pattern that happens before or after the virithum (this music piece is @icussed in the section on music) and especially by the major characters is a circular type of movement as shown below:Fig. 15: Dance Pattern (ciroular} The movement pattern takes up the entire performing area and helps to establish the strength of the character. The sequence is punctuated with a vigorous, rhythmic foot pattern that is matched syllable for syllable with the beats of the drum. The following sequence usually occurs when the dancer is either singing about his plight or communicating an important part of the story to the audience. The sequence ix meant to communicate with most of the audience as can be seen by the shape of the movement pattern:Fig. 16 : Dance Pattern (full frontal) Most of the movement patterns and especially the two already dicussed end up with the character moving straight to the front as shown below:129 The researcher has observed that a common dance sequence that pervades a Therukoothu performance is a fairly simple but rhythmic three step pattern. These steps may increase or decrease in tempo depending on the lead singer and the chorus. Tt usually follows the music pattern of: te tat te te tat te te tat te (63) A dance pattern which is considered to have a ritual link is the Kirikki. This 4 a twirling dance movement that usually gathers momentum and is Performed at great speed depending on the skill of the dancer. The movenent pattern is usually accompanied by the same quality of music, a continuous build up of non-netrical notes that raises the tension to a crescendo. The researcher has observed especially in the performances in South India that during this movenent the performer often goes into a trance-like state.(see appendix H) This movement pattern is done just after the virithum or at any other stage in the performance to assert the personality of the character. It may be done on it's own or within a broader circular130 movement as shown below: Fig. 18 : Dance pattern (Kirilki) 3.12 Conclusion Having offered a detailed definition of the ‘Therukoothu form found in South India, it was found by comparison that the form found in Natal has certain structural differences due no doubt to certain peculiar sociological conditions.131 In the area of make-up there are only a few recognizable motifs or designs by comparison with the South Indian form. Certain designs such as the white dots around the eyes (as discussed earlier in the chapter) were occasionally observed. White face-paint is most often used with occasional variations. Exponents of the form are also not able to offer satisfactory explanations for the use of certain colours, designs or motifs. The greatest degree of compatibility lies in the costu The head and shoulder gear are almost always present although not with the same design and sophistication as those used in South India. ‘The same could be said of the variety of jewellery and ar jories ornaments that are popular acc that completes a character's costume. critical dicussion on how much the classical tradition has influenced the dance patterns found in Therukoothu 1s not uncommon, but important to this argument is that these patterns are sore recognizable in the Therukoothu form in South India than in those of Natal. As in the other areas, the the dance patterns of Therukoothu have evolved132 according to the environment it was nurtured in. While the sociological conditions have effected certain changes there are certain movement patterns which still have a close resemblance to the south Indian model. The three step pattern, ‘te tat te’ Like the kirikki, the twirling dance movement (as discussed earlier in the chapter) seem to have persisted unaffected and variations of these and others are performed according to the skill of the dancer.133 Notes 3 “ 15 16 7 18 20 22 23 24 25 26 27 Ronasany, T. 1987: Tamil Yaksagaanas. ‘Madurai. Vizhikal, pp.24-27 Gargi, B. 1966: folk Theatre of india United states of Anerica. University of Washington Press, pp.3,133/4. ‘Theruxoothu is ultimately a typically south Indian art form, conforming to all the principles of performing genre found in Enis area. Subrahmanyam, P. 1979: Bharata’s Art. Bonbay- Bhulabhai Memorial Institute, p.12. Frasca, R.A. 1984: "The Te Theatre of Tanitnadu" (Shae aeasertation) Berkeley. University of California, p.s1 Nowbath, R.s., chotai,S., Lalla, B:D. 1960: ‘The Hindu Horitage in douth Africa Fie South Africas winds hata Sebea, pp.19-20 Thunbiran, K. Interview, 1369. Thillayvel, N. 1987: Kavady and Worship of ‘papers presented at the University Of Durban -Westville. pp. 4-5. qbid., p.2- ids; p.3. bid.) pp. 3-5. Profie'of a Temple. (indian Annual Settlers iesue) 1961, The Indian Acadeny of South Aérica, p.202, Bowers, F. 1960: Theatre in the East: ‘A-survey of Asian D: Rew York. Grove Press, pp.6-7- Nagar, R.3. 1981: Natyasasiza, ‘Delhi. Parinal Publications, pp-1719. Subrahmanyam, Op. eit. Pp-2-5- qbid., p.13. Thunbiran, K. Interview, 1989. Ibid. Subrahmanyam, Op. cit. pp.12-13. Gargi, Op. cit. p.3 Thunbiran, N. interview, 1989. qbia. Bowers, Op. cit. pp.8-3. Ibid. Frasca, op. cit.pp. 5: Ranaswany, M., Parthasarathi, T. and ‘Thumbiran, x. Interviews, 1989.28 29 3 32 33. 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 a 42 3 “4 45 46 a “3 134 Brandon, J.R. 1967. Theatre in Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, pp.16-18. Bowers, Op. cit. pp. 8-14. qbia. Brandon, Theatre in Southeast Asia, pp.15-22. ibid. Govender, J. interview, 1989. Tt was important for the researcher to locate ‘an authentic troupe that could be used as an example. Gargi, Op. cit. p.135. This Observation was made 1 Performances that the r Viewed over the years. Photograph of Therukoothy South India, showing curtain entrance. Author's collection: Gargi, Op. cit. p.135 Govender, 3. Taterview, 1989. The researcher enlisted the assistance of Govender, J. in the translation of this ‘episode. Acnumber of interviews and observations have indicated that this space is used in a number of wal Photograph of Therukoothu performance in South India, showing materials used in the building of the kottakal. Author's collection. Govender, J. Interview, 1989. The researcher observed that the change-roos was preferred in the rear of the acting space in performances viewed in the Purisai Village, North Arcot, South India This information was extracted from memory ‘of the performances done in the Clare Estate Maha Vishnu Temple approximately fifteen years ago. It'was observed that not all of the instruments are used all of the time. Digferent combinations are preferred by certain troupes. It is often that many talans are used to keep a strong tempo of music. The researcher ie familiar with the ingtruments as he is a keen musician. Frasca, Op. cit., p.189. Gargi, op. cit., p-140.49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 60 6 62 63 135 This demonstration made very clear to the researcher how the flexible form of the Therukoothu music 1s employed to complement the Therukoothu style of drama. Assistance was received in the translations ‘of these songs from Tamil from Govender, J. Reddy, M. Interview, 1989. Ramasamy, Op. cit. p.28. bid. ,p-29 Tia Photograph showing the ritual that is carried ‘out prior to putting on make-up. Author's collection. Frasca, Op. cit. pp. 235-240. Photograph showing the motifs used in ‘Therukoothu make-up. Author's collection. Frasca, Op. cit. p.243. qbid.,"p. 248. Photographs of head-gear used in South Indian ‘Therukoothu performances. Author's collection. Photograph showing arrangement of head and shoulder gear. Author's collection. Gargi, Op. cit. p.133. Tt should be noted that the sections on Make “up, Motifs, Head and Shoulder Gear and Movenent and Dance were mainly adapted from Frasca(1984) and from observations of performances both in south India and SouthChapter three 4.0 Introduction Having traced the general history of Indian theatre in Natal in chapter one and having provided a descriptive definition of Therukoothu in chapter two, the focus now shifts to a consideration of the state of the form found in Natal and to the experiments that were carried out that attempted to explore a shift from ritual to secular performance; it being the thesis of this dissertation that by popularizing Therukoothu in a secular form, it may be possible to resuscitate and preserve it for the future. 4.1 The State of therukoothu in Natal The Indian immigrants arrived in Natal with the express intention of working in the cane- fields. They vere placed in an environment similar to the one they had left. Although they initially were unable to practice their traditional arts because of the time constraints caused by the Indenture System, the freeing of Indians in 1911, and the relaxing of the rules a while before, made it possible for then to pursue cultural activities to a certain degree. The advent of137 urbanization, Westernization and modernization however, brought about certain chang The system of education, being based on a Western model created a bias in the fields of language, art and culture, Indians, especially the —_ younger generation, began to shun their native heritage and adopt a European lifestyle. Traditional theatre forms such as Therukoothu therefore began to steadily lose the support base they once enjoyed in the villages, such as, Mount Edgecombe, Verulam and Stanger. By 1985 many of the last surviving Therukoothu troupes began showing signs of disintegrating. The introduction of the Group Areas Act (1950) led to the dispersion of the Indian Conmunity as far afield as Chatsworth and Phoenix. Many of the Therukoothu performers found themselves in th areas and often too far away from other members of the troupe to be actively involved in theatrical activity, Even before the dispersion for many the practicing of this art form had become merely a past-time and the inconvenience and expense of travelling was not worth their while. Many of these performers had decided to “pack it up!’138 ‘The situation described above left many of the Therukoothu troupes with only @ few menbers, making 4 impossible to continue as fully fledged troupes. A new phenomenon was thus created whereby performers began to ‘freelance’ and they refused to accept allegiance to any one troupe, while others combined to form a single troupe. Three troupes which were affected in the above manner and vhich are presently interacting very closely in the Chatsworth area are the Motala Farm Venotha Nadaga Sabha, the Thiru Muruga Velaasa Nadaga_Sabha and the Coednore Valiba Nadaga Sabha. In the Mount Edgeconbe area the following troupes wore most recently in existence, the Blackburn Group, the Night Key Group, and Arthi and party. Investigations into the availability of individual Gancers showed that more were available from the Chatsworth area. This phenomenon probably existed because of the geographical distribution of created primarily to house many of the displaced Indian families from the one- time rural areas and those evicted through the Group Areas Act. The concentration of Indians here is therefore much greater.139 Given the social, economic, religious and political that effectively shaped the Indian community in contemporary tines, it would seem that certain traditional aspects of this group of peoples were considered to be of lesser importance. Tt was further noted that: (2) onty a very small sector of the public was interested in any way in traditional forms such as Therukoothu. These individuals consisted mainly of the elderly and the pious. (b) ‘The majority of the Indian people who had becone Westernized tended to appreciate forms which were derived from the Western culture. (c) The fact that traditional Indian theatre forms made use of the vernacular rendered the form accessible only to a selected section of the community Whilst the above is true for the south African situation the picture is entirely different in the Indian continent. In recent years the Delhi Government has shown sone interest and pledged financial support to build schools which could teach and promote this art form. At the time of140 this investigation (1989), financial support had already been received by certain troupes, namely, the purisai_Duraisany Kannappa _Thanbiran ‘Therykoothu Manram to teach youngsters the art form. the Kooths Pattarai Drama Group in Madras, South India which works in close Miason with this group uses elenents of traditional Indian theatre and modern western theatre to create new forms. (see appendix M) What began as an experiment ha turned out to be a viable fora of theatre catering for a fast growing theatre-going public. this situation then provides for a modified version of theatre to cater for the urban public while forni such as the Therukoothu are being given the financial boost they require to survive in the rural areas. qt seemed to the researcher that similar encouragement as cited above for the art form in South Africa might very well be possible.uw 4.2 The First Experiment ‘The complexities and dynamics affecting the theatre scene as discussed above prompted the researcher to consider reforming the dance-drama, Therukoothu, in terms of it being more accessible to modern audiences. Sociological, architectural and geographical aspects had to be considered in terns of the performance venue. The researcher had to familiarize himself with a host of ramifications that had sensitively to be handled in order to create balgnced presentaticn. The challenge for the researcher was the novelty of the presentation. An art-form that was essentially traditional was being performed for the first time in a venue that was relatively mode: After considering the various processes and phenomena that operated within and without the Indian community in contemporary tines it was decided that the experiment should be carried out, with a view to determining the effects of these changing circumstances on the Gevelopment of indian theatre in Natal. The following factore(a) >) ‘The 142 observed in the first experiment: The effect of minimal modifications on the traditional art form, Therukoothu. The popularity of traditional performance modes,namely Therukoothu in modern tines. implications of the first experiment were identified as follows: @ () co) @ To select an episode from the Ramayana or Mahabarata that was simple, yet dramatic, structurally effective and adaptable for a new audience. To locate a Therukoothu troupe that was operational and would accept the challenge. To move the Therukoothu form from its traditional performance environment to a formal eurocentric theatre venue. To address the language barrier - most South Afcican Indians did not understand the XE. Therukoothu is strictly speaking an art-form which employs mainly the Tamil- language. To render the form more accessible to modern audiences through minor modifications.143 (£) To dsolate extraneous elements and find ways of making th ningful to modern audiences. 4.2.1 The Choice of Episode The researcher cit the following reasons for selecting the episode referred to as 7 Mayal Ravanan: (a) The appropriateness of the pace of the plot. (>) the simplicity of the storyline. (©) The dramatic structure which concludes with a fitting battle scene between the two main characters, Mayal Ravanan and Hanuman. (a) The popularity of this section which is used also in other dramatic presentations. It was hoped that it would be easily recognisable especially by the older generation. (2) The episode lent itself to structural changes, especially in terns of adjusting the time frane.146 ‘The following shows the structural divisions and plot development of the episode discussed above: Scene 0 ‘The Katiakaaran enters, introduces himself in Gialogue song and dance.’ Ravana enters lamenting the death of his son Inderjith and his inability to overpower the forces of Rana and Lutchmana. He is advised by the Katiakaaran to seek help from his brother mayal Ravanan who is a magician and king of the underworld. Ravana accepts the advice and asks the Katiaksaran to fetch Mayal Ravanan. Scene Two Mayal Ravanan enters, introduces himself in dialogue, song and dance. He asks Ravana to explain in detail the cause of his predicament. Ravana's account of his son's death and his los: in’ the battlefield angers Mayal Ravanan who Proposes that Rana and Lutchman be sacrificed to Kali (Goddess of Sacrifice) with the use of his magic. " Ravana’ gladly accepts his brother's Suggestion. Mayal” Ravanan then asks the Katiakaaran to call his wife Thevarnamalal. Scene Thre ‘Thevarnanalai enters and asks Mayal Ravanan why she was sent for. Mayal’ Ravanan explains to Thevarnanalai the plight of Ravana and his proposed plan to get rid of Rama and Lutchmana. ‘Thevarnanalai says that it is wrong to attempt to destroy Rama and Lutchmana because of their strength and Godly status. Any attempts to destroy them y fail. Thevarnamalai's wavering faith in her husbands prowess infuriates Mayal Ravanan who beats her and kicks her off- stage.145 ‘Scene Four Vibushna enters looking for Hanuman to warn him of Mayal Ravanan'a plot to destroy Rama and Lutchnana. Hanuman enters and is infuriated when he hears of Mayal Ravanan's evil plot. He builds a little house and keeps Rana and Lutchmana locked inside white he Sits on top of it, his tail coiled around the house. In the meantime Vibushna (Ravana's ood brother) has gone off on a journey. Mayal Ravanan finds this an opportune moment to disguise himself as Vibushna and he approaches Hanuman. hen Hanunan expresses a doubt that the person in front of him is Vibushna, Mayal Ravanan again uses his magic by blowing 'a kind of sleeping powder on Hanuman and takes Rama and Lutchamana (after he has shrunk then) away in a box. Only when the rt Vibushna returns from his journey does Hanuman realize that Rama and Lutchnana have been taken away. Vibushna then gives Hanuman directions on how to seek out Mayal Ravanan. Scene Five Macha Karripen enters and finds Hanuman trying to seek out his king, Mayal Ravanan. He tells Hanuman that he cannot pass him without a duel. A fight ensues but Hanuman finds it difficult to overpower Macha Karripen. On enquiry he learns that he is actually the father of Macha Karripen (unfortunately the story of Macha Karripen's birth cannot be elaborated upon here). Father and son then plot together and decide that Macha Karripen should’ fake being beaten, to allow Hanuman to get to Mayal Ravanan. Scene six While Mayal Ravanan calls for his sister Dhurdhandigay and asks her to fetch fresh water for the sacrifice of Rama and Lutchmana, Hanuman manages to seek out Kali and convince him that Rana ‘nd Lutchnana should not be accepted for sacrifice ‘and then goes after Mayal Ravanan.146 Scene 5 Hanuman confronts Mayal Ravanan and the final battle begins and ends with Good triumphing over Evil. Mayal Ravanan is however accepted in heaven when he ‘prays’ to Hanuman for forgiveness. Therukoothu performers are able to enact a number of stories from the Ramayana and the abarat: over the years these episodes have become structured according to the needs of the community. The need was generally a full night's entertainnent 80 that villagers could return home the next day. It became customary then to perform all night, using episodes from the Ramayana and / or Mahabaraté This situation presented the jearcher with certain practical problems. The turban Indian would not be particularly receptive to an all-night performance for two particular Feasons. Most Indians, especially those belonging to the younger generation do not understand the vernacular and, the average duration of urban entertainment is two and a half hours. The trimming of the time frame in this particular instance was therefore considered an appropriate147 modification besides the fact that it now effectively concentrated the action and plot and eliminated much of the repetition which otherwise would have been present. The time frame also provided an acceptable guide to the regular patrons of the Asoka Theatre who are accustomed to shorter presentations. 4.2.3. Choice of Troupe tn terms of locating a suitable troupe the researcher _ found that there were limited possibilities if the selection was based on the following aspects: a). Dramatic skille. b). Availabitity. ©). age-group. Tt was also not possible to train a group because of time constraints. the Motala_Farm _ Venoth: Nadaga__ Sabha vas eventually selected to perform in the Asoka Theatre. All the members of this troupe were over the age of sixty which qualified then as traditional performers. The researcher148 cites the following reasons for selecting this group: (a) Members of the troupe had worked together previously. (b) Members Lived relatively close to each other, an aspect affecting transportation. (©) the troupe was the only one active at the time that performed all along the North and South coast regions. 4.2.4 The Asoka Theatre The Asoka Theatre is situated between two middle- class suburbs, Westville,which was until recently a White group area, and Reservoir Hills an Indian residential area. The theatre stands approximately fifteen kilometres from the city centre and approximately thirty to forty kilometres from such areas as Chataworth and Phoenix which housed the lower income groups removed from their ‘traditional settlement areas’ to make way for industrialization and also because of so called ‘rationalization policies’ of the government (example, the Group Areas Act of 1950). The theatre was built part of the Drama Department, an academic orientated149 department of the University of Durban ~ Westville. The building is situated on the campus in block x. Structurally the Theatre is considered by the researcher as one of the few suitable theatre venues in Durban in which a Therukoothu performance could be mounted. This was considered so especially because of the thrust stage which provided tor three sided viewing as in the traditional performances. The auditorium provides for a raked seating arrangment which _accomodates approximately two hundred seated patrons. ‘The stage is approximately ten by six aetres with a thrust tapering to approximately five metres. Until the 1980's the theatre hosted works generally termed eurocentric and attracted audiences more inclined to this type of theatre. This trend has however changed recently with a wide range of works being performed in the venue. The Battle of Mayal Ravanan was the first rural art-form of the Indians to be performed in this theatre venue. ‘The Battle of Mayal Ravanan however introduced certain dynamics that were ‘foreign’ to the general pattern of theatrical presentations in this150 theatre. The researcher and director of this production were aware that additional methods and devices had to be incorporated if the exercise was going to be a meaningful and worthwhile one for both the performers and the audience. In this regard the researcher introduced two non- performance concepts, both new in the overall context of the presentational scheme. The one concerned the performers and the other concerned the audience while both were meant to extend the meaning and relevance of the production. 4.2.5 The Foyer Exhibition The foyer space is generally used for patrons waiting for the theatre doors to open so that they can take their seats and ready thenselves for the performance. The following were considered when setting up the foyer exhibition: (a) The form of the space. (b) ‘The Light music one listens to. (©) ‘The past productions that one may have seen in the venue. (a) ‘The dress and style of the other patrons.151 The researcher considered the above dynamics to be detrimental to the production and therefore considered the idea of re-utilisation of the space in terms of readying the audience for the production. The foyer exhibition according to the brochure (see appendix A) was meant to exhibit works that were relevant to the production so that patrons would have the opportunity of absorbing vital information that covid be used either to extend, complement or make clear the meaning of the difterent pects of the theatre presentation. Various items such as the head and shoulder gear, costunes, the kottakai (change-rooa), pictures of various traditional dance forms and artistic impressions of all of the above were displayed. (see appendix C) Details of history, origin, significance and general connents were also Aieplayed. ‘The entire story and plot of the Battle of Mayal Ravanan was displayed at various points in the foyer and patrons were urged to absorb this information before viewing the performance.182 4.2.6 The Production Team The {dea of the ‘Production Teas’ is an obvious Western concept formulated to exert control over a production. 3t is however not pertinent in this Aissertation to argue the merits and denerits of this concept per se but the significance of the inclusion of this concept into the said production will be considered. Jo Drama students and others of approximately this age-group the concept of traditional theatre is in all probability a vague one. On the other hand traditional performers thenselves have an equally vague notion of modern theatre practices, such as the concept of @ production team. The Therukoothu performers themselves fulfill the duties of this team. Members of the troupe are expected to carry out the various technical duties in the 4ifferent areas of concern as Listed below: a). Stage-managenent b). Make-up ©). Costume designing 4). Set designing and building153 Besides the above areas of work, each menber of the Production team was entrusted with the task of interviewing the performers informally and of accessing information related to the exercise. This was done through interviews and informal, discussions. In addition a number of lectures were given to the team, together with printed material (books and articles on Therukeothu) to promote a better understanding of the nature of traditional Therukoothu. The dynamics that operated within the entire production team was that of an ‘exchange programme’ whereby meaning and information was passed both ways. The production team had to research and gain information whilst the performers had to work within the structure of a formal theatre and with a reals and rehearsal Production team. —Rel Schedules were a new phenomenon to the actors who began to unlearn the ‘traditional style’ and to substitute this with a conventional Western one.154 4.2.7 Spatial challenge Although the Asoka Theatre has its advantages in terms of its thrust stage and three sided viewing possibilities it finds itself still in the categories of design which effectively divides the audience from the performance. This phenomenon 4s not an architectural flaw but more the faithful adherence to Western convention which says that an audience has to ‘view 'a production. In this regard the researcher was faced with limited possibilities. The clear distinction of the stage and auditorium had to be de-emphasized. To draw the audience into the action was considered essential if the function of the ritual action of the Therukoothu form was to be effective. It was, anticipated that the ritual aspects that were retained were going to affect only those that could extzact some meaning from it. The device that was employed to ‘break the barrier’ between the audience and the performance was the use of the stage itself, A section of the stage closest to the audience was used to seat a section of the patrons. These patrons sat on floor mats155 and were seen to affect the performance in two ways. The audience furthest away from the action would have seen the section of audience on stage as part of the general audience depending on their knowledge of Therukoothu presentations and related Processes. The audience closest to the actions (not the audience on stage) would have been affected or ‘infected’ by the responses of the audience on stage. This device came into operation in such sections as those of the Konali where the ‘audience'seened to participate sore. The audience furthest from the action may view this ‘united performance’ as a ‘play within a play.' The researcher acknowledges that whilst the device employed may successfully have drawn a part of the audience across the barrier it may also have alienated another section of the audience. Another related issue was the attempt at creating a feeling of ‘openess.' The symmetrical lines of the Asoka had also to be de-emphasized if one hoped to achieve any degree of success in this direction. ‘This kind of forced separation of the actors and audience compelled the latter to ‘view the performance from it's designated space. The156 situation tended to place undue emphasis upon the visual aspects of performance. The ‘traditional performance space’ and the ‘traditional set’ used for the presentation of this art form was always part of a wider natural environment that created a feel of extension into a wider space. The Asoka ‘Theatre by its very nature makes one conscious of the boundaries that exist within a Western theatre setting. after considering the dynamics that operated within the existing theatre space it was decided that a ‘peep into the past’ kind of setting bé constructed whereby ‘a sugarcane plantation’ feel is created at the rear of the stage and a functional set used in front of this. Particular attention was paid to the choice of materials used in the construction of the two sections in the stage set, to create the quality and feel that exists in a ‘traditional environment.’ Likewise bamboo and banana leaves were used to construct the change-room and also to create the backdrop against which the action occurred. Tt was hoped that the creation of this kind of backdrop using natural materials would create the feeling of extension and openess as can can be seen on plates 8 and 9.158 ‘the sharp rake of the auditorium necessitated the use of wooden rostra for the musicians and as an alternate level for some of the action, especially the ‘leaps’ and ‘Jumps’ and the ‘dance-fight! sequences. It was hoped that this set would be recognisable as the kind of set used when presentations occurred in marques with built wooden raised stages. ‘The theatrical phenomenon of having the musicians on stage is not peculiar to traditional Indian Grama. Greek, Asian ang Western theatre enploy this device to varying degrees in certain performance modes. In this instance the music is intrinsic to the development of the perfcrmance and therefore the musicians and performers need to be in sight of each other, for together they determine the pace of the action, In a traditional setting the informal manner in which the musicians are presented does not alter the communication process between the performers and the audience as the following shows159 Plate 10 : Musicians on Stage Source : author's collection In the Asoka Theatre however, the seating arrangement for the musicians was determined by the architectural layout of the building. The musicians had to be arranged in a manner $0 as not to unduly distract the audience. This however, had the effect of the musicians looking as though they were part of the set.(see appendix =)160 ‘The nature of the setting and style of the Presentations in the open allows for a certain amount of 'improvizational exchanges’ between the musicians and the performers, a phenomenon which is both acceptable and intrinsic in these forns. ‘The interactions that occur between the musicians and performers exist on one plane while the audience and the ‘total happening’ on stage exist on another. At various times however the audience elates to the musicians and the performers separate groups. This usually happens when the musicians are rendering an interlinking piece or when the performers are involved in dialogue, independent of music backing. 4.2.7.1 The Kottakai (Change-Rooa) Special mention should be made concerning this aspect of the Therukoothu form. In the traditional Presentation this room served a specific function in that it was used for applying make-up, changing into costuses and for general preparation for entrances ‘The kottakai has it's equivalent in any modern theatre, although the above also carried with it a ritual significance. In the Asoka Theatre161 it's ‘traditional function’ was not entirely necessary, while its physical presence was, considered necessary to complete the ‘set’ and link the ‘traditional spaces’ which are essential to the structural movement of the presentation. the character usually prepares in the change-room, makes his ‘semi- appearance’ from the change-room ko just behind the curtain, during which time the audience catches glimpses of his head-gear, thus creating suspense as to who the character may be. ‘The retention of the kottakai was considered it's ommission would have resulted ry, in a gross misrepresentation of the form. many of these features however were inevitably affected by certain technological devices present and utilized in the Asoka Theatre. 4.2.8 Lighting To make use of any special lighting effects would inevitably have altered the intended meaning. Using @ general lighting design which evenly distributed white light was considered sufficient for the performance. The introduction of lighting162 although minimal in terms of ‘high tech’ lighting concepts does alter the status of the performance to quite a considerable extent. A traditional, performance in the open which uses the ofl or petromax lamps does not distribute light evenly nor does it always cover the entire acting area. the advantages of this set-up however lies in the effect of inconstant or flickering light on bright and shiny body-gear costumes and jewellery. while these factors were often determined by a number of different factors, the use of general lighting in the presentation became a matter of necessity if the performance was to be visible. This inevitably affected the overall reception of the presentation. The lighting design employed in the Asoka Theatre was purely functional in that the acting areas in relation to the set, action, the actors, the costumes and make-up were of fundamental importance. The lighting design was nt to Light up sufficently the above aspects so as to make them clearly visible to the audience. Although the Lighting design was basic it nevertheless still brought out the brightness and shiny effects of the163 costumes, jewellery and body gear worn. Tt remained nevertheless in stark contrast to the “traditional lighting systen' offered in the “traditional performances’ an aspect crucial but impracticable to achieve in the modern theatre setting as the nearest effect to the inconstant Lighting source would have been to ‘scintilate’ the Lighting in an ultra fast strobe. This would however have been extremely distracting and irritating as a constant effect throughout the performance. 4.2.9 Acoustics ‘The fact that the Asoka Theatre is a relatively small theatre and acoustically sound there were no problems for audibility. It could be noted indeed that the speaking and singing voices and instrumental sounds were positively enhanced. In the ‘traditional setting’ the voice had to carry not only long distances but also compete with the elements. The performers in the Asoka Theatre production recognised the fact that they did not have to project as much as they would have done "outside."164 4.2.10 The Concept of the Komali In terms of staging technique the trickiest section happened to be the problem of language because the ‘herukootha form of drama was intrinsically part of the South Indian tradition which necessitated the use of the vernacular. To alleviate this problen the researcher attempted to isolate the Konali as a structural device that could be used to render the production more meaningful for the audience as this character could speak in English. The researcher was avare that this would have the effect of removing the character from his “traditional role’ but this assisted toa certain degree with the problem of the communication barrier. The presence of the vernacular was considered essential to keep the feel of the drama and drastic changes in this regard would have adversely affected the intention of this exercise. In the traditional Therukoothu form the Konali usually has the task of prompting the storyline through repetitions, playing question and answer games, and creating a sub-plot which is not165 seriously followed to the end. This idea was extended when the researcher became directly involved in playing this character. This was considered appropriate for the following reasons: (a) He cout speak and understand the vernacular. (b) He could act as the medium through which the audience could follow the storyline and plot. (c) His ‘action’ could be modified and structured. The function of the Komali was also extended to that of the Katiakearan who is the equivalent of the Sutradhara which means ‘director’ in Sanskrit. The characteristics of the Komali which are usually improvisational and those ofthe Katiakaaran then created pivotal roles for communication between the audience and the performance. To this end the researcher as Komali also employed the device of using a whistle to control the action. Tt was sometimes difficult to hear the interjections of the Komali through all the action and singing and this is where the whistle became an effective device which effectively stopped the action. The Konali was then able to direct the drana from within.166 Tf one were to analyse the significance of the Konali's role one could see this as mediator, director and interpreter all rolled into one. The Komali stood somewhere in the middle of the traditional and the modern. the ‘modern’ element demanded that the performance adhere to certain Western conventions while the traditional possessed rules of its own. 4.2.11 Conclusion xt was made abundantly clear from the response to the presentation of The Battle of Mayal Rav: that the local Indian community has becone far too removed from their 'Indiannes or traditional habits to appreciate Therukoothu in it's pure form. ‘The Battle of _ma an played for one week in the Asoka Theatre to capacity houses and standing ovations, yet one could sense a feeling of loss rather than of a revival. No doubt many had come to witness a performance that was to then ‘a pillar of the past.’ They had come to reminisce about ‘the good old days’. ‘The Battle of Mayal Ravanan vas taken out of the ‘archives’ for a temporary exhibition before the community moves into the future.167 The time and energy spent in transforming the exercise into a more meaningful one for the audience became irrelevant as an important sector of the public that it had hoped to attract were ‘absent. The younger generation it would seem have been for some time totally lost to the arts of ‘Those who attended Were overwhelmingly those who had been exposed to this art form at some time earlier in their live: The only positive aspect for the researcher was that the troupe of performers may have been the only ones in South Africa to have had the opportunity of presenting material of this nature in a formal theatre venue. With the dynamics that are operating on the social front, presentations of this nature cannot last indefinitely nor, it would seen, can the last few exponents of this form. ‘The_Battie of Mayal Ravanan has nontheless served to emphasize that traditional Indian Theatre is in need of urgent review if it is ever to make a lasting contribution to our developing culture in this country.168 4.3. The Second Experiment Tt was clear from the outset that the second experiment was going to effect drastic changes in the traditional form. The ‘traditional audience ' always knew in part what to expect from the theatre they supported. Epics like the Ramayana and the Mahabarat are in most cases recognisable stories. Characters such as Krishna, Hanuman, Arjuna etcetera, are colourful characters who are integral to the dramatic action of the epics and are also ritually connected in the sense that they are revered Hinds deities. This phenomenon usually rendered the audience less eritical of presentational aspects of performance. Western theatre operates on a totally different level in that the audience least knows what to expect. The most it may be aware of is the title, and what the critics may have to say. This situation makes the western audience more critical in that every production viewed is totally different. ‘Traditional theatre conveys messages through dance, music, acting style, make-up and costume, which with the philosophical content are culture169 specific. Audiences will therefore understand these codes to varing degrees. an older audience would appreciate traditional theatre because of the knowledge gained or because similar codes have been encountered before. The communication ig therefore dependent on knowledge and experience. ‘the following factors were observed in the second experinent: (a) The effect of fusing traditional and modern theatre modes. (b) The popularity of productions that fuse the traditional with the aodern. ‘The implications of the second production, written and directed by the researcher, were different from the first. They were as follows (a) To put together a cast that was versatile in terms of acting, dancing and singing, pects modified in themselves to reflect on contemporary society. (®) To isolate structural elements from the traditional and the modern theatre modes that that would be compatible and aesthetically congruent.170 (c) To isolate themes and issues from the traditional and the modern theatre modes that could be used together to ort artistic whole relevant to modern audiences. Three Hand Six Foot is a play that was meant to capture the ethos of contemporary society. xt is a product of the dynamics and processes that operate within the social, religious, economic, political and cultural milieu of a contemporary Indian community in South Africa. The researcher consciously welded together aspects of the traditional and that of the modern to create a new form that may be more in keeping with current South African theatre trends. 4.3.1 The Title of the Play The title was on various occasions misspelt, misread or misunderstood. The Post Natal referred to the production as ‘three Wander Six Foot' which implies explicitly that the play was to be performed by three peopl Newspapers referred to the dance as Six Foot Dance which, besides being incorrect, points to the strong connection with Therukoothu in the minde of many people.an This kind of publicity sost certainly provided some sort of guide to the public in terms of what the production was all about. Many people came to the theatre to watch a Six Foot Dance, which is a popular Natal Indian term for Therukoothu. Audience attendance or non attendance depended on how the title was read. The researcher was aware that this may constitute a problem but believ: that the correct sign was incorrectly read. the play was never advertised as Six Foot Dance. The researcher further believes that the misconception lies in the failure of the public to read new signs, which may have been caused by the scarcity of experimental work in theatre forms which reflect the changing sociological pattern of South African life. This problem reflects the overall dranatic pattern especially amongst the Indian community which otherwise could have facilitated a more flexible reading. The researcher believe: that an dmaginative, creative theatre-going public would have read the title as follows: Three Hand Six Foot. This may be seen to imply that only half of the traditional ‘herukoothu form existed in this play, that it is a172 modified version of the traditional fora, and that it uses only certain elements of the traditional form, the title further implies that many theatrical devices were used, not just the ‘Foot! as in ‘six Foot! which is the primary body part used in the Therukoothu fora. 4.3.2 Character The researcher placed enphasis on the selection of characters. The following major characters are used in the play: a) Samiaar b) Komal ©) Cooliekaaran 4) Peru e) Katha £) Mr. Gopaul Tt should be noted that the characters in this play were meant to be ‘stock characters’ in thet they were put into the play with very specific intentions and messages, example, Samiaar, who is symbolic of the past, Peru, who is a product of apartheid and so on.173 ‘The word Samiaar in Tamil means God. In the play Samiaar does not play God but merely exerts a Godly presence. His character name does not imply that he belongs to the religious scriptur above and beyond thes but His costume is that of a ‘Therukoothu dancer, bright and glittery. as a figure on stage he stands out as being much bigger than the other characters. He is much louder and creates an aura around himself, He can be seen as a ‘misfit! or intrusion which is what he is meant to be. He is an intrusion from the past. From the older generation, fron the Therukoothu generation. He may be a character from the Ramayana or Mahabara His dance steps are that of a ‘Therukoothu dancer and so are his gait, songs and speech. Samiaar only communicates in Tamil for the major part of the play. He only uses English once in the play when he says: ‘You people are going to drive me crazy.' ‘The Kouali is very much like the character of the Samiaar in that he belongs to the Therukoothu tradition. He is dressed in brightly coloured garpents and is active throughout the play, making jokes and singing ‘funny songs' in different14 languages. He has however, an added dimension in that he functions as a Link between the audience and the Saniaar. He functions as an interpreter to make the audience understand what the Saniaar is saying. His interaction with the other characters, the audience and the Samiaar makes him the Link that connects all these characters. He is the central element that fuses the traditional and the modern and presents this to the audience. Cooliekaaran was derived from the term Coolie which was a comnonly used term to refer to the Indian labourer and’ Kaaran which is a reference to a male Person. The term Coolie is still used today but in the a derogatory sense. This character epitomiz Indians that were ‘lured’ into coming to south Africa. He shows how his hopes and dreams were shattered when he arrived and his strivings in this land under harsh economic conditions. The character is not included to reflect individual concerns but is clearly a representative of a class or group. ‘The character named Peru is derived from the name Perumal, as in Perumalsamy, a Hindu deity.175 Shortened names of this nature usually are adopted by the individual affected by modernization and westernization, especially the younger generation. fle has become ashamed of his cultural heritage. This character is very much a part of todays ‘middle generation’ and preoccupied with matters of money and progress. The character is semi-literate and turns to religion only when he is in a spot of trouble. ‘he character name of Kantha is derived from Kantharuby or Kanthanoney which were popular names in the Indian community. she is similar to Peru with only minimal variations in characteristics. ‘The character name Gopaul is the anglicized version of the name Gopal or Gopalan with ‘a’ as in ‘car. He is a social worker and an intellectual. Mr. Gopaul is the kind of person who supports ‘christian principles’ but still has some sort of interest in the Indian community from an intellectual point of view. He belongs to the middle generation’ who is desperately trying to come to grips with the world. Hr. Gopaul is176 clearly the symbol of sense and logic. He says what the playwright feels about today's society, about violence etcetera. 4.3.3. Dramatic Plot/story Scene one ‘This happens in the change-room or kottakai where taped ‘Therukoothu music is playing. Matters of a general ‘nature are casually discussed to create the informal feel that exists prior to. a ‘Therukoothu performance. All this ie clearly heard by the audience. Scene two ‘The Komali enters singing the _ traditional Therukoothu opening song. He announces what the play is all about and sets it in motion, ‘Scene Three The scene gives us a slight indication of the conditions that prevailed prior to the Indians coming to South “Africa and the feelings of the community about leaving their land. si Four This is a short scene, made up of a single telephone call by a coolie agent in India to a British, officer concerning the “collecting of coolies".7 Scene Five This scene concerns the arrival of Indians in South ‘their initial treatment at the hands of the British officers and the planters. Scene Six This section is made up of a mime dance showing the hardships that the Indian Indentured labourers had to go through,working long hours with no time to pursue any other activites. Scene Seven ‘The Komali fills this scene to bridge the gap between the previous and the next. The freeing’ of the Indians’ and their subsequent moves in’ the @irection of economic upliftment, naming some of the professions they sought. Scene Eight ‘humbadoo, the fruit-seller takes up this scene. He speaks of an ill-omen that may have befallen the community when the temple peacock dies. He Feminisces about the past, about how well the Indian community was progressing culturally and that it had now abandoned culture in the pursuit of financial gain. He speaks of the Festivals and the all-night Therukoothi: performances etcetera. Scene Nine This scene marks the arrival of the Samiaar, a traditional Therukoothu performer who engages in a lively discussion with the Komali ‘concerning the state of the community and the impending extinction Of the traditional arts. Agreement is eventually178 reached that there has to be compromises between the. "traditional and the modern’, the old and the new' if there is to be a balance in society, and for people to support the arts and culture in general. Scene Ten ‘hie scene between Peru and Kantha stands out from the. rest of the play as a ‘play within a play’. It deals with a theme that is" new and relevant. Whilst it takes up the comprosises spoken of in the previous scene it also introduces a character of African origin to emphasize the issue of racial intolerance.” Although Peru and Kantha are stock characters like the others in the play, the audience identifies with then easily as they are contemporary. The issues spoken of and played out Prompt the final scene. Scene Eleven ‘This scene is the final ‘acceptance scene’ which is prompted by a ‘realistic scene’ of violence in the previous scene. Samiaar accepts that ‘real issues! have to be deat with if the Indian community is going to progess in any way. The final song. and dance are symbolic of this acceptance.179 4.3.4. The Dramatic action The first scene serves to create the atmosphere that one may identify as belonging to that of a ‘Therukoothu production. Taped Therukoothu music is playing and very casual talking is heard in the ‘change-room.' Reference is made to the musicians not being ready and partaking of alcohol etcetera. ‘This device was employed as an attempt at reminding audiences of Therukoothu performances of the past. Tt readies the audience for the impending action ‘and also helps to cast the mind back to traditional performances where there were no rules concerning noise levels. The —acoustice in open-air performances are of one order, those of the Asoka Theatre on the other hand are of quite another. This ‘noise’ in the ‘change-room,' resounding in the auditorium can be quite jarring but appeared to be effective. The dramatic entrance of the Komali marks the beginning of the play. Traditional Therukoothu operates in very much the same manner. His function here is very similar to the ‘Therukoothu performances, to create an rly report with the180 audience. This figure is easily recognisable belonging to the Therukoothu tradition. He is quite comfortable speaking to a single member of the audience who demands ‘action’ not ‘only songs." This character is at liberty to improvize with the audience. His presence in the play is tvo fold; whilst he is a recognizable character from the traditional performances, he is also an active catalyst to the audience understanding in Three Hand six Foot. The character is therefore pivotal in the sense that he is meant to be seen by the audience to be the link between the past and Present The entire section concerning the arrival of Indians is meant te a reminder of the conditions that prevailed when the Indians arrived in 1860 and the hardshipe that the community had to ‘overcome till they were able to set thenselv ep as effective meabers of society. the constant harassment by the colonists is portrayed throughout the section. the play then deals with the cultural revival of the Indian comunity in a striking scene which is in contrast to those presented earlier. The first half concludes with181 talk of an ‘ill omen’. This is aptly interpreted as meaning ‘all is not well' and that the ‘Indians are only thinking of money’. ‘This ‘omen’ constitutes a major threat to the community and signals the beginning of the cultural disintegration. The Thunbadoo scene marks the middle of the play. He is an honest hawker who sells fruit on school premises during the lunch breaks. A man who is able to see into the foture, a man who dreams about the future, a man who can readily look into the past and remind us about ‘our fathers and forefathers’ and the Therukoothu performances that used to happen when ‘people sat on floor mats' and ‘watched for the whole night." ‘The second section is marked by the entrance of the Samiaar. His costume, make-up, head and shoulder gear resemble that of a God or king. His introduction provides the first concrete link to the ‘drama of the Gods’ as found in the epics, the Ramayana and Mahabarata. At thie point the audience encounters for the first time in the play a scene that resembles that of the Therukoothu form. This scene also marke the first encounter182 between the only two ‘Therukoothu characters’ in the play, the Samiaar and the Komali. The exchange between these two characters becomes a significant signpost for the audience. The Komal is clearly on the side of the audience when he explains why he is speaking in English and not in Tamil or Hindi. ‘The Komali says 'if I spoke Tamil or Hindi, nobody will come and see me perform.‘ This echoes the audience's attitude towards such a performance. ‘They will only attend if they are able to understand at least a substantial portion of the language being used. This scene is very similar to those belonging to the previous production directed by the researcher, The Battle of Mayal Ravanan. In both the productions the Komali translates the vernacular sections into English for the benefit of the audience. This device is an atteapt to win the favour of those who do not understand the vernacular by giving them an ingight into the play through a medium that is accessible to them. The playwright also uses the scene to draw attention to the problem of the use of the vernacular in the traditional performing arts, in terms of it183 not being accessible to modern audiences. He is clearly propagating, through the Konali, the use of traditional aspects but ina modified version so that people can understand. We also have the case where the new generation is asking the old to cose together and ‘create a perfect balance’ ‘he introduction of Samiaar is also linked to the omen that Thumbadoo speaks of in the first half of the play. The community has undergone a drastic change which is cause for concern. After his exchange with Samiaar the Komali sings a song in English and Tamil concerning the ‘the state of our people.’ Samiaar is then asked to ‘please sit and see for yourself.' This line is directed to both Samiaar and the audience. zt this point, both Samiaar and Konali sit to watch, the lights change and we have the entrance on a new section of the stage of two new characters, ‘The scene involving Peru and Kantha acts as a play within a play. It is totally modern with the ‘traditional characters,’ the wt, the change-room etcetera, in the background. Lights completely demarcate the section of the stage on which the104 action occurs. The style of the scene is markedly different in that for the first time we have two 1" people on stage; contemporary characters that the audience can readily identify with. ‘he introduction of Peru and Kantha in the second section heralds the beginning of the climax of the storylin Indians in South Africa is the community of today ‘The pinracle in the development of the caught in the rapidly changing country. The issues that Peru and Kantha attempt to deal with reflect a ‘community that has failed to come to terms with the processes that have changed the codes of co-existence amongst the different cultures in this country. The old morals, values, customs and traditions are not strictly applicable any more. The couple are befuddled by the happenings at the university and this causes anxiety about their daughter who 1s ready to go to this very institution. their discussion with Mr Gopaul about the general violence in the country and the specific violence within Indian families reflects the same confusion that they are caught up in, Each time Peru goes to God for assistance but even here he is irrational in his speech. He185 eventually gives vent to his feelings by violently abusing his wife, ‘The play concludes with Samiaar's ‘interference! and ‘acceptance’ that the old generation could have helped instead of concentrating on subjects that were removed from our real society. His telling line in the ‘communal dance’ where, instead of the Therukoothu dance, he is doing a ‘rock and roll' dance is ‘you people are going to drive me crazy.’ This line shows an underlying acceptance of the new generation by the old and the amount of work that needs to be undertaken to bridge the gap between ‘the old and the new.’ 4.3.5 The Firat section This section is very much a statement to the audience, which says ‘this is what happened’. rt documents the arrival of the Indians. Historical data is systematically presented. The high and low points which are expected as in a play that follows Western conventions are not present. This linear docunentation immediately has implications for the audience. Those who are ignorant of the history of186 the Indians of South Africa may find this section interesting and absorbing in the sense that an wholistic view is given of the development of the South African Indians from 1860 to present day. Second Section This section can be seen as a play on its own. Tt ts of thres very distinct parts: (a) Te exchange between Samiaar and the Konali which introduces the problens and conflicts. (6) The problems and conflicts as presented by Peru and Kantha. (©) The resolution epitomized by Saniaar's acceptance of his shortcomings and his speaking English for the first time. ‘The second section is easily recognizable following the Western tradition of the ‘well made play ' which shows development of plot, structure and character, Pivotal to this development are the two traditional characters isting each other to ‘accept change or be doomed’. The audience are invited to engage ina similar discussion with thenselves187 Kantha and Peru ‘play out' the violence in a tightly choreographed sequence that threatens to continue until Samiaar interrupts. This scene is intensely physical and does not necessarily fit into the general style of the play. The violence was meant to look stark and real. The introduction of Patrick as the person of African origin who may have an interest in his daughter drives Peru almost insane. The presentation of thé sequences are dream-like to suggest that it may be a figment of Peru's imagination. the African is portrayed as an intelligent and logical person who is prepared to stand tor his rights, not aggressively but in a ‘love will conguer' kind of attitude, thus giving the audience a glimpse of what is to be expected in ‘a new south Africa ' The final scene is that ot a ‘communal disco’, "rock and roll concert’, ‘bharata natyan', ‘gumboot @ancing’ all rolled into one and to music which reflects the same unity in diversity. The audience is invited to join in. This epitomizes what the playwright sees as the ‘coming together’ and188 acceptance especially within the Indian community, the dynarice that will have to operate in the move towards a new'south African Culture’. The second section of the play comprises three Gimensions or represents three generations of thought (a) Samiaar belongs to the first generation which is inextricably linked to the past. He reflects the aspirations of his generation, to uphold culture which is embodied in the Therukoothy form. He however accepts the change mooted by the Komali to make his act socially relevant. (>) Xantha and Peru belong to the second generation who are trapped between the past and the future. Peru's traditional values are mostly embodied in the rituals he peforns without realizing the essense or meaning of his performance. He seeks solace in religion when he is confronted by the future example, the prospect of his daughter marrying an African. This affects him to such an extent that he violently abuses his family.189 (c) The images or dreams that come to Peru's mind represent the third generation; Peru's @aughter who has 'a mind of her ovn', and Patrick who is ‘honestly in love’ and cannot understand Peru"s view of human relationships. ‘This generation proposes tolerance and acceptance of other race groups. It proposes equality in all spheres of life. 4.3.8 Conclusion The archer believes that Three Hand Six Foot reflected the sociological trends of contemporary Indian Society. The modifications undertaken in this piece cannot be termed minimal as in the first experiment. Three Hand Six Foot was an orginal piece which was structured according to the ‘guidelines’ set up by the socio-economic religious, cultural and political milieu that the South African Indian society finds itself in. The issues that emerged were insues that affected Indian society. Of particular significance is that the piece succeeded in welding the form of the traditional190 and that of the modern while the content moves quickly away from documenting the history of the Indians to more pertinent issues that beset the present Indian community. the subtle introduction of the traditional did not seen particularly to affect the audience who were made up of mixed age-groups. While the play ‘spoke to the audience’, it simultaneously employed devices of a traditional nature. This fusion then extended the conveyed messages of codes as discussed earlier in this chapter. ‘Three achieved one of the Hand six most important goals of Theatre in that it succeeded in stimulating critical discussion and responses fron a wide audience. This phenomenon may be attributed to the extension of meaning in terms of providing a ‘total theatre’ of music, dance, modern philosophy, modern acting styles, make up and costumes,191 5- Conclusion Brandon (1967) points out in his preface that the amount of space devoted to a theatre genre determines the degree of importance it holds in a given society. As an art form Therukoothu in its traditional setting enjoyed a solid support base. It's existence depended on the survival of the village, the pious, simple folk which made up its audiences, traditional performers who knew the vernacular, the scriptures and the rules and rituals of the Indian performing arts. ‘The indentured labourers in South Africa were not in @ position to determine their own ‘space’. The long working hours and stringent regulations imposed by unscrupulous employers made it virtually impossible for them to indulge in any 'extri curricular’ activities whatsoever. Every ounce of work done had to be related to the econoy. The Aissatisfaction at the treatment meted out by the plantation owners and the stifling of freedom of expression is adequately exemplified in reports of both the Coolie and Wragg Commissions as commented uupon in the main body of this dissertation.192 In its day Mount Edgecombe was certainly the hub of theatre and general cultural activity, it's rural nature providing an ideal setting to practice the various Indian artistic forms. The Shree Enperumal Temple Festival and the Moharram Festival took the lead with each culminating in the ‘Therukoothu performances and the Tiger dances respectively. ‘The Dramas’ also flourished during this perioa before they declined in the 1930's to give way to films. As urbanization, westernization and modernization becane a social reality, theatre forms with religious themes became less important and were reserved for special occasions, usually hosted by religious organization: Apartheia legislation including the Group Areas Act effectively robbed therukoothu troupes of a common meeting place by displacing members and relocating them in different areas. Rural are such as Mount Edgecombe have been reduced Granatically in size, making way for such townships as Phoenix which supposedly provided low economic housing for the Indian conmnity. The remnants of Mount Bageconbe as a village town are however still partially recognizable.193 Although the present Mount Edgeconbe Tenple Society is still faithfully pressing on with it's annual festival the feeling is not the same as in the past. Community entertainment has been scaled down to a minimum. The sane occurred with the annual marrianman Festival held by the Marianman Temple in Isipingo, a south coast town just outside Durban. Therukooths performances at these festivals are a thing of the past, and i¢ they do happen at all performers have to be brought together from far and wide. over the last twenty years we have seen the gradual decline of this form with only occasional performances by certain die-hards in the community. A new trend in the theatre of the sixties reflected a protest against the repressive measures enforces by the state to silence those who challenged it's authority. Wholesale bannings and detentions, typified by the inprisonnent of strini Moodley and Saths Cooper, became the order of the @ay. South African Indian writers took their cue from the socio-political conditions of the day and wrote accordingly. This trend could be seen throughout the sixties, seventies and eighties although no notable South African Indian writers emerged during194 this period. It would seem those who gained recognition did so only because they were part of the very few who were challenging apartheid legislation or the social order. The trend reflected in the previous paragraph developed independently of other forms of theatre, which used religious, moral and donestic thenes. Presentations were however influenced by audience appeal which in turn determined their commercial valu With the ‘rubicon speech’ of the state president F.W. de Klerk on 20 february 1990, Sosth Africa has undergone irreversible changes with the release of African National Congress president Nelson Mandela and a host of other ‘far reaching reforms’. While the politicians are locked in battlk concerning whether the goverment tock the initiative or whether the African National Congress had pressured it's opponent into taking such steps the individual in the street has a battle coming to terms with this rapid change. In terms of developmental trends a lot has happened over a short period of time.195 With the entire community grappling to keep abreast of the ‘ebb and flow’, theatre has been caught napping. Napac, the state subsidized home of eurocentric works announces the launch of it's Community Theatre Projects, Annesh Ranklown is taken on ‘an actor in the Loft Theatre Company and in the community Patrick Ngcobo becomes a firm favourite amongst guests at Hindu weddings. The University of Durban - Westville answers with Linda Gwala doing the ‘South african Cultural Dance’ and saying 'r am not a token Black’. (Looking For Muruga, a play written and directed by xriben Pillay) Many of these devices are however too contrived and this is in essence a reflection of the insecurits being experienced by many of the contemporary South African Indian writers. The centenary festival of the Shree Emperumal Temple in Mount Edgecombe in 1990 succinctly encapsulated and epitomized the evolution and dynamics that operated during the early days, that shaped and reshaped the Indian community a hundred times over. The one comson link that connected the festival of 1990 to the one celebrated in 1890 was the presentation of such forms as the196 ‘Therukoothu. The fact that the Therukoothu troupe ‘engaged to perform for the centenary celebrations hailed from Chatsworth and not the hometown is reflective of the societal and legislative changes and prt is that this performing art has remained virtually jures. The more important factor however stable in form and content against almost insurmountable odds. To write off this traditional dance drama after such a history of survival may be a gross miscalculation, which therefore points to fan exercise which would clearly determine the status of this form in our contemporary society. ‘The Battle of Mayal Ravanan in the Asoka Theatre in March 1990 should be seen in the context of the researchers ains and intentions. Tt was not meant to prescribe to the Indian community but merely sought to test it's strength and weakn in terms of it's standing in the future. That the form still has a support base is unguestioniable but how long this can last can only be determined by those attending the performance and the performers themselves. That the form is heading towards extinction cannot be denied or avoided. A useful exercise perhaps is to seek ways197 and means of using certain elenents of this form in an entirely new exercise that would be pertinent in terms of encapsulating the true spirit of modern times; an exercise that could contribute to the so called new South African culture. Given the sociological trends of the Indian community today the researcher believes that Three Hand six Foot (directed in the Asoka Theatre in June this year) fulfills a dire need at least in part to reform attitudes towards the arts, especially the performing arts. This view follows the premise that contemporary art should be reflective, relevant and truly representative of the dynamics that are in operation in our present society. Tt should be noted that the experiment was not meant to create an absolute ‘recipe’ but carried out merely to make certain observations of changes in meaning in the general pattern of development of South African Indian theatre in the current sociological milieu. 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Traditional Indian Theatre Multiple Streams. fonal Book Trust, India, Rew Delhi First Edition. Watson, R.G.T. 1960. Tongaati, An African Experiment. wutchinson and Company Publishers 1a. Yajnik, R-K. 1933. The Indian Theatre. George London: Ailen and Unwin Led.202 THESES Choonu, A.G. 1967. Indentured Indian Immigration into Natai, 1860-1911 with particular reference to it's role in the development Sf the Natal Sugar Industry. University of Burban Westville. Frasca, R.A. 1984. The ‘taminads. PI Hoosain, F. 1985. The Changing Face of Theatre in the Indian Community of Burhan, TST0-T983, University of burbax Westville. Jackson, M.B. 1988. An_Introduction to the Histor; of music anongst Indian South Africans in” Siaeal-1800-1948;—towards a Politics ‘Cultural understanding. University of Durban, Westville. Patchai, V. "1981. Indentured Indian Immigration into Natal with emphasis on Labour Gegialation. University of Durban, Westville: Sookdeo, A. 1982. Indentured Indian Immigration into Natal with special enphasis-on the 1890"s andthe Caste-structure amongst. Indiana. University of Durban. Westville rukuttu: Ritual Theatre of ; University of Californi: REPORTS Report of the Coolie Commission, 1872, Indian Immigrants in the colony of | Natal. Pietermaritzburg. Keith and Co. Printers. Report of the Indian Immigrants Commission. 1885-7 (Wragg Commission) Pietermaritzurg. P. Davis and203 ‘BROCHURES: Asoka Theatre, University of Durban, Westville. ‘Therukoothu Brochure, The Battle of Mayal Rat 19-24 March’ 19907 Shree Emperumal Hindu Temple Society, Mount ‘Edgecombe. Centenary Festival Brochure, 1890-1990. Profile of a Temple (Indian annual Settlers Issue) Propiit he Indian Academy of south Atrica,1981 Merebank Andra Cultural Group. Souvenir Brochure. ‘Telugu “Six Foot Dance’, Lutchmana Morcha. 21 March 1992. Shree Murugar Alayam. Golden Jubilee Celebrations, ‘Souvenir Brochure, 1937-1987. Interviews South tnais Muthusany N. Kossi K. Krishnamurthy M. Shunmugam V Karunanaithe K Vanan T. Ramasamy T. Kaniappaen V. Appadurai 8.P. Cholan R. Chinnappan x. Strinivasan N. Seeralan 4. Ramaswany M. Parthasarathi r. ‘Thunbiran K. ‘Thumbiran N.204 Interviews South Afric Govender 3. Archery R. anthony V. Naidoo M. Reddy M. Munsamy C. Ramasamy A. ‘Thumbiran B. Govender'S. Henning c.¢. Subramoney D. Moonsamy ¢.BATTLE OF MAYAL RAVANAN Produced by SATCHU ANNAMALAI ASOKA THEATRE 19 - 24 March 1990Lt 12 my earnest wish that this Brochure also serves as a useful source of information for those wha mant to know more about Therukoothu. TE shauld be Aated nonever that a brochure of this nature has its limitations and cannot contain any more detail than that which T have already ineluced. Further the colour and splendour cf Therukeothu cannot sufficiently be communicated in a low-bucget brochure, it should therefore be used in conjunction With the Live performance. NuBL Much of the information used in this Brochure has been ex - tracted from ay unpublished thesis.DIRECTOR'S NOTE Indian Theatre was always a vibrant form brought over by our great, great. grandparants and racticed wherever they sectles- Therulosthu or Six Font Dance nas’ only very. recently. raseived some sort of recagnition and only from Thestre entnusiatas Thea tien and colourful theatrical form never gained tne popularity Ueserved for a number of reasons; but most of all because or: Fural nature. "It was always more fashsonable to be associates With e classical form dibe the Bharata Natyam. My purpose this ‘production ie” te share with you the knowledge that I have accumulated locally and abrasd and create an opportunity for vo fo witness and judge for yourself the artistic merits inherent in Traditional Indian Theatre. My dancers are the few left i> hiatal and are all over she age of sivey which means, that Therukactha may well be extinct in the next few years. My fervent nome 12. Chat you grasp tis opportunity, to witness a presentation wiicy fa not tracitionally associated with mainstream theatre and boop alive for a while longer this treasure fran our dear nother Land. A single concept 1s of utmost importance :f our production i= going te succeed. A concest of a composite form which views In= Sian’ Theatre as being. essentially “a mood’ intrisic in Indian Life, where we are involved with music, dance, poetry, playing with Gods and tasty food, It would be foolhardy to consider this Speroach to a concept of theatre as flippant. It will not fail ie"ie embodies the bare essentials ef truth and honesty. — In tne Connon feeling for a viable ‘process’ we forget ourselves ang the Gevelopment of our personalities starts. It is my intention in this nate to give full creait to our production crew anc cast who have given me every indicaticn thet They nave grasped the production concept, who worled efficiensly and consistently from aur first meeting,’ and wish to thank then for the eagerness to strip themselves of past arejudices and join hands in the painstaking process of our work. The drill ses~ Sions, the lectures and research, the recording of every detail Of this production; bears testimony ta aur success.THERUKOOTHU OR SIX FOOT DANCE THE BATTLE OF NAVAL RAVANAN nscn Munsamy Patrick Anthony Sooarya Pili ey Paul Naidco DIRECTED BY SATCHU ANNAMALAT PERFORMED BY! hayal Ravanan Thevarnamalas komals /Narrater Mirdmingun Lead Back up Singer cymbals and Back up Singer Cymbaie and Back up Singer, Gymoats and Bach up SingerAMES GOvENDER was prompted 6: Fr Govender is fo fulfil his his willingne: sopuler Figur 60 year sian fitter for Dunlop and has Been working © past 24 years, Although popular a= an 7 r Govender naz alnays bean active in Theatr WS Durban. Hig active invelvement tn Therukootne y hig belief that the Therukeathy mode of presenta~ 1 £0 impart the teachings of the Hindu scriptures, emphatic that Mis health and high enerey level is ticipation in Therukeethy and he is therefore abie fo entire might ang still pe at work on tine and 42 duties there. Mr Govender’s friendly manner and © in Durban, His fervent wish as that the em af dance never dies.ROBERT ARCHERY (42 years) Although soft-spoken Me Archery is a very humorous man. He is cimays ready and willing to speak on any aspect of Indian Theatre, the first love in his life, Mr Archery hails from the South Coast in Natal and nas travelled widely perforaing the Therukoothu Dance Drama. Although Mr Archery suffers from arthritis which he says affects him in his every day activities, he has no oroblems when ne dances. He believes that God texes care of Aim when he is en stage. Mr Archery’s peformances are alnays well received and his most notable role is that of Hanuman. Me Archery’s skill and agility on stage can be seen as testimony of his religious beliefs.VIAGAPPEN ANTHONY (40 years) Me anthony 1s presently employed in the Laundry trade as 2 main tenance fitter. He began his dancing career at the age of ten and has been active ever since. Mr Anthony has performed throughout Natal as a freelance dancer, He has also been in volved in the Tiger Dance, a traditional dance form which is not performed any more. fe Anthony's biggest cream is to train a group of dancers who could carry on the tradition of the Therukoothu form. Mr Anthony is acutely aware that the art-form is dying ang ne has made it a rule that his children accompany him wherever he 15 performing so that they could pick up pointers and maybe one day continue this tradition which is so close his heart.HOON NAIDOO (42 years) Me Naidoo has achieved a great deal of fame for nis portrayal of female charaters in dance dramas. He ie always ready to give full credit to his father who has taught him ell he knows. nr Naidoo’s father was also popular for his portrayal of female characters. tr Naidoo places emphasis on the religious aspects of Therukoothu and believes that this ia what religion should in: spire the Therukoothy artist. Mr Natdoo considers himaelt = professional exponent af the form but says that presently if 4 not something that ane can make a living from. Mr Naidoo however, is optimistic that Therukoothu will one day be revived professionally.MARIE REDDY (48 yeors) Mr Reddy has a natural flair for comedy. Although actively in- volved in playing the role of Katiskaaran (clown \ narrat Therukoothu dance dramas, he still finds the time to»: median in Eastern Variety Shows: Me Reddy na throughout Natal, performing as a freelance Katialaanan dian. Me Reddys’ role denands that he be on stage © Persormance which usually lasts for an entire ancing performer. © taliat willing te assist in community worksCHEMNAKOLLINDHE HUNSAMY (77 years) Me Munsany ar “Mighty Chin” as he is pepularty known nas a most interesting past. Born in Ottaway Natal in 1913 ne began his wrestiing career at @ very early age and went on to become the undefeated Seuth african Lightweight wrestling champion. in 1786 ne ended his urestitng carger after naving won the title. me munsamy’s father, Mr Nattar seems co nave had a great influence ef hia son, A practising priest in the Malayalum Temple in Sou India Mr Nattar came te South africa with the first batch of In dian settiers in 1860. mr Nattar was himseis a papular exponent of the Therukoothu form and taught his sen all he knew. After nis dad’s geath Mr Munsany has carried on the family Eracition in both oriestiy and cramatic activies. "hr Munsamy’s fervent wisn is that his children will also co the same.SATCHU ANNAMALAT Mr Annamalas is employed az a Theatre Technician in the orane Department of the University of Durban-westvilie. He is al masters student uno has chosen Indian Theatre a5 ois field of re search. Mr Annamalai has been actively involved for a nusber oF years in writing, éirecting, acting and promoting plays witha ang cutside the Drama Department. Mr Annamalai nas recently returned from South India where he has done extensive research on Therukoothu and “believes that the art-form has @ great deal of merit and is worthy ef revival, Mr Annamalai was recently awarded 2 four year scholarship by the Merebant Tamil School Society to study in India. mr Annanalas posseses = strong com mitment to promoting Indian Art and believes that its propagation is essential in the “formation of a "South African Culture’. His most recent contributions, amongst others, were Doubie ouble which he directed, Fish Curry, which he wrote ang directed and in which he played the title role.sucess The Battle of aval Ravanan: Fravert (To ash the Gods for sargiveness if the persormance i= MBL New characters are intrcauced inta the stary in very ms the sane way. A screen is held up oefore each wacranc the incividual prayer and intraductory song are ger far SCENE ONE. The _Fattakaaran enters, introduces himself in dialogue dance, Favana enters lamenting the death of his son taser Gna his inability to averponer the forces ef Rana and Lutenmana. Ne is agvises by the Katiavaaren to seek help fran mis. sree” Payal Ravanan who jg a magician and ring of tne uncer acris Ravana accents the advice ang asks the ratiahaaran to +ascy tas Bavanans SCENE Two Maya! Ravanan enters, introduces himself in cialague, ssn3 ane dance, We asks Ravana to explain in detail the couse sf 5-5 predicament, “Ravana’s account of mis son's cesth and his losses fn the battlefield angers Mayal Ravanan who proposes that Fans ang Litcnnana Se sucrifieg to Fai (Godess Of sacrifice) with the Use of nis magic. Ravana glaly accepts his brother's suggest— ion. Mayal” Ravanan ther asks the Katiakaaran to call nis wife Thevarnamalai. SCENE THREE Thevarnamala: enters and asks Mayal Ravanan why she was sent for Mayal Ravanan explains to Thevarnamalai the plight of Ravens and his proposed “plan to. get rid of Rama an Lutcnmans. Thevar— namaia: says that it is wrong to attempt to cestray Rana and Cotennana hecause of their strength and Godly status. Any 2t~ fenpts to. destroy them would most definitely fails Thevarnamala:'s wavering farth in her husbands prowess infuriates mayal Ravanan gho bests her and licks her offstage: INTERVAL Us MINUTES)snters Lowking for Hanuman te warn nim of Maya’ Favaran's ioe to destray Rama ane Lutehumana, Hanuman enters Bnd 13 infuriates aman Ne Nears of Mayal Ravean's evil plate He tas a little navse ano feess Rama ang Lutcnmana loched ingle weile he sits on top of ity tail conled around the house. In Bearcine Vitvanna(Ravina’s good brather! has gone aft ons Guise Minself a3. Vipusnaa and ne approaches Maruman. wnan Aanuman evpresses a doubt that the perscn in front of hit 13 Visushna, Maya Savana again uses his magie by Blowing a hese oF Seeing ponder oo sunuman and takes Rama and cutchmana (aftor oe feturns fran nis’ Journey does Hanuman realize that Rana aoa Cessnsna Save Seen ‘aren aay. Vibusnna then gives Manunar Sirections on now to seer QUE Mayal Ravanan Macha Karriseen gnters and finds Hanuman trying t seek cut mis Tings Maval Ravanan. He tells Hanuman that me cannot pass "im without a duels A fight ensues But Hanuman finds it difficult £9 Gverpower Macha Farrippen. dn enquiry ne Learns that he is ac~ ELGIIy the Father of Sa Karrippen (unfortunately the sory of Macha, Farrigpes’s Dirz7 cannot be elaborated on here). Father and son then plot together and decide that Macha Karriapen should Fave peing Beaten, © allow Hanuman te get to Mayal Ravanan Scone Six While Mayal Ravanan calls for nis sister Dhurdhandigay and asus her to fetch fresh water for the sacrifice of Rama and Lutchmanay Hanuman manages to seck out Kall and convince him that Rama and Tchmana should not be accepted for. sacrifice and” then goes atter Mayal Ravanan. Hanuman confronts Mayal Ravanan and the final pattie begins and ends with Good truimphing over Evil. Mayal Ravanan is however accepted in heaven when he ‘prays’ to Hanuman for forgiveness.Rural South Indians had a lot of time to apsre after che narvest which usually haphened 2m April, tne period which ts sis Peserred to’as Thal Poosam in the Hsnau calandar. South india Bleo esperiences its hoteest qonths Between April and. Auguse Guring which time [ttle ar no work can be dene, making sas period the ideal tine far all-night entertainmens. During this period mich othernise would be 2 of the Indians religious sducstion in the farms Mas pursued most fervently. Grovss af peagle 2 Tisten to the drana_of the Gods being recited by lesrna! v=! ghe Community. These men mere Mighty resected ar : even worshipged. It would saan shat unit form : geod az ming az to. its madi all points to the fact that these men mist have Proficient in musie rages anc in general dr ona) Natya Sastra (handbook wrich qutlings she pre persorming arts ~ Gated approvimately 3 AD! gy Brarata wins" have nad as influence only susn later. The fascination for me after witnessing traditional dance rane being performed in the mathertand and then in an adopted =cut. and its existence over many decades, ia the committment ec iss Inherent form, Minar changes have occurred ang these are cruc:a! to the nature of the vances Regional variations are acceptaie 25 they. enable a. given community to identify and connect itn Ghein immediate surroundings: The Konaity a. sopular clone Figure in the dance drana has the task ef smprovisitory interieo- tian and lecalizing the came sections. This cultural practice, enacting the drama of the Gods, vi depicted in religious ‘scriptures, 1s Lnown by. the names Foot dance" or terukoathu, The phrase "six Foot” was poasisly coined out of the dazzling footwork of the dances and Theruloot™ is actually the Tamil equivalent of Street Dance, or open-air Gance, the name which vefitted the ancient Indian practice ot Gancing on the street corners. SATCHU ANNAMALATmusic The music of Therukoothu on first examination can be traced to she classical neue of msi of the South Indians nnich 1s based on ragas. Classical music groper is Nore refined and controlled Grich requires a great amaunt of skill ang professional voice and Phos training, hile the rural version is much more spantanecus Sra less strict in its delivery. It sounds almost colloquial wnich ailaws for ad-libbing when the need arises. — With the Change in geographical locale sther Ianguages maybe used in order fo provide come effect ang eo aid understanding. Sn example so the South African Indian Therukaathu wnich i done in tre ver= nacular But ses english interjection such as, "Two and half cent iviey this ts my stekbiey I’m very lucky, that is my Bobbie". These “iyrics are sinsle'and are appropriately rhythme for tne komal: (Clown). DANCE MOVEMENT Dance mavenents are arranged to various dance timings or talas and are often embellisned by means of suger, irregular dance Batterns. Esth the dance and the music have been extracted from fhe rurel and. the classical art forms to combine inte a unique art form: Often one is treated to breathtaking interplays Wnen Phythmie run syllables coincide exactly syllable for syllable, with work syllables which are recited ay the musicians and echoed By the fa0t rhythes of the dancer. Here is an exampse of a faot rhytha = word syllable piece in the Kuchipudi School that resenbles quite closely those that are used in the other dance Grama styles: Dhigu tangu taka, tang takita taka, Dhi talangu take, talangu dhi taka, Nan kita kita taka, tari kita kite taka, Tham kita kita taka, tars kita kita aka, Ta dinginatam, ta dinginatom.MaKe UP Theruia structural form but also many other It has, however, its very own to the system of ritual a South India, The make-up no’ characters but also ritual mance. This tr ters to the episodes in & The makeup African Theruioothu has vague and uncertain ntly used in Therukoothu perfor decades while the make-up mances in South India still remains saghisticate: colours used are red, green, white, rose and colour denoting @ specific quasity. Shown below is a typical design of Therukoothu make-us in South India.dramas are always played by men and genENTRANCES vealed Bit by Bit, 4 the: screen ts also representati exists between inst through the screen hn. 'sucking" the audience ints action. The photagraph below shows the screen being held in read! the entrance of character.THE CLOWN ~ oMAL I /raTIAKAARAN Katiata san /somalt fe Fetsacgaran usualy hy the combined task of stage managing, congustor and that ef buffoon. He remains on stage throughout ihe cerformance ang provides comc-relief when the need arises, ang Zimuttangousty gives the dancers breathing space. His songs arg Simale and funny, tthe the Konali (clown) he has 2 free nanc at improvising at certain sections in tne dance. He ts at Liberty to take the "mickey" out of local peliticiacs ar even ceive inte social issues. The imortance of the Katishaaran anc onal cannot however be susficiently stressed here.PRODUCTION CREW Back Row — from gfe: Yugan Naidoo, Logan Shunmugam, Annes Ranktown, Renika Royath, Yisham Panday, Naltht Balcharan, Seated - from 1eft Singh, Leka Jado. Satchu Annamalai, Michelle Chetty, Praniths abs Karnagie Pillay, Shalini Sursingh, Avirusha Rambally, Aenrina Ishwarial, Una Naidoo, The crew has undoubtedly Learnt that working tegethen for non purnose has the compelling effect of cresting a sense of belonging and of identifying the elements of which we are Therukoothu or Six Foot Dance was just a nane until it began to take shape from the consistent and dedicated input by every mem er of the crew. Indian art never alienates its producers, © knits them inte a family of love, and it 1s this love the snse: through the produ:following are cbservations of the general pl SS trarucoathu. Tan’t at lake Natehanya>™ Wve seen a lot of it) I used to go to all the Nagara joltsCREDITS Production Manager = Annesh Ramklown Frocuction Secretary ~ Yugan Naidoo Stage Mananger = Pranitha Singh Lighting Desige ~ Pat Pitas Lighting Operating = Ushama Ress Jerrier Set Construction ~ Lagan Shunmugan/ Poster and Pragranne Lay=Oue = Puplic Relations Departnenr Publicity - Bashni Natdoo Photographers: : = Fiona clyde / Navan chetey Seanstrese - Pushpavathie Gavender Eenibition Paintings Navan Chetty Exhibition Design and - Navan Chetty / Siva Devar / bay-oue Uinca Seale THE CREW Michelle Chetty, Karnage Pillay, Malthie Galcharan, Shatins Nur~ singh, Avirusha Rambally; Ashrina Ishwarlall, Renika Royath, Lera Sado, Uma Naidu. SPECIAL THANKS TOs Public Relations UDM, UDW Printing, Audioviaual Media centre, Lynn Sadhapiriss, tir Karrie c/o Popatial Kara, te Jona Pillay, De'Henningy The ladies and gentienen af the media. PATRONS PLEASE NOTE: vetare the pertor~ Your seat will be held for up to 15 minute No” children under the age of five will be admitted to the No patron will be allowed to enter the auditorium once the per- formance has Segun-NOTE FROM THE HEAD OF DRANA DEPT. (PROFESSOR D, SCHAUFFER) The Drama Department's work is fifty percent theory ang fifty percent practical and all the practical werk forms part af our en-going research inte the field. In the past a fairly Large propertion of what was presented derived from the European tradi— tion. OF late the focus has shifted more and more towards Afrocentric works. Whilst Indacentric material was never neglected totally it dows seem regretable that not more is at~ tempted in this category, It is the more regretable when one considers that of all the University Drama Departments we are still, despite formidable ang highly desireabe recent changes in our admission policy, best placed to undertake research into this aspect of cur developing common culture. fam therefore delighted that this production has been mounted and look forward ko it being written up as 4 research project of some signifance. Prof. D. Schautfer HEAD OF DRAMA DEPT.PRESS RELEASE ‘The Drama Department, University of Durban-Westville has notched up anather first, this tine with the Ist of its kind in South Africa, a Therukoothu or Six Foot Dance, produced by Satchu An namalai. Mr Annamalai has recently returned fron South India where he has done extensive research on Traditional Indian Dance Drama forma that might have influenced the forms found in South Africa from the 1860's, % Annamalai’s research forms a major part of his study for hig Master's Degree but this has also cul- inated in the ist major attempt of bringing what has been essen— tially “open-air theatre Annamalai says “should prove most interesting". Therukaothu or into a formal venue, The product, Mr Six Foot Dance, a phrase coined most probably because of the daz sling footwork of the dancers a dying art-form and the remaining dancers left in Natal are all aver the age of sixty. The story tobe enacted is from the Ramayana and is titled, ‘The Battle of Mayal Ravanan, « poplular in most Indian Dance dramas. Although the Language medium used jection of the epic, used in the Dance Drama is tamil, fr Annamalai has found ways and means of making the production more excessibie to the public. One of the devices to be used is for the narration to he dene in English. An exhibition of works done by various artists and general items that are relevant to Therukoothu will also Se on display at the Department ’# Refectory and Foyer. The Dance Drama opens in the Asoka Theatre of the University on Monday 19 March and closes on Friday, 23 March. Patrons are urged to reserve seats early by calling 820 2626 during office nours. PS. 89 appeal is made to persons whe may have itens or informa tion that can be incorporated inte this production to please call the Drama Department sf the University.FOYER EXHIBITION : THE BATTLE OF MAYAL RAVANANFEMALE CHARACTERS ‘TN THERUKOOTHUSCENE OF PRAYER BEFORE THERUKOOTHU PERFORMANCE‘THE_KOMALT ‘TX THERUKOOTHU‘TRANCE_IN THERUKOOTHU(UNIVERSITY OF DURBAN-WESTYILLE oe aoe THERUKOOTHU MAYAL RAVANAN- 7 produced SATCHU aaa \e/) ASOKA THEATRE 19 - 24 March 1990.a UNIVERSITY OF DURBAN-WESTVILLE Drama Department BATTLE OF MAYAL RAVANAN performed by dancers over the age of 60 VENUE : ASOKA THEATRE - U.D.W. DATE: 19-24 March, 1890 a 790 pm Bookings: Office hours, tal. 820-2626 Admission : £4.00, Students F3.00 NB. An exhibition of relevant works wil so ‘be on displaysfc ENTERTAINMENT ;—Ramayana dance drama «| for Asoka “The Daly News — Tonight Wednesday March | (90 lage 2 Cols 1-2Ud-w: 1990 Wonderful revival of lost dance ss IN MY PERSONAL an pre ape (Chtrman of+Unt of be mori Sa Sai Movenes nd Caiman of tS ‘iow Tee of Reser Hi, ike is pera of compimeening Me SHEhG Xia of ae Brame Depnee i ‘Sema ak of evvig ea ocd ‘Reon eS Foe Dae be ancora. The opening pecorino Be ihe of ae 1 Mabe nas wel ed Shp San apse yea ito See lave emerge weal Soa ‘Seca and cama eer © pot ‘Whether rat "Terko” wl ome pol gun wl ered ety ce Sean's efor sods pming of {ew geeaton of young see *om Sach pttrmanes ite ome =e al ‘egy end ei, Peformaces such as tye ei eq sen er begeed and a ‘aie Mow of tly tain con tuna tow sie wie ed ‘re Ol anes bw oc gp bere ‘cece romero ha ‘A comatose cat sip rove ta tere nee ay =) Shteocwien pele rene Tg 7 te ay woud hive ag tack apy ‘mews of pat Wich as exo sive sanding oaton wich oud Ian afer ey weed ot ting roe Ths geton be ke ee wire bene’ aprecion as fr He a eel of apes a oF he Senor of he act who ine ld ae etd some enc iveg te ey ranged For Mr Anam scent int one the cede of any eins ute (iu wil bine m be waorn and cont ‘Stadio te yung genoa ‘On HUMAN (Campin Sens) REVIEW : vaRSITy VOICEes) ; MEREBANK ANDHRA CULTURAL GROUP FIRST TELEGU “SIX FOOT DANCE” IN DURBAN TITLE : Lure! FEATURING : THE ILLOVO BHAJAN GROUPS DATE + 2ist MARCH 1992 VENUE < SHRI PARASATHIE ALAYAM HALL 2 BARRACKPUR ROAD. MEREBANK TIME + 8.00 P.M. IANA MORCHA SOUVENIR BROCHURECHAIRMAN’S MESSAGE MY NAMASICARAMU TO ONE AND ALL. ALLOW ME TO TELL YoU A LITTLE ABOUT THE MEREBANK ANDHRA CULTURAL GROUP. BEING ESTABLISHED IN SEPTEMBER 1987. THE MACG IS. AN INDEPENOENT BODY WHICH IS NOT AFFILIATED TO ANY OTHER BODY. IT'S MAIN OBJECTIVE IS TO PROMOTE. PROPAGATE AND PRESERVE THE ANDHRA LANGUAGE AND CULTURE. WEEKLY SERVICES ARE HELO EVERY TUESDAY AFTERNOONS AT 6.15 PM AT THE SHRI SIVA SOOSRAMONIAR ALAYUM, 21 BIDAR ROAD, MEREBANK. WE ALSO. RESPOND TO REQUESTS FOR OUTDOOR SERVICES, CEREMONIES CHRISTENING PARTIES ECT. SINCE ITS INCEPTION THE MACG HAS HELD CELEBRATIONS EVERY YEAR IN RECOGNITION OF UGAADI- (THE TELEGU NEW YEAR). OTHER FESTIVALS SUCH AS SIVARATHIE ANO KRISHNA VAYANTHIE TO NAME A FEW ARE ALSO OBSERVED. THE SERVICES WE OFFER ARE FREE THE ONLY SOURCES OF REVENUE IS BY VIRTUE OF VOLUNTARY DONATIONS AS YOU ALL KNOW. ESPECIALLY HERE IN SOUTH AFRICA, THE FUTURE IS VERY MUGH UNKNOWN. WE ARE ALWAYS BEING CHALLENGED BY WESTERNATION, THEREFORE, IT 18 VERY IMPORTANT THAT WE AS PARENTS PRESERVE OUR IDENTITY AS INDIANS. INDIANS IN GENERAL ARE COMMONLY IDENTIFIED 8 THEIR LANGUAGE. CULTURE AND DRESSING LOSE ALL THREE OF THESE AND WHAT HAVE YOU LEFT TO LAY CLAIMS OF SEING AN INDIAN, INOIAN CULTURE IS A RICH INHERITAGE WHICH WAS) FASCINATEO EVEN THE WHITE MAN TO THE EXTENT THAT COME HAVE JOINED OUR GROUPS, TO LEARN MORE ABOUT US INDIANS. LOOK AT THE NUMBER OF WHITES THAT HAVED JOINED THE HARI KRISHNA MOVEMENT, IF THEY CAN RESEARCH OUR LANGUAGE AND CULTURE | WHY SHOULON'T WE. We HAVE 50 OFTEN HEARD GREAT SPEAKERS PRONOUNCE THE SWEETNESS OF THE ANOHRA SONGS, THE GRACEFUL MOVEMENTS OF OUR DANCERS. WE SHOULD FOLLOW IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF OUR GREAT FOREFATHERS WHO HAVE GONE TO GREAT LENGHTS TO PRESERVE OUR MOTHER TONGUE. LET US BE PROUD OF IT ANO DISCIPLINE OURSELVES AND CHILOREN BY ATTENDING TO OUR VERNACULAR SERVICES IN OUR DISTRICTS AND CONTRIBUTE TO THE FURTHERNESS OF OUR LANGUAGE AND CULTURE TONIGHTS PRESENTATION BY THE MEREGANK ANOHRA cucTuRAL, GROUP 1S THE RESULT OF UNRELENTING AND DIRE AMBITION OF THE MAGG. IT HAS TAKEN 2 YEARS OF NEGOTIATIONS AND. GONSTANT VISITS TO ILLOVO TO FINALLY PERSUADE THE ILLOVO, EHAJAN GROUP TO MAKE IT POSSIBLE FOR US TO BRING THIS (Sponsored by: MR LLM. NAIDOO - 40 Pardy Road, Isipingo Hills)UMLQUE DANCE TO YOU- “LUTCHMANA MORCHA IN TELEGU. A LOT (OF HARD WORK HAS BEEN PUT INTO THIS OANCE 70 MAKE THE PRESENTATION TO YOU AS PROFESSIONALLY AS POSSIBLE SO THAT YOU WILL GO HOME SATISFIED AND ALSO APPRECIATE MY EARLIER SENTIMENTS OF FOSTERING THE ANDHRA LANGUAGE ‘AND CULTURE. IN CONCLUSION | WISH TO THANK EVERYONE FOR THEIR SUPPORT CONTRIBUTIONS (CASH AN KIND) WELL WISHERS ETC. ETC SIT'BACK AND ENJOY THE DANCE, GoD BLESS WR V.M, NAIDOO (chaivmae? TERESI SO SOOO SO STOO IOOOO iii ‘SYNOPSIS BASICALLY THE STORY IS ABOUT THE BATTLE BETWEEN LORD RAMA AND RAVANA HAVING LEARNED THAT SEETHA WAS BEING HELD CAPTIVE BY RAVANA IN LANKA LORD RAMA ANO MIS BROTHER CUTCHMANA AND THEIR TROUP SET OUT TO SEEK AND DESTROY RAVANA AND LANKA. RAVANA IS ADAMANT IN Wig, ATTITUDE OF WANTING TO DESTROY RAMA AND LUTCHMANA AS WELL MONODOTHARIE WIFE OF RAVANA PLEADS WITH HUSBAND BUT RAVANA WOULO NOT LISTEN AND EVENTUALLY KICKS MONODOT #ARIE ASIDE. VIBUSHNA THE GOOD BROTHER OF RAVANA WHO JOINED {ono RAMA'S TROUP ASKS LORD RAMA PERMISSION TO FIGHT HIS EROTHER RAVANA. VIBUSHNA CONFRONTS RAVANA ANO A FIGHT ENSUES. VIBUSHNA STRIKES RAVANA BUT FINDS RAVANA TO POWERFUL AND BECOMES AWARE OF THE BARNUM RELEASED BY RAVANA. VIBUSHNA GOES BACK TO REPORT ANO WARN LORD RAMA. NCY WANTING ANYTHING TO HAPPEN To His AIG BROTHER, COFCHMANA PLEADS WITH LORD RAMA TO ALLOW HIM TO. TAKE Up THE FIGHT. THE ENSUING SATTLE GETWEEN RAVANA ANS LUICHMANA LEAVES LUTCHMANA WOUNDED. RAMA FINDS LUICHMANA LYING WOUNDED AND IS STRUCT BY EMOTION LORD RAMA THEN ASKS SUSHANA (ONE OF HIS TROUPE) TO EXAMINE LUTCHMANA. THE KNOWLEDGEABLE SUSHANA REPORTS TO LORD RAMA THAT LUTCHMANA CAN ONLY 8€ HEALED WITH THE SANGIV: LORD RAMA THEN SUMMONS HIS OTHER TROUPES TO FIND HANUMAN ‘$0 THAT HANUMAN CAN FETCH THE SANGIVI. HANUMAN ENTERS AND LEARNS FROM LORD RAMA ON WHAT HAS HAPPENED HANUMAN BECOMES FURIOUS AND ASKS SUSHANA DIRECTIONS To DHONAOMRIE TO FETCH THE GANGIVI. ON HIS WAY TO OHONADHAIE HANUMAN ENCOUNTERS IN THE FORMS OF KALANIEMANIE AND MALIVANTHU OVERCOMING THEM HANUMAN GETS TO DHONAOMRIE ANO GETS THE (Sponsored by: MR STANLEY NAIDOO - 10 Howrah Road, Merebank)SANGIVI. ON HIS WAY BACK TO LORD RAMA AND LUTCHMANA, HANUMAN MEETS RAVANA. IN THE FIGHT HANUMAN KILLS RAVANA HANUMAN FINALLY HANDS OVER THE SANGIVI TO GUSHANA WHO HEALS LUTCHMANA MRK. MUNSAMY, CAST RAMA JACK ©. CHINNIAH LUTCHMANA BALA K. CHINNIAH SUSHANA JAYA P. SATHIAH ViMuSHNA L RAMALINGUM SURGIVA LOGAN 5. TAGAT ANGaTHUDO RAJEN A, SATHLAI NALADO TERENCE P. SATHIAML NEELODO RONALD A. SATHIAIL MONODOTHARIE Gort s. TaGAT RAVANA ALVIN S, TAGAT RAVANA'S MUNTHRER SUBBA S. SEETIIAML HANUMAN. GANDIC A. TAGAT KALANIEMANIE MAYER A. SEFTIIAIE DHANIEMALAGIE R. GOVENDEN MALIVANTHU JACK 5. TAGAT COMEDIANS: (1) PERCY CHINA (2) R GovENDEN () Chigisty MUNSAMY chorus By N.NAGOOR - LM. DADDY CM. PILLAY AND DAN MADURAI DRUMS: DAVID V. SEETHIAH PAUCHETTY (MACG) DRESSING BY: MRS. ROBERT ACHARY VIS: SUNNY AND DAN MADURAI PRODUCED AND DIRECTED BY MR. GANDHI C.A. TAGAT TUTORED BY MR. JACK S. TAGAT (Sponsored by: Mr B.S GOVENDER - ¢/0 MS. GOVENDER’S BUTCHERY)PROGRAMME PRAYER - MEREBANK ANDHRA CULTURAL GROUP CHAIRMAN'S WELCOME = MR VM. NAIDOO. SYNOPSIS AND VOTE OF THANKS - MRK. MUNSAMY OPENING PRAYER - MR GANDIII C.A. TAGAT LUTCHMANA MORCILA - ILLOVO BIAJAN GROUPS CLOSING PRAYER - ILLOVO BIIAJAN GROUPS RE-BIRTH OF LUTCHMANA MORCHA THE VERY FIRST LUTCHMANA MORCHA WAS STAGED AT THE MA VISHNU TEMPLE IN ILLOVO IN 1298, THE SECOND LUTCHMANA MORCHA WAS STAGED IN 1941 AND THE THIRD IN 1947 AT THE NLLOVO VILLAGE. THE Ist. 2ng. AND 3d LUTCHMANA MORCHA Six FOOT DANCES WERE PRODUCED AND DIREGTED BY THE CATE MA. TAGAT CHINNAPANAN THE LATE MR. TAGAT CHINNAPANA CE BEHIND SCRIPTURES IN PEN CARBON BOOKS DECADES PaSSHD ON ANO THE OESIRE TO PERFORM. THE SIX FOOT DANCE KEPT NAGCING THE CONCIOUS OF CERTAIN MEMBERS OF THE ILLOVO BeAJAN GROUPS SO MUCH SO, THAT MAT CA GANDHI READ ThaouGH THE SCRIPTURES "HE HAD MANAGED TO FIND. COMPILED THEM, TOGETHER AND WITH HIS INHERITED KNOWLEOGE BEGAN 10. RE-WRITE THE STORY OF LUTCHMANA MORGHA. THE ACTORS SINGERS. AND MUSICIANS YOU WILL SEE TODAY HAS BEEN TU ‘ORES BY MR SATHIA JACK TAGAT. THE DANCE BEING PRODUCED ANO DIRECTED BY MR TIC|A GANOMI. IT HAS TAKEN THE ILLOVO BHAJAN GROUPS YEARS OF OEDICATED PRACTICE AND SINCE 1987 HAVE BEEN TRYING TO STAGE “LUTCHMANA MORCHA’ UNFORTUNATELY DEATH OF FAMILY MEMBERS HAS PUT OFF THE SHOW IN 1980 AND. 1980. FINALLY IN 1980 AND AGAIN IN 1991, LUTCHMANA MORCHA WAS PERFORMED AT ILLOVO AFTER AN ABSENCE OF ABOUT 43) YEARS. (Sponsored by : SOUTH COAST FRUITERS/HIGHBURY'S) 475 south coast road, clairwoodTHANKS AND APPRECIATION 1. ILLOVo BHAJAN GROUPS 2. COMMITTEE OF SHRI PARASATHIE ALAYAM HALL KATHREE'S SOUND AND LIGHTING RADIO Lorus SUNDAY TRIBUNE HERALD, POST AND TIF DAILY NEWS REGGIE NAIDOO - VIDEO AND PioTos MR. MIKE GOVENDER - PRINTING OF HAND BILLS S.A.P. (WENTWORTH BKANCI) - SECURITY SHRI WOONATHIE SABHA. PARKING FACHLITIFS, 10, TOP HAT PRINTERS - PRINTING BROCHURES MEMBERS OF MACG 2. ALL OUR GENEROUS SPONSORS, DONORS AND WELL wISuIF /oLRASE ACCEPT OUR SINCERE APOLOGIES FOR ANY OMISSIONS ERRORS OR SHORT COMINGS IN THIS BROCHURE. NEFORE. DURING OR AFTER THE DANCE. IF SUCH A SITUATION BECOMES EVIDENT, | ASSURE YOU IT COULD ONLY BE CAUSED UNWITTINGLY) (Sponsored by : MR SAKER NAIDU - Old Mutua! Financial Advisor) £70 Old Mutual - 333 Smith Street, Durban)(ee sutopak Suppliers to the Building — A S SHOP 3, NADASEN'S BUILDING fperay Eauipmens. Machines & tose #.0. BOX 5833 DURBAN #.0, 80% 21085 1000 DURBAN Fax 421929 B 3054224 CARGO MOVERS<<| CHECKER Road Freight Specialists ear TAXIS Coe. Shadwell & Jenkyn Ras 2.0. Box 29260 Morden Wher? RADIO CONTROLLED ‘ost Te: oan 258401273 Fea: (O30) 258463" Telex 620490 a 12 Destdy Steet 211133 The Gables, Cleveland 211434 Tel: (O1 6226387/63,Y.C. NAIDOO’S CARTAGE General Cartage Contractors, Umgen! River Sand, Ash, Plastering 4 Building Sand, Stones and Furniture Removals Payloader for Hire, Redlo Controle TELEPHONE OFFICE: 432820 TELEPHONE EMERGENCY: ashou 23931 P.O. 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BOX 47681 ee GREYVILLE MEDICINES, COSMETICS, 4023 TOILETRIES AND PHOTOGRAPHIC SUPPLIERS, S SHOP 4, NATRAJ CENTRE 1872400 / 872630 BOMBAY WALK MEREBANK FAX: B 4611648 872309ale Signal newwort om lune’. taloming fumerousrajuests Foot a ie a a ‘hes, tclading share Sesto frou nice op te Eidos ewertup ure oy a ean tar ou ty tb ‘fuamaster nthe now Cue ‘ime an hu sendy sould" havea pag Poems | SG e «be Setken “up "ren ah Dragging ~ to sleep ‘nn twas aout OWN tered tots ste tron unr | D pips Karin tenets pare or | als upon finn aga tornctoitw tie ha gh pla Fk mo ‘Svciden dn nth Ga oa | th entrom asin a godwertny cunt ‘dati uv be oer iets ihe he ar sy ppm woh a an x fe and ixany sar aoe whieh re Pos The Panctakis comple, conaiti the at ‘ll water two age resets nd 4st ‘sha himealts belive Yo have dang scree ‘natoal and the watarrall,A THEATRE, = A breath | zcsatits of Brecht (#2255555. (greroun profesor ad shockingly | 22305 oe woke tat od TT toa Spy ne familiar 2=ESS intellectuals will Shea oe ‘Soman Sani mot pardon me, saya Ei the | Soreg and pt at our ates director : eae saa ee Ts somes | eee Sn acuned te fla” says KS. ‘enatan, tw young Srvctr of ine Bly Hea eae to a no ‘a nd to yuo teil sept In et ‘tan he pup vated maar the ply he at ad de th fe see Tara had wold "ply natal ho sary of ourg dt wn aves te at ch Fe frantealgonemor du a When the group started rehearsing, the cast had no idea that the play would turn out tobea commentary on the Tamil Nadu political scene. | \ rect, 20 hs 9 nurton we, inguin ad bags op nto yor ea tr (Eee pest ft ble the yo ua Aen a (tho nly vag he dgathoda ‘aca of neg alae 0 Youn the chal aman th gi toy Gaines anda unease sand seals re ob Ener cugananea seo « tan wins ib at atSe ra or aneappect Dunbar hist ae sare wy nen { | “| vas th ed ntercianeot i creat ua (cnet nthe et {Goan af te opulen governor Staelin anachnontin he Salt ai ipo a ange sag She wap msn "iu tary ‘wen hr ler eee Devoid are oak ng ‘Ss ot susp er ‘herian Suty end coniuaab ‘era peg a ape “Th formality eis proarasn aac ches int ane war me ween | Hoan nd mien arg be ‘Ty addreus euch ober in ant ‘Farwree te pond san Baas) explant Taga“The production waste eeu of monthiang warahap in tear tcchnugut gen to te oho Rite yingaorg Mayer of West Subuclahe ae sd Be ‘Goan amateurs a tren is ad Conducted bod nad een waning ib mind The iota seine 8 auras ha ary inlons and ‘Sermo ponte sporanecy SSooaiin tartan ‘Svloped by tease ines ay verte hens The use of music for narration had the earthy bang of the ‘Therukoothu and also a modern ing. Thece were quite a fow lyrical mid ost cour re , Major hes edad i ‘tnd aes feces ony la of a thd bar ened use he, eta ays fs und a ae ‘Seine cvrpue tn ote cane ihe wert “The Gaui hal ice ae dug sits ent oa a ‘hone ue Reena a ‘Sitar a net a asa aur Bo gen yen eaget Naa scars Ne Dolan t user fo en fy waa tune wht he ale ‘etalectas woo Rane de mang (tan tate een nkotb Seed a Tun te tasUNIVERSITY OF DURBAN-WESTVILLE DEPARTMENT OF DRAMA. presents Three Hand Six Foot in the : ASOKA THEATRE O01 JUNE*- O06 JUNE 1992It was always my wish to create a piece that was modern whilst retaining elements of the traditional. Three Hand Six Foot is an attempt to do the same. Throughout my research into the Therukoothy form of dance-drama, I constantly saw the merits of using some of its features in an exercise which comments on current issues, especially pertaining to the “Indian Community” in the so-called New South Africa. 1 hhope that this presen exercise creates in the audience the same enthusiasm that I have developed as a result of my on- going research into this dynamic artform. NB. ‘The Director has taken precautions to ensure that the venacular used in the presentation does not hinder the overall meaning intended, but merely serves to enhance its qualityThree Hand Six Foot is performed by: Marcus Narsigan Peru Sumagy Kesavan: Kantha/Romilla Patrick Ngcobo —:_ Thumbadoo/Cooliakaran Navan Chetty : English ColonistOfficer/Gokul James Govender : Samiaar Satchu Annamalai: — Komali Music By: Pregalaihan Singaram : Tabla/Mirdhangum Chris Murugan + Harmonium/Sax/Violin‘Was the 1st Indian fiter for Dunlop and has been working for the company for the past 24 years. Although popular as an ofiiating priest, Mr, Govender has always been active in theatrical activities around Durban. His active involvement in Therukoothu was prompted by bis belief that the Therukoothu mode of presentation \was ideat to impart the teachings of the Hindu scriptures, Mr. Govender is emphatic that his health and high energy level is due to his participation in this dance drama, and he is therefore abie to dance for an entire night and stil fulfil his duties as a priest in the local temple. Mr Govenders friendly manner and his willingness to assist in community projects has made him a papular figure in Durban. His fervent wish is that the he remains healthy for a while yet, so that he may be able to teach youngsters the art he has mastered, Satchu Annamalai Mr Annamalai is employed as a senior Theatre Technician in the Drama Deparment of the University of Durban-Westville. He is also a masters student who has chosen indian Theatre as his field of research. Mr Annamalai has been actively involved for a number of years in writing, directing, acting and promoting plays within and outside the Drama Department. He has recently returned from South india where ne has done extensive research on Therukoothu and believes that the artform has a great dea! of merit ard is worthy of revival. Mr Annamalai was recently awarded a four year scholarship by the Merebank Tamil School Society to study in India, He possesses a strong commitment to promoting Indian Art and believes that its propagation is essential in the formation of a "South Atrican Culture’. His most recent contributions, amonger athers, were Double Trouble which he directed, Fish Curry, which ne wrote and directed, Mr Bansi is Dead in which he played the title sole and Looking for Muruga where he played tne lead.k Ngcobs ‘A well known name in the ‘indian’ community because of his ‘multi-lingual singing skills, Patrick has proved that he can act fas well, His present fame has much to do with the band he sings for. the popular Neelavani Orchestra. Although Patrick thoroughly enjoys his job a8 a fiter for Tootrte Precision, his ‘dream is to study classical music in India under hs ‘guru’, K.J Yesudas. Dr. Yesudas who toured South Africa recerily offered Patrick the rare opportunity of accompanying him on his tour. Navan Chetty AA painter, photographer and actor has found time from his hestic schedule to join the production. Navan received his ‘big break when he was commissioned to paint and exhioit for {or the production, The Battle Of Mayal Ravan. staged at the ‘Asoko Theatre in 1990. He hae since exhibited his paintings Jn New York , London and Rio de Janiero.Marcus Narsigan ‘A keen musician and vocalist Marcus, is no newcomer to the stage. He has featured in a number of popular productions including Stable Expense, On the Fence and Working Class Hero. In his spare time, Marcus listens to classical music and enjoys performing as a cabaret artist in the local nightclubs. Sumagy Kesevan When first approached, Sumagy displayed a keen interest in joing the production that enbodies music and dance, herself being an accomplished classical singer and dancer. She has also successfully pursued an education degree at the University Of Durban-Westuile. An extremply versatile artist who has appeared in numerous student productions including Jungle Book, The Shy Sultor and The Fantastic Voyage...PREGALATHAN SINGARAM Considered as one of South Africa's top percussionists, Pregalathan has performed internationally as well. He has performed with other top musicians in India, Mauritius and Brazil, Apart from his skill at the tabla, he plays the mirdhingum and is an accomplished vocalist. During his spare time which Pregalathan insists he has very litle of, he manages to participate in sporting activities such as football and tennis. CHRIS MURUGAN Chris is a man of diverse talents, one of which lies in the field of business. He has however, taken time from his hectic business schedule to join the production, Although Chris has been around in the music arena for a long time, this is his first venture into theatre and "i love every bit of it" he says.CREDITS Stage Manager ‘Shalines Nuesingh Asst. Stage Manager ‘Sarathambal Wolaganandan Lighting Operators + Uthica Moodley + Vishal Panday Set Construction ‘Sylvester Joseph Kenneth Shange + Selvan Pillay Publicity + Niraz Rawat! Photographers + Fiona Clyde + Navan Chetty Costumes = Shamshaad Farouk Make-Up = Thavaranieni Naidoo > Vanishree Pillay . + Sanisha Moodley Sound = Malthie Ba'charan * Sharon Pillay (SPECIAL THANKS TO Mr Rawatlai, Ravien. Pregasen Govender, Pragasan Sivalingam, Avasha Rambintch, Bashni Naidoo, Segren Pillay, Sesibon , Flainbow Chair and Marquee Hire, Front of House Team. Ladies and Gentlemen of tha Press. (PATRONS PLEASE NOTE Your seat will be held for up to 15 minutes before the performance. No children under the age of twelve years wil be admitted to the theatre. No patrons wil be allowed to enter the auditorium once the Brochure designed by : Rajan Govender & Sudesh PursadTHREE HAND six FOOT PRODUCER/ DIRECTOR Batch Annamalar ‘STAGE MANAGER = Shatinee Nursingh casr List 1. Komali = Satehu Annamalai ~ Ph a2N2a57 e20 2707 UN 2. Samiaar lanes Gavender ~ Ph aazAS# 3. Boku Navan Chetty Ph 2az6140 08 Fo53e22 HY so Peru Marcus Naraigen — Ph 292256 (H) 25o358 Cy S. Patrick ~ Patrick Nacebo = Fh 76a2429 9H) TeaaDgA Cw) 6. Kantha = Sumagy Kesavan ~ Ph B2an6e HUSICieNS 1. Tabla/mirghangum Fragatethan Singaran FR agaoo2A CH ABSBLLL Rick 2024 «w 2. Harmoniua/Sax/Violen = Chets Murugan Bh 7osteah Gi ranaos@ «wyTHREE HAND SIX Foot PRODUCTION TEAM DIRECTOR Satchu Annamalas ~ Ph 423259 STAGE MANAGER : © Shalinee Nursingh ~ Fh (032 ) 353177 /803593 ASSISTANT STAGE MANAGER : Saratha Wolaganandan - Ph s650se1 LigHT Ins 1. Vanessa Baptist = = Ph 4082219 2) Uthica mooatey = Ph Baz0Ks, 3. Vishal Pangay = Pn 2427069 ‘SOUND Le Mathie Batcharan |- Ph 925773, 2) Sharon Pillay = Ph s0ai036 cosTUnE 1. Vanishree Pillay = Ph So72371 2] Shanehaae Farouk © — Ph (0822) 24359 maKe-uP 1. Sanisha Moodley - Ph 417044. 21 Thevaranjani Naidoo - Ph 5022785 /5023763 Slo vanishree Fallay Ph SO72371 PUBLICITY 1. Niraz Rawatlal - Ph e2aaes 2 Thelma Naidoo = Pn 280859 3 karen Laban = Ph 2epieis 3] Avasha Rambiritch — Ph @z1ei6. 5! Reka Rannarain = Ph #30804 ser 1. Kennethe Shange = Fh 0861 21 Pragasan Sivalingum — Ph 412657THREE WAND 1x FOOT @ SATCHU ANNAMALAT SCENE 1 (Behind Curtains ~ tape recording of Therukoathu music? NAN: Hay Komaliy yenge nie? Where are you? What you doing man - the people are waiting for you. There's Lot oF don’t 1ike us to come late, You Indian fellas are never on time eh. You better make it fast, otherwise we not going ta have any audience Let. KOMALT: Mey shut up man, the people can hear you. What you carrying on like that and disgracing the Ineians for You want a shot cane... but I got na dash - hey this pants is too leoseman, I don’t know what this Saraz aunty did with it. Its only casing down. The man fay this fella is sending it here. We going t get very bad reputation 1f we dan’t waten aut... and you know how important this performance is for us. KOMI: Epo tha naan absolutely ready erekera Elanit Entha drama per - Three Hand Six Foot Traditional dance drama Therukoothu le porinthechee India yangel porinthe oorele vantherchee 1 Thaysethe aatakaaran 9. eakaaran nengal ready seyings Elamit po naan weru English paatu paaduven Please listen to the words carefully.CTHEME SONG Wait a manent, hear this song It tells you everything of the right and wrang Ts there @ chance why should you cance in a country of your Birth, Act your Lane The Indians of India, the white man from not so far, the Africans from Africa all in one Lane! (music starts with a bang? (chorus) Hey! Dnandalika Dnandals ~ Kamali vanthana> Rombo wuter erekethe =~ > erorus Avane periye mansane = > (Thro! curtain) Enge tha erekeras komali sagavela: (drum beat) an Komali? Yaar avan thereyo ~ Therukaothu le porin thaan. He came out c+ the Therukeothu style of gance drama. He is very very funny but also plays a very important role when narrating parts af the story, when reacting with the audience but most important he provides that come relief during the very serious parts of the drama. Fomali vanthana, wuin aka magane? repeat Fomali vanthana, wuin alka purese) chorus, cent isa tickier / (walter waiter)...komeLt: NAVAN Kona Hey Komali, we don’t want onty songs and dances, we want sone real action. Where’s all your actor friends that use te travel sraund with you. oh, they all kicked the bucket a tong tine ago so t'm carrying on alone, but I got some very young felias Oh, 30 you still have @ group, that geod, then tats have some action and don’t be rude, we have children 40 the audience and you know the last time how offenced that aunty gots Mey Kanna if there’s any aunty here whose going te take oftence, then she better take ner chileren out = 99- cause i'm not hing te nold back. If f fae) Tike pull- ing my pants domo I'm going te do it. Wait 2 minute, Heep this for your troub! Thank you, thank you now you talking business. (SUNG) Therukooth Le porinthana ~ Komali vanthaana Okay, okay okay, we are gaing to tell you a story today of the Indians in South Africa - how they making it and how they breaking it - no frilly no fancy, I’m telling everything. But first 1 must take you back to India, bur dear mother and. You see prior to 1860 India was gaing through a very rough patch - famine and massive unemployment. A ict of people believed it was the ideat tine far exploitation.Coot Lakaaran erenthaana Indiate porinthaana Rombo yela erenthaana po tha vanthaana What are we gaing te de Mr Thumbiran. My wife 12 lly ny chileren are growing. T don’t know we Manaras. My wife is alae S11 ang ny children are alsa growing. Our land is so hat anc there is so little Food. I havan’t eaten well for many weeks Now. 1 have become uses to ite Dic you near about the strange men gaing around saying that they want to help our peasle. Oh I have seen these men. They are carrying big Socks and writing daun names of peaple. And once you put your name they say you have to go with then to this far off Land. Yes but they also say that there is a lot of gold anc diamonds in this land. And our families won't be sick. But 1 am afraid of the great big sea. They gay when religion and everything.Telephone: You are ignorant of the sea my friend. ft is net a monster like you think it is, We must trust it and go. find how could you think of culture when cur people are starving: Bnd my wife and children. You can take then with you but T will be back some day to collect my wife and ay children. SONG REPEATED Cool iakaaran vanthaana.... conversation between India and Seuth Africa Hallo hallo mister... officer... nallo hallo... is that South Africa, Officer sir we are making very geod progress sir, collecting the coolies. We are collect~ ing alot af Coclies in Madras sir, the Tamil ones, anc ether ones too sir, If you were here now you would see very big queus sir, You said you’re only wanted the fat ones, but this place has only got the thin ones sir." Most of them are dark like chocolate Srewn anc they have straight black hair. You will readily recos~ Rise them sir, Twill be sending my first batch today, but f cannot say when you will receive them sir... halle hatio... officer - Ay your South African telephones are very backward sinskamen Ayirs, Reddiars, Moonsany Fonsany, Moslem, Gugerathi, they all cane togetner, packed tightly in the ships, eating, shitting and sleeping together. Many pecple died on the tong journey wich took many months. Die eases, assault, rape and everything was rife. SONG Vaadaa wun cooliakaaran vaadaa Ronbe vela erekethe enge vaada Karappa oor vella cor yen poringhe oor le vela elai wide elai vasil elai yena sala niena wun peche keta athakaage enge vanthaan vela therdre Dhandalike Dhandale cooliakaaran vanthane Vellakaaran paathane cooliakaaran vanthane sone Wud elai vas elai wun peche keta Yen porinthe corle vanthate wungel oorle ‘Thaysethe periyeven yen vela kude Athakaage naan enge vanthen vela therdre Ayo yo yo India le vanthaan. Thulle thecr athe. Ya avanvela therdraan thaatha vela therdhaan. A@var, nenikeraan saak neriye saab neriye pans hotithe enge. fyayo pare pare pare oru mooter, oru drum alle ethen varthaan. Favs - ya nig apedeye pesere - Fare rante bakthes erekethe avanti SONG REPEATED Wud ela... ENGLISH OFFICER + Gay what do we have Nene - Coolie umber vis: rOMaL te ene, cealie number one hundred and ten, coolie nunber pine hundred, ¢zol1e number two thousand, two hundred and twenty nine ete ete. Your nana... Aruna Jaitun Mocnsamy, Runganaathan Reddiar etc etc. Boarded ship bn November 28 with wife. Wife's first nan: Savithree. Died on ship. Mhereabouts of body, mis laid, Okay piek up your belongings and lets ge to your place of work. SONGS =A) ~ Kanna (B) Down from the Liverpool Hey Konali enthe velakaaran yare van tha Englishkaaran, avan tha periyeven. Pare yepedi avan nikaraa. Avan pinale cardboard madris erekethe. Pavoy ya noe apedeye pesere, nee tha keta payanPLANTER cooute PLANTER cooLie PLANTER cooLie PLANTER (English) : My my what do we have here, a real Coolie, = bit akinny though, but real nonthelass. Do you speak English... ooh. you do, lock scared and what are you Going with all that strange stuff. T’m not going te. eat you up you knows.. I’m vegetarian Gaughs) ... come on I’m anly sohing gidn’t you bring any. Well thats a pity, Yau ey + T dont see any women arouns, friend are going to have a lot of fun here, make a lot of money and be a rich man Iike T am, You would Like that now won’t you? Me heard that you Coolies are geod workers, unlike te Kaf-fera here, the lazy burst bastards. You mist have a lot of sun in your country Cone an then lets get to work. Tine lost is never regained my Cestie, friend. Remember that aluays pesere, sana yena nee solre purtyevelal. Ya wun thal alu vela ereketne? Ratham elai wadunbere. Wun ver yana, (Dialogue to be filled in) Ah - An = the Coolie speaks wun per yena Beautiful, wonderful, you sound so good. un per yena (deliberate dun per yena you (this is repeated by Coolie). 1 see you have brought your drums along. Are you 4 musician. 1 can Do you play music, sing, dance. play the violin too you inom. Its a pity I don’t have one around. Come on come on show me something. Cone on play, play don’t be shy.CA GOOD RENDITION OF MUSIC - HEAVY DRUMMING ETCI (For 2 moment the Planter gets carried away and taps the beat of the drumming ‘the drumming stops he comes to his senses). + also sings an English song. When That was goed, very gaed. Do you want te know something. That sounds #2 much like the stuff the bushnen in this country do when they are preparing for war. The one group drums and the other grok srums the group that drums the loudest sursts che gar - drums of the ather group and win (Laughs... then followee by Indian) Okay thats enough of this time wasting. Yau are: here to work. There won't be time for your m (MIME SEQUENCE WITH PLANTER AND WORKER) komalie : And $0 the Indian was introduced into this country = fresh and innacent ~ almast 60 000 in number by the year 1911, mostly from the South Indian State of Madras. And while they came to grow the cane and cut the grass, soon some started to drink the cane and snake the grass. ‘SONG AND DANCE, Drinking cane and smoking grass. Don’t hit a miss and cut your asSONG BEAT Thak 1 eh thak eh them thaai Enthe valai padi erenthene yenna seyeven padinaan, therdinaan, pesenaan, epo tha paathanaan Velai velai sonnaan.... velai sethaan (Raagam).... while chorus follows SONG AND JOKE BY KOMALTSCENE 11 (Fruit Seller enters with bamboo over his shoulder on which hangs tno baskets of fruity SONG ~ WITH DANCE My name is Thumbadoo I come from India too 1 am selling ay fruit in this land, for twenty years wnat else can I do You see ay basket here You see ay legs here* They bath are my friends, for so long, for twenty years Wnat else can I do. T have been through the mill, I have bi n through the sea T have been to the moutaing, but what can T see I am blind, but yes, stilt T Thumbados + (To audience? Hallo hallo... [ see I have a lot of customers today... so tell me what do you want. have fresh apples, bananas... Hey wait now, don’t rushyes+ T have enough for all af you. Komal: + ~—-Hey Thambcodoo... why you fooling yourself again. Thumbadoo + Komal, you saying on me again. konals For a blind man you are very sharp. Here listen (aings) Hey Thumbadoo Thumbadoo wun peringee sarat Thumbadao. uThumbaseo hunbasce: (They aim: Thuabadas + (After pause) Hey Komali Komali wun apa sarai Komali. Hey Thumbadoo Thumbadoo wun pinale erekethe 1adan. + Hey Komali Kamali wun pinale erekethe Fadoo. Aya Ayo... Yen pinale erekethe kadoa. Fada yan: thereye wuneke Thuabadoa. a comic fight dance sequence with song) + Kamali atop fealing araund. Something terrizie happened today. I tak the short cut when I was coming from the market this marning. It must nave been about 6.0' clock, AS T was walking I kickes something. I thought it was a stump of grass but At felt funny, I reaches down and then I felt the feathers. 5 I moved my hands I touched the neck, it was wet. I screamed. tir Ayir from the tenple ran and came. At first he was quiet, I had to tell him to lock dow and then he started to cry. Like a father for hie child. could near him Pick up the temple-peacock as he continued to cry. Tae lost for words. didn’t know what to say. He thanked me for finding the peacscl and walked amay. The whole village knew the peacock anc as I walked sway T could picture the whole villag= mourning. This was a bad omen. 12Thunbacao: Oh Thunbades I am very sorry that this nad to hap~ pen to you. Se that is why you are selling your Fruit here today. Your usual customers most cer tainly won't aray today as soon as the news of the Tt affects me Komali, that Thad to step on this wanderéul bird anc be the dearer of such terrinie You are a good man Thunbadoo. The whole village respects vou. Nothing bad can befall you. Yes but I am also having bad dreams. 1 get most nights aweating, my clothes all wet. This is surely a sign that all is not well. Twas speat~ ing te Thufu Pillay the other day and he also save chat ne feels 4 great change in our community. He s8ys people are only concentrating on making money. Their social lives are empty. There iz 5 more that gancing and singing anymore, ALL the colour and splendour of the Indian race has left. Thambadoa don’t lock so down, there are things that happen that you and I can’t stop, Can we sto this change thats affecting our whole communi ty. Maybe we can’t, but I can’t help thinking sack about how our people must have suffi cane, the sacrifices they made so that we could live better lives. My father used to tell me stories everynight before I went to bed... You know our forefathers lived in houses so snali people almost suffocated in them, AL that tine people didn’t worry tf you were Tamity Telegu, Hinds on anything ~ they all Lived together ang worked together, The authorities went on con- plaining of the filthy conditions. 1People shitting in the bushy shitting in the river, shitting everysheres but then what do yo) expect them te co when no proper facilities are ‘sons Winat do you do when you're not well to do You do it in the bush in the open veld te What do you do when you're not well to do You do it anywhere like the animais do They had to work everyday from sunrise to sunset, even on Saturcays and Sundays. They nad very Little time for entertainment, out still Late the evenings you could hear the violin string coming from the houses... and during the major for everyone. Dance troups were alnays ready to perform. The Therukaothu dance drama was = must during the festivals, It used to go on for the whole night. Peeple sat an floor mats and lis tened very carefully ti11 they duzed off and were pleasantly awabened by people sery.ng hat teas anc bhajias and through all this the Dance deans continued... Those were the dayee.. | eecHis reminiscing comes te Life in the form of = Therukaathu Dance Drama.) SONG REPEATED 1THERUKOOTHU SCENE SONG _AND DANCE by Voice Beat + rhythmic match of voice syli~ ables to drum beats. 15Kavalkaaran where are you hiding. I know yay are here somewhere. If you don’t cong aut now Twill find you ane then you'll be in trout Mey Samiaar t’m seeing you after 2 very very long tiness+ and I see you have anew costume, [ mist say at Looks very very nice... like one big butterfuly. (Ss. responds Sy chasing K - stylized song and chase). I'm sorry Samlaar, T see you don’t stand for jokes eh 1 gem you sti11 nave your Jokes and songs but what are you doing here. This is not Therukeathu. You are right Samiaar this is nat Therukasthu 1 don’t have my ole friends with me anymore ao ¢ have te try out new things with my new friends. lihy are you speaking in English. Dig you alsa forget your mother tongue. Samiaar if Iwas in India then f would have spoken in Tanii or Hindi. Tf T dig it here whase going ta uncer stand me. So T have to speak a little bit English, 4 Little pit Tamil, some Hinds nere and there so that people could still understand me and come and see me Kavalkaaran I have travelled a long distance to be with you... because T know that you care about cur tradi~ tion and culture. We have to work tayether to keep That is true Samtaar, we have to come togeth together. Only by doing this can we strengthen sur community ane make a valid contribution towards the fun1 am prepared to canpromise as long as the young ane the old can cance together. Of course Samiaar the young and the old will dance together and all the people will Join and we will be free < but we cannot cal! it Therukoothu. Therukeathu should ne for ur children te study about. AE then Samiaar we can have a Little of the ald and a tele of the new-a perfect balance Samiaar. Dhay Tan ready for suggestions you tell me how we can go st and we'll ao it. Oh Samiaer you make me very happy. I didn’t expect you to acest my suggestions sc readily. If we can make compromises with aur friends then we can surely look Foreward te 2 brighter future, Dogmatism in this day and age can only spell doom. Me nave to realise that there 15 a place for everything and that to glorify man as to glorify Sod. Your concern for our community really touches kavalkaaran. Yes I am concerned about our community. Concerned be cause cur people are suffering, suffering from infec~ tions spread by 4 sick society, and they are becoming too accustomed to this suffering, Tt is people Like you and I that have te take charge ane provide our people with some Kind of direction. We nave to be aware that aur people are now feeling the strain of being in the middie of so many different cultures. Kavalkaaran, you are proving to be a very strong leader. admire your understanding of our paocle thee modern but difficult times, Although 1 havetried so hard to keep our old cultural traditions, 1 must admit that [ have failed to keep up with the times. I will therefore accept any suggestions that ay have that can lead us ut of this evil. We must understane Samiaar that culture ang tradition can either free us or trap us. We have to have open minds and apply ourselves to our present circumstances, SONG (Kamali walks into audience whilst singing? Athakaalae Enthekaalae Rombo Thrita manse ereke enthekaalam Wun pinala pare kannan wun pinale pare Not Long time ago but right nere and now There are lot of thieving fellows right here and now T don’t know what to do T dan‘t know what te say Our people going crazy not knowing the way (ighing change for new scene? 18Feru 1 don’t knaw whats happening te Remilia these days. She's definitely not herself. From that day she cane hone early from varsity she’s been behaving very giffurently. I don’t know whats happening in hat Idon’t know what sin we committed. Just when our daughter is reagy to go to the university they allow the Africans to fill the place. All this tine the kept on saying its an Indian University. They built a big temple, they got a mosque. Someone said they sven going te tuild a church, Thay should save all the Ang to think that Romi ila wanted to stay an she nostel. You Hnow that autty from Gulmal Crescent ano works on Tuesday to collect the samoosa strips, aust asies him now he's doing in varsity. Ayo he started, first he started telling me about sane sarie queen cantest or something they had in the varsity, but ne said some other name. Tt told him if I knew I shoule take part. nen I said that ne started blushing. Why you think T won't make it nom, Peru? ay, the judges these days are not goad. There's only favouritism. Anynay this fella carried out for so long telling = everything shout the sarie queen contest. Only in the end he started saying that there was some trouble be- suse only Indians was taking part. Imagine if Africans wear sates how funny they/1l look. But that one White Lady ano came to the wadding last week, ane was looking very smart. They pick up very fast ouYou didn't ask him anything about Rom ila. 1 wanted to, J was waiting for a nice chance but this fella was going like 4 train. From everything he said looks Like that place is going te the dogs. Tt ap- pears they selling drink, dagga, they gambling.... and the girts, the way they behave, they drink, smoke and they aven running dirty businesses. Shane the socr fella, he was aa shy, BU ne said everything. That But how they allewing ail this violent fellas to cone to a place of study I don’t know. Tf they coming with the intention to study then never mind, Sut where they going to study, [dant know. Look at this fetta in Natal University = Knewledge or something. Dan’t asi me who kept that name for him. He goes and fails al his exams and then demands the University passes Aine That Laat your foot down and keep it down. The Bloody buggers want to bulldoze their way into everything. The papers are Full of all kinds of incidents. Ya, the papers too man, they make everything took <6) big. Hey Peru you musta’t talk in front of the girt like that. Ayo she get so sensitive when we tall like that. The last time she brought that fella and cane home. I told her how dangerous it was right - she just stared at me. I didn’t say he was 2 rogue or sone- thing, But then we can’t take any chances. You should have been mare stern with her. what you think happened in Goolam = house. uinich Goolan?The faite that works with me. They had this maid right This fetta was always telling Us how clever she was. sah just Like the Indians. she She could speak & could cook terrific fish curry. He even brought ans came to work ene day. Hey I was scares to eat the thing. 1/11 tell you something Kanta, of alway suspected something was happening with this fetta ans this girt Ayoo man don’t be stupid ~ how can that fella oo that. Me locks Iike such a clean fella. Noss Honestly - You know at least twice a week, during our Tunch times ~ that fella will take Ais car ane rush heme. 1 think the other fellas knew what was happening boa. Anyway Twas telling you this story. This clever girl used to bring one fella to Goclam’s house every week. She used to say he was her orother - came te collect her wages and take it home to the farm. For three weeks he cane to the mouse. The faurth weet lock, stack and barrel was gone, just like that. Poor Goal am. They didn’t take her pass and keep. unere they got pass non, They alsa gat bask of life. Anymay I don’t think they tack is and kept. Now what made us talk about all these things. He started with Ramilla and then we going in all direc- ns. Hey, all this worry about Romilla my head is starting to spin. aaKantha, I must be very hanest with you but T dan“ bnew if we should allow Romilla ta carry an going to that University. Just now something will Happen and all our dreams will Se gone. Peru, you still thinking of that dectar « Some dreans always stay with you. Peru stop it! Please don’t get inte this mood. Wait let me make somet tea for you and come... Peru you mustn't take all these things and make it so big I'm okay Kantha 17m okay. (Kantha leaves). (eru's dream cons te Life) (He Looks up and then speaks) If there iz @ God then you'll be able to hear what 1’ saying. 1 demand to know why you ara sitting up there land not doing anything about this situation. Yau told us to pray we prayed. Yau told us to cut a fowl, we cut fowl ~ anything you tell us to da we do it - and yet when we want sometning you don’t give us. Oh Af everything only cane right - we'll be plein — sailing now. Doctors make @ lot of money. fam sure he Would have bought me a nice white mercedes, 1 won't complain if its not the Latest model - but imegine me going down the read. How the neighbours would come up ko me on Sunday morning when I'm washing my car "Hey Peru, doing very well T = ane I wan't say any thing - 1/11 just smile ang carry on washing ay carsRomiliay my only baby, I wasn’t angry with you when you were born. Tf know ! told Kantha I wanted a boy, but when I saw you T loved you. The doctor told me you were a healthy baby and we ould be proud. I’m sorry I drank so much that night, out twas. happy.s+. and and then I couldn’t wait for yours. to take your first steps... my little girl, dressed up att pretty, walking with her daddy. Vou eementer that time we went to Tsipings beach. we ture all enjoying ourselves and then you Fe! haters... and you were going. oh my baby s# that aunty dian’ Your birthdays were such wonderful days, Your phatographa are all there, showing you each year bigger ane bigger and prettier... (Dance sequence between Patrick and Sumagy) Feru T got no milk ~ youll have your tea olack en. (Peru does not near) ~ (K. walks out muttering) (Samiaar gets up to interupt) You cannot disturb him Samiaar, His drean is his reality - ne will not hear you - you are an the out sige, That is the power of the dream. You see now happy he iss+. driving his mercedes. Come lets xat=s there ia still tote mores (ust then Peru dreams, another dream)Noy da net touch her - T struggled all my Life to give her everything - We are religious people don’t do it. Leave ner alone. She’s young and innocent. she foesn’t know what she wants. She's been brainwashed. You cannot wreck ner Life just Like that, after so aany tong years. (Wedding segence between Patrick and Sumagy? Do you think you'll have @ good Life with ner. That shevll feed you and take care of yous Ne she wan’! = she’s venam = she’li poison you and Pid of you Tike the dirt you are. She's our haby. Don't touch her dana you and stain my vingia baby. It is inevitable sir. We all have to succumb... aot is Hefeat oir but in triumphs.. whea cur senses are fully natured £2 realise that men are mer no matter whac © ese neh ec the fmelings your daughter Nas for me because even she doesn’t understand it. True feelings can never b= un~ derstood in your terms or mint If i can Se your kitchen boy and care for your kitchen I can surely be your son-in-law and care for your daughter My foot. Winat is wrong with your foot sir. Your bloody black sastard. 1am bloody and I am black sir but bastard Tam ct Sir, what is wrong with me. I lived with Indians 2i? ay life, T can speak both in Tamil and Hindi. Te ore Indian than a lot of people I know ‘SINGS HINDI SONS 24You arg not an Indian. You will never be an Indians You are an African with one leg in the bush You are an African. You dann bushman. You cannot fight me sir no matter how much you may Twill kilt you Me lunges for “Patrick”, grabs nim sy the throat and throttles him’. (entrances ~ Peru... hey Peru... your twa is ready come te the kitchen... ‘goes closer and hold hi by the arm) Peru you are frightening me. (Peru turns anc Looks at her and then breaks into a violent verbal onsiaught). Leave me alone you ~ you do not know what it is to oe an outsider in your own home, your oun country, your own community. We have been hijacked by people with no bloody brains. Dammit even if Thad a mercedes, for ow ong will it stay with me before ite gane again Feru, please come and have your tea. Ik/11 wit! coo! (ery diliberately turns around ang faces Kantha)8 (He takes her by the chin? Lady look at me, stuff you, and stuff your tea (He almost theatties her anc falls to the floor? (te Gokul 2 social worker ang family friend arrives Hallo Me Medley, Halle Mrs Moodley. ta okay. Oh everything’s fine. Kantha and I were just playing’ Littte game. Comon up my love (He gives her = hana). Thats really nice Mr Moodley. T am so glad that you're doing 30 well. There are very fom couples these cays with each other, AL! pecple are doing these days are fighting and killing each other, Twas dealing with a nasty case this morsing. I think T may have just averted @ major disaster. Also, that case that [ read in the week-end paper was terrible. How people can kill their onn flesh anc bleag 1 donot understand. They nave to be very very sick people. Oh they are sick all right. So what brings you here at this odd nour? I had this appointment with this family down the rast, but no-one seemed to be there when I arrived, so thought 1/11 just pop in and see how you're doing, and 1 must say that I’m very pleased at what I see. Minn the amount of Family prasieme I’m dealing with at the moment {am at my wits ond.You must take it easy Gokul. You can’t go on helping other people only, you aust also take care of your- self, But why sucdenly we having all these problens. ch it is very sifficult to say. Its very complex. Right naw it seems to be @ new trend in the Indian Con munity. fean’t say exactly... the mind works in strange ways, and the difficult part is that you car hardly recognize the problem first mand. People are 00 afraid to seek professional help, Only when ais= aster strikes do the problens surface. Tt is there in the religious scriptures that there will be wholesale aeif - destruction in the nineties. lot of people will conmit suicide and kill their family members. Maybe it is God's way of Keeping the worta 1 don’t know, I am not a very religious man. It v2 ay Jeb to seek scientific explanations to all these problems. Everything is science today. I think Fomilla is taking that in varsity too. wnat is the scientific explanation for that family killing in the week-end papers. Well 1 told you the problem is very complex. But at the same time if you look closely you will find that there are a lot of similarities in all the family probiens we've been having recently. The family unit 15 99 more ike it vsed to be. While some are using culture to keep the family together, athers arestripped completely of it, and suddenly they get up and feel like aliens, and with everything happening in the country right nuw it becomes difficult to cope with the pressure. It makes it very difficult ta pinpoint one Almost in every house there’s probleme these days: Lak at how much trouble thay having in Selma's nous. Attor that unele died they having a very reugh tine. Everyday you see that aunty standing on the pavement and auking people for help. ny, what’s the problem? @ smckex that ¢agga and then goes off hig head. Shae thare’s hardly any furniture ia tat house now. He broke almost everything. Instead of finding 4 Job aod settling down, he takes all chess rugs and then demands maney from his mother. That poor lady is really having it very bad. ive come across a lot of cases like that. The parents phone the police, gets the son locked up and then pleads for the police to release him. tts really + catch 22 situation for a lot of these people. Ever in cases like these, the protlens are complex. Drugs are Just the surface prablem. You know T am getting late for my next appointment I'd better be going. You must come again soon Gokul when you have sone time. We must 211 sit and talk. At least we can learn about all these things. Twill most certainly come again. It was nice talking to a happy couple for a change. Yau can geven with your game now... Bye.(There is silence fr a moment). Gimitatos wife) "de must a1 Sit ang tatke.. 50 that the whale world can know our problems". Yeu bitches you are ust like your fucking daughter wha must 22 right naw screwing with all those black bastards What is this? Why are you behaving Like a wild animal. I think we have te tall t© Gokul about this. I can’t Shut up woman ~ shut up. Peru assaults his wife. Stop, T cant’t go on seeing this Kavalkaaran, you have nade me understand something that T have never vnder= stood before. + I must take the blame for el! aur people. 1 was Blinded by tradition. 1 was blinded oy bur culture, ft thought it would remain pure forever 1 must teke the blame far not recognising the gradval oreakdows Of cur community. 1 am sorry. Do not ery Saamiar it Le net your faults You cannot take the entire blame for the plight of our people, In your endeavour to keep your culture pure you emai blind to the different forces working within cur people. Also it 1s not peculiar te any one community. Gur social werker friend, Gokul nas already stated thar the problem is complex. In all the work that I have done, T have onty thought Df our people, of how I could help then to progress. WJ all the scriptures and T have come across 37 2 sumer of occasions very similar happenings between Gods and demigads and yet Tf have not applied my Jge tO my peoples T must admit my shortcomingK 4 Baamiar, We have to understand that an entire genera- tion have been caught in this situation and we have speaking tous. We have ta listen and chodse intel- Ligentiy. That is our plight, we cannot run away. The voices won't go vay. We cannot shut then out. Thin (Tape recorder carries the above speech to the end) FINALE MADE UP OF MUSIC AND DANCE DEPICTING A COMPROMISE BETWEEN THE TRADITIONAL AND MODERN PROTAGONISTS 30