HI MMLER' S

BOSNIAN
DIVISION
C
The Waffen-SS
Handschar Division
1943-1945
GEORGE LEPRE
Schiffer Military History
Atglen, PA
Acknowledgments
The Lepre Family, The Reinert Family, Philip W. Logan. Mark C. Yerger, Jess Lukens,
Hendrik Pott, Emilie and Walter, Library Staff, Rutgers University, Newark (Wanda
Guweinowski and Ka-Neng Au), Professor Gnther Kurt Piehler, Professor Taras Hunczak
Services Culturels Francais, New York, Militrgeschichtliches Forschungsamt der
Bundeswehr (Obstlt. Fuss), Bundesarchiv, Koblenz, Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, Freiburg
i, B. (Herr Meyer), Imperial War Museum, London, Heeresgeschichtliches Museum, Vienna
(Dr. Erich Gabriel), City of Villefranche de Rouergue, Embassy of Yugoslavia, Military
Attache (Col. Mihailovi), Vojnoistorijski Institut, Belgrade (Capt. Dr. Radivoje Jovadi),
Alfred Kreutz, Timur erkez, Sadmir ehovi, Robert Bedi, Otto Kumm, Willi
Gottenstrtter (t), Richard Landwehr, Markus Erti, Artur Silgailis, Sepp Mezulanik, Michael
Arton, U.K., Suszanne Dozier, Azem Muli, Rudolf Pencz, Martin van Dijken, Kurt Imhoff,
Sts. Cyril & Methodius Church, New York (Helen Dugandi and staff), New York Public
Library Slavic Studies Division (Tonya Gizdavi), Fredrick L. Clemens.
Book Design by Robert Biondi.
Copyright 1997 by George Lepre.
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Contents
Appendices
Appendix A: Order of Battle 320
Appendix B: Award Winners 345
Appendix C: Insignia 346
Appendix D: Officer Casualties 360
Appendix E: The Division Song 361
Appendix F: Rank Conversion Chart 362
Appendix G: Glossary 363
Works Cited 364
Index of Names 372
Preface 7
Chapter 1 Introduction to the Maelstrom 13
Chapter 2 The Recruiting of the Division 19
Chapter 3 Formation and Training of the Division in France 44
Chapter 4 Mutiny 81
Chapter 5 The "Germanic Environment" 109
Chapter 6 The Return to the Homeland 140
Chapter 7 Maibaum 187
Chapter 8 Division Operations June-August 1944 213
Chapter 9 Disintegration 248
Chapter 10 Transfer to the Eastern Front 276
Chapter 11 Retreat to the Reich 292
Chapter 12 Capitulation 302
Conclusion 315
C
Preface
rveconstructing the history of this long-forgotten formation of the Second
World War was a formidable task. While Yugoslavia's Partisan war and the Bosnian
Muslim autonomy movement have hardly been ignored by historians, the
"Handschar" SS Division has received only modest attention at best. This paucity
of secondary material limited me to the use of primary sources and memoirs al-
most exclusively, and even these were in short supply. Nevertheless, sufficient
data was available to produce a balanced narrative and analysis of the subject.
One particularly valuable find was my discovery of the IX SS Mountain Corps
war diary and a sizable amount of the division's records in Europe, all of which
had been in private possession since the war's end. These materials, combined
with the microfilms of captured documents maintained by the United States Na-
tional Archives, composed a large portion of the German side of the story. The
diaries and papers of former division members were also useful, these provided
either by the authors themselves or by family members in the cases of the de-
ceased. Perhaps the most prized sources of all, however, were my interviews and
correspondence with former members of the division. I offer my thanks to all who
assisted, both Bosnians and Germans, but especially to Ibrahim Alimabegovi,
Zvonimir Bernwald, Klaus Berger, Heinz Gerlach, Imam Demal Ibrahimovi,
Ago Omi, Eduard Roth, Franz Scheucher, Hermann Schifferdecker, Hugo Schmidt,
and, most of all, to Erich Braun and the late Hartmut Schmid.
Undoubtedly the most valuable source from the Partisan side was the Yugoslav
Military History Institute's incredible Zbornik dokumenata i podataka o narod-
nooslobodilakom ratu jugoslovenskih naroda series, published in over a dozen
tonics consisting of more than one hundred volumes. Reproduced in these books
urc the surviving records of the Yugoslav Partisans, as well as scores of captured
German, Italian, Croatian, and etnik documents. The set simply has to be seen to
be believed.
As far as the relevant secondary works were concerned, I was quite particular
in my selection of them as source material, as most are notoriously inaccurate.
Apart from several memoirs and a series of monographs prepared by former Parti-
san officers found in the Istona Bosna u NOB-u 1941-1945 set, few were con-
sulted at all. Nevertheless, I do recommend Enver Redi's treatment of the Mus-
lim autonomy movement, Muslimansko autonomatvo i 13. SS divizija, and Jozo
Tomasevich's brilliant work on the wartime etniks, which is quite possibly the
finest history concerning the war in Yugoslavia written to date. My only regret is
that the final two volumes of Professor Tomasevich's set never appeared.
It should be noted that the sole purpose of this monograph is to chronicle the
birth, life, and ultimate death of the "Handschar" SS Division. Those seeking ad-
ditional information concerning the Muslim autonomists and militia should refer
to Redi's work cited above. Similarly, I' ve provided but a brief outline of the
rise of Paveli and the Ustaa movement, as this subject has already been covered
in great detail elsewhere. Anyone interested in further reading in this genre will
not be disappointed by the prolific works of Bogdan Krizman.
The expertise of Professor Taras Hunczak, my undergraduate advisor and quite
possibly the world's greatest Ukrainian, was extremely helpful during my research.
His advice and encouragement were most responsible for the manuscript's award
of Rutgers University's Sydney Zebel History Prize. The many individuals and
institutions that selflessly aided my research and writing are mentioned by name
in the acknowledgements.
Notes on the Text
1. Military ranks: SS ranks are used for SS personnel. A conversion chart has been
provided as Appendix F.
2. Military nomenclature: Non-English military nomenclature has been used to a
limited extent. English translations are provided either immediately following the
foreign term or in the glossary. German military units are often referred to by their
German language designation, usually in an abbreviated style often used by the
Germans themselves. Companies, batteries, and squadrons (numbered in Arabic
numerals) and battalions (in Roman numerals) are written preceding their parent
elements in the German style.
Examples:
SS-Gebirgs-Pionier Bataillon 13 = Pi. Btl. 13.
6th Company of Waffen-Gebirgs-Jger Regiment der SS 28 (kroatische
Nr. 2) = 6./28.
3. Bosnia-Herzegovina is sometimes called simply "Bosnia" in the interest of read-
ability. The division's non-Germans are collectively called "Bosnians" in the text,
although at various times Albanian Muslims, Sandjak Muslims, Croatian Catho-
lics, Hungarians, Italians, and even several Slovenians and Swiss served within its
ranks. However, the overwhelming majority of non-Germans were Muslims from
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
For Hartmut and the extradited innocents
"Es ist nicht unsere Angelegenheit, uns in irgend einer Form, in kroatische Dinge
einzumischen. "
- Heinrich Himmler
Introduction to
the Maelstrom
T h e autumn of 1940 saw Adolf Hitler feverishly planning his invasion of the
Soviet Union. Taking the security of his Balkan flank into careful consideration,
he sought to draw the southeast European nations into alliances with Germany,
and by the end of February 1941, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria had all joined
the Tripartite Pact. Following intense diplomatic pressure, the Kingdom of Yugo-
slavia reluctantly followed suit on 25 March of that year. This led a group of dis-
gruntled Serbian military officers to launch a coup that not only toppled Prince
Paul's government, but infuriated Hitler into ordering "Directive 25," calling for
the destruction of the Yugoslav State.
1
Germany and its allies began military op-
erations on 6 April and completed the campaign within days, aided by the failure
of the ill-prepared Yugoslav army and the ethnic disunity within its ranks. The
Nazi dictator brought Mussolini's dismal adventure in Greece to a conclusion soon
thereafter.
The Germans, who considered Yugoslavia to be an artificial product of the
Treaty of Versailles,
2
decided to grant the Croatians "an independent state within
the borders of their nationality,"
3
and before the fighting had even ended, members
1
United States Department of State, Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945 (Wash-
ington: Government Printing Office, 1964), series D, vol. XII, 353-396.
2
Franjo Tudjman, "The Independent State of Croatia as an Instrument of the Policy of the Occu-
pation Powers in Yugoslavia, and the People' s Liberation Movement in Croatia From 1941 to 1945 " in
Les Systems d' Occupation en Yougoslave 1941 -1945, edited by Petar Brajovi (Belgrade: IRP, 1963),
137.
3
Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, W. F. St./Abt. L (IV/Qu), Nr. 00630/41 g. Kdos, F. H. Qu., den
12. 4. 1941, "Vorlufige Richtlinien fr die Aufteilung Jugoslawiens" [International Military Tribunal,
Trial of the Major War Criminals, vol. XXVII (Nuremberg: International Military Tribunal, 1947-49),
60-62],
of the Croatian nationalist Ustaa ("Uprising") movement proclaimed the creation
of the puppet Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska, the "Independent State of Croatia."
Party chief Dr. Ante Paveli arrived in Zagreb from Italian exile and assumed the
position of Poglavnik (leader). The new government quickly annexed the ethni-
cally mixed province of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
The Muslims of these territories, who numbered around 1,000,000 souls,
4
were
a legacy of centuries of Ottoman rule. Many of them sought the return of the rela-
tive autonomy Bosnia enjoyed during the Hapsburg period (1878-1918) that had
been lost with the advent of Yugoslavia. However, some abandoned this notion
and greeted the formation of the new Croatian state, especially when Paveli an-
nounced that Muslims would share equal standing with the nation's Catholics,
5
but
4
According to the 1931 Yugoslav census, 2,487,652 people lived in Bosnia-Herzegovina. 36.64%
were Muslims, 40. 92% were Serbian Orthodox, and 22.44% were Catholic.
5
Report of unknown provenance submitted to the Deutschen General in Kroatien, the Deutsche
Gesandtschaft, and the Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und d. SD, "Unterredung mit Dr. Nasif
Bubi " (U.S. National Archives, Records Group 242, Microcopy T-175, roll 460, ff2979434). (Micro-
most either remained neutral or even opposed it.
6
Members of the nation's perse-
cuted Serbian Orthodox minority, who constituted approximately one-third of the
population, soon joined the two prominent resistance movements that emerged,
the Serbian nationalist etniks, led by former Yugoslav army officer Draa
Mihailovi, and the communist-led Partisans of Josip Broz "Tito," which eventu-
ally attracted followers from all of Yugoslavia's ethnic groups. Not surprisingly,
the western allies sided with the former, who enjoyed the support of the exiled
king and the Serbian Orthodox Church, but the royalists' reluctance to conduct
operations against the occupation forces soon led the allies to renege and support
Tito.
Despite Paveli's assurances of equality, it wasn't long before many Bosnian
Muslims became dissatisfied with Croatian rule.
7
"Not one single Muslim," com-
plained an Islamic leader, "occupied an influential post in the (local) administra-
tion."
8
Even worse was the fierce fighting that broke out between government
forces and their allies on one side, the Partisans on another, and the Cetniks on a
third. A number of Ustaa units believed the Muslims to be communist sympathiz-
ers and burned their villages and murdered civilians,
9
while the Cetniks accused
films from this facility will be cited hereafter by their microcopy and roll numbers only). In its efforts
to obtain an ethnic Croatian majority in the region over local Serbs, the new regime advanced the
theory that the Muslims were of purely Croatian origin. One official stated that "at the time of the
Turkish arrival in the area (in the fifteenth century) there were no Pravoslavs in Bosnia-Herzegovina"
[Statements excerpted from an undated memorandum written by Croatian Minister of Justice Dr. Pavao
Canki (T-175, roll 460, ff2979376)]. The actual Slavic stem from which the Bosnian Muslims origi-
nate is of little significance to this study, for the majority of these people see themselves as being of
simply Muslim heritage (ibid.).
6
Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1975), 105.
7
According to one German official, relations between the Croatian government and the Muslims
began to sour as early as November 1941 [Der Deutsche General in Agram, Anlage zu la Nr. 377/41 g.
Kdos., 21. November 1941 (T-501, roll 264, f f l 280) ] .
8
ibid. The following statistics concerning the distribution of government positions in Bosnia-
Herzegovina were gleaned from a German intelligence report:
Government Post non-Muslims Muslims
Minister 18 2
State-Secretaries 6 0
Peoples' Representatives 193 13
Foreign Ministry 49 2
Finance Ministry (High Officials) 159 2
Ministry of the Interior 53 0
(Report of unknown provenance, "Politische Gruppen und Persnlichkeiten der Mohamedaner
im Unabhngigen Staat Kroatien," undated (T-175, roll 460, ff2979418). One Muslim leader went as
far as comparing the new Croatia to the inter-war Yugoslavia (ibid.).
' Let t er to Croatian Vice-President Dr. Daferbeg Kulenovi and Minister Hilmija Beslagi en-
dorsed by over fifty prominent Bosnian Muslims dated 12 November 1941 (T-175, roll 460, ff2979411).
For a German record of Ustaa anti-Muslim actions see Gen. Kdo. V SS-Geb. Korps, Abt. Ic/Dolm./
Tgb. Nr. 5653/44 geh. v. 8. 7. 1944, "Verzeichnis ber Ust aschen-bergri ffe" (T-175, roll 115,
ff2645821).
t he m of t aki ng part in Croatian anti-Orthodox excesses and performed similar atroci-
t i es.
10
Little help was forthcoming from the fledgling Croatian army, which, ac-
c o r di n g to the Germans, "was of minimal combat value,"
11
and attempts at raising
un indigenous self-defense militia were generally unsuccessful owing to regional
und political differences among the Muslim notabilities.
12
A host of small local
f o r c e s did emerge,
13
but only a brigade-sized legion formed in the city of Tuzla by
Ma j o r Muhamed Hadiefendi, a Muslim commissioned by the Croatian army,
wa s of any significance, and it lacked weaponry and trained officers. The new
Croatian State was strongly Catholic in character, and the fate of Bosnia's Mus-
lims was of little interest to many of its leading ecclesiastics. The bishop of Sarajevo
was heard to say that "a third of the Muslims will be killed by the Partisans, one
third will perish as refugees, and the rest will then be ready (for conversion) for the
Catholic church."
14
One German source states that by 1943, over 100,000 Mus-
lims had been killed and 250,000 were refugees. In addition, a serious food short-
age threatened the region with starvation. "The Muslims," remarked one German
general, "bear the special status of being persecuted by all others."
15
The Muslim Autonomists
As was indicated above, there were many Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina
who looked back on the era of Austrian rule with a kind of nostalgia. One leader
called the Habsburg system employed in the region a "model administration" in
which Muslims "were appointed to the highest positions."
16
A generally German-
friendly nature existed among at least a portion of Bosnia's Islamic population,
this revealed in 1941 when thousands of volunteers answered a Nazi appeal for
manpower to fight against the Soviet Union.
17
There was in fact one circle of promi-
l 0
Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1975), 257-259. To some Serbians, the Muslims were "reminders of the
hated Turkish rule" (ibid.).
" SS-Brigadefhrer Ernst Fick to Reichsfhrer-SS Heinrich Himmler dated 16 March 1944 (T-
175, roll 70, ff2586888).
"Ladi sl aus Hory and Martin Broszat, Der Kroatische Ustasche-Staat 1941-1945 (Stuttgart:
Deutsche Verlags Anstalt, 1964), 155. See also Enver Redi, Muslimansko autonomatvo i 13. SS
divizija (Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1987), 231.
13
One Muslim wrote that the militia "have proven inadequate" [Imam Hasan Bajraktarevi to SS-
Obergruppenfhrer Phleps dated 15 November 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587075)].
14
SS-Gruppenfhrer Gottlob Berger to Reichsfhrer-SS Heinrich Himmler dated 19 April 1943,
"Reise des Gross-Mufti von Palstina" (T-175, roll 125, ff2650998).
"Gen. Kdo. V. SS-Geb. Korps, Der Kdr. Gen.,Tgb. Nr. 139/43, g. Kdos. v. 5. November 1943 to
RoichsfUhrer-SS Heinrich Himmler (T-175, roll 125, ff2651009).
"' Report of unknown provenance submitted to Deutschen General in Kroatien, the Deutsche
Gesandtschaft, and the Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei u. d. SD, "Unterredung mit Dr. Nasif Bubi"
(T-175, roll 460, ff2979434). For an excellent study in English covering Habsburg rule in Bosnia see
Robert J. Donia' s Islam Under the Double Eagle.
l 7
SS-Mann Nedim Salihbegovi, "Bericht zur Lage" dated 25 September 1943 (T-175, roll 70,
IT25K7115).
nent Muslims that favored political autonomy under German military protection.
Led by Spaho-disciple Uzeiraga Hadihasanovi, the ranks of this group swelled
as Muslim support for Paveli waned. By late 1942, the desperate situation in the
area led these autonomists, who had previously staked their hopes on the militia,
to believe that there was no alternative but to actively seek German assistance. A
formal appeal asking Hitler to annex Bosnia - Herzegovina and afford the Mus-
lims protection from their enemies was drafted on 1 November and sent to Berlin.
Hitler apparently had little interest in taking Bosnia into the Reich. One can
only speculate as to his reaction to the appeal; he probably demurred owing to a
reluctance to mix in the internal politics of his Croatian ally, despite the potentially
positive effects such a merger could have had on neutral Turkey.
18
There was,
however, one German who was quite interested in these Muslims, not so much in
their request for annexation but in their potential for military service. This was
Heinrich Himmler, chief of th SS, who envisioned the establishment of an "SS
recruiting zone" in Bosnia.
19
He wrote:
I hope to reach out to a people who today stand apart from the Croatian
State and have a long tradition and attachment to the Reich, which we can
utilize militarily.
20
The "Reichsfiihrer-SS" had always reserved the ranks of his organization for
Aryans exclusively, and it appears that he subscribed to theories advanced by both
Croatian and German nationalists that the "Croatian" people, including the Mus-
lims, were not ethnic Slavs but the progeny of "pure Aryans, of either Gothic or of
Iranian descent."
21
He was in any case personally fascinated by the Islamic faith,
which he believed fostered fearless soldiers, and marveled at the idea of a military
division composed of these men.
22
The SS sought through the creation of such a
division to rally all of Islam's disciples to their side. A general wrote:
Through the Croatian-Bosnian division, it is our desire to reach out to
Muslims all over the world, who number around 350 million people and are
decisive in the struggle with the British Empire.
23
18
Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1953), 162.
19
SS-Ostubaf. Rudolf Brandt to SS-Ogruf. Artur Phleps dated 20 November 1943 (T-175, roll
125, ff2651008).
20
Hi mml er to General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau dated 3 March 1943 (T-175, roll 111,
ff2635275).
21
Yeshayahu Jelinek, "Nationalities and Minorities in the Independent State of Croatia" Nation-
alities Papers Fall 1980: 195.
22
General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau to General Oberst Alexander Lohr dated 2 March 1943
(T-501, roll 264, ff549).
23
SS-Ogruf. Gottlob Berger to Envoy Siegfried Kasche, "Kroatischer Raum" dated 24 July 1943
(T-120, roll 1077, 436766).
Bosnian infantry of the Austrian army, circa 1895. Heeresgeschichtliches Museum, Vienna.
Himmler endeavored to restore what he called "an old Austrian tradition" by
reviving the Bosnian regiments of the former Austro - Hungarian army in the form
of a Bosnian Muslim SS Division.
24
Once raised, this division was to engage and
destroy Tito's Partisan forces operating in northeastern Bosnia, thus restoring lo-
cal "order." To be sure, Himmler's primary concern in the region was not the secu-
rity of the local Muslim population, but the welfare of ethnic German settlers to
the north in Srem. "I hope that t he . . . 'Bosnian Division' will bring order, at least
in the area that borders the ethnic German settlements in Srem," he said. "Srem is
the granary of Croatia, and hopefully it and our beloved German settlements will
be secured. I hope that the area south of Srem will be liberated by . . . the Bosnian
Division... so that we can at least restore partial order in this ridiculous (Croatian)
state."
25
24
While the Reichsfhrer claimed that he "knew the southeast better than anywhere else," one
German official in Croatia wrote, "Himmler appears to be of the opinion that (the) old Bosnian regi-
ments consisted solely of Muslims," when in fact men of all faiths had served Franz Josef. If he was
aware of the truth, he obviously chose to ignore it ("Rede des Reichsfhrers-SS Heinrich Himmler vor
den Fhrer der 13. SS-Frei w. b. h. Gebi r gs Di vi si on (Kroat i en), im Fhr er hei m West l ager,
Truppenbungsplatz Neuhammer, am 11. Januar 1944" (T-175, roll 94, ff2614731), and Glaise von
Horstenau to Lohr dated 2 March 1943 (T-501, roll 264, ff549).
25
"Rede des Reichsfhrer-SS auf der Tagung der RPA-Leiter am 28. Januar 1944" (T-175, roll
94,112614801).

The Recruiting of
the Division
Hi mml er first proposed his idea of a "Bosnian" Division to Hitler during a
lecture he presented concerning manpower procurement on 6 December 1942. He
stated that the formation of the new division could be carried out by the SS Divi-
sion "Prinz Eugen" in Croatia, and called its commander, Artur Phleps, "espe-
cially qualified for this task."
1
Although the military situation in Croatia was quite
serious at the time and the Germans were taking an increasingly more active role
in the fighting,
2
it appears that Hitler chose to await the outcome of an ongoing
Axis offensive in the region before making a decision. Nevertheless, it seems that
he favored the idea, for an SS representative journeyed to Croatia early the follow-
ing month to discuss the plan with Siegfried Kasche, the local German envoy.
3
He
finally consented during a conference held at his Wolfschanze headquarters on 13
February 1943.
4
Before the formation of the division could begin, the approval of the Croatian
government had to be obtained. German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop
ordered Envoy Kasche to speak with Paveli on the matter, and
1
Himmler to Hitler dated 12 December 1942 (T-175, roll 124, ff2698755).
2
By February 1943, the Germans had virtually assumed direct control of the Croatian armed
forces. A Croatian legion division was already operating within the German army, and additional for-
mations were planned. "The external and internal situations in the southeast demand, " one German
report bluntly stated, "that the Croatian military be (reorganized) and strengthened. Previous experi-
ence has shown that the situation can only be recited under German command" [Ausw. Amt Nr. 486
fr Botschafter Ritter (T-120, roll 5799, 305387)].
3
Vol kst umreferat , "Vermerk ber die Abspr ache mi t Ober st ur mbannf hr er Let sch vom
Ergnzungsamt der Waffen-SS, am 5. Jnner 1943 in Brod a/S" (T-120, roll 5799, H313216).
4
Heinrich Himmler, "Niederschrift ber Besprechung mit dem Fhrer am Sonnabend den 13.
Februar 1943 in der Wolfschanze um 17 Uhr" (T-175, roll 131, ff2658073).
Heinrich Himmler
make it clear that in the present phase of the war, the enemy has to be
dealt with as forcefully as possible. It would be in best interest of the common
war effort that this German-led division be formed.
"I hope," von Ribbentrop concluded, "that the Poglavnik will agree." The
envoy brought the matter to Paveli and was quickly able to obtain his approval.
5
Despite this initial show of support, however, the German foreign ministry and
Croatian government soon became the division's greatest political foes.
Shortly after receiving his Fiihrer's sanction, Himmler telegrammed Phleps in
the Balkans, informing him of the plan. The division, he explained, was to consist
of Bosnians of the Muslim faith, and that those who volunteered could be prom-
ised "all of the old rights that they enjoyed in the Austrian army," meaning free
religious practice and the wear of traditional Muslim headgear, the fez.
6
The
Reichsfhrer decreed that the raising of the new division was to begin immedi-
ately.
On 18 February, Phleps flew to Zagreb and began formal negotiations with
the Croatian government concerning the actual formation of the division. Present
were Phleps, Envoy Kasche, Croatian Foreign Minister Dr. Mladen Lorkovi, who
' Von Ribbentrop to Kasche and Kasche to von Ribbentrop from 13 February 1943 (T-120, roll
212, 162346 and 162348).
6
Himmler to Phleps dated 13 February 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587188).
Artur Phleps
represented Paveli at the meeting, and Colonel von Funck, the representative of
General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, the German Deputy General in Croatia.
While Paveli had given the project his blessing, the conference immediately re-
vealed that the two sides held very different views of the "Bosnian" Division.
Lorkovi told Phleps that his government officially "welcomed" the forma-
tion of the division, but it was obvious that the Croatians desired to carry out the
recruiting effort themselves. This was due to what the Germans called "internal
and external political motives"
7
- they clearly opposed Himmler's plan for an all-
Muslim division, believing it would ruin their efforts to mold all of Croatia's in-
habitants into one people, as both regional and religious consciousness would be
raised,
8
and feared possible Italian "countermeasures," such as the conversion of
Serbian etnik units into Black Shirt divisions.
9
Lorkovi requested the following:
' Phl eps to Himmler dated 19 February 1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2635345).
"Konsul Dr. Winkler, "Die Politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens April 1943" dated 4
May 1943 (T-120, roll 4203, K208927). As one German official later wrote, "(The Croatians) saw this
as a dangerous blow against their false principle of a national unified Croatian state" [Glaise von
Horstenau to Himmler dated 25 February 1943 (T-175, roll 111. ff2635851)]. See also Phleps to Jttner,
"Zwischenbericht ber Werbeaktion muselmanischer Freiwilliger" dated 19 April 1943 (T-175, roll
70, ff2587179).
' Gl ai se von Horstenau to Himmler dated 25 February 1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2635351). The
Germans simply dismissed any notion of Italian action in the region. One German official wrote, "We
have long afforded Italy opportunities to form the Croatian army. Italy has made no use of this chance"
[Botschafter Ritter, Nr. 77 (T-120, roll 5799, 305385)].
- The division was to be named the "SS Ustaa Division," as the forma-
tion was "not to be an SS Division, as such, but a Croatian unit raised with SS
assistance." Its regiments were to receive "regional" names, such as "Bosna,"
"Krajina," "Una," etc.
- Recruiting for the new division was to be carried out by the Croatian
government and not the SS.
- Croatian uniforms and ranks were to be used.
- The language of command in the division was to be Croatian.
- The formation of the division was to take place in Croatia.
10
Lorkovi also stated that 6,000 Ustaa volunteers could be supplied for the
division immediately, and promised that the "influence" of the Muslim leadership
in northeastern Bosnia could be procured for the recruiting effort.
Phleps dissented to most of Lorkovi's proposals. He stated that the uniform
was to be that of the SS, but with the addition of a special Croatian badge, and that
the language of command in the division would be German." He also presented
his own suggestion for the division's name, which was "SS Division 'Croatia.'"
12
He was certainly not impressed by the offer of the Ustaa volunteers, as he consid-
ered this to be an attempt to give the new division a distinctly Croatian character,
and insisted that the SS conduct the recruiting drive.
13
He then reported the results
of the negotiations to Himmler, who rejected nearly all of the Croatian demands
out of hand. "I still intend to form the division from Muslims," the Reichsfhrer
wrote, adding that the 6,000 volunteers would be "gladly accepted," but that they
would be inducted into separate police battalions.
14
As far as prospective man-
power for the division was concerned, the SS was far more interested in Major
Hadiefendi's Muslim legion than in Ustaa men.
15
10
Kasche to von Ribbentrop dated 18 February 1943 (T-120, roll 212, 162359), and Phleps to
Himmler dated 19 February 1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2645345).
" Auswrtiges Amt to the Deutsche Gesandtschaft in Agram (Zagreb), "Im Anschluss an den
Drahtverlass Nr. 235 vom 26. Februar 1943" (T-120, roll 2908, E464497).
l 2
Personal diary of Artur Phleps, entry from 18 February 1943.
13
Phleps to Jttner, "Zwischenbericht ber Werbeaktion muselmanischer Freiwilliger" dated 19
April 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587179).
14
Himmler to the SS-Fhrungshauptamt dated 20 February '1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2635272).
See also Himmler to Glaise von Horstenau dated 3 March 1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2635271), and
Auswrtiges Amt to the Deutsche Gesandtschaft in Agram, "Im Anschluss an den Drahtverlass Nr.
235 vom 26. Februar 1943" dated 3 March 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464497). Himmler also sought to
Otllargc his police forces in Croatia by forming new battalions and inducting some 19,000 Croatians
Into his service.
"Tel egram from Botschafter Ritter to Envoy Kasche dated 21 February 1943 (T-120, roll 120,
E464792).
Phleps conducted further negotiations on the twenty-third with Paveli him-
self to ensure that the grounds for the formation of the division were "fully con-
firmed politically," but the Poglavnik for the most part simply reiterated Lorkovi's
words of the eighteenth.
16
The leading Muslim in Paveli's government, Dr.
Daferbeg Kulenovi, was also present at the meeting, but he expressed doubt that
enough Muslim volunteers could be recruited. "If this were 1941," Kulenovi said,
"not only 20,000, but 100,000 volunteers could have been procured." Finally, an
SS delegation led by Rudolf Dengel, who replaced Phleps when pressing matters
in the Division "Prinz Eugen" called him away,
17
met with Croatian State Secre-
tary Dr. Vjekoslav Vrani and completed an agreement. In his memoirs, Vrani
claims that Phleps was indeed present during the beginning of these negotiations
(4 March), and provides an interesting if not somewhat self-aggrandizing anec-
dote from the proceedings when he refused to agree to the SS terms outright:
(I announced) that this division could not be composed exclusively of
Muslims. I was against (any) religious symbolism, for the communists could
claim that the Croatian state was using the Muslims as cannon fodder. . . . I
also requested that the Croatian government be entrusted with carrying out
the recruiting effort.
Phleps, an authoritarian figure by nature, could not believe that a Croatian
political official could oppose this order, which had been issued by Himmler
himself. He was quite angry and stormed out of the room in protest, slamming
the door behind him. His negotiating team did not follow, so I asked them to
continue the talks, which they did. I reiterated my views . . . and they in-
formed Berlin, telling me that their headquarters would decide.
On the following day, 5 March, the team returned (without Phleps). After
a short discussion, an agreement was reached that was ratified by the Croatian
government. We also sought Italian approval (for the plan).
18
The terms of the agreement were as follows:
1. The "Croatian SS Volunteer Division" will consist of Muslim and Catho-
lic Croatians, primarily from Bosnia - Herzegovina. The Hadiefendi legion
will stand at the division's disposal for personnel. From the Croatian side,
16
Glaise von Horstenau to Himmler, Fernschreiben dated 24 February 1943 (T-501, roll 264,
ff878). Glaise noted that the Croatians "would gladly supply the 20,000 men required for the division
themselves, and these would mostly be Ustaa men" (ibid.). Himmler was obviously unimpressed.
17
Phleps to Himmler dated 23 February 1943 (T-501, roll 264, ff880).
18
Dr. Vjekoslav Vrani, Branili smo dravu (Barcelona: Knjinica Hrvatske Revije, 1985), vol.
2, 357.
bilingual officers and NCOs, as well as Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans who
in this case lived in Croatia), will be supplied. These must be discharged from
Croatian service and mustered (for the division) before the general induction
takes place.
2. The recruiting will be carried out by the Croatian government with
close cooperation of the Waffen-SS and under German control.
3. Induction of the volunteers will be carried out by the SS Replacement
Command, Southeast.
4. The uniform will be field grey with a field grey fez, German national
and rank insignia, the Croatian national shield on the right upper arm, and
collar patch without the SS insigne. The Croatian language can be used collo-
quially and for training. The language of command will be German.
5. Pay and benefits will be allotted by the Waffen-SS in accordance with
German custom.
6. Careful attention will be paid to religious customs.
7. The final agreement will be made through an exchange of briefs by the
Croatian government and the German Legation.
19
Agreement or no agreement, Himmler sought to stick to his plan of recruiting
Muslims exclusively. On 3 March, Phleps met with fellow SS officer Karl von
Krempler, who, together with Croatian government official Dr. Alija uljak, was
to conduct the recruiting effort. The campaign began on the twentieth, when the
multi-lingual von Krempler and Dr. uljak, accompanied by several other digni-
taries,
20
began an eighteen-day recruiting tour through eleven Bosnian districts.
"i bi d. See also SS-Hauptamt, Amtsgruppe D, Germanische Leitstelle, "Besprechungsniederschrift
Uber die Aufstellung einer kroatische SS-Division" dated 11 March 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464789).
The SS delegation consisted of Dengel, SS-Ostubaf. Ernst Letsch, SS-Hstuf. Ulrich, and, SS-Ostuf.
Kurl von Krempler. Vrani deemed the approval of the Italian government necessary, for "the Italian-
Croutinn agreement of 18 May 1941 stated that the formation of the Croatian Armed Forces was to take
place with Italian cooperation." The SS left it to the German Foreign Ministry to obtain this approval
I Borger lo the Auswrtiges Amtes, "Aufstellung einer Bosniaken Division der Waffen-SS" dated 16
Miirch 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464787)].
*"The delegation consisted of von Krempler from the German side, and Dr. uljak, Marko Cavie,
Ruglb Capli, and an official named Hasi from the Croatian side. uljak stated that SS officer Balthasar
Kirchner accompanied von Krempler, but Kirchner later denied having been present (Letter to the
author from Balthasar Kirchner dated 27 September 1993).
Public meetings were held with the local population where men were urged to
volunteer for the new division. The model of Franz Josef's old Bosnian regiments
apparently played a significant role in convincing the men to serve,
21
as their Great
War heroics were continually echoed during the formation period. One SS publi-
cation announced:
An Old Tradition is Reborn
During the First World War, the Bosnian - Herzegovinian regiments
achieved eternal glory. Their valor was proverbial. . . . Now the Fhrer has
provided them with the opportunity to fight in the ranks of the Waffen-SS for
a better future of our continent and their own homeland. They have voluntar-
ily answered the Poglavnik's cal l . . . and shall be armed and equipped to take
their place as German soldiers among the other peoples (of Europe).
22
One volunteer later offered a far more pragmatic reason of why he and his
compatriots came forward - the belief that the division "would once and for all put
an end to etnik massacres of Muslims in eastern Bosnia."
23
As von Krempler and uljak set about recruiting volunteers, the Germans
began raising the division's formation staff (Aufstellungsstab) in Berlin on 9 March.
This staff was responsible for forming the division's individual units and training
its personnel. Herbert von Obwurzer, who commanded a regiment on the eastern
front, was charged with the division's formation. Fellow Austrian Erich Braun was
chosen as his operations officer. Braun wrote in his diary:
9 March -1 am finally informed that von Obwurzer of the SS Division
"Nord" and I are to raise the "Croatian Division," as the sister division of the
"Prinz Eugen." No directives have been issued. From 1400 hours on I await
von Obwurzer.
10 March -1 am invited to coffee with von Obwurzer at 1600. He makes
a fabulous impression. He is Tyrolean, a former Kaiserjger, and an officer
from head to toe. He is pleased that I am an Austrian. We discuss the situation.
Von Obwurzer then traveled to Serbia to the SS Division "Prinz Eugen" to
acquaint himself with the military-political situation in the Balkans, and eventu-
ally joined Braun in Zagreb, where the Aufstellungsstab was to be based, in early
21
"Er is dort Bekannt" in Handar Folge 1 (1943).
22
ibid.
23
Interview with Ago Omi conducted on 3 July 1993.
April.
24
The pair got along well at first, but this later changed. Himmler ordered his
personal representative in Croatia, Konstantin Kammerhofer, to assist in the re-
cruiting effort as well.
Duplicity
It was immediately evident that both the SS and the Croatian government
were intriguing to advance their own agendas during the recruiting drive. In dis-
pute of course was the division's ethnic composition. Himmler's desire that only
Muslims be used was made known during the initial negotiations and had not
changed. Croatian government officials, on the other hand, were wholeheartedly
opposed to any action that could foster Muslim nationalist feeling. While main-
taining an official veneer of support for the project, the Paveli regime made sur-
reptitious attempts to "sabotage" the recruiting effort.
Dr. Alija uljak stood among a group of prominent Muslims who "supported
the Croatian state and felt themselves to be Croatian nationals."
25
By 1943 this
group "was held in fairly low regard by the majority of Bosnia's Muslims,"
26
and
uljak's appearance at the public meetings during the recruiting tour in his Ustaa
uniform, and his speeches, which contained only Ustaa intentions, "met with sound
rejection from the Muslim population."
27
Von Krempler reported this to Phleps
and on 6 April a conference was held at the home of General Glaise von Horstenau
where Phleps informed Dr. Vrani of his dissatisfaction with uljak and demanded
his dismissal. Vrani, who was himself quoted as saying that "a Bosnian division
with an anti-Ustaa attitude could not (be permitted) to form," pledged compli-
ance, and promised that two Croatian army officers would be sent as replacements.
The pair never arrived, but the Germans were anything but bitter, for the recruiting
could hence be carried out with minimal Croatian interference.
28
uljak vehemently denied responsibility for any wrongdoing. "The only fric-
tion that occurred," he later said, "was caused by the fact that (von Krempler)
spoke in the Serbian dialect during the public meetings, which greatly irritated my
countrymen. It would have been much better if (he) had simply kept his mouth
24
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entries from 9-10 March 1944.
25
Report of unknown provenance, "Politische Gruppen und Persnlichkeiten der Mohamedaner
im Unabhngigen Staat Kroatien" (T-175, roll 460, ff2979421). According to Phleps, uljak was rec-
ognized by the Muslims to be "an outspoken renegade and agitator against the Muslim nationality"
[Phleps to Jttner, "Zwischenbericht ber Werbeaktion muselmanischer Freiwilliger" dated 19 April
1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587179)].
26
Report of unknown provenance, "Politische Gruppen und Persnlichkeiten der Mohamedaner
im Unabhngigen Staat Kroatien" (T-175, roll 460, 2979421).
27
Phleps to Jttner, "Zwischenbericht ber Werbeaktion muselmanischer Freiwilliger" dated 19
April 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587179).
28
ibid.
shut . "
2
" ul j a k balked when von Krempler not only announced that his instruc-
t i o n s f r o m Berlin were to recruit Muslims only, but also when he attempted to
h a v e a recruiting placard printed that sported the green banners and crescent of
Isl am.
3
" His claims were later confirmed by Glaise von Horstenau, who wrote:
In Bosnia, the (SS) recruiters are proclaiming the autonomy similar to
that of the Austrian (monarchy), of which all (sic) Bosnians dream.
31
The Ustaa man also reported what was surely an embarrassing moment for
his SS colleague during the jaunt:
Von Krempler . . . had lived in Greece for a time. . . . As we passed
through Slavonski Brod, we came upon a transport of Jews from Salonika that
was heading north. Many of these Jews knew (von) Krempler as an old friend
and heartily greeted him, which in my presence was quite embarrassing for
him.
32
For his part, von Krempler had taken leave of uljak days before even report-
ing to Phleps. Upon reaching Tuzla, he met with Major Hadiefendi, and on 28
March the pair departed for Sarajevo, where Hadiefendi introduced the German
to leading Muslim autonomists, including the Reis-el-Ulema, Hafiz Muhamed
Panda. Here, wholehearted support for the recruiting could be found, for the au-
tonomists saw the division as a god-send to the persecuted Muslim population.
33
It
is known that Panda on at least one occasion assembled Muslim scholars in
Sarajevo and announced, "The Germans are our friends. They referred to the leg-
endary friendship between Austria and Bosnia, and we must save what can be
saved (of Bosnia)."
34
Outraged Croatian government officials protested in vain to
the German legation, demanding that Hadiefendi return to his legion in Tuzla
and von Krempler be relieved.
35
29
Report from Alfred Haeffner to General Glaise von Horstenau, "Muslimanische SS-Division"
dated 18 April 1943 (T-501, roll 265, ff92).
Foreign Ministry of the Independent State of Croatia to the German legation in Zagreb dated 31
Murch 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464493).
Peter Broucek, ed. Ein General in Zwielicht: Die Erinnerungen Edmund Glaises von Horstenau.
VerUfTentlichtungen der Kommission fr Neuere Geschichte sterreichs Band 76 (Vienna, Bhlau,
1988), vol. 3, 241.
32
Report from Captain Alfred Haeffner to General Glaise von Horstenau, "Muslimanische SS-
Dlvision" dated 18 April 1943 (T-501, roll 265, ff92).
Konsul Dr. Winkler, "Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens April 1943" dated 4
May 1943 (T-120, roll 4203, K208927).
M
Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995.
"Tel egr am from Grdes to the German Legation in Zagreb dated 30 March 1943 (T-120, roll
2908, E464495).
Croatian intrigue also emerged in the form of Minister of Justice Dr. Pavao
Canki, who attempted to submit what the Germans called a "falsified report" to the
government in Zagreb, claiming that the creation of the division would cause un-
rest among Bosnia's Catholic and Serbian Orthodox populations.
56
Himmler was
told of young men who had volunteered for the division "being hauled out of their
beds at night and taken to Croatian army bases or the concentration camps at
Novogradisca and Jasenovac," but this charge later proved to be false.
37
There was
even a report that uniformed Ustaa members were going as far as removing the
division's recruiting placards in the middle of the night, when no one was allowed
on the streets without special permission.
38
Scheming Croatian officials were not the only obstacles the SS had to over-
come during the campaign. The German Foreign Office was hardly pleased about
Himmler's dabbling in foreign affairs,
39
and Envoy Kasche in particular was bit-
terly opposed to an all-Muslim division. A strong supporter of the Croatian gov-
ernment, and certainly no friend of the SS,
40
Kasche told anyone who would listen
that the SS Leadership was "following a political path of its own making in Bosnia,"
and that this was "highly dangerous" to the Croatian situation
41
He also leveled
criticism at von Krempler personally for his blatant disregard of the Vrani-Dengel
agreement of 5 March.
42
Another German diplomat claimed that the Croatians pos-
sessed "neither the ideal nor the ability to solve its nationality problem," and that
36
Phleps to Jttner, "Zwischenbericht ber Werbeaktion muselmanischer Freiwilliger" dated 19
April 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587179).
37
Himmler to Kammerhofer dated 1 July 1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2635371), Kasche to von
Ribbentrop dated 8 July 1943 (T-120, roll 212, 162844), and V SS Mountain Corps to Himmler dated
31 December 1943 (T-175, roll 125, ff2651007).
38
Report of unknown provenance found in the files of the Wehrmacht Befehlshaber Sdost,
"Politische und allgemeine Berichte" dated 23 June 1943 (T-501, roll 265, ff753).
39
Himmler to von Ribbentrop dated 20 February 1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2635340).
40
Berger described Kasche as a man who "could never forget the thirtieth of June 1934" [Berger
to Himmler dated 13 July 1943 (T-175, roll 119, ff2645154)]. Berger was of course referring to the
date of Hitler' s purge of the SA, in which the SS played a conspicuous role, and Kasche, a high ranking
SA officer, narrowly escaped with his life.
41
Envoy Siegfried Kasche, "Aufzeichnungen fr Herrn Reichsaussenminister von Ribbentrop,
' Lage in Kroatien,' dated 29 February 1944 (T-501, roll 265, f f l 093) . Kasche wrote to Glaise von
Horstenau and even Himmler himself complaining of von Krempler' s actions. "I should like to point
out that neither the kindling of an all-Islamic tendency nor the pure autonomy trend lay in the interest
of German politics" wrote the envoy [Kasche to Glaise von Horstenau, "Werbung fr die SS-Division
in Kroatien" dated 1 April 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464491)].
42
Kasche telegrams to the Foreign Offi ce dated 2 April 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464498) and to
von Ribbentrop dated 8 July 1943 (T-120, roll 212, 162844).
Haj Amin el-Husseini
Paveli's new state "could quite possibly be destroyed by Himmler's patronage of
the Muslim autonomy movement."
43
The Mufti
The chief of the SS Main Office, Gottlob Berger, believed that the exiled
Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin el-Husseini, could be of help in encouraging Mus-
lims to volunteer for the new division. Once the leader of the Higher Arab Com-
mittee in Palestine, the Anglophobic Mufti now maintained a comfortable exist-
ence in an elegant Zehlendorf villa while in pay of both the German Foreign Of-
fice and the SS, and was instrumental in furthering German-Muslim relations. A
conference was held in Berlin on 24 March where Berger, Husseini, and Phleps
discussed the matter. The Mufti was well aware of the situation in Bosnia, for in a
speech he presented only days before the meeting he said:
The hearts of all Muslims must today go out to our Islamic brothers in
Bosnia, who are forced to endure a tragic fate. They are being persecuted by
the Serbian and communist bandits, who receive support from England and
the Soviet Uni on. . . . They are being murdered, their possessions are robbed,
and their villages are burned. England and its allies bear a great accountability
43
Konsul Dr. Winkler, "Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens April 1943" dated 4
May 1943 (T-120, roll 4203, K208927).
before history for mishandling and murdering Europe's Muslims, just as they
have done in the Arabic lands and in India.
44
Husseini told the Germans of the great influence he wielded "on the Mediter-
ranean coast and throughout the Oriental world,"
45
so Berger arranged for him to
tour the region and meet with leading Muslim personalities, Croatian government
officials, and local German military commanders. "Much was expected from the
visit," one SS officer recalled. "The Mufti was to play a key role in the formation
of the Bosnian Division."
46
The tour, which took place from 30 March to 14 April,
was indeed a success, as a German diplomat wrote:
The faithful recognized him as a true Muslim; he was honored as a de-
scendant of the Prophets. Friends from his theological studies in Cairo and
pilgrimage to Mecca welcomed him. He was presented gifts, old weapons,
embroidery, (and the like)."
47
An SS officer reported on the Mufti's visit to Sarajevo:
Phleps sent von Krempler and me to Sarajevo to assist with the security
measures and quartering for the Mufti's visit. He in fact stayed at the former
palace of the Austrian governor, where, on 28 June 1914, the bodies of the
slain Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife were brought and laid in state.
The Mufti was an extremely impressive personality. His reddish blond
beard, steady motions, expressive eyes, and charismatic facial features gave
him more the look of a philosopher than a revolutionary. I personally was
unable to converse with him, for I could not speak Arabic, Turkish, or En-
glish, all of which he spoke fluently, but von Krempler spoke Turkish quite
well, and the pair had one or two conversations.
The only remarkable figure in Husseini's entourage was his servant. This
man, an armed Bedouin dressed in European clothing, stood or sat in front of
the Mufti's door throughout the entire day to ensure that his master was not
interrupted during his prayers. At night, he laid down in front of the door,
wrapped in a blanket, so that the Mufti could sleep in peace. I never did find
out when he himself ate, drank, or slept.
'
[A
Islamisches Zentral-Institut zu Berlin e.V., "Die Rede Seiner Eminenz des Grossmufti von
Plllllstiiia . . . am 19. Mrz 1943" (T-120, roll 392, 297890).
Berger to Himmler, "Grossmufti" dated 27 March 1943 (T-175, roll 125, ff2651002).
'"' Leiter to the author from Balthasar Kirchner dated 27 September 1993.
Konsul Dr. Winkler, "Die Politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens April 1943" dated 4
May 1943 (T-120, roll 4203, K208927).
The Mufti was in any case quite reserved in regard to fighting Bolshe-
vism. His main enemies were the Jewish settlers in Palestine and the English.
The visit was a success, however, in that here was a high spiritual and political
dignitary of Islam, known throughout the world, who was on the German
side, appealing for a common front against common enemies.
48
Islamic leaders journeyed from as far away as Albania to speak with the Mufti,
and he received members of nearly all of the multitude of groups that composed
the post-Spaho Bosnian Muslim political scene. He was told not only of the disre-
gard displayed by the Croatian government for the Muslims' welfare, but of the
bitterness held by some Muslims for the Germans, whom the former believed would
bring peace and prosperity with their arrival in 1941. They also voiced their disap-
proval of Axis military assistance provided to their arch-enemies - the Serbian
etniks.
49
In his sermon at Sarajevo's largest mosque, Husseini's words on the
desperate situation in Bosnia brought his audience to tears. He analogized the
Bosnian Muslims of the time to a wandering man who had lost his compass, and
implored them to support the Axis powers.
50
Interestingly, one future division
member who was present recalled the Mufti urging the Muslims to "support the
Germans and obtain weapons from them," but, obviously sensitive to Croatian
ears, that he did not mention the division specifically.
51
While speaking with a
correspondent from Sarajevo's Osvit, Husseini referred to the Bosnian Muslims as
"the cream of Islam." He told another group:
The entire Muslim world is united in the struggle against Britain and
Soviet Russia. This I have assured the Fhrer. .. . The Muslim world stands
united with Germany, which deserves and will achieve victory. The attitude of
the Muslim world is clear. Those lands suffering under the British and Bol-
shevist yoke impatiently await the moment when the Axis (powers) will emerge
victorious. We must dedicate ourselves to unceasing struggle against Britain -
that dungeon of peoples - and to the complete destruction of the British Em-
pire. We must dedicate ourselves to unceasing struggle against Bolshevist
Russia because communism is incompatible with Islam."
52
48
Letter to the author from Balthasar Kirchner dated 27 September 1993.
49
The primary perpetrators of this aid were the Italians.
50
Konsul Dr. Winkler, "Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens April 1943" dated 4
May 1943 (T-120, roll 4203, K208927).
51
Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995.
52
Maurice Pearlman, Mufti of Jerusalem: The Story of Haj Amin el-Husseini (London: Victor
Gollancz Ltd., 1947), 62-63.
While initially surprised by the Mufti's visit, the Croatians were well aware
that its timing - just as the SS was recruiting its "Muslim" division and courting
the uutonomists - was no accident,
53
and their intrigue came into play. Govern-
ment officials attempted to prevent Husseini from meeting with leading Muslim
nationalists, but their plot was foiled by von Krempler, who managed to obtain an
audience with the Mufti for these important Muslims.
54
Dr. Canki complained to
Envoy Kasche that with the Mufti's visit, and the recruiting of "hodas" (i.e. imams,
Muslim clerics who were to look after the Islamic religious affairs in the division),
the division bore "the appearance of a pan-Islamic fighting unit."
55
The envoy
himself informed his superiors in Berlin that "the Croatians have complained to
me that the SS officers decided to induct Muslims only since the beginning of the
recruiting campaign."
56
Upon his return to Germany, Husseini submitted a litany of proposals for the
division:
1. The most important task of this division must be to protect the home-
land and families (of the Bosnian volunteers); the division must not be per-
mitted to leave Bosnia.
2. The officer corps of the division must be composed of Muslims. There
are many men available who served in the Austrian army.
3. The division must be permitted to retain its weapons until the end of
the war.
4. The division should not muster troops from the Hadiefendi legion,
which has undertaken the defense of this region.
57
As it turned out, the SS ignored the Mufti's suggestions. The volunteers were
indeed permitted to retain their weapons until the end of the war, but only so long
as they served in the division, and while Berger claimed that "it could not be ruled
out that members of (Hadiefendi's) legion might be enlisted into the Waffen SS
" Konsul Dr. Winkler, "Die politische Lage der Mohammedaner Bosniens April 1943" dated 4
Muy 1943 (T-120, roll 4203, K208927).
M
Phleps to Jttner, "Zwischenbericht ber Werbeaktion muselmanischer Freiwilliger" dated 19
April 1943 (T-175, roll 70, 2587179).
T-501, roll 265, ff 1129.
M
Fernschreiben from Envoy Kasche to the Auswrtig. Amt in Berlin dated 2 April 1943 (T-120,
roll 2908, E464489).
" Auswrtiges Amt to SS-Hauptamt dated 12 May 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464782).
owing to military expediency,"
58
six thousand of them were already mustered be-
fore Husseini even returned to Berlin.
59
The Germans also sought to induct
Hadiefendi himself, but their intention was never realized: the major and fifty-
five of his men were slain by the Partisans on 2 October near Tuzla.
60
In spite of the Mufti's efforts, only 8,000 men had volunteered for the division
by 14 April,
61
and this was not nearly enough to fill its ranks. If Berger was correct
when he reported to Himmler that by the last week of April "20,000 Bosnians and
8,000 men from Sandjak were available for service,"
62
they were simply not vol-
unteering. In the end, Himmler himself visited Zagreb on 5 May and announced
that men of all faiths would finally be accepted into the division, but with the
stipulation that the rate of Catholics to Muslims "was not to exceed 1:10."
63
Von
Obwurzer apparently placed more emphasis on recruiting Catholics than the
Reichsfhrer would have liked, for the latter wrote:
Von Obwurzer is behaving like an elephant in a porcelain shop. . . . Con-
trary to my order, he is directing his propaganda above all (author's emphasis)
at the (Catholics)."
64
Eventually, some 2,800 Catholics were inducted into the division,
65
much to
Himmler's chagrin.
The Germans had originally decided to honor Lorkovi's request that the di-
vision be formed and trained in Croatia. This was to take place at the troop training
grounds at Zemun, but when Braun inspected the post on 11 April, it was discov-
ered that the site could only facilitate 8,000 men. Another problem was that the
117th Jger Division was also to be formed in this area at the same time. Braun
58
SS-Hauptamt, Germanische Leitstelle, Amtsgruppe D, "Vorschlge des Grossmufti bezglich
der kroatischen Division" dated 18 May 1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464779).
59
Berger to Himmler, "Reise des Gross-Mufti von Palstina" dated 19 April 1943 (T-175, roll
125, ff2650998).
60
Berger to Himmler dated 11 November 1943 (T-120, 66216).
61
Berger to Himmler, "Reise des Gross-Mufti von Palstina" dated 19 April 1943 (T-175, roll
125, ff2650998).
62
Berger to Himmler, "Bosniaken Division" dated 29 April 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587174).
63
Kasche telegram dated 5 May 1943 (T-120, roll 212, 162528).
" Hi mml er to the SS-FHA, SS-PHA, and SS-Gruf. Phleps dated 15 June 1943 [Personnel file of
Herbert von Obwurzer (Berlin Document Center)].
65
This number is given by Berger [Berger to Himmler dated 25 September 1943 (T-175, roll 70,
ff2587123)]. Another officer speaks of only "300 or so" Catholics in the division less than a year later
(April 1944), casting doubt on Berger' s figure [Sauberzweig to Berger dated 16 April 1944 (T-175, roll
70, ff2586921)].
NCOs at Goslar, May 1943. From left to right, Kottig, Seyfried, Khne, Jahnke, Bensel, Fahsl.
reported to Phleps that due to this lack of space, only a training area in Germany
could be considered.
It was decided that the division's signal battalion was to consist solely of
German personnel so as to avoid language/communication problems. The forma-
tion of this unit began on 27 April at an SS training facility in Goslar. The enlisted
men were primarily recruits who had been mustered in October and November of
1942 and had recently completed their basic training, and the NCOs were in many
cases the recruits' original instructors. One trainee recalled that "many of the young
signalmen had the luck of retaining their trusted squad leaders and trainers as radio
or telephone section leaders."
66
Officers were seconded from other units in early
May. The unit commander was former theology student and decorated eastern
front veteran Hans Hanke. Generally well-liked by his troops, one man later said
that Hanke "was always approachable with problems and the like, but demanded
iron discipline and full combat readiness. He left the normal running of the unit
largely to the company commanders, while he for the most part remained in the
background."
67
The unit was quartered in old prisoner barracks at the Goslar com-
plex until the end of June, as plans to transfer the unit to Samobor were scrapped
when the Germans decided not to carry out the division's training in Croatia.
The Induction of the Bosnian Volunteers
The actual induction of the Bosnian volunteers began shortly after the conclu-
sion of the recruiting tour. It did not always run smoothly: at Travnik, the Germans
disrupted a prayer service at a local mosque and took away not only those who had
volunteered, but also other young males who they deemed to be fit for military
service on the spot. A number of these men deserted on the following morning.
68
On the other hand, there were several cases of Croatian military personnel actually
deserting from their units to volunteer for the division, leading in one instance to a
shoot-out on a Zagreb street. Lorkovi complained to von Obwurzer about these
incidents,
69
and the Germans eventually agreed to return the men to their garri-
sons.
70
As for the volunteers themselves, one SS officer wrote:
" Hei nz Gerlach, "Erinnerung an die vor 39 Jahren erfolgte Aufstellung der Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
(Handschar) in Goslar und deren Entwicklung innerhalb des Div. Verbandes, " unpublished manu-
script, 1982.
67
Letter to the author from Heinz Gerlach dated 27 July 1992.
68
Nedim Salihbegovi, "Bericht zur Lage" dated 25 September 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587115).
69
Kasche telegram from 26 June 1943 (T-120, roll 212, 162633).
70
Aktenvermark found in the papers of General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, "Besprechung am
26. 5. 1943 bei Aussenminister Lorkovi" (T-501, roll 267, ff395).
The volunteers came from all walks of life, (but) most were dirt poor and
Illiterate. The men were examined as they arrived. Hair was cut in the Prus-
sian style and they were deloused. It proved difficult to record their personal
information, for many didn't know how old they were, so we had to estimate.
Some had several wives. In these cases, it had to be determined which wife
was to receive the man's military benefits."
71
Another German commented:
Our work in Zemun: receive the volunteers, examine them, issue their
uniforms, and (eventually) transfer them to the training units. As tuberculosis,
epilepsy, and other illnesses were epidemic, a large number of the candidates
could not be accepted.
72
The greatest difficulty for the Germans at this stage was finding a sufficient
number of officers and NCOs to lead the division. Although a sizable cadre had
been provided by the SS Division "Prinz Eugen," it had been planned to fill most
of the officer positions with native Muslims and Volksdeutsche who had served in
the former Austrian and/or Yugoslavian armies.
73
As it turned out, few Muslims
with military leadership experience could be found, as the inter-war Yugoslav army
had been so dominated by the Serbians that few Muslims were ever promoted to
high ranks.
74
There were, as the Mufti duteously pointed out, a number of older
Muslims who had served as officers in the Austrian army, and those who volun-
teered their services were commissioned.
75
The fact that most of these Muslims
71
Wilhelm Ebeling, "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. ' Handschar, ' " unpublished
manuscript, 1953.
72
Letter to the author from Dr. Wilhelm Roth dated 24 August 1993.
73
SS-FHA, Kdo. Amt der Waffen-SS, Org. Tgb. Nr. 589/43, g. Kdos. v. 30. 4. 1943, "Aufstellung
der Kroatische SS-Freiwilligen Division" (T-175, roll 111, ff2935334). The Germans were somewhat
suspect of the quality of these individuals. The men were inducted at their former ranks, but the Ger-
mans required that each officer first serve at one rank lower than their attained grade for a six-month
probationary period. Officers found to be physically unfit were transferred to the police, and those
considered physically and morally undesirable were discharged.
74
Phleps to Himmler dated 5 November 1943 (T-175, roll 125, ff2651009). An example of this
domination can be found in Stevan K. Pavlowitch' s article "How Many Non-Serbian Generals in 1941?"
[East European Quarterly XVI, no. 4 (1982): 447-452], which reveals that of the 227 general-grade
officers serving in the Yugoslavian army at the time of the German invasion, 199 were Serbian. Profes-
NOl' Puvlowitch' s statement that the "Yugoslav army in the period 1 December 1918-6 April 1941 was,
UN nn institution, the continuation of the army of the Kingdom of Serbia, (with) Serbs forming an
absolute majority of its officer corps" says it best (ibid.). ,
" An older German who served with these Muslims during the Great War observed, "I speak
from my own experience in Bosnia that Muslim officers were unreliable. We possessed very few
MliNlIm reserve officers and even fewer active-duty officers. It is no different now, and the Waffen-SS
will be unable to change this." His views proved to be correct.
Transfer list of Croatian officers sent to the Waffen-SS in mid-1943. Of the thirteen men named here,
six were in fact muslim imams, three were infantrymen," two were artillery officers, and two were
veterinarians.
Men of the signal battalion during battle training (crew drills) at Goslar, May 1943.
The volunteers' "sol emn induction into the Waf f en- SS", 12 May 1943. From right to left Ki rchbaum,
von Obwurzer, Braun, von Raut enfel d.
and Volksdeutsche were in Croatian service at the time did not deter the Germans
in the slightest; they had of course already received Croatian assurance that all of
Volksdeutsche would be handed over to them immediately, and remarkably ob-
tained permission to recruit from within the Croatian military itself.
76
Von Obwurzer
in fact told one Croatian general that "700 officers and 2,000 NCOs (from the
latter's forces) would eventually be transferred to the division," but only a fraction
of this number was ever handed over to the Germans.
77
There were indeed many who disapproved of such recruiting tactics. The
Croatian general staff complained that these moves would weaken their units, as
irreplaceable officers and NCOs would be lost.
78
Perusal of Lieutenant Gjuro
Golob's personnel file reveals that his transfer to the Waffen-SS was effected "con-
trary to his personal wishes."
79
Predictably, Envoy Kasche also voiced his dissatis-
faction, arguing that this type of recruiting had to be halted "under all circum-
stances, as the morale (within the Croatian forces) would suffer."
80
Their pleas
were ignored. When the SS did not receive the personnel at a rate that satisfied
them, Glaise von Horstenau reminded Paveli of the Vrani-Dengel agreement of
5 March, which stated in effect that "Croatian officials were to assist with the
recruiting of the SS Division and were to hand over all personnel who had volun-
teered immediately."
81
The reporting date for officers and NCOs was 9 May. NCO
candidates arrived the following day. These men, Braun wrote:
arrived in clothing that was simply indescribable. When they received
their new SS uniforms, they were overjoyed. This caused some problems, for
their appearance in the new uniforms in (Zagreb) left such an impression that
troops from Paveli's own bodyguard began to come in (seeking admission to
the division), some even leaving their posts. Eventually, several Ustaa offic-
ers arrived to pick them up."
82
"Document found in the files of Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, "Beitrag IIa zur Besprechung
des Chefs beim Befehlshaber am 14. 6. 1943 (T-501, roll 267, ff394). Two circular letters were issued
by the Croatian Defense Ministry (on 12 April and 11 May) "informing active duty personnel as well
as reservists and Ustaa members of the possibility of volunteering for the new division" (ibid.).
77
Aktenvermark from the files of Glaise von Horstenau dated 30 April 1943 (T-501, roll 267,
ff405).
78
ibid. One Croatian general told Glaise von Horstenau that "there was no way that all of the
officer positions (in the division and the newly-forming German-Croatian police battalions) could be
occupied. At most perhaps 60% can be filled, as the Croatian units themselves have only 25%" [State-
ment made by General Prpi during a conference between Paveli, several senior Croatian officers, and
General Glaise von Horstenau on 7 May 1943 (T-501, roll 267, ff308)].
79
Personnel file of Gj uro Golob (Berlin Document Center).
80
Gesandter Kasche, "Rekrutierung fr Waffen-SS und Polizei" dated 29 October 1943 (T-175,
roll 21, ff2526769).
81
General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, "Vorsprache des Deutschen Bevollmchtigen Gener-
als beim Poglavnik am 20. 5. 1943" (T-501, roll 267, ff291).
82
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entries from 9-11 May 1943.
A number of enterprising volunteers attempted to take advantage of the near
chaos that reigned during the recruiting, as one officer recalled:
Some of the men took their newly-issued uniforms and sold them on the
black market. They would then report in again the next day as if they were
new. Volunteers who had achieved a particular rank in another service were
inducted at one grade lower, but it became apparent that for a few thousand
kuna, the inductees could obtain certificates from the Ustaa stating that they
had served as NCOs in their forces. The men would then be awarded appro-
priate ranks in the division, although they had never been soldiers. We eventu-
ally learned of these "Balkanisms," but it took time."
83
The Aufstellungsstab planned to administer the required oaths of loyalty to
the volunteers during a large ceremony in Zagreb's Festival Square on 12 May, but
the actual text of the oath was still in question. The Paveli government was furi-
ous when it discovered that the SS planned to use an oath in which the volunteers
pledged loyalty to Hitler but not to Paveli or the Croatian state. Although the
volunteers could not be sworn in that day, the Aufstellungsstab decided to conduct
the ceremony anyway, simply referring to it as the volunteers' "solemn induction
into the Waffen-SS." On hand for the event were Berger, Kammerhofer, Marshal
Slavko Kvaternik of the Croatian army, several of Zagreb's imams, and the volun-
teers themselves. Erich Braun recalled the ceremony: "Marching with music to the
military barracks. The enlisted men in steel helmets; we German officers wearing
the fez; (it all) makes wonderful propaganda."
84
Von Obwurzer presented a short
speech to those assembled in which he curiously labeled the volunteers as "the
sons of a people who were soldierly and battle-pro ven< through the centuries" -
without actually revealing which "people" he was referring to, the Muslims or the
Croatians.
85
Conversely, he was quite clear when speaking of his enemy, which he
called "the menace of Bolshevism and Judaism."
86
In the end, the Germans un-
characteristically relented and agreed to amend the oath, but did not administer it
to the Bosnians until several months later.
The Germans arranged for many of the new officers, NCOs, and cadets to
attend instruction courses in the various military specialties at training centers
"'Wilhelm Ebeling, "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. ' Handschar, ' " unpublished
mimuscript, 1953.
"''Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 12 May 1943.
"' Even Erich Braun wasn' t sure which "soldierly and battle-tried people" von Obwurzer was
referring to (Interview with Erich Braun conducted on 28 August 1993). It appears that he believed
llUtlonillist claims that the Bosnian Muslims were ethnic Croatians.
"" Hanns Aderle, "Kmpfer Gegen Bolschevismus und Judentum, " from Deutsche Zeitung in
Kroatien, 15 May 1943.
throughout occupied Europe. The men began departing for these on 13 May. One
instructor at the Dresden pioneer school recalled:
During the summer of 1943, I was tasked with conducting the pioneer
training of the "Muslim" NCOs (at the Dresden training center). The group
was about the size of a platoon, consisting of six squads. The ranks of the
trainees ranged from enlisted men to Oberscharfhrer (sic). All of them came
from Croatia and (most) were Muslims, and had previous military experience
in the Yugoslavian army.
87
Von Obwurzer himself travelled to Varadin on 15 May to recruit prospective
officers from a Croatian army officer training course, and succeeded in procuring
several volunteers. During this period, the Bosnian recruits were quartered in four
different locations - in a military barracks in Zagreb, in five requisitioned build-
ings at the Zemun facility, and at camps in Sarajevo and Brod. Most were moved
by rail in company-sized march groups to the training grounds at Wildflecken,
Germany in late May.
After receiving Braun's report of the Zemun facility's unsuitability, and in
consideration of the Croatian government's uncooperative nature during the re-
cruiting campaign, the SS Operations Office (SS FHA) ultimately decided to carry
out the division's training outside of Croatia, despite Paveli's wishes. A telegram
received by the Aufstellungsstab on 6 June revealed their decision: the training
was to be conducted in occupied France.
88
The SS unwisely chose to disregard the
advice of German officials who cautioned them against removing the Bosnians
from their homeland at this desperate hour, and their decision came to haunt them
in the coming months.
89
87
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
88
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 6 June 1943, and SS-FHA, Kdo. Amt d. Waffen-SS,
Or g. Tgb. Nr . 747/ 43g. Kdos. v. 2. Juli 1943, "Aufst el l ungderKroat . SSFrei w. Di v. "(T-175, rol l 111,
ff2635364).
89
Glaise von Horstenau to Schuchhardt dated 13 August 1943 (T-501, roll 264, ff496).
Formation and Training of
the Division in France
Af t e r the SS FHA issued its order announcing the division's transfer, the
Kommandant Heeresgebiet Sdfrankreich (Commander of the Army Zone South-
ern France) prepared accommodations for its units in six local departments - Puy
de Dome, Cantal, Haute Loire, Aveyron, Lozere, and Correze. Erich Braun arrived
in the area in mid-June and conducted an inspection tour of the entire region, seek-
ing to garrison the division within a smaller sector so as to lessen the space be-
tween its components. He was able to secure sufficient quartering within Haute
Loire, Aveyron, and Lozere and halved the distances.
1
By the twenty-fourth, he
reached the city of Le Puy, where the division's headquarters was soon estab-
lished.
It was Himmler's plan to employ the division as part of a corps together with
its "sister" formation, the SS Division "Prinz Eugen," and it was at this time that
Ihe actual corps staff was formed. Phleps was chosen to lead the new "V SS Moun-
tain Corps," as it was called, and Carl Reichsritter von Oberkamp assumed com-
mand of the Division "Prinz Eugen."
The Division's Arrival
The first division unit to reach France was the signal battalion. It departed
( loslar by rail on the evening of 1 July and arrived in its assigned station, Le Puy,
1
Kommandant des Heeresgebietes Sdfrankreich, Abt. la, Nr. 3512/43 geh. v. 7. 6. 1943,
"lllllei'brlngimg und Ausladebahnhfe fr Kroatische SS-Frw. Geb. Div.," and personal diary of Erich
Mimili, entries from 20-23 June 1943.
Signals officers during a pause in the transport to Le Puy, 2 July. From left to right are Hofer, Hanke,
Ernst, Schuster, Grothe.
r
two days later. It did not remain there long, for von Obwurzer telegrammed Braun
on the eleventh and ordered that the division's headquarters be moved to Mende,
which he felt was more of a central location within the division's sector. The signal
battalion was transferred there on the fifteenth. The men had already completed
their training at Goslar, but were kept quite busy installing and maintaining com-
munication lines between the division's garrisons. The signal repair unit was so in
fact occupied with maintenance and distribution of the division's radio equipment
that one of its men later wrote that "the men had little desire to engage in any
activities during the evenings. Most fellows devoted their free time simply to read-
ing and writing letters."
2
The first Bosnian volunteers to reach the area belonged to an advance party of
about 180 men from Wildflecken that arrived on 10 July. Full transports began to
arrive about a week later. The volunteers first came to the transit camp
(Durchgangslager) set up at Le Puy and were then farmed out to the various divi-
sion garrisons. Officers assigned to occupy positions on the division staff began
reporting in as well. On 15 July, the first edition of the division's newspaper ap-
peared. Its name, Handzar,
3
was Turkish in origin and was eventually adopted by
the division itself. Zvonimir Bernwald wrote:
The name "handschar" was discussed with Obergruppenfhrer Berger in
June 1943. Who exactly coined it I cannot say, but everyone knew that the
handschar was the sword carried by Turkish policemen and, with the Austrian
annexation of Bosnia, that its likeness was emblazoned on the Bosnian coat-
of-arms. Berger must have seen it somewhere and when he suggested it, ev-
eryone was enthusiastic and said "The handschar must be the division's sym-
bol!" It was in any case quite familiar to the Bosnians.
4
The paper was a bilingual affair prepared by the division staff' s ideological
indoctrination section. The sheet contained articles on the history of the SS and the
Bosnian regiments of the old Austrian army, quotes from everyone from Hitler to
Muhammad, commentaries, a photographic supplement, and even humor.
It was in July that the Bosnians finally swore their oaths of loyalty to Hitler.
As far as the oath itself was concerned, Himmler received suggestions from a
number of sources, but eventually settled on a text similar to that administered to
other foreign volunteers serving in the Waffen-SS but with the addition of a spe-
2
Letter to the author from Heinz Gerlach dated 2 May 1992.
3
Croatian: Handar; German: Handschar; English: Scimitar.
"Telephone interview with Zvonimir Bernwald conducted on 22 March 1996.
Bosnians swear allegiance to Hitler. The Catholics here swear with raised right hands; the Muslims
with the right hand placed over the heart. Note the youth of the volunteer third from right.
cial passage in which the volunteer also pledged loyalty to Paveli and the Croatian
state. Its text read:
I swear to the Fhrer, Adolf Hitler, as Supreme Commander of the Ger-
man Armed Forces, loyalty and bravery. I vow to the Fhrer and the superiors
he designates obedience until death. I swear to God the Almighty, that I will
always be loyal to the Croatian State and its authorized representative, the
Poglavnik, that I will always protect the interests of the Croatian people and
shall always respect the constitution and laws of the Croatian people."
5
Braun wrote in his diary that "the shop was beginning to fill up." Nonetheless,
it was at this time that a number of problems arose.
Conscription is Ordered
By the end of July, only about 15,000 men were available to the division. Von
Obwurzer went to great lengths to overcome the shortage, even so far as recruiting
Der Reichsfhrer-SS, Persnlicher Stab, Tgb. Nr. 35/78/43 g., to Chef des SS-Hauptamtes, Chef
deN Hliuptumtes Ordnungspolizei, Chef des Sicherheitspolizei und SD, Chef des SS-Fhrungshauptamtes
(Iiited 23 June 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587174).
ethnic Albanians living in Sandjak and Kosove.*
5
He had openly admitted to Envoy
Kasche as early as 16 June that he sought even more men from the Croatian forces,
7
and soon SS recruiting officers could be seen lurking about near Croatian military
installations, seeking to intercept prospective volunteers.
8
Himmler attempted to
help by sending two million reichsmarks to assist the recruiting campaign.
9
Fi-
nally, Berger travelled to Croatia and met with Lorkovi on 11 July to address the
situation.
Berger boldly demanded that the Croatians release all Muslim NCOs and en-
listed men from their forces and place them at the division's disposal.
10
Four-fifths
of the men were to be released by 1 August, and the rest were to be made available
by the fifteenth. In addition, two-thirds of all Muslims born in the years 1924 and
1925, all reservists who were not on active duty at the time, those who had not
served from the birth year 1908 and younger, and eventually reservists and those
without service born in the years 1900-1907 were supplied to the division for it to
reach its prescribed strength. The mustering of these men began on 6 August. They
were first assembled in the collection camps in Croatia and then sent on to France.
It was hardly surprising that the Paveli government did not look favorably
upon Berger's demand. Even von Oberkamp of the SS Division "Prinz Eugen"
admitted that the tactical situation would not permit it:
The SS Division "Prinz Eugen" has opted to temporarily delay the re-
lease of Muslims from the I Ustaa Brigade and the Croatian (army's) 9th
Infantry Regiment, as security of the Sokoloc - Vlasenica area and the Sarajevo
6
By autumn the SS was seeking to recruit men for the division throughout Albania. Their efforts
were thwarted by the German Plenipotentiary in Albania, Hermann Neubacher, who argued that the
recruiting "jeopardized Albanian sovereignty" [Hermann Neubacher, Sonderauftrag Sdost 1940-1945;
Bericht eines Fliegenden Diplomaten (Berlin: Musterschmidt, 1957), 116]. The Foreign Offi ce also
objected but was calmed by Berger, who stated that "when the division returned to Croatia, additional
volunteers would be recruited, and the Albanians would be returned to their homeland, where they
would form the cadre for an Albanian division" [Hermann Neubacher, telegram to the Auswrtiges
Amt dated 31 January 1944 (T-120, roll 1757, E024875), and Berger to Legationsrat SS-Stubaf. Dr.
Reichel dated 5 February 1944, "Einsatz der Albanen der muselmanischen Division" (T-120, roll 1757,
E024876)]. Those Albanians who were inducted were lumped together into one battalion, 1/2.
7
Kasche telegram dated 5 July 1943 (T-120, roll 212, 162641).
8
Peter Broucek, ed. Ein General in Zwielicht: Die Erinnerungen Edmund Glaises von Horstenau.
Verffentlichtungen der Kommission fr Neuere Geschichte sterreichs, Band 76 (Vienna: Bhlau,
1988), vol. 3, 241.
9
Himmler to Berger dated 3 July 1943 (T-175, roll 111, ff2635386).
10
Deutsche Gesandtschaft, Pol 3 Nr. 3-A 350/43, "Deutsch-kroatische Zusammenarbeit beim
Aufbau von Wehrmacht und Polizei," Anlage 2: "Verabredung zwischen Minister Dr. Lorkovi . . .
und SS-Ogruf. Berger in Agram am 11. 7. 1943" (T-120, roll 2908, E464474). The Croatians were
forced to hand over personnel from all units except the rifle and mountain brigades, railroad security
battalions, the Poglavnik' s bodyguard, the IV and V Ustaa Brigades, Croatian legion troops in Ger-
man or Italian service, the Stockerau Training Brigade, technical and flying personnel of the air force
and navy, one-third of all schools and training units, rural and urban police, state police, and the federal
labor service (13. SS-Division, Ia/G, Tgb. Nr. Ia 72/43 geh. v. 14. 8. 1943, "Aufstellung der Division").
- Visegrad railway, with which these units are tasked, would otherwise be
impossible."
Several Croatian military units were indeed decimated by the moves; Envoy
Kusche was quick to point out that the I Ustaa Brigade eventually sank to a strength
of only 600-700 men, and requested that Croatian strategic planning in regard to
manpower not again be disrupted through new measures, meaning of course fur-
ther demands from the SS for additional personnel.
12
It was hardly surprising that
the reluctant Croatians dragged their feet in carrying out the "agreement": one
German official reported that at the end of August the transfer of the Muslims was
proceeding at a rate "far behind expectation."
13
Bosnia's leading Muslims also opposed these demands, for the drafts virtu-
ally stripped the Islamic population of military-aged males,
14
making Muslim settle-
ments easy prey for marauding Partisans, Cetniks, and Ustaa. The SS - Muslim
relationship was further soured by the massacre at Kosutica, where German troops,
after allegedly being fired upon, executed forty unarmed Muslim civilians on 12
July.
15
Among the dead were several volunteers' family members. One of the
division's imams angrily wrote:
The methods employed by some of our military units have made an unfa-
vorable impression on the entire Muslim world in Bosnia. The worst aspect of
the Kosutica incident is the fact that the parents of some of the Muslim volun-
teers in the division were among the dead. One of them informed me of this,
whereupon I calmed him and attempted to provide an explanation.
16
In any case, approximately 3,000 men were eventually released from Croatian
service and handed over to the division.
17
One of them, a member of the I Ustaa
Brigade, recalled:
11
SS-Freiw. Geb. Div. "Prinz Eugen, " I aTgb. Nr. 196/43 g. Kdos. v. 31. 7. 1943, "Abgabe von
Muselmanen aus derkroat . Wehrmacht" (T-175, roll 108, ff2631276).
12
Himmler concurred, but later broke his promise [Gesandter Siegfried Kasche, "Anlage zu Bericht
ORs-123/44 dated 26 July 1944 (T-120, roll 1757, E 025376), Kasche to Himmler dated 26 November
1943 (T-120, roll 2908, E464506), and "Aufzeichnung betreffend Besprechung mit Reichsfhrer SS
Himmler in Wolfschanze am 31. August 1943" (T-120, roll 212, 162792)].
15
Deutscher Bevollmchtiger General in Kroatien, Ila/Mil. Att., "Attachemeldung" Nr. 01683/43
g, Kdos. v. 30. 8. 1943 (T-501, roll 264, ff819).
1
" ibid.
15
Gen. Kdo. V. SS-Geb. Korps, Abt. Ia Tgb. Nr. 77/43 geh., v. 7. 9. 1943 (T-175, roll 31,
112601899).
" Imam Hasan Bajraktarevi to SS-Ogruf. Phleps dated 15 November 1943 (T-175, roll 70,
IT2R7075).
17
This figure is given by Vrani [Dr. Vjekoslav Vrani, Branili smo dravu (Barcelona: Knjinica
Hrvuuke Revije, 1985), vol. 2, 358],
About 40 or 50 of us Ustaa were taken to a German installation in
Sarajevo. Later that same day, we were moved to Osijek, and received Ger-
man SS uniforms. We were then taken to Zemun, where we remained for
seven or eight days. We were then transferred to Paris. . . and later on to Le
Puy.
18
Problems of lesser significance came to bear as the division reached France as
well. The Oberbefehlshaber West (Supreme Commander, West), had ordered that
no "foreigners," i.e. non-German soldiers and laborers, were to be permitted to
enter occupied France without first being deloused. Efforts by Braun and the newly-
arrived division physician, Dr. Albrecht Wiehler, to secure an area to delouse the
volunteers were to no avail, and ultimately it was left to the individual unit physi-
cians to perform the task.
When von Obwurzer arrived in Mende from Croatia on 23 July, the quarrel-
ling between him and Braun reached its climax. Braun recorded one instance in his
diary:
Von Obwurzer and I visited the troop training area "Champ du Larzac"
on 27 July. There I took leave of him to take care of a small problem with the
water supply that required all of about a half-hour. I remained there overnight
and returned to Mende the next day to submit my report to him. In the mean-
time he had returned and reported to the SS-FHA that Champ du Larzac could
not be occupied because of a water shortage. He had not even waited for my
report!
19
Braun sent a note to Berlin in which he brought the "impossibility of a pros-
perous working relationship (between von Obwurzer and himself) to light."
20
In
fact, von Obwurzer's days in the division were already numbered. Himmler had
never even considered him when choosing the division's commander; he had merely
been charged with its formation. The Reichsfhrer contemplated the appointment
of another officer, Hermann Fegelein,
21
but eventually the chief of the SS Person-
nel Office, Maximilian von Herff, persuaded an old friend to accept the post-army
Colonel Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig.
18
Ibrahim Alimabegovi, "Moj e vrijeme u 13. SS ' Handar' diviziji, unpublished manuscript,
1994.
"Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 30 July 1943.
20
ibid.
21
Himmler to von Herff and Jttner dated 11 June 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587477).
The New Division Commander
At first glance, one might assume that no poorer choice could have been made
In the selection of a division commander than Colonel Sauberzweig. A Prussian,
he could not speak a word of the Croatian language, was in poor health, and had
lost an eye owing to wounds sustained during the First World War. He had even
received an official reprimand in 1941 for requiring his officers to accompany
their men to religious services.
22
As it turned out, few could have performed more
ably. A proven leader of men, Sauberzweig had commanded a company and gar-
nered the Iron Cross, First Class by the age of eighteen, and earned a reputation as
an exceptional planner and organizer. His tireless determination and exacting work
ethic earned him the nickname Schnellchen ("Speedy") from one of his junior
officers,
23
and his unique understanding of his Bosnian subordinates won him ad-
miration within their ranks that long outlived the Third Reich. "He was a fine
man," recalled Imam Demal Ibrahimovi over fifty years later. "He treated the
young (Bosnian) soldiers as if they were his own children. He always called them,
'Children, Children.'"
24
Ultimately, it was he who was most responsible for the
division's successful formation.
Following his administrative transfer to the Waffen-SS, Sauberzweig arrived
in Mende to assume command of the division on the afternoon of 9 August. He
was introduced to the division staff and a change of command ceremony took
place. He then prepared a letter for the men of his new division:
Soldiers of the Kroatische SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgs Division!
By order of the Reichsfhrer, I have assumed command of the division
on this day. I am proud to be permitted to train and lead men of a nationality
whose soldiers stand among the best in the world.
In the struggle for the freedom of your homeland, with which the Ger-
mans have always been allied, your ancestors have sewn immortal military
glory to your banners on the battlefields of Europe. The heroic deeds of the
Bosnian regiments of the old Austrian army have entered into German his-
tory. . . .
Comrades, always remember that loyalty and the obedience that emerges
from it are the first virtues of the soldier. Bravery, combat readiness, and
comradery are based upon these foundations. . . .
M
Untitled report written by Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig at Preetz on 26 September 1946.
a:1
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 19 June 1944.
M
Telephone interview with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi conducted on 11 December 1995.
Right: Karl Gustav Sauberzweig
Below: Change of command ceremony in Mende, 9
August 1943. From l eft Sauberzwei g, Braun, von
Obwurzer.
Comrades, I am aware of the misery in your homeland. I know that you
want to return there as quickly as possible and fight as soldiers of the Waffen-
SS of the Fhrer. As soon as you are ready, I shall report to our Reichsfhrer
that my division is prepared for action The spirit is crucial that you inspire
that inner posture of the SS man, which alone produces decisive action and
determines the performance of the community. So the following weeks and
months shall be hard work. I demand tireless, diligent labor from all of my
officers and NCOs. They have my confidence. Be an example in attitude and
performance on and off duty, always be a comrade. I shall labor, help, and
persist until my division is the prodigal community of the Waffen-SS.
Comrades, I place myself at the disposal of every soldier, day or night.
Loyalty to Loyalty! Trust to Trust! Now forward, soldiers of the Kroatische
SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgs Division, faithful to our creed, which lies in the words
"Heil Hitler!"
25
The Training Cycle
The division was formed in three phases. The first of these involved the as-
sembly of the available volunteers and cadre personnel in France, which was com-
pleted on 22 August. The second phase began on the following day and saw the
creation of the individual units and the basic "skeleton" of the division. When the
additional volunteers needed to bring the division up to full strength were avail-
able, the third phase began. In light of the mountainous terrain found in much of
northeastern Bosnia, it was decided that the division would be organized, trained,
and equipped as a mountain formation. It was to be comprised of two mountain
infantry (Gebirgsjger) regiments, an artillery regiment, a reconnaissance battal-
ion {Aufklrungs Abteilung), a pioneer (Pionier) battalion, and the various combat
and service support elements. The individual units were formed and trained in the
following locations:
Division Staff - Mende
26
SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 1 (staff) - Rodez
J
* Kroat. SS-Frw. Geb. Div., Div. Kommandeur, "Divisions-Sonderbefehl" dated 9 August 1943.
16
The division staff was moved from Mende to Le Rozier on 21 September.
1/ 1
I I / l
I I I / l
IV/1
Rodez
Espalion
Decazeville
Rodez
SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 2 (staff)
1/2
I I / 2
I I I / 2
IV/2
SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13 (staff)
I/AR 13
II/AR 13
III/AR 13
IV/AR 13
SS-Geb. Pioneer Btl. 13
SS-Flak Abteilung 13
SS-Panzerjger Abt. 13
SS-Dinatru. 13
SS-Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
SS-Aufklrungs Abt. 13
SS-Sanitts Abt. 13
SS-Wirtschafts Btl. 13
1.& 2.SS-Geb. Vet. Kp. 13
1.&2. Reiter Schwd. 13
Horse Collection Point
Champ du Larzac
Champ du Larzac
Champ du Larzac
Millau
Millau
Millau
Aubin
Champ du Larzac
Champ du Larzac
St. Affrique
Villefranche de Rouergue
Le Puy
Le Puy
Marvejols
Mende
Langogne
Le Puy
Langogne
Marvejols
Severac le Chateau
Banassac
The enlisted men were quartered in everything from school buildings to farm-
ers' barns, while officers requisitioned more comfortable lodgings in local hotels
and inns. Relations with French civilians could not be called friendly: "correct" is
more accurate.
27
The Germans were in fact quite suspicious of the local popula-
tion, and Sauberzweig was so concerned about possible sabotage attempts that he
ordered each division unit to organize special alarm units to deal with such situa-
tions:
In light of the present military situation, the possibility exists that the
enemy may attempt to engage airborne forces, parachutists, sabotage groups,
etc. to organize resistance activity with the civilian population in southern
France.
When he lands, the enemy will attempt to utilize the assistance of the
local population. By order of the Supreme Commander in the West, anyone
who assists the enemy is to be executed. In their dealings with the civilian
27
Letter to the author from Hartmut Schmid dated 17 May 1992.
population, the troops are to be extremely careful. When necessary, they must
act with the utmost determination. They must not appear to be nervous or
desultory. The troops must be under the firm control of their officers. Hos-
tages are to be taken solely by (my) order (and) should be chosen from com-
munist or Gaullist circles. In such cases, close cooperation with local forces
(liaison staffs and the SD) is vital. Only the army commander can order the
execution of hostages.
28
An angry French mayor reported one ugly incident that occurred in Villefranche
dc Rouergue:
Ren Boutonnet, an insurance agent, was dragged into the street and blood-
ily beaten by a German patrol commanded by a Bavarian named (Hintz), who
soon gained a lethal reputation in the city.
I saw the German command (on) the following morning, and protested
the patrol's behavior. (The Germans) promised that (Hintz) would be trans-
ferred, Boutonnet would be compensated, and the (Bosnians) would be con-
fined to their quarters for eight days.. . . Nothing was done.
29
In another case, company commander Johann "Hans" Toth, whose short tem-
per was well known, was court-martialed and sentenced to seven days' confine-
ment for "insulting a French railroad official."
30

The drilling of the Bosnian volunteers started with recruit training, which
began on 30 August. The instruction was basically identical to that received by all
German soldiers, i.e. that prescribed in corresponding German military regula-
tions,
31
but Sauberzweig felt it necessary to issue a special order concerning how
Ihe training was to be carried out:
32
13. SS-Division, la, Tgb. Nr. Ia 36/43 v. 15. September 1943, "Sicherung des Div. Bereiches,
Aufstellung von Alarmeinheiten und Jagdkommandos. "
w
Louis Fontages, "SS & Croates a Villefranche de Rouergue Aout 1943-Septembre 1943," un-
dated (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RS 3-13/5).
'" Personnel file of Hans Toth (Berlin Document Center).
" 13. SS-Division, Ia/G., Tgb. Nr.: la 83/43 geh. v. 24. August 1943, "Ausbildungsbefehl Nr. 1
l'Ili' die Grundausbildung bis einschliesslich Gruppen und Zug" and a letter to the author from Albert
Nienwedel dated 27 November 1990.
'' 13. SS-Di vi si on, Ia/ G. v. 8 Sept ember 1943, "Ausbi l dungsbemer kungen Nr. 1 zum
AtlsbiWungsbcl'ehl Nr. 1 (Tgb. Nr. Ia 83/43 geh. v. 24. 8. 1943)."
- There is to be no training in mass. Groups of four to six men are to be
formed so that something is truly learned, and so that no one simply stands
around doing nothing. Every minute is to be used positively.
- Every officer and NCO is to get to know their men as quickly as pos-
sible and establish personal relationships with them. The men are to be as-
sisted with tasks such as letter writing, as many of them are illiterate.
- The absence of weapons is not to impede training.
- With the greeting "Heil Schutzstaffel," the troops are to answer with
"Heil Hitler." This is to be the division greeting.
- All orders are to be given in both languages.
33
- Trainers are not to so much lecture but are to actually demonstrate and
perform the tasks at hand.
- Young officers are to treat orderlies and servants with tact and respect."
Sauberzweig was also cognizant of the fact that many of the German trainers
privately believed that the task at hand was practically impossible. "I am fully
aware," he told the doubters, "that the formation of the division will be the cause
of a great number of difficulties. These are to be overcome without exception. I do
not want to hear This cannot be done.' Only the tireless efforts of all officers and
NCOs will suffice in the great task with which we have been entrusted. This I
expect!"
34
One Bosnian recruit recalled:
The Germans allowed us to choose any branch of the service. My friend
Omer Ziti from Vlasenica and I opted to serve (in the medical battalion), for
his brother was already a member of this unit. We began our training in Le
Puy, but there was a great shortage of horses.
35
Handar's editors printed a humorous episode involving a German officer
who asked a group of volunteers where they wanted to serve, meaning which mili-
tary specialty each preferred. One of the recruits, obviously the son of an Austrian
army veteran, had something quite different in mind:
German officer: "Where do you want to serve?"
Bosnian recruit: "Budapest!"
"Sauberzweig ordered that as soon as the first measures were taken for the formation and train-
ing of the division, the German officers were to begin cursory Croatian language instruction (13. SS-
Division, Ia/G, Tgb. Nr.: Ia 83/43, geh. v. 24. 8. 1943, "Ausbildungsbefehl Nr. 1").
34
13. SS-Division, Ia/G., Tgb. Nr. 72/43 geh. v. 14. August 1943, "Aufstellung der Division."
35
Ibrahim Alimabegovi, "Moj e vrijeme u 13. SS ' Handar' diviziji," unpublished manuscript,
German officer: "Why Budapest?"
Bosnian recruit: "Because my father served in Budapest and everyone
there knows me already."
36
Difficulties during the Training Cycle
There were indeed a host of difficulties that plagued the Germans during the
training cycle. To begin with, the chronic shortage of officers and NCOs in the
division had not been alleviated. Many of those that were on hand were older
Volksdeutsche who had served in the Austrian army during the First World War but
were unsuitable for service owing to their advanced ages and, as one report re-
marked:
There is a great deal of intrigue, envy, and jealousy present (among the
Volksdeutsche). They'll never become SS officers. The only exception is (Franz)
Matheis of Regiment 2."
37
Moreover, nearly all of the Croatian officers seconded from Paveli's forces
were extremely young and lacked experience. Platoon leader Borislav Snidari
was called "young, dependent, and not strong-willed"; Krunoslav Vuievi was
judged to be "unsure of himself," while battery commander Milivoj Lisa "was to
be subordinated only to a strong-willed superior."
38
Sauberzweig complained that
within the division's two mountain infantry regiments "not a single instructor could
be found who had been trained in the use of heavy mortars or the infantry howit-
zer."
39
A junior officer on the division staff wrote:
The officer (shortage) is a great problem in the division. Eleven infantry
companies lack commanders. Of the company commanders that are on hand,
five are unsuitable. In the artillery regiment, most of the officers are unsuit-
able; platoon leaders are unavailable.
40
"Er ist Dort Bekannt" in Handar Folge 1 (1943).
" 13. SS-Division, la, "Bericht ber die in der Nacht vom 16.9. auf den 17. 9. 1943 von kroatischen
Hlhrern und Fhreranwrten gefhrte Meuterei bei dem SS-Gebirgs-Pionier-Bataillon 13, Standort
Vlllel'ranche de Rouergue (Department Aveyron), Frankreich," undated.
Personnel files of Borislav Snidari, Krunoslav Vuievi, and Milivoj Lisa (Berlin Docu-
ment Center).
Sauberzweig to Berger dated 30 September 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587112).
"' Letter from SS-Ostuf. Carl Rachor to SS-Ostubaf. Rudolf Brandt dated 14 September 1943 (T-
175, roll 117, IT2641961).
In addition, the majority of the division's vehicles would not arrive until the
beginning of 1944. The officer tasked with vehicle procurement remembered:
As the technical officer for motor vehicle matters, I was responsible for
the punctual delivery of all of the division's vehicles during the formation
period. I served as liaison officer to the Armed Forces High Command Office
for Vehicle Matters and the equivalent army office in Sprottau. I visited vari-
ous army vehicle depots to arrange the delivery of vehicles earmarked for the
division. I also visited the SS Vehicle Collection Point in Oranienburg on
several occasions to pick up vehicles.
The delivery of vehicles to the division was only about 80% complete by
the time the division (had completed its training).
41
Equipment shortages were also rampant; the division's butcher company was
reduced to simply buying meat and sausages from French civilian butchers as it
possessed no equipment to process its own.
42
A number of individuals were opposed to the fact that Croatian Catholics
were inducted into the division. Many believed that political difficulties could
result, ,.and that only Muslims should have been used.
43
At least a portion of the
Catholic minority within the division was displeased with the lavish attention af-
forded to the Muslims and the support for the autonomists; the editors of Handar
received an angry anonymous letter from within the ranks in early September that
read:
By chance I came across a copy of (Handar). As I read through its pages,
I was astonished. We are the Croatian SS Division, but not once have I seen
the word "Croatia" in your sheet.
The majority of the division members are of the Muslim faith, but that is
Croatia, it always was and shall always remain. . . . Bosnia has always been
Croatian and will always remain so. . . . (We) have all come here to fight for
the same thing; for the goal which the great Fhrer has set, but not for what
you write and ambiguously publish in your Handar.
Although the smudged postmark on the letter's envelope foiled German ef-
forts at identifying the letter's author, some Croatians made little effort to hide
41
Letter to the author fr om Horst Weise dated 3 January 1994.
42
Letter to the author from Heinz Lehmann dated 1 November 1992.
43
Letter from SS-Ostuf. Carl Rachor to SS-Ostubaf. Dr. Rudolf Brandt dated 14 September 1943
(T-175, roll 117, ff2641961), and a letter to the author from Erich Braun dated 29 November 1992.
44
Anonymous letter addressed to the editors of Handar dated 4 September 1943.
their nationalistic feelings. An evaluation report found in platoon leader Mato
Jurkovi's personnel file notes that "as a convinced Croatian (nationalist), it is
often difficult to win him over to the division's cause, and he will never be totally
persuaded."
45
This dissatisfaction among the Catholics can also be measured upon
examination of the desertions that took place within the division. All told during
the formation period, some 155 men deserted; their ethnicity is worthy of note:
Germans from the Reich 4
Volksdeutsche 17
Muslims 13
Croatian Catholics 121
46
This desertion was on at least one occasion a group affair:
On 20 September 1943, a Croatian (NCO) and six enlisted men were
taken into custody by the Narbonne military pol i ce. . . . It was learned that the
deserters had disappeared with a transport of twenty-five horses from the vet-
erinary hospital on 16 September, en route to (Narbonne). The horses are no-
where to be found; the seven men were arrested attempting to reach Spain.
47
Ethnic tension was also present among the Muslims. One officer observed
that Imam Fadil Siro was "easily drawn into conflict with (Croatian) division
members when discussing Croatian politics."
48
Many Muslims objected to the
division's name, which had been changed to Kroatische SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgs
Division (Croatian SS Volunteer Mountain Division), for it made no reference to
Bosnia - Herzegovina.
49
Phleps and Sauberzweig eventually altered the title to
read "13. SS-Freiwilligen b. h. Division (Kroatien)," or "13th SS Volunteer Bosnian
- Herzegovinian Division (Croatia)."
As far as the drill itself was concerned, the overall youth of the new soldiers
was exemplified by their superior physical conditioning. "I was only seventeen
years old when I joined (the SS)," recalled Albanian recruit Ajdin Mahmutovi. "I
"Per sonnel file of Mato Jurkovi (Berlin Document Center).
46
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. -15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Ilg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
47
13. SS-Division, Ia, "Bericht Uber die in der Nacht vom 16.9. auf den 17.9. 1943 von kroatischen
I'(Ihrem und Fhreranwrten gefhrte Meuterei bei dem SS-Gebirgs-Pionier-Bataillon 13, Standort
Villel'ranche de Rouergue (Department Aveyron), Frankreich," undated.
' "Personnel file of Imam Fadil Siro (Berlin Document Center)
'" Letter from SS-Ostuf. Carl Rachor to SS-Ostubaf. Dr. Rudolf Brandt dated 14 September 1943
(T-175, roll I l 7, f f 2641961) .
"' Telephone interview conducted with Ajdin Mahmutovi on 14 June 1996.
found the physical training to be quite easy."
50
On the other hand, lew of the young-
sters possessed any formal military experience. The language barrier was eased in
part by the presence of the Volksdeutsche and a small number of older Bosnians
who had served in the former Austrian army,
51
but the mentality of the Bosnian
recruits was something their German instructors had to get used to. "It was here,"
one NCO wrote, "that many sons of the Bosnian mountains had their first experi-
ence with electric lights and indoor toilets."
52
Sauberzweig actually composed a
character sketch of the Bosnians as he perceived them
The Bosnian is a very good soldier. His strength lies in the use of terrain
and in close combat. With the infantry attack he is in his element. In the de-
fense, however, he must be led strictly and with caution. During heavy bar-
rages of enemy artillery and air attacks, he must be led very carefully.
He is good natured, but hates the Serbian element. To the officer who
wins his heart he will bond himself with an almost childlike loyalty. He has an
extreme sense of fairness and feeling of honor.
He loves his Bosnian homeland. This strength must be reinforced repeat-
edly, i.e. it must be stressed that the time when the division returns to the
Balkans to save the homeland depends on the individual. The sooner he mas-
ters his tasks, the sooner the division will be ready for action.
53
One German trainer later said:
In general, the Muslims - the Bosnians - were capable soldiers, but they
were not Prussians. One had to tune in to their mentality, which was influ-
enced by their religion and environment. Anyone who attempted to make the
Bosnians into Prussians was in for trouble.
54
A number of Germans developed what were almost father - son type relation-
ships with the mostly teenaged Bosnians:
I knew that one had to sing and speak with the Bosnians just as they did at
home. . . . One youth of eighteen immediately took a liking to me and became
my orderly. His name was Meho (Mehmed - author) and was a cobbler from
51
Letter to the author from Ago Omi dated 8 March 1993.
52
Horst Grunwald, Gebirgsjger der Waffen-SS im Kampf um den Semmering: Bericht ber die
ersten und letzten Gefechte des SS-Geb. Jg. Ausb. u. Ers.Btl. 13 Leoben, Steiermark im April/Mai 1945
(Fuldatal: Horst Grunwald, 1984), 1-2.
53
13. SS-Division, Ia/G, Tgb. Nr.: Ia 83/43 geh. v. 24. August 1943, "Ausbildungsbefehi Nr. 1."
54
Letter to the author from Cord-Henning Knospe dated 8 February 1993.
Training of the fourth battalion of the division' s artillery regiment at St. Affrique. NCO with peaked
cap and cigarette is Rudolf Engler.
The artillery regiment' s 9th Battery at St. Affrique.
Crew drills at St. Affrique.
Derventa. He saved me a lot of effort and quickly learned the German lan-
guage.
During the winter of 1943,1 was issued several weekend passes. On one
occasion, I received my battery commander's permission to take Meho home
with me. The joy on the youth's face was indescribable; his meetings with
passengers on the train and on the station platforms during the long journey
and the visit to my home fascinated him. He thanked me repeatedly for show-
ing him this world he had never seen before. He even made my wife a pair of
boots out of gratitude.
In combat in Bosnia, Meho always remained loyal. He kept me informed
of whether the Bosnians were satisfied with their rations, etc., and always
performed his duties well. Unfortunately, I lost track of him after I was trans-
ferred to attend an officer training course, but I shall never forget my loyal
friend.
55
Another German revealed that it gave him "great pleasure to lead the
Bosnians."
56
Nonetheless, Sauberzweig was eventually forced to admit that not all
55
Letter to the author from Rudolf Engler dated 8 November 1993.
56
Personnel file of Walter Ltith (Berlin Document Center).
of his men were up to the task. The following officer evaluation was typical:
(Heinrich) Gaese is an extremely intelligent man, but . . . cannot deal
with the mentality of the Muslims, which requires heart and soul.
57
Another wrote:
The (Bosnians) were from a military standpoint third-class soldiers. An
example: we used a type of mountain boot that was fitted with special cleats,
these being secured around the bottom and also to the heel of the shoe. We
Germans always kept a few extra cleats handy should one become lost or
broken. The Bosnians, on the other hand, who received brand new uniforms,
simply wore the mountain boots until the heels were completely worn off, or
sold them.
58
One officer was not happy with being sent to the division at all:
I had been a member of the SS Division "Das Reich," the finest fighting
formation of the Waffen-SS. I was not pleased by my transfer to the Bosnian
Division. This division was a legion, and its legion character was a contradic-
tion to my attitude as a soldier. I attempted on several occasions to return to
my original unit, but was not successful until July 1944.
59
Overall, however, the Germans were pleased with the progress that was made.
One wrote that "the enlisted men, particularly the Albanians, shall become out-
standing soldiers."
60
They coined the nickname "Mujo," a common Muslim name,
for their men. Himmler took a personal interest in German - Bosnian relations,
and even issued a special order forbidding Germans from belittling their men or
enjoying "off-the-cuff' humor at their expense.
61
Phleps himself travelled from
the Balkans to inspect the division at the end of August, and according to at least
one officer present, was pleased with what he saw.
62
One aspect of the division that was new to the Germans was the appearance of
imams, who, as in the Bosnian regiments of the old Austrian army, were respon-
sible for maintaining Islamic religious custom. According to SS officer Walter
Hoettl, the special induction of these clerics was "a concession that the Christian
church had for years striven in vain to obtain for (other) SS units."
63
57
Sauberzweig to Berger dated 16 April 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586921).
58
Letter to the author from Hartmut Schmid dated 24 April 1992.
59
Letter to the author from Horst Weise dated 3 January 1994.
Handar heralds Phleps' visit, 28 August - 1 September 1943.
"Let t er fr om SS-Ostuf. Carl Rachor to SS-Ostubaf. Dr. Rudolf Brandt dated 14 September 1943
(T-175, roll 117, ff2641961).
61
Himmler to the SS-Hauptamt, SS-Fhrungshauptamt, SS-Ogruf. Phleps, SS-Gruf. Kammerhofer,
and SS-Ostubaf. Wagner dated 6 August 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587128). Sauberzweig also threat-
ened strict punishment for such behavior (13. SS-Division, Ia/G., Tgb. Nr. Ia 83/43 geh. v. 24. August
1943, "Ausbildungsbefehl Nr. 1").
62
13. SS-Division, Ia, "Divisions-Befehl fr den Besuch des Kommandierenden Generals" dated
27 August 1943, and an interview conducted with Erich Braun on 3 July 1993.
63
Wilhelm Hoettl, The Secret Front (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1953), 163.
Phleps is introduced to the
di vi si on' s offi cer corps in
Mende.
Bel ow: From left to right
Br aun, Capt ai n I l l i nger
( ar my c omma nda nt of
Mende) , Phl eps, Sauber -
zweig, unknown, Langer, Dr.
Ehling.
Phleps, left, inspects the division' s horse stable at Banassac, escorted by Dr. Voigt, the division'
veterinarian.
Phleps inspects the artillery regiment.
The corps commander and a (very) young Bosnian
volunteer.
Phleps at Langogne. From left to right Martin
Kronstadt (artillery commander of the V SS Moun-
tain Corps), unknown, Phleps, Braun, Kuhler,
Sauberzweig.
Left: Belated celebration of Sauber-
zwei g' s f or t y- f our t h bi r t hday at
Mende, 4 September 1943.
Above: At Le Puy. From right to left
unknown, Braun, Dierich, Sauber-
zweig, Kronstadt, Phleps, others are
unknown.
Division headquarters 4 September 1943. From left to right Schilling, Kster, Hanke, Braun, Christiansen.
Division staff at Mende, 4 September 1943. From left to right Gaese, unknown, Lth, unknown, Hanke,
Braun, Dr. Wiehler, Sauberzweig, unknown, von Rautenfeld, Kster, Langer, Posch, Christiansen,
unknown, Dr. Ehling, Lchert, Engels, and Ebeling.
Chapter 3: Formation and Training of the Division in France
The Imams
"The imam is the trustee of Islam in the division," Sauberzweig wrote. "He
possesses the powers of religion to educate the division members and turn them
into good soldiers and SS men."
64
The duties of the imams will be covered in
detail, but first the men themselves will be examined.
The imams were primarily school teachers who were specially recruited by
the Ulema in Sarajevo. Several of them had studied religion in Cairo and Alexan-
dria and most had seen military service in the Yugoslavian army. One former divi-
sion member who worked closely with them for a time called them "very intelli-
gent, but not fanatical. Today they would surely not be considered 'fundamental-
ists.'" The Germans commissioned the men and appointed the oldest of the group,
ex-Yugoslavian army chaplain Abdulah Muhasilovi, to serve in the senior posi-
tion of "Division Imam." As for their actual recruiting and training, Imam Demal
Ibrahimovi recalled:
We were invited to meet with the officials of the Ulema-Medlis in
Sarajevo. Panda explained the circumstances to us: The situation was diffi-
cult for the Muslims in eastern Bosnia because of the (Cetniks). More and
more refugees were arriving in Sarajevo. I had in fact seen them myself at the
refugee camp in Alipain Most. This was the moment where we could stand
up and help these people. We believed that we had to defend ourselves.
From Sarajevo, we were taken to Zagreb by truck to Savska Cesta 77,
where we were inducted, uniformed, etc. From there we were brought to Ber-
lin-Babelsberg for the "Imam Training Course," which consisted primarily of
lectures and classes on the use of small arms.
65
The "Imam Training Course" was conducted in July 1943. Zvonimir Bernwald
noted:
The Imam Training Course was organized by SS-Obergruppenfhrer
Berger. It was held in a large villa and lasted for three weeks. The lessons
included: "The Waffen-SS: Its Organization and Ranks," "The History of Na-
tionalism," and German language instruction. In addition, we visited the Ber-
lin Opera and Babelsberg Castle. Excursions were also made to the nearby
Nicholaisee and Potsdam.
64
13. SS-Division, Abt. VI, v. 15. 3. 1944, "Dienstanweisung fr Imame der 13. SS-Freiwilligen
b. h. Geb. Div. (Kroatien)" (T-175, roll 70, ff2587015).
65
Telephone interviews conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 26 February and 1 March
The Mufti visited us once during the course. Extra cigarette rations were
distributed during his visit, for nearly all of the imams smoked like chimneys !
On one occasion, I was able to visit the Mufti at his villa in Berlin-
Zehlendorf (Goethestrasse 31 - author). What splendor and oriental beauty!
Here are my opinions of several imams:
(Imam Abdulah) Muhasilovi was a "skirt chaser" (an old fellow!). Not a
gentleman. He later deserted. (Imam Husejin) Dozo was a true gentleman, a
man among men. He studied at the famous University (of Al-Azhar) in Cairo.
A scholar, he spoke Arabic fluently (as did the other imams - author) and
knew the Qur'n inside and out. (Imam Halim) Malko had served on active
duty as an officer in the Yugoslavian army and was a gifted military leader.
66
Following the course's successful completion, the Germans promised to es-
tablish a permanent imam institute for the training of Muslinfclerics.
Husseini and the Germans opted against forming any synopsis between Islam
and national socialism. They decided that the Muslims of the division were to be
instructed that "national socialism would serve as the German national ideology,
and that Islam would serve as the Arab national ideology, with both battling com-
mon foes - Judaism, the Anglo-Americans, communism, Freemasonry, and the
Vatican, while sharing common lines - a warlike foundation, an ethnic/cultural
conception, and nationalistic education." Bosnia, they reasoned, belonged racially
to the Germanic world, but spiritually to the Arab world.
67
Nonetheless, the imams
at the course sought to assimilate the two ideologies through what they called their
"common properties." These properties were in turn shaped into four themes:
The Idea of Family (Familiengedanke) - the strong family sense pos-
sessed by the German and Muslim peoples.
The Idea of Order (Ordnungsgedanke) - the idea of the New Order in
Europe.
The Idea of the Fhrer (Fhrergedanke) - The idea that a people should
be led by one leader.
The Idea of Faith (Glaubensgedanke) - That Islam (for Muslims) and
national socialism (for Germans) would serve as educational tools to create
order, discipline, and loyalty.
66
Letters to the author from Zvonimir Bernwald dated 28 January and 19 March 1993.
67
SS-Hauptamt, Amt AI, VS-Nr. 1222/43 geheim v. 19. 5. 1943, "Weltanschaulich geistige
Erziehung der muselmanischen SS-Division" (T-175, roll 70, ff2587012).
The imams visiting Potsdam, July 1943. Standing from left to right Imam Husejin Dozo, Imam Ahmed
Skaka, unknown, SS-Schiitze Zvonimir Bernwald, SS-Ostuf. Heinrich Gaese, Division Imam Abdulah
Muhasilovi, an unknown German, Imam Haris Korkut, Imam Demal Ibrahimovi, Imam Hasan
Bajraktarevi, Imam Salih abanovi, Imam Fikret Mehmedagi, an unknown partially obscured Ger-
man and Imam Sulejman Alinajstrovi. Kneeling from left to right Imam Muhamed Mujaki, Imam
Halim Malko, Imam Kasim Mai, Imam Hasim Torli, and Imam Osman Delie.
The imams visit Sans Souci, July 1943.
The imams in Potsdam.
It appears that Husseini eventually came to accept their hypothesis, opining
that "there were considerable similarities between Islamic principles and those of
national socialism, namely, in the affirmation of struggle and fellowship, in the
stress of the leadership idea, in the ideal of order. All this brings our ideologies
close together and facilitates cooperation."
68
He was in any case quite clear in what
he personally expected from the imams:
The imam must serve as an example and an ideal in his ways, actions, and
posture to his comrades. The principles of Islam are important for every imam
and shall ease the task. The principles of Islam will also make you the best
pioneers for your homeland, family, religion, and your overall existence, so
long as they are observed. Your duty is not only to lead your comrades in
prayers and religion, but also to strengthen that moralistic attitude in them
that is demanded of Muslims by Islam and makes them brave soldiers, who
despise death to achieve a full life.
You will lead your comrades with Islamic merit and virtue, which have
contributed to the advancement of humanity as history has shown. You also
have a further duty that is of great importance. This duty is the strengthening
of the cooperation between the Muslims and their ally, Germany. This coop-
eration will, God willing, allow us to reach our goals.
08
Maurice Pearlman, Mufti of Jerusalem: The Story of Haj Amin el-Husseini (London: Victor
Gollancz Ltd., 1947), 64.
The Palestinian suggested several reasons why the Mu s l i ms s ho ul d support
the Germans, all of which reflected his own feelings toward t he Thi rd Re i c h:
Friendship and collaboration between two peoples mus t be bui l t on a
firm foundation. The necessary ingredients here are c o m m o n spi ri t i mi und
material interests as well as the same ideals. The relationship b e t we e n t he
Muslims and the Germans is built on this foundation. Never in its hi st ory ha s
Germany attacked a Muslim nation. Germany battles world Jewry, I s l a m' s
principal enemy. Germany also battles England and its allies, who have pe r s e -
cuted millions of Muslims, as well as Bolshevism, which subjugates f ort y
million Muslims and threatens the Islamic faith in other lands. Any one of
these arguments would be enough of a foundation for a friendly relationship
between two peoples. . . . My enemy's enemy is my friend.
Conveniently forgetting Axis support for the Cetniks, he continued:
You, my Bosnian Muslims, have experienced the Serbian terror. The Brit-
ish Foreign Minister has not only approved of such atrocities, but even en-
courages the Serbs to become more ruthless while openly announcing that the
Serbian (insurgents) would be supported by England and Russia. They have
made their aims clear. It is every Muslim's duty to join hands with their friends
in the face of this threat. The active cooperation of the world's 400 million
Muslims with their loyal friends, the Germans, can be of decisive influence
upon the outcome of the war.
You, my Bosnian Muslims, are the first Islamic division, (and) serve as
an example of the active collaboration (between Germany and the Muslims).
I . . . wish you much success in your holy mission.
69
The Germans assigned an imam to each battalion and regimental staff in the
division, with the exception of the all-German signal battalion. All imams were
accountable to both Division Imam Muhasilovi, who served on the division staff,
and to the division's political officer.
70
The imams bore a number of responsibili-
ties in their units, including:
71
65
Texts of two speeches presented by Haj-Amin el-Husseini to the division' s imams (T-120, roll
392, 298019 and T-175, roll 60, ff2676043).
70
The Division Imam not only supervised the work of the unit imams, but also served as imam of
the division headquarters and of the division' s Stabsjger Kompanie (Staff Security Company).
71
13. SS-Division, Abt. VI, Tgb. Nr. 21/44 geh. v. 8. 3. 1944, "Stellung der Imame innerhalb der
Division" (T-175, roll 70, ff2587010).
a) Spiritual Care: The imams were responsible for organizing and per-
forming the Jum'ah and the ceremonies for all Islamic holidays. Although
participation in religious functions was voluntary, every Muslim division
member was to be given the opportunity to take part in a Friday-afternoon
Jum'ah service at least once per month (It should be noted that once the divi-
sion was committed to combat, mass Jum'ah services were the exception; in
some units it was simply left to the individual to fulfill his prayer obligations).
The imams were also urged to work closely with their unit commanders, to
inform them of particular religious celebrations, and to advise them in all
religious matters.
b) Burials: The imams were to organize and carry out religious customs
and, if necessary, washings for Muslims of the division who died in action.
They were also obliged to visit the hospitals to provide spiritual care for the
sick and wounded at least once per week. Imam Ibrahimovi later said, "In
accordance with Islamic custom, washings were not necessary for those sol-
diers who were killed in the field. Only the shoes were removed and the man
was buried in uniform where he fell. We did perform washings for those who
succumbed to wounds in hospitals.
72
c) Education: The imams were required to present weekly lectures to the
troops on various subjects that were supplied by the division's political officer
and the Division Imam. Among these topics were "The Idea and Task of the
Division," "Why the Muslims are Serving in the Waffen-SS," "Tito's Bandits,
the Scourge of Bosnia," etc. Every opportunity was to be used to teach and
instruct the troops. They were even responsible for conducting instructional
lectures for the German members of the division who were unfamiliar with
Bosnian practices and customs. Imams were also to submit monthly progress
reports to the Division Imam and were to assist with the preparation of the
division newspaper, Handar. Himmler referred to the imams as his "ideo-
logical teachers in the battalions."
73
d) Welfare: Imams were to spend as much time as possible with the troops,
both on duty and off. They were to look after the personal well-being of the
soldiers and their families and collaborate with all measures that enhanced
their physical and mental welfare, thereby increasing their efficiency and com-
72
Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995.
73
"Rede des Reichsfiihrers-SS vor den Reichs- und Gauleitern in Posen am 6. Oktober 1943" (T-
175, roll 85, ff2610152).
The Mufti addresses the imams at Babelsberg, July 1943.
bat readiness. Once the division returned to Bosnia, some imams even held
periodic meetings with the civilian population in local mosques. They were
also responsible for arranging quartering of the division's troops, pack and
draft animals, and equipment with local mayors in Bosnian towns, and for
settling quarrels between civilians and the troops. Interrogations of Muslim
civilians and enemy deserters became their responsibility as well.
e) Personal Example: It was expected that the imams serve as examples
to their men. Sauberzweig demanded their constant presence with the troops
during even the heaviest fighting, and several became battlefield casualties.
They were even expected to be able to assume command of a squad or platoon
in critical situations. When the division was in the field, the imams could
usually be found near the Tross (staff vehicles), assisting their units' adminis-
trative officers.
In his article "Zadaa SS-vojnika" ("Tasks of the SS Man"), Imam Husejin
Dozo outlined what he saw as the mission of the Bosnian SS:
Left: Demal Ibrahimovi, imam of the division' s Flak Abteilung. Born in 1919 in Sarajevo, Ibrahimovi
attended the famous Gazi Husrevbegova medresa (Islamic secondary school) before serving in the
Yugoslavian army. He later taught religion in Banja Luka and Sarajevo and worked in a refugee camp
in Alipain Most. He volunteered for the division on 22 June 1943 and served within its ranks until the
war' s end. Right: Professor Husejin Dozo, Regiment 2' s imam. Born in 1912, Dozo was a leading
member of the El-Hidaja Organization in Bosnia before volunteering for the division in June 1943. He
served as Division Imam when Muhasilovi was absent.
Never in history has a soldier been entrusted with a greater burden than
today's SS man. It is not easy to overthrow an old world, and from its ruins
create a new one with new perceptions in a place where only negative and
destructive forces have worked. It demands the highest physical, mental, and
spiritual efforts. Today's SS man has two tasks:
1. To remove all negative forces from the present life that stand in the
way of a better and happier future for Europe and all humanity.
2. To create a new world in which everyone is valued in the community in
accordance with his own merit and achievements.
As for the first task, Germany and her allies decided four years ago to
liberate Europe from all hostile enemies. From 1939 up until the present, the
most decisive battles have been fought. Communism, capitalism, and Juda-
ism stand shoulder to shoulder against the European continent. After bitter
suffering in our Croatian homeland, but particularly in Bosnia - Herzegovina,
it was learned what it means when the enemies of Europe rule. This cannot be
permitted to occur, and for this reason, Bosnia's best sons arc serving in Ilk'
SS. They shall liberate the Croatian homeland, and ensure that neither com -
munism nor some other enemy ever gains control of the land.
After victory is achieved, a new, important task must be compleled I lie
implementation of the New Order. Thus victory is not the final goal of the SS
man. To him it is simply a path to achieving even higher goals, towards the
cultural and spiritual rebirth of Europe.
Through the Versailles-Diktat, Europe was thrust into a totally senseless
foundation, and under the name of democracy, Jews and Freemasons played
key roles in political and societal l i f e. . . . It will not be easy to liberate Europe
from these enemies, but the SS man . . . shall build a better future for Europe.
7
'
1
One German officer, Albert Stenwedel, had this to say concerning the imams
and his relations with them:
The relations with the imams were limited almost exclusively to the care
of the Muslims and the organizational considerations of their religious con-
cerns. During the formation period, the imams had the opportunity, after first
securing the permission of their unit commanders, to call the faithful to
(Jum' ah). . . . The division members of other faiths took hardly any notice of
the Muslim prayer services. They used these periods to look after their own
affairs.
75
The Germans also endeavored to observe the special dietary rites of the Mus-
lim faith. To this end, Himmler ordered Berger to consult the Mufti for advice on
the matter. Husseini replied that the Muslims could be fed "exactly as the German
soldiers, with the exception of pork and alcohol."
7r>
The Muslims thus, as one of
the division's German butchers remembered, "only received beef and mutton from
us. German salami (Dauerwurst) was also prepared. We Germans naturally ate
pork. As far as I know there were never any difficulties with the rations. (Imam
Muhamed Mujaki) was always on hand to ensure that everything was in order."
77
74
Husejin Dozo, "Zadaa SS-vojnika," in Handar Folge 7 (1943).
75
Letter to the author from Albert Stenwedel dated 22 February 1992.
76
Himmler to Berger dated 22 July 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587137), and Berger to Himmler
dated 26 July 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587134). Berger spoke of the experiences of the former Yugo-
slavian army, who supposedly discovered that the Muslims "often became ill" when given pork in their
rations (ibid.).
77
Letter to the author from Heinz Lehmann dated 1 November 1992.
Nonetheless, this non-pork diet proved to be insufficient, and before long even the
division's Germans began complaining about the food.
78
The problem persisted
until Hitler personally intervened, agreeing to the suggestion that the Muslims'
bread ration be doubled.
79
The Germans' strict Compliance with Islamic dietary
regulations did not last long, for as we will see, Sauberzweig and many of his
German trainers were far more concerned with military precision than religion.
The division was to have conducted its entire training regimen in the Cevennes
area, as its mountainous, karstic topography was quite similar to the terrain found
in northeastern Bosnia,
80
but a tragic incident was about to occur that eventually
resulted in a change of not only its training site, but of its entire composition for
the remainder of its existence.
78
Letter to the author from Albert Stenwedel dated 22 February 1992.
79
Der Chef den SS-Wirtschafts-Verwaltungshauptamtes to SS-Ostubaf. Dr. Brandt dated 4 De-
cember 1943, "Erhhung der Brotportion fr die 13. SS-Division" (T-175, roll 70, ff2587068).
80
Hitler declined a request from Paveli that the division be returned to Croatia. [Gesandter Kasche,
"Aufzeichnung betreffend Besprechung mit General Jodl, OKW, in Wolfschanze am 31. August 1943"
(T-120, roll 212, 162782)].

Mutiny
Al t hough the Germans endeavored to recruit only the most politically reli-
s able Bosnians, it was simply impossible for them to accurately screen each volun-
teer and ascertain his personal loyalty. This fact was certainly not lost on the Par-
tisans, and before long individuals were "volunteering" for the division with the
intention of disrupting its formation.
1
"Naturally the communists attempted to
smuggle their people (into the division)," a German NCO on duty at the Zemun
collection camp recalled. "I personally caught several of them, as one could say
that they did not belong to the 'intelligentsia,' and turned them over to the military
police."
2
An unknown number of infiltrators eventually found their way into the
ranks, however, and were soon wreaking havoc within their units.
: Ferid Dani, a former Partisan, actually volunteered for the division while
still in a German prisoner camp. He was sent to Dresden, where a training course
was conducted in the summer of 1943 for personnel who were to hold leadership
positions in the division's pioneer arm. There, he met several like-minded indi-
viduals, including communist Boo Jelenek and young Nikola Vukeli, who were
planning "either to desert or organize an uprising against the Germans."
3
When the
men were moved to the garrison at Villefranche de Rouergue in late August, they
decided in favor of the latter option.
I
1
In a letter to Kammerhofer, Berger warned that "Tito has issued an order that everyone should
I report for police duty in Croatia, (as) there are weapons and uniforms there" (T-175, roll 126, ff2651153).
I Although the division is not mentioned specifically, the implications are clear,
i
2
Letter to the author from Dr. Wilhelm Roth dated 24 August 1993.
3
Loui s rignac, La Revolte des Croates (Villefranche de Rouergue: Louis Erignac, 1980), 25.
The Ring Leaders
Dani was undoubtedly the principal architect of the mutiny. Born on 7 Sep-
tember 1918 to a Muslim family in Biha, he completed secondary education and
later studied communications at a technical college in Belgrade. He was mustered
for military service in 1941 as an officer cadet in the Royal Yugoslav Army, and
joined the Partisans in the autumn of 1942. While on patrol in Bosnia he was
captured by the Germans and sent to a prisoner camp in Sarajevo. After volunteer-
ing for the division on 1 August 1943, he was awarded a commission. Fellow
conspirator Jelenek later called him "very intelligent."
4
The Germans had quite a
different opinion: they deemed him "the typical Balkan type - power hungry, sub-
servient, corrupt, and vague, though possessing both a strong will and power of
persuasion."
5
Imam Ibrahimovi referred to him as "a born communist."
6
Dani's closest accomplice was Catholic officer cadet Boo Jelenek. Born
on 20 October 1920 in Kutina, he attended school in Zagreb and later spent eight
months in a Croatian prison for his membership in the Yugoslav Communist Party.
He joined the division under the pseudonym "Eduard Matutinovi" to make con-
tacts with other Marxists within its ranks, and was sent from Zemun to Dresden in
the summer of 1943.
Also among the conspirators was Nikola Vukeli, born on 18 March 1924 in
Gospic. A Roman Catholic, he volunteered for the division in Brko. After being
sent to Dresden, he wrote home that he had "had enough of the Germans and
Dresden."
7
Remarkably, the Germans lauded his military performance, slating the
teenaged officer cadet to become a company commander.
Little is known of Muslim Lutfija Dizdarevi, the fourth ring leader. Born in
1921 in Sarajevo, the Germans found that his military performance was poor, but
noted that he was "friendly and a good comrade."
The Conspiracy
The operation was planned during the first days of September. The plot called
for the German officers in the town to be arrested and executed. The Bosnian
enlisted men and remaining German personnel (the latter having been disarmed)
were then to be assembled and would depart the town with sympathetic French
police toward Rodez (the garrison of SS Geb. Jg. Rgt. 1), which was to be dealt
with in a similar manner. Eventually, all of the division's garrisons were to be
4
ibid.
5
13. SS-Division, Ia, "Bericht ber die in der Nacht vom 16. 9. auf den 17.9. 1943 von kroatischen
Fhrern und Fhreranwrten gefhrte Meuterei bei dem SS-Gebirgs-Pionier-Bataillon 13, Standort
Villefranche de Rouergue (Department Aveyron), Frankreich," undated (hereafter "Meuterei Bericht").
6
Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovion 11 December 1995.
7
Louis rignac, La Revolte des Croates (Villefranche de Rouergue: Louis rignac, 1980), 25.
neutralized, and the division staff was to be liquidated in a "special operation."
What Dani planned to do after that remains a mystery, but he allegedly spoke of
two options: he and his men would either make for the Mediterranean coast and
sail to North Africa, eventually placing themselves at the disposal of the western
Allies, or they would cross the Alps and, together with Allied forces, engage in the
liberation of Croatia.
8
The mutineers made careful preparations for the act. Their security was flaw-
less: one German officer later admitted that he had "no clue of the operation"
before it was carried out.
9
While Lutfija Dizdarevi sought out Bosnian enlisted
men from the unit who were willing to assist them, Dani made contact with
members of the French resistance through employees of Villefranche's Hotel
Moderne, and, as the Germans later reported, "received periodic intelligence re-
ports from negro civilians, probably Algerians or Moroccans, two males and a
female." The ring leaders were apparently convinced that assistance was forth-
coming from the Maquis and even the British, but this never materialized, and
their planned roles in the plot, if any, are unknown.
10
Nevertheless, the time for the
operation was chosen - the early morning of 17 September 1943. For the evening
of the sixteenth, Dani was appointed as the garrison duty officer, and all of the
guards posted that night were Dizdarevi's men. At about 2200 hrs., Dani issued
his final instructions to his accomplices.
The Operation
Shortly after midnight, the mutineers began their operation. They first stormed
into the quarters of the two pioneer training companies and disarmed all of the
German NCOs and men. One German in First Company later reported:
(Vukeli) and about ten armed men entered the NCO room. With their
weapons pointed at us, he shook us from our sleep and demanded that we
remain quiet.
We were escorted out one by one and brought to a room that was closely
guarded. The guard was later reinforced and individual sentries were posted
""Meuterei Bericht."
Letter to the author from Dr. Willfried Schweiger dated 6 August 1992.
10
An inspection of the somewhat sketchy files of the British Special Warfare Executive (SOK)
circuit operating in the area at the time (Circuit "Pimento"), as well as those of various British offices
[Political Warfare Executive (FO 898), Military HQ Papers-Military Missions (WO 202), the Director-
ate of Military Operations and Intelligence (WO 106), and the French Resistance section of Foreign
Office General Correspondence (F0371/36059)] revealed no mention of the incident (Public Records
Office, Records of the Foreign Office and War Office). The Germans were nevertheless convinced that
the SOE was instrumental in the plot. "It is obvious," Sauberzweig wrote, "thai (the mutineers) were
supported and incited by the . . . English Secret Service" (13. SS-Division, Kommandeur, "An den
Fhrer der SS-N. A. 13" dated 17 September 1943). Special thanks to Michael Arton.
in the courtyard as well. These men were under the command of the Croatian
SS-Unterscharfhrer Karamanovi, who issued them instructions on guard-
ing the approximately twenty-five German personnel. All of our movements
were closely observed.
11
After this was accomplished, the rebels secured several key points in the town,
including the battalion headquarters, which was located in the local girls school
(Ecole Superieure). Three Germans who happened to be in the building at the time
were quickly arrested. One of them, Josef Weiss, later wrote:
At about 0330 hrs. someone entered my room and told me to get up. As it
was quite dark, I could not make out who it was, but it appeared to be an
officer. He asked me in the Croatian language if I was a German from the
Reich or a Volksdeutscher, and I told him I was a Volksdeutscher. He then
informed me that I was under arrest and that I should get dressed. A second
man then arrived, who also appeared to be an officer, and the pair brought me
into the commander's office, where SS-Hstuf. Kuntz lay in bed. Hauptschar-
fhrer Frmberg, who was also present, sat at the table.
Kuntz asked me what was happening. I told him that I had been arrested
and that it appeared that a mutiny had broken out. He then asked me (in Hun-
garian) to speak with the guard and find out what was going on, which I did.
The guard said that nothing would happen to us, and that the English were
only 100 kilometers away. When they arrived, I was told, we would either be
released or turned over to them.
12
Judging from this account and similar comments offered by a former Bosnian
division member, it seems that the ring leaders told the Bosnian enlisted men that
"the war was over and British and (Free) French forces were expected to arrive in
the city at any moment.
13
The mutineers then proceeded to the Hotel Moderne, where the German offic-
ers were quartered. All were quickly disarmed and arrested. Unit physician Dr.
Willfried Schweiger recalled:
At about 0410 hrs. I was awakened by rumbling in the hall. There was
then a knock on my door. As I opened it, (Matutinovi) and Vukeli entered
11
SS-Uscha. Gerhard Schwarz, "Bericht ber den Putsch vom 16. zum 17. 9. 1943" dated 19
September 1943.
l 2
Gericht der 13. Division, Vernehmungsniederschrift dated 18 September 1943.
13
Telephone interview conducted with Ibrahim Alimabegovi on 12 March 1996.
with pistols in hand, followed by a few guards. They said "Bxcu.se me Doctor,
you are under arrest. Where is your weapon?" They continued, "Do not lie
afraid, nothing will happen to you. We need a doctor and you're coming with
us. Get dressed and come to Room #4 (the commander's sitting room)." As he
spoke, my pistol was taken. While dressing, I asked what was happening,
They answered, "Look how the situation can change within twenty-lour
hours!." Fully-armed soldiers occupied the corridor and steps.
As I entered the sitting room, several officers were already present. Oth-
ers followed. After about fifteen minutes we were led to battalion headquar-
ters under guard. There, we were held in the commander's office, which was
guarded by three men. All together the following were present: SS-Ostubaf.
Kirchbaum, SS-Hstuf. Kuntz, SS-Ostuf. Kretschmer, Galantha, Michawetz,
Wolf, SS-Hscha. Frmberg, SS-Strm. Weiss, and myself.
14
The mutineers then began killing the captive German officers. Dr. Schweiger
continued:
We were forced to sit in the room for about thirty minutes. A short circuit
had put the lights out. SS-Ostubaf. Kirchbaum was then called out of the room
and shortly thereafter a rifle and subsequently a pistol shot was heard. The
same occurred with SS-Hstuf. Kuntz. Wolf was led out but was brought back
in shortly after. As Michawetz was led out, a lot of shooting could be heard
and we in the room were told not to move.
Weiss recalled the scene even more vividly:
Kuntz asked (the other German officers present) if they knew the where-
abouts of the imam (Halim Malko - author). When someone answered that
he was not present, Kuntz said that he was our last hope.
At about 0530 hrs. (Kirchbaum) was led out by an (enlisted man). Once
outside, he was asked in Croatian, "Are you with Germany or with us?" After
a few minutes we heard a shot and another shortly thereafter. The commander
had told them that he was with Germany.
Kuntz then said to the other officers, "We're going to be shot one after the
other" and soon the mutineers called him out. He said "Adieu, children" and
departed. Not long after he left several shots rang out. Wolf was called out
14
Unterarzt Dr. Willfried Schweiger, "Meldung ber die Ereignisse in den Morgenstunden des
17. 9. 1943," undated.
next but was sent back in. Then (Michawetz) was called. After he left the
room, we immediately heard gunfire and assumed that he had escaped.
As Michawetz was led out, he struck the guards to his front and rear and took
off running, followed by a hail of bullets. He leaped over a low wall into the street
and jumped into the Aveyron River. After swimming across, he scurried to safety
in the heights opposite.
In the meantime, Dani returned to the Hotel Moderne to awaken the unit
imam, Halim Malko. The imam's account of the incident also survives:
Early on 17 September 1943 Dani entered my room. I saw him as I
awakened with a pistol in his hand. Surprised, I sprang out of bed. Dani
said, "Imam, get dressed quickly and come with us. All of the German offic-
ers are under arrest and will be shot by the mutinying party. Come with us, for
all of the men are on our side." I asked him just who this "mutinying party"
was. He answered "This party consists of Vukeli, (Matutinovi), and
Dizdarevi." He then said "Imam, come with us, for if you do not you are our
enemy." He was armed with a sub-machine gun, a pistol, and a knife.
Dani then left my room. I was well aware what the consequences of
this action would be and made the decision to hinder further calamity and
save the enlisted men. I knew that the enlisted men were with me and that they
would follow me. I dressed and went to First Company to find the mood of the
men. It was clear to me that they were being deceived and were unaware as to
what situation they found themselves in.
15
Back at battalion headquarters, the mutineers, having shot Gerhard Kretschmer
soon after Michawetz's escape, prepared to kill the remaining German officers.
We return to Dr. Schweiger's report:
Vukeli entered the room and said to us three - Galantha, Wolf, and me -
"We have pardoned you." At that same moment, he raised his pistol and shot
Galantha, killing him. A mutineer standing in the doorway then fired a shot at
Wolf, who fell to the floor and would receive a second bullet. I was horrified
and after Vukeli's words "That's enough shooting, fellows," I was led into
the courtyard.
I was then taken to First Company. Dizdarevi approached (me) and said
of me, "He's with us." I answered, "You know that I am German. I will not
15
SS-Ostuf.-Imam Halim Malko, "Bericht" dated 18 September 1943.
Oskar Kirchbaum Gerhard Kretschmer
At far right is Anton Wolf - below Wolf is Heinrich Kuntz.
Julius Galantha Alexander Michawetz
break my oath and you can only force me to accompany you." He then told
me that he had arranged for me "to be rewarded." He offered evasive answers
to my questions concerning their intentions.
Weiss, who was also in the room as the shooting began, witnessed the event
while hidden beneath a writing desk:
I used a favorable moment to crawl under the writing desk. A few min-
utes later, Dani and Vukeli entered the room and said "You've all been
pardoned." At that same moment a shot was fired and Galantha fell dead. A
moment later, Wolf was shot, but did not die. He was then (finished off) with
another bullet and rifle butts.
I managed to remain under the desk for about a half-hour before being
discovered. (I) was then struck by Jger Mihaljevi. I fled from the room. He
caught up and whispered for me to quickly enter the NCO room, where he
assured me that I would not be shot. Frmberg was brought in several minutes
later.
Dr. Willfried Schweiger
Below: Imam Halim Malko. In
recognition of his actions dur-
ing the mut i ny, the Germans
decorat ed him with the Iron
Cross. After the war, a Yugo-
slav court awarded him a death
sentance. He was executed at
Biha on 7 March 1947.
Halim Malko reached First Company at approximately the same time as Dr.
Schweiger. The enlisted men were assembled in the courtyard, preparing to depart.
The twenty-six-year-old imam approached several of the men whom he trusted
and told them that they were "being deceived" and received their assurance that
they would obey him. He then spoke with Dr. Schweiger, informing him that he
"had known nothing of the revolt." The two were then brought to the Hotel Moderne,
where Dani permitted them to wait together in Michawetz's room as he and the
other ring leaders held a conference to plot their next moves.
16
Malko and Schweiger discussed the situation and devised a plan. The imam
would attempt to bring the Bosnians over to their side against the ring leaders,
while the doctor attempted an escape in the direction of Toulouse to gather rein-
forcements. The room in which the men were held was guarded, but the sentry was
mysteriously ordered away, allowing the pair a chance to escape. At 0700, they
slipped out of the hotel unnoticed and proceeded to First Company. Malko stated
that when he arrived .
All of the men looked to me as if they were praying for my help, or
hoping that I would protect them. They wanted to hear my word. I stood be-
fore them, explained the entire situation, and demanded that they follow me.
At this time I took command. I then freed the German men, who were being
held in a room. They looked at me with astonished eyes and apparently had
little faith in me. I called out to them "Heil Hitler! Long Live the Poglavnik!"
and told them that all weapons were to be turned against the communists.
They then followed me.
17
A German NCO's account of the event is similar:
At about 0700 hrs. Dizdarevi entered the courtyard and ordered the com-
pany to prepare for departure. Just as he left, the imam arrived in our room
and shook our hands, repeating "Slowly but surely." He said in Croatian, "When
he calls us, we will reveal that we are (on the) German (side)."
He then addressed the (Bosnians), and informed them of the treason. I
used this moment to reach my (Bosnian) men, several of whom were in tears
because we had been held captive. They embraced us and gave us weapons.
While the imam was busy at First Company, Dr. Schweiger departed with two
Bosnian enlisted, men, Ejub Jaarevi and Adem Okanadi, who had served as
16
"Meuterei Bericht."
l 7
SS-Ostuf. -Imam Halim Malko, "Bericht" dated 18 September 1943.
Ej ub Jaarevi in 1944 (BA)
orderlies to two of the murdered officers and, according to Schweiger, "were out-
raged by the (mutiny)." The trio were seeking bicycles to aid their escape when
they blundered into the ring leaders, who had just left the hotel and were on their
way to First Company. Schweiger recalled:
The (ring leaders) angrily asked where we were going. I lied that I was en
route to the tailor shop to retrieve my clothing. Believing that Jaarevi and
Okanadi were on their side, the rebels told the pair "not to let me out of their
sight" and after the clothing was retrieved, we were . . . to return to First
Company to move out.
18
By this time, the First Company was completely under Malko's control. The
German personnel had been re-armed and the mutineers posted to guard them
obeyed the imam and changed sides. The men now attempted to arrest (or if neces-
sary kill) the four ring leaders. A German NCO who took part in this action, Gerhard
Schwarz, described what occurred:
18
Letters to the author from Dr. Willfried Schweiger dated 6 August and 3 September 1992.
I rushed through the front door with several men into the street. We grabbed
(Vukeli) and took him into custody. I then took command of the First Platoon
and moved forward in the direction of the Hotel Moderne.
We first came upon Dizdarevi, who raised his pistol at us. I killed him
with my rifle. We then engaged in a fire fight with Dani and his men. Dani
fell dead in front of the hotel. The men accompanying him asked me if they
could desert to our side, and together with them we seized the freight depot.
The train station was also occupied.
19
Dr. Schweiger, along with Jaarevi and Okanadi, ducked into a hallway
when the shooting began. Soon after, the doctor came across a German NCO and
several men. He received a pistol, assumed command, and set off at double-time to
the still captive Second Company. This was captured without incident. After post-
ing guards he made his way to battalion headquarters. There he encountered some
German NCOs from First Company who had already secured the building.
Schweiger then sent out sentries to secure all town exits. He himself ran to the post
office to contact the liaison staff at Rodez ( Verbindungsstab 802), the nearest Ger-
man garrison, to inform them of the incident and request reinforcements. The Rodez
staff in turn notified the division headquarters in Mende.
Sauberzweig was extremely dismayed upon hearing of the mutiny.
20
Before
setting out for Villefranche himself, he ordered that an additional security measure
be taken - all non-German soldiers in the town were to be disarmed immediately
and security of the town be taken over by German personnel. In addition, the all-
German signal battalion was instructed to send troops to Villefranche to assist.
Hanke immediately assembled a mixed platoon of his men to carry out the order.
Unit clerk Hartmut Schmid recounted:
During the late morning (of 17 September), an alert was sounded at our
unit in Mende. Weapons and live ammunition were issued and several ve-
hicles were fueled. This required about an hour, perhaps more, before the
convoy began the three and one-half hour drive to Villefranche. As Hanke's
clerk, I was first able to learn what had occurred during the journey.
21
In the meantime, Dr. Schweiger discovered that the remaining ring leader,
Matutinovi, had escaped. Search parties sent out to find him scoured many of
"SS-Uscha. Gerhard Schwarz, "Bericht Uber den Putsch vom 16. zum 17. 9. 1943" dated 19
September 1943.
20
Letter to the author from Erich Braun dated 1 July 1992.
21
Letters to the author from Hartmut Schmid dated 19 January and 3 February 1992.
17 September 1943 - Members of Pi. Btl. 13 search the streets of Villefranche de Rouergue for escaped
mutineer Eduard Matutinovic (Jelenek). Dr. Schweiger (white shirt) is at the far right.
Villefranche's streets and houses to no avail. The Croatian had in fact managed to
avoid the fate of his accomplices by hiding in a house on the Rue Marcelin Fabre.
With the assistance of sympathetic Frenchmen, he obtained a forged identity card
and slipped out of Villefranche on 22 September, safely reaching Toulouse soon
after.
22
The mayor of Villefranche, Louis Fontages, was awakened by the shooting
and quickly made his way to the town hall. He wrote:
I proceed to town hall to see what was happening. Shots can be heard in
various parts of the city. Groups of 3-4 SS move through the streets firing with
rifles and sub-machine guns. One of these groups, led by an overexcited NCO,
passes town hall. As I ask him what is happening, he yells that the "commu-
nists" have attacked them, and that they are in pursuit. They move on and
22
Jelenek joined the French resistance in November and served with distinction until the libera-
tion. He returned to his native land in late 1944 and went on to serve in Yugoslav army until 1952,
reaching the rank of captain. He died in May 1987. For an interesting account of his escape see Louis
rignac, La Revolte des Croates (Villefranche de Rouergue: Louis Erignac, 1980), 52-55.
continue firing. I see Dr. Schweiger pass, also armed, and unsuccessfully at-
tempt to stop him to find out what is going on. I call out to him in German,
asking that care be taken that no civilians come into the line of fire. This
remark seems to calm him He informs me that he has declared martial law
in Villefranche and orders me to see that this is carried out. I reply that he as
the unit physician cannot declare martial law nor proclaim himself city com-
mandant, that only the German officers in the city can give such orders. "Where
are the German officers," I ask him. He didn't answer; he simply took off
toward the post office to call Rodez.
23
Upon this second call to Rodez, Schweiger was informed of Sauberzweig's
order to disarm the Bosnians. To complete this task the doctor sought the assis-
tance of Imam Malko, who proved to be quite helpful, demanding complete obe-
dience from the troops. As this was taking place, military police and SD from
Rodez arrived, and sometime later Sauberzweig and the men of the signal battal-
ion. The latter took over security of the town and were responsible for guarding
the captured mutineers.
In the hills above Villefranche, Alexander Michawetz watched the vehicles
heading for the town. He believed these to be other mutineers and remained hid-
den until dusk, when he set out in the direction of Toulouse. As the Germans later
learned:
As he was not given any assistance by the French, he began to speak
Croatian and made himself out to be a (Bosnian). He was then hidden in a
cloister and provided with civilian clothes, in which he continued on his way.
24
He soon reached the city, and later returned to Villefranche.
The investigation of the incident began immediately. Vukeli and the other
captured mutineers were interrogated. When questioned, the young ring leader
revealed that he and various other Croatian members of the division were "fanati-
cal for a new Croatia under Kvaternik, allied with Great Britain and the United
States, (and) the removal of the Poglavnik, Dr. Ante Paveli."
25
Sauberzweig offi-
cially proclaimed martial law in Villefranche and the following:
23
Louis Fontages, "SS & Creates a Villefranche de Rouergue Aout 1943-Septembre 1943," un-
dated (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RS 3-13/5).
24
"Meuterei Bericht."
25
ibid. Berger used Vukeli' s statements to j ab at his adversary, Envoy Kasche. He reported to
Himmler, "Reichsfhrer! The mutiny in the Bosnian division was Envoy Kasche' s fault, for it was he
who forced us to induct 2,800 Catholic Croatians into the division" [Berger to Himmler dated 25
September 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587123)]. Kasche was apparently aware of Berger' s accusation, for
- The streets are off limits to the population after dusk.
- Census lists are to be examined. All aliens are to report within three
days. Those who do not will be punished.
- The town is to be searched house for house for suspects. All negroes
and Jews are to be arrested and immediately handed over to the SD.
- The French police and Garde Nationale are to be disarmed in an honor-
able manner until this investigation is completed.
- Villefranche is to be sealed off with the exception of supplies for the
population, (etc.). Each individual person and vehicle is to be checked. The
area is to be combed by patrols. Anyone found with a weapon who does not
surrender upon challenge is to be shot.
- The captured mutineers are to be guarded especially carefully, as their
interrogations will be continued and are extremely important.
- The investigation is to proceed in accordance with my instructions. Any
sentences handed down against convicted SS men require my approval.
- The men of the pioneer battalion are to be confined to the barracks for
three days. Officers and NCOs are to remain with their men during this time.
The seriousness of this treason and betrayal of confidence is to be reinforced.
The companies are to perform duty.
26
Before long, the town's entire police force and eventually Mayor Fontages
himself found themselves in custody, but Sauberzweig soon ordered their release.
Dr. Franz von Kocevar, the division's judge advocate, arrived in Villefranche
and began court martial proceedings against the mutineers that evening.
27
At about
0100 hours on 18 September, the Germans requested the mayor's presence at the
hearings, which took place in the battalion headquarters. Fontages, who had lost
an arm fighting the Germans in the First World War, later wrote of his experience:
A vehicle stopped in front of my door. I was informed by an officer that
the SS general (sic) wanted to see me. I got into the vehicle . .. ( and) . . . we
he wrote in his diary that "The Fhrer will be falsely informed . . . about the mutiny in the Mus(lim)
Division" ["Kasche Nachlass" (T-120, roll 1026,408217)]. Berger' s claim that the ethnic composition
of the division was the cause of the mutiny is nonsense; Imam Malko refers to the mutineers as "the
communists" in his report (SS-Ostuf.-Imam Halim Malko, "Bericht" dated 18 September 1943) and
in yet another document [See the i mam' s personnel file (Berlin Document Center)], and Himmler
himself later stated that the mutiny was the work of "Partisans who had been smuggled (into the divi-
sion)" ["Rede des Reichsfhrers-SS Heinrich Himmler vor den Fhrern der 13. SS-Freiw. b. h. Gebirgs-
Division (Kroatien) im Fhrerheim Westlager, Truppenbungsplatz Neuhammer am 11. Januar 1944"
(T-175, roll 94, ff2614731)].
26
13. SS-Division, Kommandeur, "An den Fhrer der SS-N. A. 13" dated 17 September 1943.
27
Dr. Franz von Kocevar, "Die Geschichte der 13. SS-Freiwilligen-Gebirgsdivision "Handschar,"
unpublished manuscript, undated.
German translation of Imam Mal ko' s report on the incident, 18 September 1943.
Sequence of events at Villefranche de Rouergue, 17 September 1943. Mutineers disarm Germans of
the pioneer companies in their barracks (1) and seize the Ecole Superieure (2). The German officers at
the Hotel Moderne are then arrested (3) and escorted to the Ecole Superieure, where they are executed.
Alexander Michawetz manages to escape, however, and j umps into the Aveyron (4). At 0700 hrs.
Imam Malko leaves the hotel and returns to 1 st Company (5) where he takes the situation in hand. 1 st
Company' s men then arrest Vukeli (6) and advance towards the hotel, killing Dizdarevi and Dani
enroute (7).
drove to the Ecole Superieure.
The corridors were full of soldiers. Screams could be heard from a side
room. Before the doors stood barefooted (Bosnian) soldiers with their faces to
the wall. The general told me that five German officers had been murdered.
He asked me if I wanted to see the bodies, which lay in the neighboring room.
I answered that I would like to pay my last respects to the dead.
We entered the room. The floor was flooded with blood. On cots lay the
five murdered officers. An NCO uncovered the faces of the dead one by one.
They appeared to have been killed by gunfire, although their faces were swol-
len. After this macabre visit, I returned to the room (where the proceedings
were taking place). After being introduced to Hanke, who had been appointed
city commander, the general announced that the situation would now be dis-
cussed.
It was immediately clear to me that the Germans believed that the towns-
people had aided the rebellious (Bosnians). Consequently the question was
raised of what measures were to be taken in retaliation against the civilian
population. These would be carried out this same night. The seriousness of the
situation was clear. I stood from the stool that had been provided for me and
told the general that in my opinion, Villefranche's civilian population had
nothing to do with the occurrences. Hanke told me to sit back down and said,
"We will draw up a public notice for the townspeople. You will translate it
into French and post the placards early tomorrow." The placards were printed
at the Salingardes Print Shop and given to the Germans, who posted them
themselves.
28
The placards read:
To the Population of Villefranche
Owing to the events that have occurred in this city, I have been appointed
City Commandant of Villefranche.
I order the following:
1. Martial law has been declared in Villefranche.
2. From 2100 until 0600 hrs. all civilian traffic in the streets and in public
places is prohibited. Any unauthorized person who is found in public during
28
Louis Fontages, "SS & Croates a Villefranche de Rouergue Aout 1943-Septembre 1943," un-
dated (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RS 3-13/5).
The public notice of 18 September 1943.
these times will be arrested and punished. Doctors, mid-wives, public service
officials (i.e. railroad, gas, electrical, water works, etc.) will be issued passes
after receiving approval through the mayor.
3. Anyone found in possession of a weapon will be shot.
4. I will appeal one time for the surrender of all weapons. All weapons
must be deposited at the Kommandantur before 2000 hrs., 18 September 1943.
5. All orders given by sentries or patrols are to be carried out immedi-
ately.
6. All non-resident aliens have until 1800 hrs. on 18 September 1943 to
register on the alien list. All non-residents who have not registered will be
arrested after this time.
7. The Kommandantur is located in the "Ecole Primaire Superieure de
Jeunes Filles."
Frenchmen, I appeal to your sense of honor and expect that you will not
allow yourselves to be instigated by racially foreign elements, such as Jews
and English Agents! This rabble seeks only your ruin!
Villefranche, 18 September 1943
Hanke
City Commander
The trials continued through the night and until midday on the eighteenth.
One German present believed that at least some of the mutineers
were simple soldiers; they were completely under the influence of the
ring leaders and had merely obeyed their orders. I remember that several of
the Mujos had even fought previously against the communists in their home-
land, and at least one if not two displayed wounds they had received in this
fighting to the court. I am now firmly convinced that some of them were in no
way aware of the consequences of their doings - they were only obeying
orders.
29
This view was shared by many other division members
30
but over a dozen
death sentences were handed down. The condemned were immediately led from
29
Letter to the author from Hartmut Schmid dated 4 March 1992.
' "Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995.
the Ecole Superieure to a field opposite the town cemetery where the executions
were carried out. Several French civilians watched the shackled men being shuffled
through the street, some with sacks placed over their heads to hide their contu-
sions. One German who was present remembered:
The executions took place shortly after the last death sentence was pro-
nounced. This was sometime in the early afternoon of 18 September.
The pioneer battalion was forced to enter the open field and assemble in
a U-shape and witness the executions. A Croatian interpreter and Rottenfhrer
Hans-Wolf Renner from the signal battalion were posted near the condemned
men. The Croatian interpreter would call out the names of the condemned
when it was their turn at the stake and Renner was to administer the "mercy
shot" to any man that was not immediately dead after the volley. I should add
that all of the condemned men approached the stake in a very calm and com-
posed manner.
After several of the executions had been carried out, something unusual
occurred. The Croatian interpreter called out the name of a man who stood not
among the condemned but within the ranks of the assembled pioneer battal-
ion. The man reported to the front of the formation. This individual had killed
his officer during the revolt. The division commander was then informed why
the man was summoned. I still remember what (was said):
Hans Hanke
Har t mut Schmi d of t he
division' s signal battalion.
Schmid was one of the men
posted to guard the captive
mut i neers and later wit-
nessed their executions.
"Is it true that you killed your officer?" Sauberzweig asked him.
"Jawohl," replied the Muslim.
The division commander sentenced him to death on the spot. He was
immediately brought to the stake.
Renner taunted Vukeli. He screamed, "You swine! You were to become
a German officer? We won't shoot you, you swine, we'll hang you!" In any
case, Vukeli was also shot, last, probably as an example.
31
31
Letter to the author from Hartmut Schmid dated 4 March 1992. A local undertaker buried the
bodies of the executed mutineers on the spot. Owing to the rocky ground, the graves were shallow and
within weeks the remains were unearthed by wild dogs. Mayor Fontages' s complaints to the authorities
in Rodez about the stench brought a group of several Germans to the location on 15 October 1943.
They covered the grave with 600 kg of lime and stamped the ground firm [Louis Fontages, "SS &
Croates a Villefranche de Rouergue Aout 1943-Septembere 1943," undated (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv,
RS 3-13/5)]. A memorial to the mutineers was dedicated by the French and Yugoslavian governments
on 8 October 1950. The dead German officers were buried in the local cemetery in Rodez. Their
remains were later moved to the German military cemetery at Dagneux.
Executed were:
Mujo Alispahi
Karamanovi
Jusup Vujak
Zemko Banji
Ephraim Basi
Ismet Cefkovi
Zeir Mehii
In recognition of the actions that thwarted the mutiny, Himmler awarded Imam
Malko, Dr. Schweiger, and Schwarz the Iron Cross, Second Class. Jaarevi and
Okanadi were among five additional soldiers who were also decorated.
32
The citizens of Villefranche complied with the German order to turn in all
weapons. Hanke reported to Sauberzweig that forty-nine weapons, including swords
and even antique muzzle loaders, had been surrendered, along with some 860 rounds
of small arms ammunition. When a weapons accountability inspection was con-
ducted in the pioneer battalion, however, it was discovered that nine rifles, a sub-
machine gun, a pistol, and the privately-owned firearms of the murdered officers
could not be accounted for. As for Mayor Fontages' claim that the Germans "be-
lieved that the townspeople had aided the rebellious (Bosnians)," von Kocevar
later wrote that "participation (in the mutiny) from the French side was never
proven."
33
Several suspects were actually arrested and handed over to the SD but
all were eventually released. The Germans continued their vain search for Matuti-
novi, as the mayor reported:
On Sunday, 19 September . . . the SS conducted searches in the city,
seeking (Bosnians) who had hidden there. Luckily, these searches were not as
thorough as one might presume. There were several broken doors, messed
closets and even a few thefts, but the fear was overcome. The police recov-
ered their weapons and resumed their activities.
34
Meho Memisevi
Philipp Njima
Nikola Vukeli
Ivan Jurkovi
Alija Beganovi
Mustafa Mori
Sulejman Silejdi
32
Der Reichsfhrer-SS, Adjutanlur, Tgb. Nr. 1286/43, Gro/ Gl to Generalkommando V SS-(ich,
Korps dated ? October 1943, and a letter to the author from Dr. Willfried Schweiger dal ai 13 .Inly
1992.
33
Dr. Franz von Kocevar, "Die Geschichte der 13. SS-Freiwilligen-Gebirgsdivision "1 laiulschm,"
unpublished manuscript, undated.
34
Louis Fontages, "SS & Creates a Villefranche de Rouergue Aout 1943-Scptembic I9' M," nil
dated (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RS 3-13/5).
Oskar Kirchbaunas casualty report
Sauberzweig eventually reported the incident to his superiors. Phleps was ac-
tually convinced that "there was a squad of Titoists infiltrated into every unit in the
division."
35
The division commander then returned to Germany and met with
Himmler personally on the twenty-third.
36
The Reichsfhrer had not lost faith in
the division, for he later said:
I knew there was a chance that a few traitors might be smuggled into the
division, but I haven't the slightest doubt concerning the loyalty of the Bosnians.
These troops were loyal to their supreme commander twenty years ago (mean-
ing the Bosnians in the Habsburg forces - author) so why shouldn't they be so
today?
37
Sauberzweig told Himmler that he desperately needed a solid core of German
officers and NCOs as it was proving to be impossible to properly train the division
"Per sonal diary of Artur Phleps, entry from 19 September 1943.
36
Himmler appointment book, 1943 (T-84, roll 25).
37
"Rede des Reichsfhrers-SS Heinrich Himmler vor den Fhrer der 13. SS-Freiw. b. h. Gebirgs-
Division (Kroatien) im Fhrerheim Westlager, Truppenbungsplatz Neuhammer am 11. Januar 1944"
(T-175, roll 94 ff2614731).
Excerpt from the Gestapo wanted list (Fahndungsnachweis) for France, late 1943. Escaped mutineer
Eduard Matutinovi is listed as the seventh name from the top.
without one. He even requested that two combat-experienced NCOs be sent to the
division from every company in the entire Waffen-SS.
38
He spoke of the political
problems in Bosnia, which had a detrimental effect on his men and their perfor-
mance, as well as the chronic equipment shortages. In addition to directly inform-
ing the Reichsfhrer of these difficulties, Sauberzweig also implored Berger to use
his influence. In a letter dated 30 September he wrote, "I must form the division as
quickly as possible. Following the arrival of all personnel and equipment I shall
need four months. I will not take any risks with this political instrument. . . . I ask
you to again bring the matter to the Reichsfhrer's attention. This division was
your idea and it is your baby."
39
Himmler admitted that southern France had proven to be a somewhat less
than ideal location for the division's formation
40
and ordered that it be transferred
38
Kroat. SS-Freiw. Geb. Div., Kommandeur, letter to SS-Ogruf. Berger dated 30 September 1943
(T-175, roll 70, ff2587112).
39
Sauberzweig to Berger dated 30 September 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587112).
"""Rede des Reichsfhrers-SS Heinrich Himmler vor den Fhrer der 13. SS-Freiw. b. Ii. Gebii'n-
Division (Kroatien) im Fhrerheim Westlager, Truppenbungsplatz Neuhammer am 11. Januur 1944"
(T-175, roll 94 ff2614731).
to a site in Germany, where no "outside influences" could further disrupt its train-
ing. In France, the Germans discovered:
The passing around of French and Spanish prostitutes is commonplace
among the officer and NCO corps. It has been repeatedly confirmed that these
whores travel from garrison to garrison, jeopardizing security. A number of
prostitutes played a role in the Villefranche incident, but the parties concerned
unfortunately never took notice.
Immigrants flood the division area, among them many Jews from the
Balkan lands, Muslims from North Africa who live and work in France, and
above all Yugoslavian exiles.
Other suspicious elements... have also sought contact with the (Bosnian)
SS men. . . . There have been reports of low flying (Allied) aircraft over
Villefranche, that return in the same direction in which they come.
41
As the Reichsfhrer put it, the division had to be moved "to a Germanic envi-
ronment, in a German training area, governed by only one law, the law of drill and
the law of obedience: to train, to drill, and to be educated."
42
Sauberzweig sug-
gested the training grounds at Dllersheim, near Vienna, but eventually the site at
Neuhammer in Silesia was chosen.
43
The Aftermath
Back in Villefranche, the situation soon returned to normal. After martial law
was lifted at 2400 hrs. on the eighteenth,
44
Hanke and his men returned to Mende.
The Bosnians of the pioneer battalion were re-armed under the careful supervision
of their German NCOs, and a new unit commander, Heinz Knoll, arrived several
days later.
45
Four Bosnian deserters were hunted down and executed on 28 Sep-
tember.
46
Upon his return to France, Sauberzweig ordered his officers to immediately
purge individuals from their units who were considered to be "unsuitable for ser-
41
"Meuterei Bericht." A review of the Operations Record Books of the two British R.A.F. Spe-
cial Duty Squadrons that supplied SOE circuits operating in occupied France (138 and 161) confirm
the aircraft reports; they reveal numerous supply missions carried out in this area during the period of
August-September 1943 [Public Records Office, Operations Record Books for 138 Squadron (AIR/
956), and 161 Squadron (AIR/1068)]. Special thanks to Michael Arton.
42
"Rede des Reichsfhrers-SS Heinrich Himmler vor den Fhrer der 13. SS-Freiw. b. h. Gebirgs-
Division (Kroatien) im Fhrerheim Westlager, Truppenbungsplatz Neuhammer am 11. Januar 1944"
(T-175, roll 94, ff2614731).
43
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 21 September 1943.
44
Sauberzweig' s telegram (Tgb. Nr. Ia 152/43 geheim) "An den Kommandanten der Heeresgruppe
Sdfrankreich, Abteilung Ia" dated 19 September 1943.
"Let t er s to the author from Dr. Willfried Schweiger dated 2 June and 12 October 1992.
46
ibid, dated 3 September 1992.
vice" and/or "politically unreliable." Eventually, some 825 Bosnians were removed
from the ranks and assembled in Le Puy.
47
These "dark elements," as Sauberzweig
later called them,
only caused unrest for the division, for they could not be expected to
perform any valuable service and the danger existed that dark elements, espe-
cially former Yugoslavian emigrs, have attempted to make contact with these
people. . . . It is evident that there are politically unreliable elements among
these men The division has sought by all available means to distance itself
from these individuals.
48
The group was sent to Germany by rail on 27 September and arrived in Munich
two days later. After several days at Dachau Concentration Camp, they were moved
to another installation in Berlin, where they were robbed of their possessions and
informed that they were to volunteer for labor service, and that those who did not
would not be fed. The men refused on the grounds that they had been recruited
exclusively to fight communism in their homeland, but after several days with no
rations, 536 of them volunteered for labor service and were handed over to the
Organisation Todt. 265 men who still refused were sent to Neuengamme Concen-
tration Camp; the fates of the others are unknown. Repeated attempts by the Croatian
government to secure the mens' freedom were unsuccessful.
49
The death toll stemming from the Villefranche mutiny did not end with the
shootings of 18 September. Several division members recalled that at least one
captured mutineer was spared and eventually transferred to Neuhammer with the
division, where he was shot after a failed escape attempt. One of his executioners,
signalman Ernst Link, tells the story:
This (Bosnian), one of the guilty parties, was executed at Neuhammer. I
cannot recall the exact date, but it was already quite cold and the ground was
frozen.
47
Legation of the Independent State of Croatia to the German Foreign Office, "Verbalnote" dated
3 November 1943 (T-175, roll 21 ff2526702).
48
13. SS-Freiw. b. h. Geb. Div. (Kroatien), IIb-Az.:23, "Entlassung vom Freiwilligen der Freiw.
Div." dated 12 December 1943 (T-175, roll 21, ff2526994).
""Legation of the Independent State of Croatia to the German Foreign Office, "Verbalnote" dated
3 November 1943 (T-175, roll 21 ff2526702), and a telegram from SS-Hstuf. Burk of the RSHA to the
Pers. Stab RF-SS dated 5 May 1944 (T-175, roll 21, ff2526712). My attempt at ascertaining the fates of
the men sent to Neuengamme was unsuccessful, as most of the camp' s records were destroyed at the
end of the war. The camp death register is also incomplete, but from what little does survive, it appears
that dozens of the men perished (Letter to the author from the KZ-Gedenksttte Neuengamme dated 13
May 1991).
One afternoon, our company commander (Gnther Weyhe - author) en-
tered our room, selected five men (including me), and ordered us to report to
his office with our rifles and steel helmets. Once there, we were informed of
our task and each of us received five rounds of ammunition.
That evening, a truck arrived carrying the (Bosnian), who appeared to be
quite exhausted. We drove to a remote location where the sentence was car-
ried out. Present were our company commander, platoon leader, and a physi-
cian who pronounced the man dead.
Such an event is simply impossible to forget. The whole affair was kept
secret and we were not permitted to discuss it with anyone.
50
To sum up the mutiny and its overall effect on the division, one German later
said that "the entire incident was so tragic that it quickly faded from memory."
51
50
Letter from Ernst Link to Hartmut Schmidt dated 8 December 1992 (Archiv der Truppen-
kameradschaft Handschar).
51
Letter to the author from Hartmut Schmid dated 4 March 1992.
The "Germanic
Environment"
T h e division's units began departing France by rail on 1 October and reached
the Neuhammer training area several days later. The facility pleased the division
staff, as it was large enough that nearly the entire division could be quartered
within its grounds. The only exception was the Albanian battalion (1/2), which was
stationed at a nearby satellite camp in Strans.
1
In light of the persistent personnel shortage, Sauberzweig ordered that several
of the division's units be temporarily disbanded. These included the third battal-
ions of both mountain infantry regiments, one company from each of the existing
infantry battalions, the two cavalry squadrons, and a host of other smaller changes.
The personnel from these units were used as replacements elsewhere in the divi-
sion.
2
The Bosnians, on the other hand, had more important concerns.
As had been predicted by the Islamic leadership during the summer months,
the virtual absence of the male Muslim population from Bosnia merely facilitated
their enemies. The Germans had promised the Bosnian population that the divi-
sion would complete its training and return to Balkans "by the fifteenth of Octo-
ber"
3
but this was not to be. One Bosnian civilian wrote:
Our situation is a difficult one and worsens daily. The Muslim population
finds itself in a position where no one can protect them. The Croatian military
1
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entries from 26-27 September 1943, and a letter to the author
from Rudi Sommerer dated 21 September 1992.
2
13. SS-Division, Ia, Tgb. Nr. Ia 246/43 v. 25. 10. 1943, "Vorbergehende Umgliedcninn der
Division."
' "Auszug aus dem Brief an einen Angehrigen der 13. Division" (T-175, roll 70, IT2.SH7121 ).
is unfit to assume the task, the Muslims have hardly any possibility of under-
taking the job themselves, (and) the Germans do not possess sufficient forces.
The Muslim men find themselves for the most part in a host of military units.
Unfortunately, there is but one hope, that with God's mercy, (the division)
will save our world; that the killing will stop and that lives will be spared.'
1
In addition, the dismal economic conditions in Croatia had grown even worse;
the volunteers' dependents soon found such primary tasks as obtaining food to be
difficult, although Croatian indifference was as much to blame as the high infla-
tion.
5
The seriousness of the situation was reported to Phleps by Hasan Bajraktarevi,
Regiment l ' s imam. Bajraktarevi and two fellow clerics had returned to Bosnia
to recruit additional volunteers for the division and personally witnessed the suf-
fering:
A negative impression has been made by the new Muslim losses in east-
ern Bosnia inflicted by the etniks and Partisans, (including) 50,000 new refu-
gees. The larger cities of Bosnia have been inundated (with refugees). . . .
Great bitterness has arose that the division has not yet arrived.
Bajraktarevi also revealed the effectiveness of communist propaganda. The
Partisans told the Bosnian population that they would "never see their sons or
fathers again, and that they would be shipped off as cannon fodder to the eastern
front or be worked to death in French mines."
6
He lamented the apparent "loss" of
Hafiz Muhamed Panda, who had played a significant role in the recruiting of the
division, from the ranks of its supporters. The imam did admit that there were "still
possibilities to make good . . . and restore the faith" of the Muslim religious lead-
ership and population in the Germans. The Islamic leaders asked for the follow-
ing:
7
1. The division was under all circumstances to return to Bosnia by the
end of 1943.
2. Relief of the food emergency in the area was to take place.
3. Food and security for the mass of refugees was to be procured.
4
Letter written by a Bosnian civilian to a member of the division (T-175, roll 70, ff2587119).
5
Kammerhofer to Berger, "Frsorge fr die Angehrigen des SS- und Polizeifreiwilligen in
Kroatien" dated 29 April 1944 (T-175, roll 21, ff2526614). For tales of Croatian intrigue see Nedim
Salihbegovi, "Bericht zur Lage" dated 25 September 1943 (T-175, roll 70, f2587115).
6
13. SS-Division, "Flugblattentwurf Nr. 2" (T-175, roll 70, ff2587027), and a telephone inter-
view conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995.
' I ma m Hasan Bajraktarevi to SS-Ogruf. Phleps from 15 November 1943 (T-175, roll 70,
ff2587075).
Ill
4. An explanation of the Kosutica incident was to be provided.
5. Propaganda was to be produced that countered that of the communists.
Their requests did not fall on deaf ears. Although the Germans knew that the
division could not complete its training and return to Bosnia until early the follow-
ing year, efforts were made to relieve the region's food shortage. The division
conducted two collections for donations to the Muslim welfare organization
Merhamed, one of which raised over 88,000 Reichsmarks,
8
and other Waffen-SS
units also contributed.
9
As for the SS officer responsible for the Kosutica blood-
bath, thirty-two-year-old Carl Juels, a military court convicted him of charges stem-
ming from several misdeeds and sentenced him to eight years' imprisonment as
well as dismissal from the SS.
10
Himmler also heeded the pleas for younger, more experienced German offic-
ers and NCOs. Soon after reaching Neuhammer, a sort of metamorphosis took
place in the division. A large number of young Germans of all ranks were brought
in, including two entire companies from the SS Division "Nord,"" while many of
the older officers and NCOs were dismissed. Before long, most of the division's
units saw their elderly commanders relieved and replaced by younger, more ener-
getic Germans. Once called "95% non-German,"
12
the division now possessed a
nearly all-German officer corps.
13
What remained were the shortages, for even as
late as January 1944 Sauberzweig complained to von Herff that he "desperately
needed battalion commanders."
14
Most of the units conducted their own NCO
courses to attempt to alleviate shortcomings in that area, but the deficiencies per-
sisted in spite of their efforts. As for the enlisted ranks, the imams in Bosnia were
able to recruit over 1,000 additional volunteers, bringing the division to 80% of its
8
Berger to Himmler, "Von Reichsfhrer-SS befohlene Sammlung zur Behebung der Not der
muselmanischen Bevlkerung im bosnischen Raum" dated 12 January 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587057).
' Ber ger reported that "the SS Sonderregiment Dirlewanger contributed its combat pay for three
months and has submitted a sum of RM 35,000 therewith" [See Berger to Himmler dated 12 January
1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587057)].
"' Personnel file of Carl Juels (Berlin Document Center). The actual amount of time Juels spent in
prison is unknown.
'
1
One officer stated that the majority of these Germans came from the "SS Polizei Division" and
the SS Division "Nord, " but also included small numbers of men from the SS Divisions "Leibstandarte
Adolf Hitler," "Das Reich," and "Wi ki ng" (Letter to the author from Albert Stenwedel dated 27 No-
vember 1990).
, 2
Dr. Franz von Kocevar, "Die Geschichte der 13. SS-Freiwilligen-Gebirgsdivision "Handschar,"
unpublished manuscript, undated.
13
13. SS-Division, Fiihrerstellenbesetzungsliste vom 15. 2. 1944. This change did not have much
effect on the overall ethnic composition of the division, for Sauberzweig stated during this period that
"over 90% of the division' s soldiers were Muslims" [Sauberzweig to Berger dated 5 November 1943
(T-175, roll 70, ff2587109)].
14
Sauberzweig to von Herff dated 7 January 1944 [Personnel file of Gerhard Haenle (Berlin
Document Center)].
The pioneer battalion' s new commander, Heinz Knoll, inspects his men. To his rear are Amtmann
(left) and his adjutant, Zumsteg.
Pioneer officers at Neuhammer. From left Luckmann, Amtmann, Schssler, Keller, Zumsteg, Knoll,
Scheffer, and Dr. Schweiger.
Men of Flak Abt. 13 at Neuhammer. The officer in the vehicle is Hans-Walter Hanke.
Training of the pioneer battalion' s bridging column. (BA)
This page and opposite: Division supply troops
in Neuhammer.
prescribed enlisted strength by the end of October.
15
Interestingly, the Germans
even considered using captive Indian Muslims in the division, but this suggestion
was rejected when Berger informed Himmler that the Indian Muslims "perceive
themselves primarily as Indians, the Bosnians as Europeans."
16
After arriving in Neuhammer, the division's training resumed in earnest. The
recruits' basic training was completed on 30 November. This was followed by
squad drills, which ended on Christmas Eve. Next came platoon training, which
was completed on 9 January 1944, and finally company and unit training which
rounded out the regimen and was conducted until the division was transported to
the Balkans in mid-February. Erich Braun, an officer, wrote in his diary that the
units were "beginning to take shape."
17
The division's mountain infantry regiments, which were re-titled in sequence
with the other infantry regiments of the Waffen-SS as Regiments 27 and 28, trained
recruits in the use of infantry weapons and tactics. Forty-eight-year-old Desiderius
Hampel assumed command of Regiment 27 shortly after its arrival at Neuhammer.
Born to German parents in Croatia, Hampel was uniquely suited to the division,
for he not only spoke his mens' native tongue, but, unlike most of his fellow ex-
Habsburg officers now in SS uniform, was a capable leader. Regiment 28 saw its
original commander, Franz Matheis, replaced by Hellmuth Raithel, who was trans-
15
13. SS-Division, la, Tgb. Nr. Ia 246/43 v. 25. 10. 1943, "Vorbergehende Umgliederung der
Division."
16
Berger to Himmler dated 13 November 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587103).
17
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 9 October 1943.
ferred to the division from the German army. A veteran of the campaigns in Crete
and Russia, Raithel was a highly-experienced mountaineer and holder of the cov-
eted German Cross in Gold. He was far superior to the older Matheis, who like
Hampel had fought for Austria during the First World War.
18
The division's artillery regiment was also progressing. Its men underwent five
weeks of individual training, followed by four weeks' drill as gun crews, and fi-
nally platoon level training and battle drills with the infantry. The regiment's com-
mander, the elderly Alexander von Gyurcsy, was believed to be "arrogant and an
unsuitable leader" by his men,
19
and was soon replaced by the younger, more effi-
cient Ernst Schmedding.
After its virtual destruction at Villefranche, the pioneer battalion's officer corps
was rebuilt with young Germans from other units. Sauberzweig wrote that the new
commander, Heinz Knoll, assumed the leadership of the battalion "with tireless
diligence and enthusiasm."
20
The men were trained both individually and in groups,
including instruction in use of the flamethrower and "training within the frame of
the pioneer platoon." Since Sauberzweig considered close-combat training vital,
the battalion conducted two close-combat training courses in the beginning of Janu-
ary.
21
The insertion and clearing of obstacles was also learned.
Owing to a shortage of trained observation personnel, the men of Flak Abt. 13
were schooled primarily in defending against ground targets as opposed to engag-
ing hostile aircraft. Coordination between the available observation personnel and
the gun crews was also stressed. The unit commander, Husejin Bievi, was a
Bosnian Muslim who served in the Austrian army during the First World War. He
was deemed unsuitable by his own adjutant,
22
and was replaced by German Max
Daumer shortly before the division was committed to combat.
The division's anti-tank battalion was trained in three phases. The first phase
familiarized the men with small arms and anti-tank guns. The second phase in-
cluded training in engaging tanks in close combat as well as combat against ma-
chine gun nests. Platoon training and battle drills of all types in coordination with
infantry companies completed the program. Battalion commander Gerhard Dierich
was called "tough but fair" by his men.
23
In light of the mountainous terrain of northeastern Bosnia, it was decided to
form a second telephone company within the division's signal battalion. The men
18
Nuremberg Document NO-4951.
"Let t er to the author from Heinz Stratmann dated 16 October 1992.
20
13. SS-Frw. b. h. Geb. Div. (Kroatien), "Beurteilung zum 15. Dezember 1943 ber den SS-
Hstuf. Knoll, Heinz" [Personnel file of Heinz Knoll (Berlin Document Center)].
21
13. SS-Division, la Nr. 345/43 geheim v. 22. 12. 1943, "Ausbildungsbefehl Nr. 2."
22
Letter to the author from Werner Kaase dated 16 February 1992. Kaase stated that Bievi was
a "fi ne fellow, and a father-type to the younger soldiers, but was not fit to lead the unit."
23
Letter to the author from Franz Scheucher dated 15 December 1992.
conducted exercises in establishing communication nets between units over long
distances, in one case stretching over sixty kilometers.
24
The personnel shortage in Emil Kuhler's reconnaissance battalion was so se-
vere that its third squadron was dissolved. Training centered around instruction in
the use of small arms and patrolling, while mounted elements perfected their riding
skills. As many of the unit's officers hailed from the Balkans, it appears that the
language barrier did not pose much of a problem in the battalion.
The training of the division's supply troops consisted primarily of driver's
training courses. The men were taught how to drive in convoys, and, owing to the
known tactics of the Partisans, practiced measures to be taken during ambushes.
The unit's first commander, Ajanovi, was a Bosnian Muslim who had served
previously as an infantry officer in the Austrian army, and according to his adju-
tant "had little concept of logistical matters." He was soon relieved.
25
His succes-
sor, Albert Fassbender, was little better. Despite his decorations and intelligence,
he too was considered unsuitable by his junior officers.
26
24
Letter to the author f r om Hartmut Schmid dated 16 June 1992.
25
Letter to the author from Cord-Henning Knospe dated 12 November 1992.
26
ibid.
A special training and replacement battalion was formed for the division at
Neuhammer. Titled SS-Gebirgsjger Ausbildungs und Ersatz Bataillon 13 (SS
Mountain Infantry Training and Replacement Battalion 13), this battalion was tasked
with training young Bosnian (and German) recruits for the division once it re-
turned to Bosnia. Several problems arose during the unit's formation, as one NCO
remembered:
The first commander was Sturmbannfhrer Khler, who came from the
Division "Prinz Eugen" and brought (several members) of his staff, including
. . . a number of Volksdeutsche who served as interpreters. In light of the
officer shortage, experienced NCOs filled the leadership positions.
The battalion was initially billeted in a primitive camp for Russian pris-
oners. The snow-covered camp, with its barbed wire and guard towers, re-
minded one of Siberia. A six week quarantine owing to typhus largely isolated
the battalion from the outside world. We were then moved to standard mili-
tary barracks.
27
With the end of the Islamic month of Ramadan, a large Bairam celebration
took place in the division. Both Sauberzweig and Imam Muhasilovi addressed
the men. The former said:
This is the first feast that the entire division will observe together. We
want to observe it as a sign that we have grown together into a community of
prosperity . . . that your fate is Germany's fate.
Adolf Hitler has instructed us to overcome all setbacks and make up for
all mistakes; to increase our energy and combat readiness.
So today we shall not despair in view of the exasperated struggles on all
fronts and in view of the suffering (in Bosnia); we shall merely increase our
desire to carry out our mission. We will employ all forces to complete the
training as quickly as possible. We want to be our Fiihrer's best soldiers!
28
27
Horst Grunwald, Gebirgsjger der Waffen-SS im Kampf um den Semmering: Bericht ber die
ersten und letzten Gefechte des SS-Geb. Jg. Ausb. u. Ers. Btl. 13 Leoben, Steiermark im April/Mai 1945
(Fuldatal: Horst Grunwald, 1984), 1-2.
28
Although Sauberzweig discouraged any negative thinking, he later admitted that "after the
disaster of Stalingrad in February 1943, it was quite clear to every old soldier that the war would not
end with a German victory" (Untitled report written by Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig at Preetz on 26
September 1946).
Left: Sauberzweig addresses the men during Bajram festivities, October 1943. Right: Imam Abdulah
Muhasilovi speaks.
Muhasilovi spoke next. His treatise of civilization sundering into hostile
groups seems to have been gleaned from Marx, though any comparison of their
theories ends there:
The world's Muslims are engaged in a terrible life-or-death struggle. To-
day, a war of enormous magnitude is being waged; a war as humanity has
never before experienced. The entire world has divided itself into two camps.
One stands under the leadership of the Jews, about whom God says in the
Qur'n, "They are your enemy and God's enemy." And that is the English,
Americans, and Bolsheviks, who fight against faith, against God, against
morality, and a just order.
On the other side stands National Socialist Germany with its allies, under
the leadership of Adolf Hitler, who fight for God, faith, morality, and a fairer
arid more righteous order in the world, as well as for a fairer distribution of all
goods that God has produced for all people.
As we observe this Bairam feast with good food, and even halva, an en-
tire army of our brothers, our refugees, wander about from city to village,
wrapped in rags, barefooted, hungry and cold. Their Bairam feast will be spent
in misery and distress. It is even sadder that the etniks and Partisans carry on
their activities, murdering and plundering wherever they go. But we call out
to them, "You can murder and plunder, but the day will come when the tables
are turned!"
And to you, dear and beloved Bosnia, we appeal to you, our beloved
parents, our loyal wives and children - be patient and ask our God that we
finish our training quickly. We will then return and thrash our enemies with
the courage of lions, and liberate our cities and villages, our Bosnia. We shall
then celebrate our Bairam feast again in peaceful content (and) follow the
path and perform the labor that God has shown us.
29
Himmler visited the division twice at Neuhammer. During the first trip on 21
November,
30
he was so impressed by the bearing of one young officer, Hans-Georg
Hofer, that he promoted him on the spot. The second visit (11-12 January 1944)
saw him deliver an address to the assembled officer corps. The training was nearly
over; the division was slated to return to the Balkans in a matter of weeks. He said:
This time I visit you shortly before you are to go into action. I believe it to
be proper, as I' ve done with all of the divisions of the Waffen SS, to visit the
officer corps - to meet each and every one of you - no matter who you are: if
29
"Ei ne Gemei nschaft auf Gedi eh und Verderb: Ansprachen des Kommandeur s und des
Divisionsimams zum Baj ramfest" in Handar Folge 7 (1943).
30
Himmler appointment book, 1943 (T-84, roll 26).
13-Freiw.b.h.Gb.Div. (Kroatien]^
Divisionsimam Husein Dzozo/^,.
^'y-Haupt sturmfhrer 1
r>
O.U., den G.Dezember 1943
An den c\)
Kommandiaur der 13.y;-Div.
zur \7eiterleitung an den Reichsf hrer-v-L
Die Anordnung des Reichsfhrers-;//, da das
eingesammelte Geld fr das V/HW den Angehrt-*
' gen unbemittelter Mnner unserer Division
zu Gute kommen soll, da die Brotration auf
1. 20 Kg.*erhht wird, und da eine Imamen-,
Schule errichtet werden soll zeugt ohne Zwei-
fel von der groen Liebe zu uns Muselmanen *
und zu Bosnien berhaupt. Ich erachte es da-
her fr meine Pflicht, im Namen der Imame
dieser Division 30wie im Namen von Hundert-
tausend Armen -aus Bosnien dem Reichsfhrer-,/
unseren Dank auf "die Art auszusprechen,, indem
ich unsere aufrichtigste Bereitschaft" .aus-.-.- ;-
spreche, unser leben im Kampfe fr den groen'
Fhrer Adolf I-Iitler und das Neue Europa
cinuet'zen zu wollen.
gez. p. z. o z o .
//-Hauptsturmfhrer u.Div.Imam
F . d . n . d . A .
Acting Division Imam Husejin Dozo thanks Himmler for donations to the Bosnians' family members,
increasing troop bread rations, and the establishment of an imam school. "(These deeds) signify the
great benevolence for us Muslims and for Bosnia in general. I therefore consider it my duty to extend
our thanks to the Reichsfhrer SS in the names of the division' s imams as well as in the names of the
hundreds of thousands of Bosnia' s poor in that I pledge that we are prepared to lay down our lives in
battle for the great leader Adolf Hitler and the New Europe."
you are from the Greater German Reich, or from the liberated countries, from
Croatia, from Bosnia, or if you are a German from somewhere in the wide
territory of the Balkans, so that we can for once see each other eye to eye.
31
He continued with praises for the old Austrian monarchy, which he claimed
possessed "limitless advantages" before its fall, and derided the "twenty years of
Yugoslav domination" that followed. He spoke of the failures of the Italians in the
region and of communist attempts to "form Soviet republics in Croatia or the en-
tire Balkans." Later, he focused his words on the division itself:
I decided to propose to the Fhrer that we (establish) a Muslim Bosnian
Division. (Many) believed the notion to be so novel that they scoffed at i t . . .
. Such is the fate of all new ideas. I was told, "You're ruining the formation of
the Croatian State" (and) "No one will volunteer."
Himmler then presented a monochromatic overview of the historical chaos in
the Balkans, proclaiming that in the interest of keeping order "only the Germans
possess(ed) the right to rule the area." In his mind, the Austrian monarchy had
fulfilled the task in the last century, and the division was set to take up where the
Habsburgs left off. "I am convinced - and I believe that history will prove me
ri^ht," he said, "that only this division can restore order in the region."
Most interesting of all were his words concerning Islam. When speaking of
the glory of Austria-Hungary, he mentioned the fears among southeasterners of
the Turks. Later, when addressing the subject of the Germans and Islam directly,
he changed his tune:
Germany (and) the Reich have been friends of Islam for the past two
centuries, owing not to expediency but to friendly conviction. We have the
same goals.
The Reichsfhrer felt it necessary to single out the different nationalities in
the division and direct a few words to each. He told the non-Germans present
about the organization to which they now (nominally) belonged:
Today the world knows what the SS is. We have more enemies than friends.
31
"RededesRei chsfhrers-SS Heinrich Himmler vor den Fhrern der 13. SS-Freiw. b. h. Gebirgs-
Division (Kroatien) im Fhrerheim Westlager, Truppenbungsplatz Neuhammer am 11. Januar 1944"
(T-175, roll 94, ff2614731).
Dierich' s men performing crew drills for their Reichsfhrer.
Himmler and Gerhard Dierich, commander of Pz. Jg. Abt. 13 (November 1943).
Himmler inspects the division' s reconnaissance battalion. From right to left Kuhler, Braun, Christiansen,
von Rautenfeld, Sauberzweig, Himmler, unknown.
From left to right Himmler, unknown, Sauberzweig, Hampel.
We know this but it does not bother us in the slightest. The enemy also knows
that we are soldiers from the heart of Europe.
He appealed to his Germans to have patience with the Bosnians:
Do not draw any comparisons here. It is of course easier to work with
someone who attended good schools in Germany than with someone who
under changing conditions was only able to attend bad schools. . . . I expect
that you SS officers will educate properly. . . . With the comradery, there is to
be no difference between a German from the Reich, a Bosnian, Croatian, or a
German from the southeast. We wear the same tunic, the same belt buckle,
and the same national emblem. We have sworn the same oath to the same
leader, and battle against the same enemy.
32
Himmler inspected the division's units during his second visit, and Sauberzweig
had Walter Bormann's Albanians (I/28) and elements of Schmedding's artillery
conduct a special field exercise demonstrating "the attack of a reinforced battalion
from the assembly area."
33
During a speech he delivered several weeks later,
Himmler spoke of his inspection and the unique training methods utilized in the
division and other SS formations composed of non-German personnel:
(Owing to the language barrier) the officers must conduct the training as
follows (I saw it personally with the Bosnians): the officer assembles his com-
pany, lays down behind the machine gun, and gives a German command. His
men repeat the order aloud and follow his lead. This continues until each man
has learned the task; upon the command "Eingraben" (dig in), for example,
they reach for their entrenching tools and begin digging. In this manner, a
division that does not speak German can function under German command.
For the officers in these units, the duty day does not end at 1800 hrs.: the
evenings are used for language instruction in the tongues of their men.
34
The Mufti also visited the division on two occasions during its tenure at
Neuhammer, accompanied by various Muslim officials from Bosnia and Albania.
Their presence, along with the division's novel composition and fancy accoutre-
32
ibid.
33
SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28, Kommandeur, "Lage fr des Belehrungsschiessen des verst. I. Btls. /SS-
Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28 am 12. 1. 1944" dated 5 January 1944 (T-354, roll 156, ff 3800517).
34
"Rede des Reichsfhrers-SS auf der Tagung der RPA-Leiter am 28. Januar 1944" (T-175, roll
94, ff2614801).
ments, quickly attracted the attention of the German press, and before long snap-
shots of the "new volunteers from Bosnia - Herzegovina" could be seen on the
covers of newspapers and magazines throughout the Reich. Much was done to
please Husseini; even the Germans abstained from pork and alcohol during his
visits.
35
He was popular among the Muslims of the division, as one later revealed:
The Mufti was loved by the men. He gave us good-will packets during
his visits. These packets contained 250 grams of tobacco, four cigarettes, Ara-
bian honey, and fruit."
36
II/28 and Regiment 27 performed battle drills with live ammunition for
Husseini's benefit during the visits.
37
A German radio broadcast announced:
The ( Muf t i ) . . . is spending three days with the newly-established Mus-
lim SS Division, inspected troops in training and prayed with them.
The (Mufti) said that these are (splendid) days that reminded him of his
own soldiering during the First World War (Husseini served as an artillery
officer in the Turkish army - author). He met six brothers, five of whom formed
one gun crew (i.e. the Daslemann brothers of 8./AR 13 - author), and a man of
fifty-five who had joined with his son. Another volunteer, aged fifty, had fif-
teen children, three of them fighting with the German armed forces.
38
Shortly after his second appearance, Husseini met with Berger in Berlin and
presented several suggestions on restoring order in Bosnia:
1. The administration of the territory should - when granted the proper
authority - be planned and built in such a way that a determined leadership in
accordance with clear laws and measures is possible. It should be achieved
through clarity and publicity of the task and goals of the administration. Such
order will lead the Partisans to lay down their weapons and take their places in
the planning of the administration. A general amnesty could be helpful in this
regard. In pursuit of this goal, uniform leadership or at least uniform direction
35
Wilhelm Ebeling, "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. ' Handschar, ' " unpublished
manuscript, 1953.
36
Letter to the author from Ago Omi dated 8 March 1993.
37
Untitled report written on the history of the division by Egon Zill, unpublished, 1973.
38
Maurice Pearlman, Mufti of Jerusalem: The Story of Haj Amin el-Husseini (London: Victor
Gollancz Ltd., 1947), 64.
Sauberzweig' s obsequious hand-written greeting to Himmler at Christmas 1943. "Reichsfhrer! The
officers, NCOs, and men of the Muslim Divsion send you, Reichsfhrer, their greetings at Yuletide -
the German Christmas! With these greetings, they vow to fight with spirit and weapons side-by-side
with the other SS formations during the New Year to prepare the way for the Europe to be ordered by
our Fhrer. To their Reichsfhrer they wish success and soldier' s luck during the New Year as well as
continued good health. Heil Hitler! In Gratitude, Sauberzweig."
Note the youth of the Bos-
nians in this photograph.
To the firing range.
Ernst Schmedding (peaked
cap) shows the Muf t i hi s
artillerymen.
between the German authorities in Bosnia, the SS, the army, and the represen-
tatives of the Foreign Office should be established.
2. Any encroachment on the civilian population by the troops should be
avoided. All measures, such as deportations, confiscations of goods, or execu-
tions, should only be carried out in accordance with lawful jurisdiction.
3. A special decree should be issued by the Supreme Commander of the
armies in the southeast guaranteeing the safety of the Islamic population. A
similar order issued by the Reichsfhrer-SS would reinforce this decree.
4. The etniks, who allegedly cooperate with German interests, should
through appropriate measures be prevented from tormenting the Muslims, as
they have done hitherto without reason. Strict punishments should be deter-
mined for actions contrary to these measures.
5. The Ustaa should be prohibited from raiding the indigenous popula-
tion.
6. Restraints should be placed on the Cossacks (i.e. the Cossack units
fighting on the German side under General von Pannwitz - author), who do
not distinguish between friend and foe and (threaten) the Muslim population.
7. Care and assistance for the innocents injured should be provided. For
example a portion of the money collected from the division can be used for
this purpose.
Husseini further stated that through his conversations with the imams of the
division and leading Bosnian personalities, he believed that these measures would
not only be "highly successful" in winning over the Muslims, but that a large
number of the Partisans would be "brought to their senses," i.e. the approximately
10,000 Muslims serving in Tito's forces would desert and could be used to rein-
force the division.
39
In response to the Mufti's pleas for aid, Himmler donated a total of RM 100,000
from his positions as Reichsfhrer-SS and Minister of the Interior.
40
In addition,
the SS purchased a huge stock of clothing from the Ministry of Economics, which
in turn was to be given over to the Merhamed welfare organization.
41
The
Reichsfhrer stipulated, however, that the collected items were not to be presented
until the division returned to Bosnia.
39
Berger to Himmler dated 26 January 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587053).
40
Dr. Rudolf Brandt to Berger dated 31 January 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587049).
41
Berger to Himmler dated 18 February 1944 (T-175, roll 21, ff2526644).
In spite of the progress that was made, the division's final field training exer-
cise, which was conducted on 24-25 January 1944, was anything but smooth. Regi-
ment 28 was ordered to reach a commanding high ground position, and Regiment
27 was then to attack the heights. The plan went awry when the lead battalion of
Regiment 27 reached the high ground before Regiment 28 even arrived. One of
Regiment 27's officers recalled:
The umpire did not find this in the least bit amusing and improvised a
difficult mission for us in which we had to evacuate the heights. It was then
that Sauberzweig arrived and was informed of the situation. He was encour-
aged and wanted to return to the original plan. For us that meant a return to the
heights. The lead elements of Regiment 28 had arrived in the meantime and a
"hand-to-hand" battle ensued in the heavy forest. By that time, darkness had
set in, and we practiced night movement.
42
Regiment 28 indeed had its problems. The demanding Raithel expressed
marked dissatisfaction with battalion commanders Walter Bormann and Egon Zill,
two long-standing SS members who possessed little military leadership experi-
ence. Although both were cited as "determined to succeed in their posts," Raithel
assessed Bormann's performance to be "substandard" and recommended his dis-
missal, while calling Zill "lacking in basic military skills owing to his previous
assignment at Dachau Concentration Camp."
43
Nevertheless, the pair enjoyed some
successes - Bormann went on to distinguish himself in the coming months, and it
was none other than Zill's II/28 that took top prize in a division-wide competition.
His reward: a reserved place for his battalion on the lead transport in the coming
movement to the Balkans.
44
By the beginning of February, the division had completed its training. Nearly
all of its equipment had arrived,
45
and Braun believed the units to be "fully combat
ready."
46
Nevertheless, a number of German officers possessed misgivings about
its effectiveness. Klaus Berger was not alone when he wrote:
42
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 18 December 1992.
43
Evaluation reports found in the personnel files of Walter Bormann and Egon Zill (Berlin Docu-
ment Center).
44
Untitled report written on the history of the division by Egon Zill, unpublished, 1973.
45
Interview conducted with former members of SS-Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13 at Suhl, Germany on 29
August 1992.
46
Letter to the author from Erich Braun dated 3 March 1993.
Right and below:
Mortarmen of the re-
connaissance battalion
pr epar e t o empl ace
t hei r weapon' s base
plate. The towering of-
ficer to the far left is
Emi l Kuhl er. To the
Muf t i ' s ri ght rear i s
I mam Dozo. Fr anz
Mat hei s is at the far
right.
Division strength report dated 15 February 1944. Gesamt-Starke = Total Strength, Soll-Strke = Pre-
scribed Strength, F = Officers, Uf. = NCOs, M. = enlisted men. The shortages of officers and NCOs are
obvious.
Despite the intensive training and outfitting with modern weapons, the
combat value of (the division) could not be compared to that of a purely Ger-
man formation.
47
In a conversation with Glaise von Horstenau, the words of one ethnic German
officer, Eckhard Rhomberg, were even more damning, though one should remem-
ber that the statements have endured the interpretation of the often cynical gen-
eral:
A rift has emerged in the (division's) officer corps between the Germans
(from the Reich) and the Volksdeutsche. The former see themselves as supe-
rior. The complete inability of the Prussians to deal with soldiers of other
nations is clear. No one makes an effort to learn the (Croatian) language. They
become angry when Volksdeutsche officers speak with (the Bosnians) in their
mother tongue (!), and even when they speak Croatian amongst themselves..
.. Little can be expected from this division.
48
Although the division's prescribed strength had virtually been reached (it had
been lowered from 26,000 to just over 21,000), the shortage of officers and NCOs
remained. Sauberzweig decreed that "when combat readiness (was) achieved, there
was to be no shortage of officers,"
49
but when February arrived, of the 671 officers
that the division was supposed to have, only 377 were available. The NCO prob-
lem was equally as serious: only 2,078 were on hand. There were supposed to have
been over three thousand.
50
It was under these circumstances that the division en-
tered the Balkan theater, where it engaged its enemies in what may have been the
most brutal fighting of the Second World War.
47
Letter to the author from Klaus Berger dated 14 July 1993. Another German officer wrote,
"Naturally one could not compare the division to other German units, such as the Division ' Prinz
Eugen' " [Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 15 September 1992], One post-war
Yugoslav author called the division "well-armed and specially trained in combat against guerrillas and
mountain warfare" [Nikola Boi, "Vojvoani u istonoj Bosni" in Istona Bosna u NOB-u 1941-1945
(Belgrade: Vojnoizdavacki Zavod, 1971), vol. 2, 49 (Hereafter cited as Istona Bosna)].
48
Peter Broucek, ed. Ein General in Zwielicht: Die Erinnerungen Edmund Glaises von Horstenau.
Verffentlichtungen der Kommission fr Neuere Geschichte sterreichs, Band 76 (Vienna, Bhlau,
1988), vol. 3, 296.
49
13. SS-Division, Ia Nr. 345/43 geheim v. 22. 12. 1943, "Ausbildungsbefehl Nr. 2."
50
13. SS-Division, "Strkemeldung vom 15. Februar 1944."
The Return to
the Homeland
T h e division began its trek to Croatia by rail in mid-February 1944.' Ninety-
three freight trains were required to move its men and equipment to the Srem -
Slavonia area.
2
Departing at Tempo 6 (Speed 6, i.e. six trains leaving daily), the
transports began on 15 February, and each required 6-7 days to reach its destina-
tion. Only items considered necessary for combat operations was carried, for space
was at a minimum. All other equipment was collected to be sent to the division's
equipment storage area, which was to be set up at Zemun. Each unit selected load
and transport officers for the movement,
3
and the troops were thoroughly briefed
concerning proper conduct during the transfer. Ammunition was issued shortly
before departure, and each man received multiple days' rations in advance for the
trip. In addition, the field kitchens provided hot food and drinks to the men to
battle the bitter cold.
Strict security measures were taken as soon as the transports crossed the
Croatian border, for they were entering what the Germans called "bandit-infested
1
SS-Geb. Jg. A. u. E. Btl. 13 remained at Neuhammer. It was responsible for the transfer of the
equipment of the division units that had not yet been formed. It eventually was transferred to Tuzla in
early May 1944 and to Leoben, Germany on 8 September 1944 [Gen. Kdo. IX. Waffen-Gebirgs-Korps-
SS (kroatisches), "Kriegstagebuch Nr. 1" (hereafter cited as "IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1"), entry from 8
September 1944].
2
A ninety-fourth transport was sent on to Croatia approximately four weeks later. This final train
contained equipment that had arrived too late to be sent with the division (Letter to the author from
Horst Weise dated 8 January 1994).
3
Interestingly, the transport officers had to be German citizens, owing to German contracts gov-
erning through-traffic through Hungary (13. SS-Division, Ia/Tgb. Nr. Ia 16/44 g. Kdos. v. 9. 2. 1944,
"Verlegung der Division").
One of the division' s transport trains nears the Croatian border.
territory." As the Zagreb - Belgrade line was continually sabotaged by the Parti-
sans, the trains proceeded at low speeds and with extreme caution."
4
One locomo-
tive did eventually strike a mine, but it appears that there were no injuries or seri-
ous damage. In fact, the greatest obstacle encountered during the movement was
presented not by the insurgents but by local German military authorities in Croatia,
who halted at least one transport near Zagreb and engaged the troops in railway
security duties without bothering to notify the division's leadership. Zill's II/28
was already conducting reconnaissance operations in the Sfeta Klara area when
the matter was straightened out. The soldiers reboarded their train without making
any hostile contact and the movement continued.
5
As each transport reached its destination, the arriving unit posted heavy secu-
rity around the perimeter of the train station, and all available machine guns were
set up in the off-load areas for defense against possible air attacks. After the off-
loads were completed, the units consolidated in pre-arranged assembly areas. Re-
connaissance was then carried out to determine the local situation and to obtain
contact with neighboring units as advance parties secured quartering in their as-
signed sectors. Sauberzweig, who had driven to the area by car with personal or-
derly Alexander Egersdorfer, continued on to Mostar to report to the V SS Moun-
tain Corps on the twenty-third. This journey, which took him through much of
4
ibid, and a letter to the author from Erich Braun dated 15 February 1993.
' Personal diaries of Erich Braun and Hans Meschendrfer, entries from 17-22 February 1944.
war-torn Bosnia - Herzegovina, had a profound effect on him.
6
The Bosnians, on
the other hand, were in high spirits as they neared their homeland. "Our morale
was at fever pitch as we left Germany," Ibrahim Alimabegovi remembered. "We
thought we were the best division in the world. We had the newest weapons and
equipment. We believed that we would make a difference in our homeland."
7
The division headquarters was set up in a hotel in the town of Vinkovci. Its
elements were located in the following areas:
Division Staff
Regiment 27 (staff)
I/27
II/27
IV/27
Regiment 28 (staff)
I/28
II/28
IV/28
SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13 (staff)
I/AR 13
II/AR 13
III/AR 13
IV/AR 13
SS-Aufklrungs Abt. 13
SS-Nachrichten Abt. 13
SS-Geb.Pionier Btl. 13
SS-Veterinr Dienste
SS-Dinatru. 13
SS-Wirtschafts Btl. 13
SS-Flak Abt. 13
SS-Panzerjger Abt. 13
An officer from 2./P. Btl. 13, Hugo Schmidt, wrote:
The company was loaded up at the end of February and soon arrived in
id, between Vinkovci and Sremska Mitrovica. The off-load took place in
Garcin. We were quartered in (Bacinci).
6
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 25 February 1944.
' Intervi ew conducted with Ibrahim Alimabegovi, 24 March 1994.
Vinkovci
id
Kukujevci
Mlasica
Adasevci
Taradist
upanje
Gocovci
Cerna
Vinkovci
Tovarnik
upanje
Toradiste
Orolik
Bojagaci
Jarmina
Bacinci
Novo Selo
Vinkovci
Vinkovci
Vinkovci
Jankovci
I remembered the Garcin train station from 1941. It was at this same
station where the 15./LAH (i.e. the unit in which Schmidt served during the
1941 invasion - author) was stationed before the transfer to Bohemia.
The station was fortified as a bunker and secured with a maze of pill-
boxes and large amount of barbed wire. Evidence of Partisan raids could be
seen everywhere. Along the tracks lay a great many freight cars that had been
destroyed and were simply tipped over by the repair crews. Later we were
told that the Slavonski Brod - Vinkovci line was a major Partisan target. On
one occasion, sixty kilometers of track were destroyed during one evening.
8
One NCO in the signal battalion, Heinz Gerlach, recounted:
After the unload at Vinkovci, we undertook a motorized road march of
about 15 kilometers to Jarmina. Jarmina was a small village inhabited almost
exclusively by ethnic Germans. We were all quartered in private residences,
and were heartily greeted and looked after by the population. Unfortunately,
our stay there was short in duration.
9
While operating in the field, all Waffen-SS formations were placed under the
tactical control of the Army High Command, and thus the division (and the entire
V SS Mountain Corps for that matter) was subordinated to the Second Panzer
Army of Army Group F. In reality, the latter hardly enjoyed free reign, for Himmler
strictly prohibited any movement of the division or any of its elements without his
permission. This caused friction between the Reichsfhrer and German field com-
manders as the war progressed.
On 7 March, the Muslim holiday of Mevlud, homage to the life of the prophet
Muhammad, was observed. Sauberzweig ordered that large celebrations be orga-
nized in the units by the commanders and imams. These included religious rites,
lectures, and the distribution of special rations.
10
The Division's First Battle
As was stated in chapter 1, Himmler tasked the division with securing north-
eastern Bosnia, i. e. the approximately 60 x 100 kilometers of territory between the
8
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript).
9
Heinz Gerlach, "Erinnerung an die vor 39 Jahren erfolgte Aufstellung der Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
(Handschar) in Goslar und deren Entwicklung innerhalb des Div. Verbandes," unpublished manu-
script, 1982.
10
13. SS-Division, Abt. VI, "Feier des Geburtstages Mohammeds" dated 4 March 1944 (T-175,
roll 70, f2587021).
First page of the Wegweiser operation order.
Sava, Bosna, Spreca, and Drina rivers, thereby safeguarding vital agricultural ur-
eas and ethnic German settlements to the north in Srem." Before the actual move-
ment into its assigned sector took place, however, the division was to l'irsi clear n
long-time communist stronghold - the notorious Bosut Forest.
The Bosut region had long been used as a supply center for Partisan units
operating south of the Sava River. Civilians spoke of hedgehog positions, installa-
tions, barracks complexes, and even a British liaison staff in the area. The towns of
Lipovac, Batkovci, Morovi, Vinjievo, Sremska Raca, Strainci, and Jamcna
were firmly under Tito's control. The Bosut was in fact so beset with guerrillas
that patrols mounted by units of Regiment 27 in the Sid - Erdevik area on 8 March
bagged some forty prisoners.
12
The following Partisan units were operating in the
region:
13
a) Main Staff Vojvodina (located in Sremska Raa)
b) IV Vojvodina Brigade (near Lipovac)
c) Elements of the VI Vojvodina Brigade
d) II Srem Detachment (in Crkvite)
e) District Staff #8 (at Vinjievo)
f) An aid station (at Crkvite) and an education camp (at Vinjievo)
(Total communist strength - about 2,000-2,500 men, commanded by Par-
tisan officer Sava Stefanovi).
Sauberzweig planned to "cleanse" the marshy, densely-wooded Bosut with
Unternehmen Wegweiser (Operation Signpost). The operation was to be carried
out by the division, elements subordinated directly to the V SS Mountain Corps,
and units on loan from the German army and police. These were divided into three
task forces and a blockade unit that were to trap the Partisan forces and destroy
them. The blockade of the Sava would be critical to the operation's success. Heavy
resistance was expected.
The composition of the units:
11
In the event of an attempted Allied landing on the Adriatic coast, which Phleps "awaited daily,"
the "Prinz Eugen" was to counterattack the landing forces, while Sauberzweig' s men secured their
sister division' s sector (the Sarajevo area) and its supply lines [Phleps to Himmler dated 7 May 1944
(T-175, roll 70, ff2586899)].
12
Tagesmeldung Ob. Sdost, 8 March 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288436).
13
13. SS-Division, Ic 1561/44 geh. v. 28. 5. 1944, "Bewegliche Verbnde und bodenstndige
Organisationen des Feindes, mit welchen die Division in der Zeit vom 10. 3. 1944 bis 27. 5. 1944 im
Kampfe stand."
a) Task Force A.A. 13 - Aufkl. Abt. 13 (Kuhler) with two infantry com-
panies from Jger Regiment 40 (see letter d), one platoon of assault guns from
SS-Sturmgeschtz Batterie 105, 1 flak platoon from Art. Rgt. 13, and one
police company (that would remain in Rainovci).
b) Task Force Rgt. 28 - Regiment 28 (Raithel) with II/AR 13 and one
police company from upanja.
c) Task Force Rgt. 27 - Regiment 27 (Hampel) with I./AR 3, l./Pi. Btl.
13, and 1.and 3./Flak Abt. 13.
d) Blockade Unit - Jger Regiment 40 (composed of mixed German army
units) and Pi. Btl. 142, borrowed from the 42d Jger Division for the opera-
tion.
e) Various elements were assigned to provide security for the staff ve-
hicles of the units that were engaged in the operation and with installing addi-
tional blockades in the region. The German army's Security Battalion 808
secured Task Force 27's garrison in the id area and was responsible for block-
ading the id - Bacinci Road. A mixed division unit composed of III/AR 13,
19./28, and l./Pz. Jg. Abt. 13 secured the west flank (Rokovci - upanje road)
and the garrisons of Task Forces A.A. 13 and Regiment 28. The division's
garrison area from Bacinci to Kukujevci was secured by Pi. Btl. 13, which
also served as part of the divisional reserve during the operation.
14
After moving into their staging areas, the task forces carried out reconnais-
sance, this beginning on 9 March 1944. Task Force A.A. 13 reconnoitered Jamena
and the wooded areas between Rainovci and Strasinci. Task Force Rgt. 28 cov-
ered the area around Strasinci and the woods north of Pavoska-Bach, while Task
Force Rgt. 27 patrolled up to Batrovci and the wooded area east of the Bosut (a
barracks complex was believed to have been located between Adasevci and the
Sava northeast of Vinjievo). The "blockade unit," Jger Regiment 40, formed its
blockade along the Otok - Nijemci - Mala-Vasica road to hinder any attempted
communist withdrawal to the north. To assist in the blockade of the Sava, the
Croatians placed the monitor Bosna at the division's disposal. This ship, which
had once sailed with the Austrian Danube Fleet, was tasked with blockading the
river between Jamena and Sremska Raa and working in cooperation with divi-
sion forces moving along the Sava's north bank. A liaison officer and a radio squad
from the division were placed on board for the operation.
15
14
13. SS-Division, la/Op. Tgb. Nr. Ia 28/44 g. Kdos. v. 29. 2. 44, "Divisions-Befehl fr den
Einsatz der Div. nrdlich der Save."
15
13. SS-Division, Ia/Op., Tgb. Nr. Ia 36/44 g. Kdos. v. 6. 3. 1944, "Nachtrag zum Div.
Sonderbefehl Ia/Op., Tgb. Nr. Ia 28/44, g. Kdos. v. 29. 2. 1944, " and a letter to the author from Hermann
Schifferdecker dated 16 November 1992.
Unternehmen Wegweiser.
The Germans began their assault at 0400 hrs. on 10 March. Task Force A.A.
13 quickly seized Jamena. It left one of the two infantry companies detached from
Jger Regiment 40 in place for security of the north and northeast and to blockade
the Partisans' local Sava crossing site and continued its advance along the Sava,
occupying Domuskela. Task Force Rgt. 28's forces split into four spearheads. Spear-
head "A" advanced and secured Strainci, making contact with the infantry com-
pany of Jger Regiment 40 that Task Force A.A. 13 had left behind at Jamena that
evening. Spearhead "B" overran Soljani. Spearhead "C" jumped off at 0900 and
captured Vrbanja, leaving an attached police company behind to secure and block-
ade the town. "D," containing the bulk of 11/28, began its assault of communist
positions to the north of Vrbanja at 0400, receiving fire support from 7.and 8./AR
13, which were in position south of Njemci.
Task Force Rgt. 27 was divided into five spearheads. The first of these, called
"E," advanced and seized Batrovci. "F" and "G" assaulted Morovi simultaneously
from the north and west. Fire support was provided by the huge 10,5-cm guns of
9./AR 13, which was in position south of Adajevci. The assault began at 0930 and
the town was in their hands before noon, with Tito's forces pulling back to the
south. The big job was carried out by Spearhead "H" - the capture of Vinjievo.
The 8,8-cm guns of 3./Flak Abt. 13 were subordinated to "H" for this task. Spear-
head "J," with the subordinated l./Pi. Btl. 13, pushed forward and seized the most
important position in the region - the Sava River crossing site at Sremska Raca.
Their advance was impeded by the flooded Bosut Canal, requiring the division's
pioneers to construct a pontoon span. One officer remembered:
As the road bridge was destroyed, we had to construct a pontoon bridge.
.. . The Second Company built the near side pontoon stretch, as elements of
the First Company erected the far side stretch. I was in charge of the project.
An order soon arrived from division stating that SS-Obersturmfhrer
Paletta's assault guns, subordinated to Spearhead J, were to be brought across
the canal as quickly as possible. Paletta estimated the weight of one of his
vehicles to be twenty tons, forgetting the six tons of ammunition stored in-
side. As the first assault gun rolled across the span, the pontoons of the six-
teen-ton bridge equipment had little clearance, so the gun had to move slowly
but steadily. It reached the far side in good shape, but the bridge itself was
twisted quite badly. We supported the stretch with thick planks and boards so
it could handle additional (traffic). The assault gun was a big help to the infan-
try. Paletta was later killed in Belgrade."
16
This spearhead then linked up with Task Force A.A. 13 advancing from the
west. For the remainder of the day, the units carried out reconnaissance of the next
day's objectives.
On 11 March the task forces continued to push the mass of the Partisan forces
further into the Sava - Bosut - Studva River triangle. Spearheads A, F, G, and H
carried out a combined assault on the open area around Opojevci with fire support
from 9./AR 13, which had moved into a new position in the area northeast of
Morovi. The units continued their advances, which had reached the woods on the
Sava's north bank, through the night. As the land forces surged forward, the moni-
tor Bosna supplemented the Sava blockade. The German liaison officer aboard,
Hermann Schifferdecker, remembered:
The Bosna was an old river gun boat. It had been sunk during both world
wars and twice raised. It now sailed under the Croatian colors.
The division intelligence officer informed me that the Partisans were us-
ing Domuskela as a river crossing site. As we approached the town, we sur-
prised three loaded enemy boats. We opened fire immediately, but came un-
der heavy enemy fire from small arms, mortars, and anti-tank weapons from
16
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
NCOs of the division' s signal battalion at Jarmina, 14 March 1944. From left to right, Lua, Hiemer,
Bensei, Schtz, Misch.
positions on the south bank. One of the Croatian crew members was badly
wounded. The captain ordered that the boat be turned around at once to bring
the man to a hospital. My protests that we had to first complete the assigned
mission and that there was a doctor on board were in vain.
After about thirty minutes, the doctor reported that the man had died, and
I managed to convince the captain to turn the boat back around. As we again
reached Domuskela, the Partisans had vanished. I determined that we had
come across the enemy rear guard. By this time, our radio equipment was
malfunctioning and we lost contact (with the division).
We soon reached Sremska Raa. The large railroad bridge before the vil-
lage had been destroyed, and portions of its span lay in the water. The captain
refused to continue due to the danger posed by submerged sections of the
bridge, but I persuaded him to allow me use of the small spare motorboat so I
could make contact with Regiment 27 and the division (on the north bank). I
set off with my signal squad and a Croatian crew member.
At the foot of the destroyed bridge, we recognized several figures in cam-
ouflage jackets. It was Obersturmfhrer Keller and Schssler with several
men from Pi. Btl. 13 (Spearhead J), who were reconnoitering a Sava crossing
site. We took them aboard and proceeded slowly along the northern bank.
Suddenly the Partisans opened fire on us from the southern bank (Bosanska
Raa). Their rounds missed us but riddled the positions of our Bosnians, who
were dug in on the northern bank. The Bosnians first shot at us before realiz-
ing their mistake and shifting fire to the southern bank. We hit the deck imme-
diately, but Keller slipped and fell into the river. The Croatian mate managed
to turn the boat, and I snared Keller with a gaff, which I hooked under his belt
buckle, and saved him.
Eventually, I was able to report to Hampel. We agreed that the Bosna
would be used as right flank security for Task Force Rgt. 27's Sava crossing.
At dusk we in the motorboat returned to the bridge, but the Bosna was gone:
(the captain) obviously feared that the long wait was too dangerous. So we set
out on this pitch-black night towards Brko, which we didn't reach until the
following morning, after the mate had run the boat aground.
17
The advance continued until 12 March, when the Bosut was considered se-
cure.
18
It was on this day that Spearhead F entered the small Serbian Orthodox
village of Bela Crkva, where it found "the enemy gone, having murdered all of the
town's inhabitants."
19
Research reveals, however, that this spearhead was not the
first division element to pass through the area, for Task Force A.A. 13 had been
tasked with reconnoitering the town on the tenth, and Spearhead I was ordered to
seize it later that same day.
20
Indeed, the communist version of the incident is quite
different: they accuse the division of committing several misdeeds during the fight-
ing.
21
Their claims are lent credibility by Sauberzweig's own Wegweiser operation
order, in which he wrote that since the Bosut was "not inhabited by Muslims,"
restraint "(was) only necessary in dealing with the local ethnic German popula-
tion" (Es ist nicht von Muselmanen bewohnt, daher ist Rcksichtnahme nur auf
deutsche Bevlkerung notwendig).
22
In fact, rumors were beginning to filter back
to Germany concerning the Bosnians and their battlefield conduct. During a con-
ference in Hitler's headquarters held in early April, SS officer Hermann Fegelein
spoke of one Bosnian "killing seventeen of the enemy with his knife" and others
"cutting the hearts from their enemies," although an officer serving on the division
"Let t er to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 3 August 1993.
18
Tagesmeldung Ob. Sdost, 12 March 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288451).
"Per sonal diary of Jrg Deh, entry from 12 March 1944.
20
13. SS-Division, Ia/ Op., Tgb. Nr. Ia 28/44 g. Kdos. v. 29. 2. 1944, "Divisions-Befehl fr den
Einsatz der Division nrdlich der Save. "
21
For the Partisan side of the story see Jeremija Jeo Peri, "13. SS ' Handar' divizija i njen slom
u istonos Bosni" in Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 587.
22
13. SS-Division, Ia/ Op., Tgb. Nr. Ia 28/44 g. Kdos. v. 29. 2. 1944, "Divisions-Befehl fr den
Einsatz der Division nrdlich der Save."
staff scoffed at these claims, remarking that Fegelein "had obviously read too much
Karl May during his youth."
23
The outnumbered Partisan forces in the Bosut avoided pitched battles with
the division. Main Staff Vojvodina ordered a withdrawal to the southeast into heavily
wooded terrain. Most of its units managed to avoid encirclement, often by slipping
out of the Bosut and across the Sava under the cover of darkness.
24
Nonetheless,
their losses were substantial: in his after-action report, Sauberzweig claimed 573
enemy killed and 82 captured during the operation.
25
Wegweiser had succeeded in
clearing the Bosut, but the Partisans were back before long.
With the conclusion of operation, the codeword Aufgabe 6 was given. The
task forces moved into pre-arranged rally points:
Rgt. 28 - In the Gunja - Rainovci - Drenovci - Posavski - Podgajci
area
A.A. 13- Br ko
Rgt. 27 - Sremska Raa - Bosut area
Unternehmen Save - The Crossing of the Sava
Before the division began the long-awaited Unternehmen Save (Operation
Sava), the movement into Bosnia, Sauberzweig wrote an open letter to his men:
We have now reached the Bosnian frontier and will (soon) begin the march
into the homeland.
I was recently able to travel throughout almost all of Bosnia. What I saw
shocked me. The fields lay uncultivated, the villages burned out and destroyed.
The few remaining inhabitants live in cellars or underground shelters. Misery
reigns in the refugee camps as I' ve never before seen in my life. This must be
changed through swift and energetic action.
The necessity of our task has only become greater through what I have
witnessed. The task demands that each and every one of you perform your
duty - only then can we carry it out The Fhrer has provided you with his
best weapons. Not only do you (have these) in your hands, but above all you
have an idea in your hearts - to liberate the homeland.
23
Helmut Heiber, ed. Hitlers Lagebesprechungen: Die Protokollfragmenteseiner militrischen
Konferenzen 1942-1945 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1962), 560 (cited in George Stein' s The
Wajfen-SS: Hitler's Elite Guard at War 1939-1945), and a letter to the author from Hermann Schiffer-
decker dated 7 February 1992.
24
Nikola Boi, "Vojvodini u istonoj Bosni" in Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 49, and a letter to the
author from Erich Braun dated 15 February 1993.
25
Tagesmeldung Ob. Sdost, 13 March 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288454).
I also saw some of your fathers. Their eyes, when I told them that I was
your division commander, shined as brightly as your s. . . .
Before long, each of you shall be standing in the place that you call home,
as a soldier and a gentleman; standing firm as a defender of the idea of saving
the culture of Europe - the idea of Adolf Hitler.
I wish every one of you "soldier's luck" and know . . . that you will be
loyal until the end.
26
To add to the significance of the crossing, Sauberzweig ordered that as the
division's units crossed the river, each unit commander was to read a short text he
prepared for the event:
27
As we cross this river we commemorate the great historic task that the
leader of the new Europe, Adolf Hitler, has set for us - to liberate the long-
suffering Bosnian homeland and through this to form the bridge for the libera-
tion of Muslim Albania. To our Fhrer, Adolf Hitler, who seeks the dawn of a
just and free Europe - Sieg Heil!
This was followed by recitation of the division's motto: "Handaru - udaraj !"
or "Handschar - Strike!" Each man was also given a portrait photograph of Hitler
as a "personal gift" from him.
28
The mass of the division forded the river on 15 March. Regiment. 27 crossed
at Bosanska Raa, in part utilizing assault boats provided by Pi. Btl. 13. The re-
mainder of the division crossed at Brko, aided by an intense preparatory artillery
barrage.
29
Casualties were taken but these were light. "Our company (6./28 - au-
thor) crossed the Sava at dawn," an NCO from the Albanian Battalion remem-
bered. "We were the first unit in our sector to cross, and made enemy contact
immediately. We suffered several dead, among them Rottenfhrer Mrosek, a com-
rade of mine with whom I had served in Finland. The Partisans immediately pulled
back into the forests."
30
The division's service support elements remained in
Vinkovci, which was assigned as their permanent station.
26
Only excerpts are quoted here. For the letter' s entire text see 13. SS-Division, Kommandeur,
' Brief Nr. 8" ' dated 25 February 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586962).
27
13. SS-Division, Abt. VI, "Divisions-Sonderbefehl" dated 27. 2. 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586980).
28
ibid.
29
ab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Broj: S1./44, 15 Aprila 1944, to Vrhovnom abu NOV i
POJ, "Dostavlja izvjetaj za mjesec mart 1944 god." [Vojnoistorijski Institut, Zbornik dokumenata i
podataka o narodnooslobodilakom ratu jugoslovenskih naroda (Belgrade: Vojnoistorijski Institut,
1949-), (hereafter cited as Zbornik), tome IV, vol. 24, 220].
30
Letter to the author from Rudi Sommerer dated 4 January 1993.
Operation Sava.
II/27 crosses. At left is battalion commander Karl Fischer.
Men of Regiment 27 bring in a wounded Partisan nurse captured during Unternehmen Save in Bosnaca
Raa, 15 March 1944.
The Sava bridge at Brko.
Assaults into Bosnian territory began as soon as the division crossed the river.
The division vastly outnumbered Tito's minions the region, as one Partisan com-
mander later wrote:
Our forces in eastern Bosnia were not weak, but the enemy was vastly
superior. The 13th SS Division alone possessed 20,000 men.
31
The nearly flat topography found along the Sava's southern bank in this area
is typical of the Pannonian Plains and favors swift offensive operations, so Regi-
ment 27 advanced easily through Velino-Selo towards Brodac. Its goal, Bijeljina,
was assaulted on 16 March and fell with light resistance that evening.
32
The regi-
ment then assumed positions in the city and awaited further orders. Aufkl. Abt. 13
and Regiment 28 bore the brunt of the fighting
33
as they advanced through Puki
and occupied Celi and Koraj, key positions at the foot of the Majevica mountain
range. "At eli," Sauberzweig later wrote, II/28 "stormed the Partisan defenses
with (new) battalion commander Hans Hanke at the point," and the enemy, low on
ammunition, withdrew after a hard battle with heavy losses.
34
After the area was
"Milo Zeki, "Trideset osma NOU divizija" in Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 454. See also 13. SS-
Division, le 1561/ 44 gehei m, dated 28 May 1944, "Bewegl i che Verbnde und bodenst ndi ge
Organisationen des Feindes, mit welchen die Division in der Zeit vom 10. 3. 1944 bis 27. 5. 1944 im
Kampfe stand." A review of surviving Partisan records reveals that it was not the division' s numerical
superiority that played the decisive role in the coming battles but its overwhelming artillery firepower
[ab XXXVI NOU Divizije, O. br. 53, 2 j una 1944. god., to abu III Korpusa NOVJ Glavnom abu
NOV i PO Vojvodine, "Operativni izvestaj za tromeseje: mart, april, maj " (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 26,
24)]. Partisan diarists make constant references to the division' s heavy weapons. See also Peria Gruji,
"Borbi 16 vojvoanske divizije i sedmi ofenzivi" in Vojnoistorijski Glasnik, vol. 2, 1953, 61.
32
Personal diary of Jrg Deh, entry from 16 March 1944.
33
"Personal-Antrag" [Personnel file of Hellmuth Raithel (Berlin Document Center)].
34
13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS "Handschar" (kroatische Nr. 1 ), "Vorschlag fr die Verleihung
des Deutsches Kreuzes in Gol d" dated 14 October 1944 [Personnel file of Hans Hanke (Berlin Docu-
ment Center)]. See also Jerimija JeoPeri , "13. SS ' Handar' divizija i njen slom u istonoj Bosni" in
Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 587.
Unternehmen Save.
Regiment 28' s first casualties are brought across the Sava. Raithel is at left (sans trousers).
secured, the units set up strong points along both sides of the eli - Lopare road
and began carrying out company-strength reconnaissance.
35
A counterattack
mounted by units of the Partisan 16th and 36th Vojvodina Divisions on the evening
of 17-18 March against Regiment 28's positions at Koraj and Zabre was spirited
but unsuccessful.
36
"Enemy losses: 201 counted dead" read the daily report.
37
A
Partisan battalion commander in the 16th Division wrote:
On . . . 19 March, we were ordered to retake Zabre. The enemy had dug
in and we are unable to dislodge them. We fought until noon when our ammu-
nition was exhausted. The enemy pressed the attack but we had to escape. We
had heavy losses. In these four days the (Second) brigade suffered fifty dead,
eighty-two wounded, and forty missing.
38
In the meantime, the division staff set up its headquarters at the Posavina
Hotel in the city of Brko. On 20 March, a large belated Mevlud ceremony was
held at a Brko mosque that was attended by a number of prominent Muslims. One
35
Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entry from 16 March 1944.
36
Peria Gruji, "Borbi 16 vojvoanske divizije i sedmi ofenzivi" in Vojnoistorijski Glasnik, vol.
2, 1953, 61.
37
Tagesmeldung Ob. Sdost, 19 March 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288478).
38
Nikola Boi, "Vojvodani u istonoj Bosni" in Iltona Bosna, vol. 2, 49.
Elements of the division' s signal battalion move from Jarmina to Brko.
Unternehmen Save.
Elements of Regiment
27 push on Bijeljina,
15 March 1944.
This page and opposite above: Regiment 27 enters Bijeljina.
"Long live the victorious Red Army, which shall liberate the subjugated peoples," reads this commu-
nist propaganda found in Bijeljina. It appears that the SS photographer snapped this photo with an
impoverished Bosnian civilian symbolically placed in the foreground.
officer wrote that the arrival of the division was "heralded by the Muslim popula-
tion, who had been promised a great deal by the (German) high command."
39
Following Unternehmen Save, most of the division's units remained virtually
inactive in their positions for over three weeks,
40
mopping up scattered groups of
insurgents and fighting off local Partisan counterattacks. According to one Ger-
man officer, the pause was necessary in order to "prevent a quick return of Partisan
forces to the area,"
41
but it angered the anxious Bosnians. Sauberzweig appealed
for equanimity:
My dear men! I know that you are impatient, as we have not moved on
and liberated more Bosnian territory. Bear with me. We must liberate, protect
the population, and build. It is therefore necessary that we remain (in these
positions) longer than is desired by you and I as soldiers. But believe me, the
order "March!" will come shortly.
He took this time to compliment his men on their performance:
You, my dear men, have performed your duty true to your oaths. I thank
you all for your heroic deeds, be it on the Sava or on the edge of the Majevicas;
everywhere you have performed well. You have learned the combat methods
of the enemy and have seen how superior we are to him in every respect, not
only because we have better weapons, but because we bear the faith that alone
is capable of achieving victory.
42
Not all of the units idled, however, for Sauberzweig tasked the reconnais-
sance battalion with securing the division's broad western flank. On the early
morning of 26 March, Kuhler's men assaulted elements of the III Vojvodina Bri-
gade at Gornje Rahi. The attack lasted the entire day, with the stubborn Partisans
finally withdrawing that evening, leaving behind 124 dead and 14 prisoners. The
battalion also succeeded in destroying enemy strongholds in the Bukvik - Vujcici
and Muslimanski Maoa areas four days later.
43
"Wi l hel m Ebeling, "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. ' Handschar, ' " unpublished
manuscript, 1953.
40
Personal diaries of Erich Braun, Hans Meschendrfer, and Jrg Deh, entries from 17 March-8
April 1944. These officers attest that the only activity that occurred during this period was harassing
artillery fire and small-unit action.
41
Letter to the author from Erich Braun dated 27 June 1993.
42
13. SS-Division, Kommandeur, "Brief Nr. 9" dated 27 March 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586969).
43
ab XXXVI NOU Divizije, O. br. 53, 2 j una 1944. god., to abu III Korpusa NOVJ Glavnom
abu NOV i PO Vojvodine, "Operativni izvetaj za tromeseje: mart, april, maj " (Zbornik, tome IV,
vol. 26, 24), 13. SS-Freiw. b. h. Geb. Div. (Kroatien), "Vorschlag fr die Verleihung des Deutschen
Kreuzes in Gol d" dated 28 May 1944 [Personnel file of Emil Kuhler (Berlin Document Center)], and
Tagesmeldung Ob. Sdost, 27 March 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288517).
Division HQ (Brko' s Posavina Hotel).
The headquarters was soon moved to a fortified concerete bunker constructed by the division' s pio-
neers. Here members of the signal battalion pose at the front entrance. Left: Wilhelm Tebbe. Right:
Heinz Gerlach.
Sauberzweig visits the division' s first wounded. To his left is physician Theodor Krumes.
Unternehmen Osterei
The "inactivity" ended at 0300 hrs. on 12 April when the division launched
Unternehmen Osterei (Operation Easter Egg), which saw division pincers strike
deeper into Bosnian territory. Aided by good weather, Regiment 27 quickly seized
Janja and continued its advance through Donja Trnova into the Ugljevik mines.
These were cleared after heavy fighting on the following evening. Reported Parti-
san losses: 106 dead, 45 prisoners, 2 deserters, and a large haul of weapons and
ammunition.
44
Braun described what happened next:
The division's forward command post was located at Bogulovo Selo, south
of Mitrovici, during the operation. I drove to Regiment 27' s command post, in
the Janjari area, and ordered Fischer's battalion (II/27 - author) to conduct
another search of the Donja Trnova area for hidden enemy bases. As nothing
was found, even I began to believe that nothing was there, (but) after three
days, all hell broke loose. We found huge amounts of medical material and
hidden aid stations. We brought the equipment through Suhopolje to Bijeljina
45
Regiment 28 in the meantime pushed south through Makovac to Priboj. Its
first battalion, which was tasked with seizing the local Majevica heights, "suffered
considerable casualties in the fighting." Rudi Sommerer recalled:
My Albanian squad leader, Nazir Hodi, took five of his men and stormed
a Partisan position in the hills. They overran the knoll, killing several of the
enemy without incurring any friendly losses."
46
/
As it turned out, this was the Albanian Battalion's last battle within the frame
of the division, for on 17 April, Himmler ordered the formation of the "Skanderbeg"
Albanian SS Division in Kosove. I/28 was disengaged and sent by rail to Pristina,
47
and a new battalion was formed from personnel cannibalized from other divisional
units and new recruits. According to Berger, the Albanians "were quite sad about
leaving."
48
The pressure of Osterei proved too great for the Partisans to bear; on 13 April
the 16th and 36th Vojvodina Divisions began pulling back, eventually crossing the
44
Tagesmeldung, Ob. Sdost, 14 April 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288613).
45
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from April 1944.
"Letters to the author from Rudi Sommerer dated 23 November 1992 and 4 January 1993.
47
The new formation came to be known as the 21. Waffen-Gebirgs Division der SS "Skanderbeg"
(albanische Nr. 1) [SS-FHA, Amt II, Org. Abt. Ia/II, Tgb. Nr. 991/44, g. Kdos. v. 17. April 1944,
"Aufstellung der Waffen-Geb.-Div.-SS "Skanderbeg" (albanische Nr. 1) (T-175,roll 141,ff2669333)].
48
Berger to Himmler dated 13 April 1944 (T-175, roll 18, ff2521682).
Unternehmen Osterei
Tuzla - Zvornik road to the south.
49
Aufkl. Abt. 13 continued the advance on the
fifteenth, pushing from Bukvik, ten kilometers south-southwest of Brko, into the
western Majevica range and seizing Srebrnik. The hard fighting took its toll on the
Partisans, as the diary of one fallen guerrilla illustrates:
17 April - The (enemy) offensive is underway and we are in great danger.
49
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Poj. broj 60/44. 11. Jula 1944 g., to Vrhovnom tabu NOV
i POJ, "Dostavlja izvjetaj za mjesec april i maj 1944" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 27, 185).
Walter Schaumller (right), commander of 5./28,
updat es Braun on the tactical situation duri ng
Unternehmen Osterei, south of Mitrovici, 12 April
1944
We must pull back in the face of the Germans, who are driving on Srebrnik.
We retreat into the forest. With us is the local commander and the aid station.
18 April - At 0530 we pull back further to Zahirovii, from where we
move into the Majevica together with the Tuzla Brigade.
19 April - In the afternoon we are brought some bread and dry vegetables.
We had been eating book pages and tree bark. The Germans are still in Srebrnik.
20 April - Today we have only paper and bark to e a t . . . .
22 April - The entire day we have received no food. A group en route to
Razljani with rations was scattered by the Germans.
23 April - We pull back deeper into the forest We receive some bread
and potatoes. Several comrades who went to Razljani were probably captured
by the Germans.
25 April - We have received no food during the entire day. In the after-
noon it began to rain. At 1900 hours (fourteen) comrades leave towards Srebrnik
to fetch some plums. When they do not arrive, we plunder flour and potatoes
from some nearby houses.
50
Kuhler's men also seized the town of Gradaac and continued their advance
westward over difficult mountain terrain towards the Bosna River, making contact
with the Croatian army's 1st Mountain Brigade in the process.
Overall, the Germans viewed Osterei as a major success. All of the division's
objectives were achieved on schedule with minimal losses. In addition to the casu-
50
13. SS-Division, Ic 1092/44 geheim, dated 1 May 1944, "Ic-Nachrichtenblatt Nr. 5."
alties inflicted on the Partisans, the Germans reported that 233 "enemy sympathiz-
ers" were taken into custody.
51
The operation was minor in scope, however, when
compared to the massive Unternehmen Maibaum (Operation Maypole) that was a
mere week away. In the meantime, the division built up its defensive positions in
the newly-captured areas. An officer serving in the pioneer battalion recalled the
security measures taken at his unit's outpost:
(Our) command post was set up at Bresovo Polje. The Second Company
set in at Vrani.
Vrani was a rural settlement composed of tiny farmers' houses spread
wide apart. We immediately constructed positions and laid a ring of mines
around the village. It was for the most part a hasty minefield, but we also
employed anti-personnel mines with tripwires. The fields were secured with
Spanish riders and (anti-tank) mines with hand detonators. On one occasion,
as one of these obstacles was being installed, the return wire on a Spanish
rider snapped and the mine detonated. Unterscharfhrer Pinter was only about
three meters away from the explosion but luckily was not hurt.
In spite of all of this security, the Partisans managed to infiltrate into our
perimeter one summer evening. They had nearly reached the company com-
mand post when they were detected and fired upon. They quickly disappeared
without a trace.
52
A member of the newly re-formed I/28 recurred:
Our battalion was operating . . . east of eli. Many of the (Bosnians) in
our unit were natives of this particular area. As we entered a certain town, one
of the Bosnians came across his family's horse. It was quite clear that horse
and soldier knew each other. He attempted to locate his parents, without suc-
cess. Tragically, it was later confirmed that his family had been murdered by
the Partisans.
53
In addition, so-called Jagdkommandos (hunter teams; lightly armed and
equipped infantry units of company but sometimes battalion strength) were used
to neutralize scattered hostile forces that were still operating within the division's
deep flanks. The daily reports tell the story:
51
Tagesmeldung, Ob. Sdost, 15 April 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288592).
52
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
53
Letter to the author from Fritz Langemeier dated 14 January 1994.
Fanzararmeeoberkommando 2
Abt . XI a

H. Qu. , den 2o. 4. 1944
^ Ar me e t a ge s b e f e hl .
Der SS- J ger K a i t J i a, St a b I I . / S S Geb. J ger - Regi ment 27,
scho am 17 . 4. 1944 b e i Donj a Tr nova fin f e i n d l i c h e s Fl ugzeug mi t M.G.
ab.
l oh s pr ec he dem SS- J ge r h i e r f r mei ne be s onde r e Anerkennung
a u s . -
Er e r h l t aus s er dem von s e i n e r Di v i s i o n e i ne n Sonde r ur l a ub. M Vy
.Jh- J.i.rnt. Ji'i- i!'U>2 .Jh- J.i.rnt. Ji'i- i!'U>2
Der Ob e r b e f e hl s ha b e r
Ja. j i..,' 30 4
/)
A
J?
I m!'. . Bniojcn
Ge n e r a l o b e r s t .
Allied air forces operated above the division' s sector with alarming frequency during the spring of
1944. In this order, Second Panzer Army commander Lothar Rendulic congratulates one of II/27's
Bosnians for downing an enemy aircraft with his machine gun at Donja Trnova on 17 April 1944
(Osterei). The division' s flak batteries accounted for a further fifty-nine.
21 April - Jagdkommando engages the enemy in the Mrtvica-Posavci
area. Enemy losses: ninety-one counted dead, ninety-two prisoners, one de-
serter. One machine gun, six rifles, and numerous pieces of equipment and
ammunition were also collected.
22 April - Enemy forces in the Bijeljina area withdraw to the south and
southeast in the face of (Regiment 27's) advance. Eighty-nine enemy dead,
twelve prisoners, eight deserters. Large amounts of artillery ammunition, small
arms, and other material captured.
23 April - Jagdkommandos continue cleansing of area (south of) Bijeljina.
Bunkers found in the area are seized, some after heavy hand-to-hand fighting.
(Over two hundred) enemy dead counted. One hundred prisoners taken, among
them Italians and Jews. Large amounts of weapons and ammunition confis-
cated.
54
The "Liberation of Bosnia" and the SS State
Northeastern Bosnia lay in ruins as the division entered its environs. There
was no Croatian administration to be found, and "all federal institutions as well as
54
Tagesmeldungen, Ob. Sdost, 21-23 April 1944 (T-78, roll 331).
most economic projects were destroyed."
55
Sauberzweig proceeded to take action
himself, and penned a long order known as the "Guidelines for the Liberation of
Bosnia." The manifesto was far reaching in scope; draconian measures were to be
employed to end the food shortage in the area, "restore order," and stymie Partisan
influence on the inhabitants. It stated, in part:
- The division is to liberate Bosnia. The Muslim population is bound to
this land. . . . The non-Muslim population is to be called upon to take their
place in the community as well. The land is to be cleansed of bandits and
foreigners [i.e. Partisans and Jews (?) - author]. All captured equipment and
foodstuffs are to be given over to the population, provided that the division's
needs are fulfilled.
- Al l Bosnian males born in 1895 and after are subject to military service.
For the present, all male Muslims will be inducted.
56
The birth years 1908 and
younger will serve in the division. Those from born in the years 1895 - 1907
are to serve in home defense forces (Landwehren) that will be formed. Those
born before 1894 will serve in the town militia (Ortswehren). Those perform-
ing vital labor, etc. will be exempted. All inductees are to be screened by the
division. A militia is to be established in all villages. The task of the militia is
to maintain order, secure the village and its environs against Partisan attacks,
and form a close-knit early alert system. A town patrol service is to be formed
to guard the villages day and night.
- It must be established that when the division's units leave a certain area,
order is to be maintained.
57
Area and local leaders are to be appointed that are
loyal to the division. If no suitable person is found in the area to fill this posi-
tion, members of the division are to be left behind to perform the task. All
local leaders presently in office are to be screened. If they are prepared to
support the division, they shall be permitted to remain.
- All inhabitants above the age of fourteen in the liberated areas must
work. All of Bosnia's inhabitants must work. Those who do not are a burden
to society and are to be arrested and punished. Those avoiding work will be
55
Generalkommando IX. Waffen-Geb. Korps der SS, Leiter-bish. SS-u. Pol. Org. Stab, Tgb. Nr.
HB 1/44, g. Kdos. v. 8. 11. 1944, "Abschlussbericht" (T-175, roll 125, ff2650836).
56
A planned mustering set for 28 April 1944 in Brko failed - the Serbian Orthodox refused to
report (13. SS-Division, Ic 1092/44 geheim, dated 1 May 1944, "Ic-Nachrichtenblatt Nr. 5"). Erich
Braun later stated that mustering of the native Catholic and Serbian Orthodox males was postponed
until "after the war" (Interview with Erich Braun conducted on 3 June 1993).
57
Sauberzweig evidently doubted that Bosnian territory could remain free of the communists
should the division be transferred to a different sector. He was for example opposed to allowing evacu-
ated Volksdeutsche to return to their settlement at Schnborn (near Bijeljina) for this reason in early
July [Kasche telegram to von Ribbentrop dated 14 July 1944 (T-120, roll 3124, E505392)].
executed. Begging is prohibited and is to be punished with immediate transfer
to a concentration camp.
- The press in the liberated area is subject to censure by the division.
Those caught listening to foreign broadcasts will be executed.
-Aft er order has been restored, census lists are to be made. Identity docu-
ments are to be distributed by local leaders in accordance with the instructions
of the division. Identity documents issued by Croatian authorities are to be
examined and verified.
- No one may leave a village without the permission of the local leader.
Should permission be granted to visit another village, the purpose and length
of the visit must be provided, as well as the name of any persons that are to be
visited. All new arrivals in villages are to report to the local leader within
twelve hours of arrival. Those who do not report will be assumed to be enemy
and punished immediately. All smugglers and black marketeers will be ex-
ecuted within 48 hours of arrest.
- The local leaders are to conduct roll-calls of those required to work
after sunset each day. Here, the day's work will be critiqued and the security
measures to be taken that evening are to be outlined. Lectures on national
socialism are to be given at these roll-calls as well.
- All means shall be used to build communities of the same faith. There-
fore, if a village has an overwhelmingly Orthodox population, the Muslim
minority will be moved out to other villages, and vice-versa. Before such
measures are carried out, Muslims of the division will speak to their country-
men and inform them of the necessity of such measures and the methods of
forming a national community (Volksgemeinschaft). It is to be reinforced that
each inhabitant who cooperates with the measures will receive his share, so
long as he performs his duty to the national community and to the Fhrer,
Adolf Hitler. Every resettlement requires the approval of the division com-
mander, who as a rule shall address the resettled inhabitants. Two sets of records
will be made of each settlement, with one copy remaining in the town, the
other being forwarded to the division.
- All refugee camps are to be registered and reported to the division.
They are to be brought up to the required state of health immediately. The
inhabitants of the camps are to be reported to the division. Male inhabitants
are subject to military service.
- All available land is to be used for farming. Those who do not make
arrangements to begin work farming their land within seven days of posses-
sion, despite repeatedly being instructed to do so, shall be stripped of their
land and sent to a concentration camp. Should a plot of land have no owner, it
will be granted to a neighbor or to a new probationary owner through contract
by the division. Families with large numbers of children will have preference.
To reduce the food shortage, cattle and sheep herding is to be resumed. Until
the new harvest, fruits are to be collected. Males and females over the age of
fourteen are to be taught how to farm.
- Nurseries and new vegetable gardens are to be planted. For each tree
lost, ten new ones are to be planted. Hunting is to be practiced in accordance
with German hunting laws. All furs and skins are to be turned in.
- In every large town a market is to be built. Only merchants without
police records will be permitted. The touching of food is prohibited.
- Welfare for mothers and children is the first concern. Day care is to be
promoted. Schools are to be opened under the leadership of suitable individu-
als (teachers, imams, especially qualified women, no intelligentsia!) School is
mandatory for all children between the ages of six through thirteen.
- All improve the community through willing, sacrificial actions. The
community builds faith. Faith is the heart of honor. Preparedness to sacrifice,
community and loyalty are what liberate.
58
It is clear that through this directive, Sauberzweig foresaw his division taking
complete control of the region. His mandate sought to turn northeastern Bosnia
into an SS vassal state, and this infuriated the Paveli regime. Envoy Kasche wrote
that "the division has taken a highly political step (in) attempting to impose a
special administration in the Brko - Tuzla - Bijeljina area, while rejecting Croatian
(sovereignty). . . . If every division enacted such highly political measures to its
own discretion, the Reich's politics would be destroyed."
59
Although the "Guide-
lines" seemed to fit into Himmler's original plan of forming an "SS recruiting
zone" in northeastern Bosnia, they were rescinded before most of its tenets could
even be implemented.
60
Claiming that he "had known nothing" of Sauberzweig's
plan, Berger conceded that it had "caused a lot of bad blood (between the Croatian
government and the SS)" that eventually hindered SS efforts to form a second
"Croatian" SS Division that summer.
61
It appears that his ignorance was genuine,
58
T-175, roll 120, ff2645995.
59
Gesandter Siegfried Kasche, "Anlage zu Bericht Grs-123/44 dated 26 July 1944 (T-120, roll
1757, E 025376), and a Kasche telegram to various offices dated 14 July 1944 (T-120, roll 3124,
E505383).
60
Pol. IVb, "Vormerk ber eine unter den Vorsitz des Herrn Staatssekretrs Baron von Steengrecht
i m Auswr t i gen Amt st at t gef undenen Bespr echung zur Kl r ung der Fr agen der pol i t i schen
Zusammenarbeit zwischen den verschiedenen in Kroatien eingesetzten deutschen Stellen" dated 4 August
1944 (T-120, roll 3124, E505377). The only known instances of any of these "Guidelines" being imple-
mented occurred in late May, when the division claimed to have "chosen both area and local leaders
and settled refugee families [Tagesmeldung, Ob. Sdost, 28 May 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288742)].
61
Berger to Himmler dated 4 August 1944 (T-175, roll 120).
for he later told Himmler that "difficulties in (Croatia) could be avoided if our
people would ask first and not take political matters into their own hands."
In spite of the furor caused by Sauberzweig's "Guidelines," Himmler ordered
an "SS and Police Organization Staff' (SS und Polizei Organisations Stab) into
being on 17 April. The staff, which Sauberzweig claimed was "desperately
needed,"
62
was tasked with "forming an administration and taking the area's
economy into hand, assisting Croatian civilian and military officials in the inter-
ests of a common front, and settling differences with the local Orthodox popula-
tion."
63
Dr. Richard Wagner was placed in charge of the staff, which was divided
into four sections:
I. Economic Recovery Section - responsible for:
a) the formation of local militia (Ortswehr)
b) the rebuilding of the entire administration
c) recruiting men for the division and police units
d) monitoring refugee movements
e) the formation and control of labor forces (A two-company-strong la-
bor battalion was formed, the Baubataillon "Kama ").
II. Agricultural Section - responsible for cultivating agricultural areas
near Bijeljina and on two small islands in the Drina.
III. Public Works Section - responsible for:
a) the construction of schools, orphanages, roads, bridges, and refugee
camps
b) mining coal (at Ugljevik) and salt (at Tuzla)
c) conversion of railroads.
IV. Administrative Section - responsible for the finance of construction
and various economic matters.
62
Sauberzweig to Berger dated 16 April 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff 2586921).
63
ibid.
Men of 2./P. Btl. 13 constructing bridges in the Janja area, summer 1944.
The staff was only moderately successful in its efforts. Dr. Wagner later told
Himmler that his group's work "would have surely been more successful had the
local inhabitants not been so incredibly lazy and (civilian) officials not inclined
against (the measures implemented)."
64
The usual opposition was also forthcom-
ing from Envoy Kasche, who claimed that the staff operated "in violation of Croatian
law."
65
Section I was nonetheless able to provide 3,675 recruits for the division
and 2,724 men for the police forces. Section II's personnel did not begin opera-
tions until mid-August, and were able to accomplish little other than confiscating
large amounts of grain and vegetables from Serbian Orthodox areas for use by the
division and other German units.
66
Documentation gleaned from several sources
reveals that the SS systematically plundered northeastern Bosnia: Sauberzweig
told Himmler of two train cars of beans confiscated "for use by the V SS Mountain
Corps" and 250 cars of plums seized "for the Waffen-SS," and a Partisan report
drafted in May 1944 accused the Germans of stealing 527,000 kilograms of maize,
7,200 kilograms of wheat, 9,800 kilograms of grain, and 19,200 kilograms of oats.
64
ibid.
65
Kasche telegram to von Ribbentrop dated 2 July 1944 (T-120, roll 3124). See also Kasche to
von Ribbentrop dated 14 July 1944 (T-120, roll 3124, E505393).
66
Gen. Kdo. IX. Waffen-Geb. Korps der SS (kroatisches), Leiter-bish. SS-u. Pol. Org. Stab, Tgb.
Nr. HB 1/44, g. Kdos. v. 8. 11. 1944, "Abschlussbericht" (T-175, roll 125, ff2650836).
This pillaging not only provided free foodstuffs for the SS war machine but also
denied their use to the enemy.
67
Section III was actually quite successful in its endeavors, with valuable assis-
tance provided by the division's pioneers, who were tasked with constructing and
repairing numerous Bosnian roads and bridges. An officer recalled:
During the summer of 1944, I was ordered to construct seven bridges
between Janja and Zvornik with two platoons from Second Company. Wood
was to be procured from the land. A saw mill stood on the outskirts of Janja,
the owner of which was an ethnic German who had a son in our division.
The gathering of the required wood, about 800 oak trunks, was carried
out by local farmers under the leadership of community leaders. Other farm-
ers transported the trunks to the saw mill in Janja. Here a mechanic and I cut
the trunks into beams and planks according to plan. Some local men helped
out here as well as gofers.
The transport of the wood to the construction sites was carried out by
farmers with their horse carts, and my men built the bridges at the individual
sites.
He also described how bureaucratic red tape nearly foiled a similar project:
The division's supply route ran along the Vinkovci - Brko railway. Dur-
ing the summer of 1944, the Partisans destroyed three bridges along this line
in the swampy Vrbanja area. The battalion commander and I were ordered to
division headquarters. There, we were informed of the situation and ordered
to contact the army transportation offices responsible for track maintenance
and quickly reestablish our supply route. Contact with the transport officer in
Vinkovci was made.
I then drove to the area with the repair platoon. Inspection of the site
revealed that the Partisans had destroyed two ten-meter bridges and a large
twenty-five-meter span. The latter was detonated in such a way that one side
of the stretch was still attached to its abutment, and that both of the abutments
were intact.
My driver then took me to Vinkovci in our VW-Schwimmwagon. While
underway, I quickly recognized the "quality" of this driver. Among other things,
the Mujo didn't even notice that the vehicle had a flat tire.
67
See Sauberzweig' s "Vortragsnotiz fr Reichsfhrer-SS 22. 6. 1944, " and "Izvjetaj Predsjednitva
ZAVNOBiH-a Nacionalnom komitetu osloboenoj teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine" in Institut za Istoriju
Radnikog Pokreta, ZAVNOBiH Dokumenti 1943-1944 (Sarajevo: Izdavako Preduzee "Veselin
Maslea, " 1968), 146.
In Vinkovci, I met the responsible army transport officer. He sent two
railroad engineers to the site and we compared our findings, determining which
girders were necessary for the three bridges. He then informed me that his
superior, the General of Transportation Matters in Belgrade, had informed
him that no girders were available. I spoke with an officer at the girder storage
facility in Panevo who informed me that the material was indeed available
and that he would await (our) order.
My next conversation was with the General of Transportation Matters.
As I responded to his "We don't have any" answer with a reference to the
material in Panevo, he began screaming at me. I remained silent and simply
answered that I would inform my division commander of what he said. After
a period of consideration came his answer: "Pick the stuff up!"
On the following day, we drove to the building site with the construction
platoon and the materials Everything went like clockwork. By 1800 hours,
the bridges were ready. Through the railroad management we reported to our
division that the supply route was clear again.
68
This section was also successful in bringing the Tuzla salt mines and Ugljevik
coal mines up to near-peacetime production levels, but its efforts to curb the mas-
sive black-marketeering that flourished in the area were foiled by "reluctant civil-
ian officials, influential private businessmen, and the state economic organiza-
tion."
69
Section IV introduced a liquor tax that raised 21,000,000 Kuna to finance
a large portion of the construction and rebuilding. At one point (in June 1944),
Kammerhofer even proposed that the staff' s authority (and that of the division) be
extended to the north into Srem, but his plan was rejected by Glaise von Horstenau,
who feared Croatian resistance.
70
Sauberzweig considered the matter of relations with the local population to be
crucial. He provided guidelines concerning proper conduct in inhabited places:
68
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
69
Gen. Kdo. IX. Waffen-Geb. Korps der SS (kroatisches), Leiter-bish. SS-u. Pol. Org. Stab, Tgb.
Nr. HB 1/44, g. Kdos. v. 8. 11. 1944, "Abschlussbericht" (T-175, roll 125, ff2650836).
70
Percy Schramm, ed., Kriegstagebuch des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht (Wehrmachts-
fhrungsstab) 1940-1945 (Frankfurt: Bernard und Graefe Verlag fr Wehrwesen, 1961-63), vol. V,
748-9.
Many of the di vi si on' s offi cers were
quartered in the homes of local Muslim
civilians. When Regiment 27 ' s Hermann
Schi fferdecker bade farewel l to host
Sul ej man Beganovi i n mi d- 1944,
Beganovi presented his departing Ger-
man tenant with this fami l y portrait.
Schi f f er decker proudl y ret ai ned t he
snapshot over fifty years later.
- If available, local division members should be brought together before
entry into towns.
- Spare villages. No destructive rages: engage only the enemy.
- Always remember that the parents, brothers, and sisters of our fellow
division members live in the villages.
- Destroy no houses.
- Chop down no fruit trees.
- Our doctors and dentists are to treat the civilian population whenever
possible.
- No shortsightedness toward the civilian population.
- Those who carry on black marketeering and usurp the property of the
people in the plundered homeland of the division will be sent to a concentra-
tion camp.
Not: How many enemies have I killed?
Rather: How many friends have I made?
A signalman recalled one division officer taking Sauberzweig's instructions
seriously:
After we had installed a telephone net, we had a look about some aban-
doned houses. One man came across a side of beef, and although our rations
were sufficient, we decided to take it along.
Upon reaching our base camp, we passed our battalion commander, SS-
Hstuf. Driesner. He began screaming at us, calling us plunderers and threat-
ened to court-martial us. We had to make the meat scarce.
71
Despite these threats, such cases of plundering in the division persisted, and
eventually, drastic measures were taken to stop them (see chapter 7).
The fact that the division was composed primarily of Muslims, many of whom
lost loved ones in etnik massacres and were quick to settle old scores, led
Sauberzweig to caution his men against such excesses. Contrary to his harsh pos-
ture during Wegweiser, he wrote:
You all know that in addition to the Muslims, Catholics and people of the
(Serbian Orthodox) faith also call this land their home. They all must be ab-
sorbed into the Bosnian community. . . . We shall give the first liberated land
to the Muslims, but we shall not permit the others to be left out. Please con-
sider this and forget the little hates, which only cause new discord.
72
He admitted that this policy of "inclusion" did not enjoy great popularity among
northeastern Bosnia's Islamic population:
The Muslims do not understand that a community composed of all faiths
must be constructed, and that all interests particular to each group must be
forgotten in the interest of this community.
73
In any case, Sauberzweig believed that things "were going well" in his divi-
sion in mid-April. Half of its assigned area of operation, i.e. the territory between
the Sava, Bosna, Drina, and Sprea rivers (the Posavina, Semberija, and Majevica
regions; hereafter referred to as the 'security zone') had been cleared of hostile
forces. He boasted of his mens' heroism:
The eighty or so iron crosses awarded to the (Bosnians) bear witness to
(their) heroics. The men have performed deeds that are truly of great bravery.
71
Letter to the author from Fritz Langemeier dated 14 January 1994.
72
13. SS-Division, Kommandeur, "Brief Nr. 9" dated 27 March 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586969).
73
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. - 15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Ilg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
. .. The comradery between Germans and (Bosnians) in battle is insoluble. I
must also recognize the courage of the Albanians. The enemy maintains a
parole not to engage our men.
74
Phleps agreed:
Regarding the 13th Division, I can only report that it has performed flaw-
lessly, and it can be expected that it will continue to do so. The Croatian gov-
ernment has also given (the division) its stamp of approval.
75
Even the division's sharpest critic, Envoy Kasche, admitted that its "posture
and performance were satisfactory."
76
Nevertheless, there were shortcomings that
Sauberzweig did not fail to mention. For instance, he scolded vehicle drivers for
not maintaining sufficient intervals between their vehicles during movements and
halts. "Take (this) to heart," he wrote, "or else I shall have to intervene vigor-
ously."
77
He also felt it necessary to warn the men about such things as bunching
up during night fighting, attempting to deactivate enemy mines, proper foot care
for long marches, and above all enemy propaganda. "Only a fool would believe
what the (Partisans) have prepared," Sauberzweig said. "Communism has destroyed
Bosnia. You have seen this with your own eyes."
78
As far as the German High
Command was concerned, the biggest problem was the desertions taking place
within the division; by early May Hitler himself ordered that "all deserters from
(the division) were to be hunted down."
79
Interestingly, Sauberzweig blamed this
on the division's Croatian Catholics:
Where difficulties arise or a few men desert, it signifies a failure of the
officers. Incidents such as these occur only in units with Croatian officers or
in those that contain the remaining 300 or so Catholic Croatians. Therefore, I
refuse to accept any Catholic Croatians (officers or NCOs) into the division.
80
Soon after the division began combat operations, it became evident that its
German leadership began to lose interest in the Muslim religious matters that were
so strictly catered to during the formation period. When political officer Ekkehard
Wangemann protested, he was quickly transferred. He later wrote:
74
Sauberzweig to Berger dated 16 April 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586921).
75
Phleps to Himmler dated 7 May 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586899).
76
Envoy Kasche, "Anlage zu Bericht Grs-123/44 dated 26 July 1944 (T-120, roll 1757, E025376).
77
13. SS-Division, Kommandeur, "Brief Nr. 9" dated 27 March 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586969).
78
ibid.
79
SS-Staf. Rudolf Brandt to various offices dated 2 May 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586920).
80
Sauberzweig to Berger dated 16 April 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586921).
Dr. Willfried Schweiger in-
ocul at es member s of t he
division' s pioneer battalion.
I had studied theology, as had my forefathers, and after completing my
state examinations, the Reichsfhrer-SS invited me to join his staff. Follow-
ing the mutiny in (Villefranche), he entrusted me with the creation of the
division's political section. He assumed that as a theologue I possessed a cer-
tain knowledge of the Islamic faith.
Himmler's deputy in the formation of the Muslim units of the Waffen-SS
was (Gottlob) Berger, who was responsible for all matters of recruitment and
replacement. In this function, he was in contact with the Mufti of Jerusalem. I
introduced myself to the Mufti as the liaison officer between him and the
division. During our first conversation, which was translated through French,
the Mufti showed me the contract that had been drafted between him and the
German Reich, the latter represented by Reichsfhrer Himmler. It announced
that the Islamic spiritual leader was to assist in the formation of Muslim units
for the Waffen-SS. For its part, the German Reich was to ensure that certain
regulations were to be observed in the newly-formed units and in the training
of the young Muslim recruits. I (remember) one humorous anecdote in which
the Mufti jokingly asked me:
"Wouldn't it be best if the Germans converted to Islam? The Muslims
and Germans could then conquer the world!"
Sauberzweig had been transferred to the Waffen-SS from the German
army. Unfortunately, I was unable to convince him of the uniquely political
task with which he had been entrusted. He saw his mission exclusively as
shaping the division into a battle-worthy formation. (He was) surely an excel-
lent officer and would have effectively formed and led a German division,
(but) politically, he was quite ignorant (and) failed in his task of commanding
a political formation.
The Mufti informed me that the Division Imam had complained to him
that the restrictions on pork and alcohol were being increasingly ignored by
the (German) leadership. Some units no longer held the Jum'ah and simply
dismissed prayers as the responsibility of the individual. This contradicted the
agreement between the Mufti and the Reichsfhrer-SS, which stated that Is-
lamic prayer services were to be viewed not as a "necessary evil," but as a
staple of military duty. Moreover, the contact between the imams and the troops
was left to the whim of the unit commanders, most of whom did not take the
imams or the Muslim customs seriously and failed to provide them with enough
support. The lesson of the mutiny in Villefranche was not learned.
Sauberzweig's understanding and spiritual horizon extended little further
than purely military tasks. For example, he once laughed at me when I in-
formed him of the Mufti's complaints that the division's soldiers had been fed
pork and were buying alcohol in the markets (I should have informed the
Mufti, however, that the young volunteers actually preferred soup that was
cooked with pork and drank slivovitz without reservation). I was unable to
convince Sauberzweig that a young volunteer from a primitive home was not
capable of determining if the consumption of pork and alcohol stood in con-
trast to what was demanded by his religion, especially when many German
officers were also unaware or simply did not care. My objection that the dis-
tribution of pork and alcohol was strongly opposed by the Mufti as well as all
of the division's imams did not make the slightest impression on him. On the
contrary, he reproached me for siding with the imams against the division
leadership in the matter.
From this occurrence, which for us Christian officers was seemingly in-
consequential but was of major importance from an Islamic point of view,
(Sauberzweig's) political ignorance became clear. What mattered was not the
fact that the Muslims were being discouraged from their religious obligations
but the significance of the Mufti himself. We were depending on him to assist
with the formation of additional Islamic units. The Reich sought to mobilize
the entire Muslim world against England, but this was impossible if its spiri-
tual leader was disillusioned.
81
The disregard for religious custom displayed by unit commanders may have
been attributable in at least part to the uneven performance of some of the imams
themselves. While Ahmed Skaka was considered "fanatical" and was even recom-
mended for the Iron Cross in recognition of his battlefield heroism, Mustafa
Hadimuli was called "lethargic and lazy" by his commander.
82
Division Imam
Muhasilovi was judged to be such "a complete failure" in his duties that the Mufti
promised to procure a suitable successor, but appears never to have done so.
83
It
was at this time that the SS also began to lose interest in the Muslim autonomy
movement; their hitherto support was reduced to Berger simply promising the di-
vision members that "every soldier would be rewarded in accordance with his
81
Ekkehard Wangemann, "Ein Bericht ber die Situation der ehem. 13. SS Geb. Division
' Handschar' im Frhjahr. 1944," unpublished manuscript, 1993.
82
Personnel files of Ahmed Skaka and Must afa Hadimuli (Berlin Document Center).
83
13. SS-Division, Abt. VI Az: Wg/So Tgb. Nr. 32/44 geh. dated 4 April 1944, "Ttigkeitsbericht
der Abt. VI abgeschlossen am 4. 4. 1944" (T-175, roll 70, ff2586935).
performance after the war."
84
Muslim hopes for an autonomous Bosnia were all
but dashed.
85
The Mufti and the imams were placated by the opening of the imam institute
in a small SS-owned hotel in Guben. Husseini, Berger, and Imams Dozo and
Korkut were among those present at the invocation ceremony, which was held on
21 April.
86
The Mufti addressed the participants, thanking Himmler, "to whom the
establishment of the institute was owed," and Berger "for his tireless efforts." He
cited the institute as "one of the results of the collaboration between the Muslims
and the Greater German Reich," adding:
The Muslims, who have suffered terrible blows at the hands of their en-
emies, will never have a better ally than the German Reich. But among all of
its friends, National Socialist Germany has no better or more loyal friend than
the Muslims.
The Bosnian-Herzegovinian Division, which at present is bravely bat-
tling the enemy in its homeland, was the first tangible example of this coop-
eration. It is with great pleasure that I see several comrades from this division
present today who, in addition to performing their military duty, are fulfilling
yet another equally important task. They have assumed the moral leadership
of their unit, a moral leadership that possesses the same or an even greater
effect as the most modern weapons in the world.
Husseini also encouraged the new student imams. "Work hard and do your
best!" he said. Imam Dozo also spoke:
This institute will bear the great honor of further strengthening the friendly
relations between the Islamic world and National Socialist Germany. You,
your Eminence (i.e. the Mufti - author), lead the Islamic world in the best
direction and labor with all of your power to perform the finest service, re-
gardless of whether it involves your homeland or ours. The institute is visible
proof of this and through your visit today, your interest and concern for us and
our Bosnian homeland is expressed in the most suitable manner.
84
Pol. IVb, "Vormerk ber eine unter den Vorsitz des Herrn Staatssekretrs Baron von Steengrecht
i m Auswr t i gen Amt st at t gef undenen Bespr echung zur Kl r ung der Fr agen der pol i t i schen
Zusammenarbeit zwischen den verschiedenen in Kroatien eingesetzten deutschen Stellen" dated 4 August
1944 (T-120, roll 3124, E505377).
85
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, Ic 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. -15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Ilg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
86
Berger to Himmler dated 22 April 1944 (T-175, roll 60, ff267047).
We see ourselves equally as obliged to express our heartiest thanks to the
Reichsfhrer-SS and to you, Obergruppenfhrer (Berger), for (your) sincere
friendship toward us and all Muslims. I can think of no better way of express-
ing our thanks, both my own and that of the faculty and students, than in
stating the following: We are prepared and staunchly determined to extend
our greatest efforts towards the realization of the New Order.
87
Little is known concerning the actual functioning of the school, aside from
the fact that Imam Dozo was responsible for its operation.
88
The division was soon to face its biggest test to date. This would come in the
form of a huge operation that was to sweep the Partisan forces from northeastern
Bosnia. It was known as Unternehmen Maibaum.
87
Speeches presented by Haj-Amin el-Husseini and Imam Husejin Dozo in Guben on 21 April
1944 (T-175, roll 60, ff2676043).
88
Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995.
Maibaum
T h e division's hitherto success set the stage for Unternehmen Maibaum, which
sought to destroy the Partisan III Bosnia Corps.
1
Army Group F ordered the V SS
Mountain Corps to form a blockade line and prevent the guerrillas from achieving
their aim, which was to effect a crossing of the Drina River into Serbia.
2
Maibaum
was one of the largest counterinsurgency operations conducted during the Second
World War; the missions that Phleps assigned to the units were ambitious to say
the least:
a) Reinforced Regiment 27 (Hampel) was to act as a blockade unit. It was
to advance southward, seize Zvornik, and form a blockade along the Drina. Its
primary goal was to prevent hostile forces from crossing the river and enter-
ing western Serbia.
b) Reinforced Regiment 28 (Raithel) was to advance south into the
Majevica Mountains and capture Tuzla. After crossing the Sprea, I/28 would
1
At this time the Corps consisted of the 16th and 36th Vojvodina and the 17th, 27th, and 38th
East Bosnia Divisions.
2
Sauberzweig apparently believed that the entire Partisan corps intended to cross the Drina but
this was not the case. The communist plan called for the 36th Vojvodina Division to secure a crossing
site for the 16th Vojvodina and 17th East Bosnia Divisions, which were to ford the river on 28-29 April
and relieve the 2d and 5th Divisions in Serbia. Their plan was preempted by Maibaum (Gen. Kdo. IX.
Waffen-Geb. Korps-SS, "Vorschlag fr die Verleihung des Ritterkreuzes des Eisernes Kreuzes" dated
11 June 1944 [Personnel file of Hellmuth Raithel (Berlin Document Center)], Nikola Boi, "Vojvodani
u istonoj Bosni" in Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 52, and tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. broj 60/44,
11 jula 1944, to Vrhovnom tabu NOV i POJ, "Dostavlja izvjetaj za mjesec april i maj 1944" (Zbornik,
tome IV, vol. 27, 185)| .
swing southeast and seize Vlasenica, while II/28 was to continue south and
take Kladanj.
c) Aufkl. Abt. 13 (Kuhler) was to assume flank security in the Srebrnik
area.
d) Units of the SS Division "Prinz Eugen" and Croatian forces were to
advance north from Rogatica and Sokolac and push the communists towards
Raithel's regiment advancing from the north.
3
3
Otto Kumm, Vorwrts Prinz Eugen (Osnabrck: Munin Verlag GmbH, 1984), 172. These units
were 1/13,1/14,11/14, and two battalions of Croatian troops (ibid.).
Elements of the division' s pioneer battal-
ion (at t ached t o Regi ment 28) duri ng
Maibaum. From left to right Knoll, Ehlers,
Schmidt.
e) An SS parachute battalion (SS-Fallschirmbataillon 500) in Kraljevo
was to be dropped into the Vlasenica area to provide additional support, but
their participation in the operation was eventually cancelled due to poor
weather.
4
Sauberzweig moved the division staff to a forward position at a farm in Simin
Han to maintain close control of the operation.
5
Regiment 28 began its advance early on 23 April. The Majevicas were so
rugged in its sector that movement was limited strictly to mountain roads. By
nightfall, its second battalion had reached Tuzla, and the local Majevicas were in
their hands.
6
Raithel's men continued the advance the following day along the
ivinice - Kladanj road, reaching Stupari, where they took up positions for the
night.
4
Percy Schramm, ed., Kriegstagebuch des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht (Wehrmachts-
fhrungsstabj 1940-1945 (Frankfurt: Bernard und Graefe Verlag Jr Wehrwesen, 1961-63), vol. V,
651-2.
5
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entries from 24-30 April 1944.
6
Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entry fr om 23 April 1944.
Divison command post at
Si mi n Han. Fr om l ef t
Braun, Dr. Kloes, Sauber-
zweig.
Simin Han, 3 May 1944.
From left Braun, Fichtner,
Rachor, Schi fferdecker,
Lnen, Lsch, Dr. Kloes.
From left to right Lsch,
Br aun, Sauber z wei g,
Rachor, Dr. Kloes.
It was on 25 April that Regiment 27 began operations in its sector, with its
units striking south towards Zvornik. Karl Fischer's II/27 seized the town that
evening with minimal losses. In the meantime, Regiment 28's battalions split ac-
cording to plan, with I/28 pushing towards Vlasenica and II/28 racing south and
seizing Kladanj on 27 April. The latter had been instructed to turn east and ford the
Drinjaa at this juncture, but as the river was at flood level, the Germans feared
that the danger posed to the battalion's pack animals was too great. Consequently,
it was decided to continue the advance over the Javor Planina towards Han Pijesak,
which was reached that evening. Here the men met with lead elements of the "Prinz
Eugen," which had reached the town from the south after scattering the Partisan
27th East Bosnia Division.
7
The Battle of Sekovii
I/28 had just succeeded in seizing Vlasenica from a superior hostile force
when it was attacked from the east by two Partisan divisions. A third communist
division surrounded Raithel's regimental staff and one company at nearby Sekovii,
thirty kilometers north-northwest of Vlasenica.
8
A platoon leader described the
ferocious fighting:
Birki, a wonderful tenor, was shot in the head and died at my side.
Ballmann, from Hameln, was also killed on this day. During a shoot-out with
a cornered Partisan political commissar, his weapon jammed. The commissar
killed Ballmann with his pistol, and then turned the weapon on himself. That
evening, I lost a third man, a friendly little Bosnian named Nedi.
9
II/28 was informed of the situation late on the evening of 28 April and rushed
north towards Vlasenica. After relieving the battered I/28, it continued its advance
and reached Sekovii at dawn on the following day. Raithel ordered the battalion's
companies to encircle the town, and bitter fighting ensued. The battle lasted for
over forty-eight hours, and II/28's companies soon were decimated. "The battal-
ion aid station is swamped" the unit adjutant wrote in his diary. "Our physician,
Dr. Nikolaus Frank, works without respite. The companies need reinforcement
and ammunition desperately. The last reserves, the pioneer platoon and the pack
animal tenders, have been thrown into the fighting."
10
The division's reconnais-
7
ibid., entry from 27 April 1944.
8
Gen. Kdo. IX. Waffen-Geb. Korps-SS, "Vorschlag fr die Verleihung des Ritterkreuzes des
Eisernen Kreuzes" dated 11 June 1944 [Personnel file of Hellmuth Raithel (Berlin Document Center)].
' Letter from Heinrich Gaese to Kurt Schwer dated 10 May 1985 (Archiv der Truppenkameradschaft
Handschar).
' "Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entry from 30 April 1944.
Hi mml er' s order of 12 May 1944 stating that the subordination of any of the division' s units (even
those of company strength) to other commands requires his personal approval.
sance battalion was also used to relieve the pressure on I/28, while elements of
Regiment 27 extended the Drina blockade further south. Hampel's men had fared
well during the operation; after reaching the Kozjak heights, a patrol from 8./27
sent out on 27 April to reach I/28 ambushed a Partisan column north of the Drinjaa,
killing forty of the enemy and capturing two more.
11
Its units crossed the river and
reached Nova Kasaba on the thirtieth. Partisan resistance was characteristically
stubborn: among the ninety-six dead counted during the advance were a battalion
commander and a female commissar. The German situation at Sekovii finally
improved on 1 May.
12
Following the relief operation, Regiment 27's units returned to Zvornik and
spent the remainder of the operation patrolling for enemy forces along the Tuzla -
Zvornik road. Regiment 28 was moved to the Simin Han - Lopare area on the
fifth, as the "Prinz Eugen" elements pursued the fleeing 17th East Bosnia Division
to the south. Maibaum was over. The Partisan attempt to cross the Drina had failed,
and the III Bosnia Corps was all but shattered. One German report listed enemy
casualties as 956 counted dead and 96 prisoners.
13
Army Group F' s commander,
Field Marshal Maximilian Freiherr von Weichs, summed up as follows:
The fighting against Tito's forces on the banks of the Drina has been
quite favorable. The (Partisan) movement to Serbia can be viewed as a total
failure, and the enemy's losses have been severe. As the (Partisan) forces in
Serbia were being attacked from all sides, other units (i.e. the III Bosnia Corps
- author) west of the river that attempted to relieve (them) were hindered
while attempting to cross and were scattered in all directions.
14
On the night of 6 May, Phleps ordered the division elements to return to the
security zone and resume their duties.
15
Phleps's decision to utilize division elements outside of the security zone (most
of Maibaum was conducted south of the Spreca River) infuriated Sauberzweig.
Indeed, Himmler himself had decreed that "not a single company or battery of the
division could be commandeered and engaged outside of the (security zone) with-
" Personal diary of Jrg Deh, entry from 27 April 1944.
12
The Partisan III Bosnia Corps reported that German air activity in the Srebrenica-Vlasenica-
ekovii area had been heavy since 20 April [tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. broj 60/44, 11 jula
1944 g., to Vrhovnom tabu NOV i POJ, "Dostavlja izvjetaj za mjesec april i maj 1944" (Zbornik,
tome IV, vol. 27, 185)].
13
Tagesmeldung, Ob. Sdost, 3 May 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6288907).
14
Personal diary of Maximilian Freiherr von Weichs, entry from 4 May 1944 (Bundesarchiv/
Militrarchiv, N 19/16).
13
Phleps to Himmler dated 7 May 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586899).
out (his prior) approval."
16
Though Phleps claimed that his decision was made out
of military necessity, and had in fact received the Reichsfhrer' s consent for his
plan, it led to friction between the two generals, eventually causing Himmler to
intervene. "Believe me, my dear Phleps," wrote the Reichsfhrer, "I cannot do
without you or Sauberzweig. The two of you must get along with one another."
17

Maibaum prevented the III Bosnia Corps from crossing the Drina, but numer-
ous scattered Partisan units were still to be found within the security zone.
Sauberzweig sent Jagdkommandos in pursuit, and on the evening of 13 May, ele-
ments of II/28 located a Partisan force in the heights near Rastonica. The battal-
ion launched an attack the following morning. 9./28 (Knig) was quickly brought
to a halt by murderous enemy fire and 2./28 (Petkovi), was engaged to assist. In
the meantime, Heinz Jeep's 11 ,/28 pressed the attack to the south. It wasn' t until
about 1700 hrs. that evening that the enemy was finally pushed eastward into the
Ravni-Zavid. The battalion then took up positions along the line Sviz - Grujicici
(near Priboj) to block any attempted withdrawal to the north.
18
Unternehmen Maiglckchen
No sooner had this been achieved when patrols reported that the Partisan force
in the Majevicas was actually composed of several brigades. Thus the entire divi-
sion, along with local Cetniks,
19
was engaged in Unternehmen Maiglckchen (Op-
eration May Bell) to destroy them. On 17 May, I and II/28 drove south, as ele-
ments of Regiment 27 pushed west from Sapna and quickly swung south. A divi-
sion signalman operating near Stolice recalled:
During the establishment of a telephone net near the Tuzla mines, we
heard heavy small arms fire. As we approached the battlefield, the noise had
16
In his book Die Gebirgstruppen der Waffen-SS, Rolf Michaelis erroneously states that Maibaum
took place in the southern sector of the division' s foreseen sector. This is false: had the division' s units
remained north of the Spreca River, the Sauberzweig-Phleps dispute would not have materialized.
"Hi mml er to Phleps dated 10 May 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586895).
' ' Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entries from 13-14 May 1944, and 13. Waffen-Gebirgs-
Division-SS "Handschar" (kroatische Nr. 1), "Vorschlag fr die Verleihung des Deutsches Kreuzes in
Gol d" dated 14 October 1944 [Personnel file of Hans Hanke (Berlin Document Center)].
" The first recorded instance of cooperation between the division and Cetnik forces took place on
16 May 1944, when II/28 came into contact with Radivoj Kerovi, commander of the Majevica-Tuzla
etnik unit, in Teoak. The two sides agreed to cooperate in clearing the Majevicas of the Partisans
(Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entry from 16 May 1944, and a report written by the staff of
the Majevica Cetnik Corps from the same date, an excerpt of which is quoted in Zbornik, tome IV, vol.
25, 336).
11/28 moves through the eastern Majevicas, 13 May 1944.
Regiment 28 hunter team (Jagdkommando) during Unternehmen Maiglckchen, May 1944. (BA)
Stjepan Petrovi' s casualty report.
ceased. Several dead comrades could be seen in the area. The Partisans had
stripped the bodies of their boots and valuables. Among the dead was a Croatian
company commander named (Stjepan) Petkovi. The enemy left a few pack
animals behind.
20
Recognizing the danger to their units, the Partisans sent their 16th Vojvodina
Division across the Sprea into the western Majevicas on 16 May to relieve the
pressure on their comrades, but to no avail - the German ring around the Stolice
heights closed on the eighteenth, while elements of Aufkl. Abt. 13, assisted by
Regiment 28, halted the relief column and eventually forced it back across the
river. One account of the fighting in the Stolice area is provided in an award cita-
tion proffered for company commander Hans Knig:
On 18 May, Knig led a platoon-strength reconnaissance-by-force dur-
ing (Operation May Bell) in the Stolice - Jelice area. .. . Allowing a hostile
patrol to pass before him at a distance of sixty meters, Knig and his men
"Letter to the author from Fritz Langemeier dated 14 January 1994.
worked their way to within thirty meters of the enemy's security posts in the
thick morning fog. After launching a surprise barrage consisting of mortar
and machine gun fire, Knig sprung a pincer attack against the enemy posi-
tions, causing the foe to retreat in total disarray. Enemy casualties: 35 counted
dead, 1 prisoner. Captured: 31 rifles, 1 anti-tank weapon, 1 machine gun, and
1 mortar. Friendly casualties: two men slightly wounded.
21
Division artillery pounded the trapped communist force, but the Partisans were
able to escape from the pocket (to the south) late on the evening of the eighteenth,
aided by the cover of darkness. Partisan losses during Maiglckchen were consid-
erable; the XVII Majevica Brigade alone suffered sixteen dead and sixty missing
during the fighting.
22
Regiment 28 was then transferred to the Srebrnik area, while
Regiment 27 remained near Zvornik. The final days of May were fairly quiet.
Outside of patrolling, the division's units rested and received replacements for
their losses.
Unternehmen Maiglckchen was the last offensive operation mounted by the
division until mid-summer. Its units were tasked with keeping the security zone
clear of the Partisans. It proved to be a difficult assignment, despite the occasional
assistance provided by a host of not-always-reliable indigenous forces.
Although the Serbian etniks believed that the war would ultimately end in
Allied victory, they saw in Tito's pluralistic communists the greatest threat to their
post-war plans for the establishment of a Great Serbian state. Their collaboration
with the occupation forces was limited to what they called "use of the enemy," i.e.
they cooperated only when it was in their own interest to do so.
23
With an esti-
mated strength of over 13,000 effectives, the etniks of northeastern Bosnia were
divided into four large groups, with one each operating in the Posavina, Bijeljina,
Tuzla, and Zvornik areas. "The cooperation between the division and the etniks
was very loose," wrote one critical SS officer. "Most of the time they simply re-
ported to our intelligence officer when they needed food or ammunition."
24
Sauberzweig was more optimistic:
21
SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28, "Vorschlagsliste Nr. 1 fr die Verleihung des Deutschen Kreuzes in Gol d"
dated 6 January 1945 [Personnel file of Hans Knig (Berlin Document Center)].
22
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. broj 60/ 44, 11 jula 1944 g., to Vrhovnom tabu NOV i
POJ, "Dostavlja izvjetaj za mjesec april i maj 1944" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 27, 185).
23
Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1975), 197.
24
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 15 September 1992.
etniks. (BA)
After being routed by our troops, retreating Partisans are often ambushed
by etnik units seeking weapons. . . . During the latest operations, the etnik
forces have fought well. An acceptable, almost comradely cooperation with
the etniks has emerged.
The Serbian-Orthodox population of the (security zone) is the sole indus-
trious, constructive, and vital element in the territory. .. . When the division
first arrived in (northeastern Bosnia), the etniks panicked, fearing Muslim
revenge. In the meantime, the constructive-minded Serbians have realized
that the division shall include all portions of the population in its mission of
liberation. This has led, in a certain sense, to a sort of cooperation.
In at least one instance, the cooperation between the two sides became so
close that Regiment 27 was invited to send a representative to attend a etnik feast
at Manastir Tavna on 4 June.
25
Sauberzweig did become cynical, however, when
the etniks began spreading propaganda among the Muslims urging a "common
front against communism" and ceased their murderous forays into Islamic settle-
ments:
25
Personal diary of Jrg Deh, entry from 4 June 1944.
By no means is this (etnik propaganda) conducted in good faith. The
political interests of the present and the fear of revenge from the Muslims,
who now possess a lethal weapon, the 13th SS Division, are responsible. . . .
There is no doubt that when the time is right, the etniks will attempt to seize
the political and military initiative in eastern Bosnia to achieve their dream of
Great Serbia.
26
Also among the division's "allies" was Nead Topi's "Zeleni Kader" (Green
Cadre), a Muslim nationalist militia. The Germans maintained a full-time liaison
staff to Topi's forces but their actual cooperation left much to be desired. "The
etniks," one Zeleni Kader battalion commander was heard to say, "are a far greater
threat to us Muslims than the Partisans." This attitude, Sauberzweig believed, was
pervasive not only within the ranks of this militia, but was also shared by the entire
Muslim intelligentsia in Bosnia. His fears were no doubt compounded when Topi
visited Berlin at Berger's invitation and openly admitted that he would attempt to
"spread decay among the ranks of the 13th SS Division and induct the (Muslim)
enlisted men into (his own) units if the etniks weren't destroyed." Like its prede-
cessors, this militia was hampered by equipment shortages and was not highly
regarded. Sauberzweig reported in mid-June that in light of the worsening German
military situation, some Zeleni Kader units were beginning to lean towards Tito,
and in this he was correct.
27
Croatian forces, both the army and Ustaa militia, were also engaged in north-
eastern Bosnia. Neither was of much value to the division; the Ustaa even suc-
ceeded in further aggravating ethnic tensions by murdering 63 Serbian Orthodox
settlers in the Gradaac area in March and April.
28
In addition, Sauberzweig ac-
cused the Paveli regime of denying him personnel when Huka Miljkovi's Mus-
lim militia dissolved:
The leader of the SS Replacement Command in Croatia, Dr. Vogel, con-
ducted negotiations with Paveli concerning the recruiting of members of the
Huska-Group (in) Zagreb for the Waffen-SS. Although the division's propa-
ganda in Krajina (many of the division's members are indigenous to the re-
gion) exposed Huska's treachery, which ultimately led to his demise (Miljkovi
26
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. -15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Ilg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
27
ibid. For confirmation of Zeleni Kader overtures to the Partisans see tab III Korpusa NOV
Jugoslavije, Str. pov. br.: 4/44, "Dostavlja se izjetaj o vojno-politikoj situaciji u Istonoj Bosni"
dated 14 July 1944 (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 27, 251).
28
Gen. Kdo. V SS-Geb. Korps, Abtl. Ic/Dolm./Tgb. Nr. 5653/44, geh. v. 8. 7. 1944, "Verzeichnis
ber Ustaschen-bergriffe" (T-175, roll 115, ff2645821).
r
was slain on 27 April 1944 - author) and the return of most of his units to the
ranks of the Partisans. It can be confirmed that the return of Huska's units to
western Bosnia in February and March was in the interest of the (Croatian)
leadership. Huska's men have decided against volunteering for the SS, for
they wish to remain in their home area (Krajina) and opt for the easy life
found within the Ustaa.
29
Irrespective of whether this particular accusation was true or not it was clear
that Croatian resentment of the division's very existence had not subsided, for the
Ustaa even attempted to lure Bosnians to desert to their forces on a number of
occasions.
30
Sauberzweig described their techniques:
The Ustaa use only material means to lure the men to desert. Division
members, often when they are at home during furloughs, are promised higher
ranks and pay (in the Ustaa), and told that the duty is far easier there than in
the strictly-disciplined SS Division. Cases have been confirmed where divi-
sion deserters received false names and identity documents upon their entry
into the Ustaa, and promotions to higher ranks therewith.
31
Even a Muslim etnik battalion (there were actually a handful of Bosnian
Muslims who supported Mihailovi) operating in the Majevicas attempted the same
with a leaflet that read:
Do you actually think that you are serving your people? You are making
a big mistake. You are serving the occupier for the few (pennies) that he casts
at your f eet . . . . Don't you feel as if you're selling yourselves and your honor,
that you are serving the occupier against king and fatherland? You cannot
protest, for you have no rights. You must partake in all of the misdeeds and
crimes, for otherwise Dachau awaits.
It is of course much better to feast on the corn bread of your own people
than the white bread with butter and honey that the foreigners are serving.
Join the movement of the movement of the Yugoslavian National Front to
29
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. -15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Hg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
Sauberzweig actually believed that the Croatian state was nearing collapse at this time (see ibid.).
30
Gen. Kdo. V. SS-Geb. Korps, Abtl. Ic/Dolm./Tgb. Nr. 5653/44 geh. v. 8. 7. 1944, "Verzeichnis
ber Ustaschen-bergriffe" (T-175, roll 115, ff2645821).
31
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. -15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Ilg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
"Report Concerning Illegal Absence/Desertion" for I/28' s Josip Markovi. The Croatian veterinarian
received a furlough to "arrange care for his elderly mother" and never returned.
Division propaganda leaflet used against Tito' s forces. Halid Komi, a former Partisan commander
who deserted and volunteered his services to the division, exhorts his former comrades to follow Ills
lead.
save the Fatherland. That is where you belong, with your men, people, and
blood, your king and general. Come while there is still time.
32
The multi-ethnic Partisans took the trouble of aiming their propaganda at all
of Bosnia's warring sides. Typical of their tone was a manifesto drafted by mem-
bers of the AVNOJ (Anti-Fascist People's Council of National Liberation of Yugo-
slavia) and its local Bosnian body (ZAVNOBiH) at Vlasenica in late June. The
document told Croatians to drop Hitler and Paveli, Serbian Orthodox villagers
were urged not to support the etniks, and the Muslims were advised to
abandon those who have caused so much suffering and shame Smash
the SS Division, the Ustaa, and the Zeleni Kader gangs. (Do not) again slaugh-
ter your brother Serbs for Hitler. Do not hesitate! The People's Liberation
units . . . guarantee a free and better future for Muslims.
33
During the division's first months in Bosnia, their attempts met with limited
success. In the period 7 April-15 June 1944, the following number of desertions
were reported:
The Germans also coerced enemy soldiers to desert to their ranks, for they
were well aware that communist morale had plummeted since the division's ar-
rival. A former Partisan officer serving in the division urged his former comrades
not to believe Allied propaganda and follow his lead:
Do not allow yourself be fooled by these false promises. Do not believe
what they say about the German people.
Look at me! I have returned from the forest voluntarily. I now serve in the
ranks of our Bosnian - Herzegovinian SS Division and enjoy the same rights
as any other soldier.
34
32
A copy of this leaflet (in German translation) can be found in T-175, roll 579, ff65).
33
"Proglas konferencije lanova AVNOJ-a i ZAVNOBi H-a iz istone Bosne, kojim se narod
istone Bosne poziva na odlunu borbu protiv okupatora i narodnih izdajnika" in Institut za Istoriju
Radnikog Pokreta, ZAVNOBiH Dokumenti 1943-1944 (Sarajevo: Izdavako Preduzee "Veselin
Maslea, " 1968), 162.
34
13. SS-Division, Flugblatt-Entwurf Nr. 3 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587028).
t u
Germans from the Reich
Volksdeutsche
Catholic Croatians
Muslims
0
9
43
146
First page of a division intelligence report dated 28 May 1944. Worthy of note is the Partisans' numeri-
cal inferiority to the 20,000 strong division.
This appeal was part of an extensive propaganda effort that was undertaken in
northeastern Bosnia, particularly in the Tuzla region.
35
Leaflets were produced
announcing that "a new age would dawn (with) the division's arrival," but they
proved to be ineffective. "The placards and leaflets have not brought the desired
success," Sauberzweig admitted. "The people, irrespective of their ethnicity and
views, are not influenced by the spoken or written word. They are convinced solely
by deeds, (and) the decisive deed remains the achievement of liberation." More
successful was the division's loudspeaker vehicle, which among other things circled
northern Bosnia singing the SS gospel. On one occasion in Biha, its operators
were able not only to recruit 150 Muslim volunteers, but also persuaded twenty
Partisans to desert.
36
Such achievements proved to be a rarity, for despite the fact
that several Partisan units (most notably the XVII Majevica Brigade) suffered from
desertion problems, most of these men simply went home and did not volunteer
their services to the Germans.
37
Consequently, the "10,000" deserters that the Mufti
had predicted months before never came to pass. Interestingly, Sauberzweig at-
tributed this to the fact that with the division's arrival, the Partisans had, in his
words:
reorganized (their) combat units in northeastern Bosnia. The brigades of
the 17th (East Bosnia) Division, whose members for the most part come from
(this area), were transferred, with the exception of the XVIII Croatian Bri-
gade, to southeast Bosnia. The enemy leadership believed the 17th Division,
in light of its overwhelmingly Muslim composition, to be unreliable in the
face of a Bosnian - Muslim SS Division from the same homeland with a new
political direction.
38
Sauberzweig was generally pleased with his mens' performance during this
period, but he did have misgivings:
Morale in the combat units continues to be high, though the Bosnians do
not feel inclined to exert themselves. They appear to be showing signs of
35
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Str. pov. br.: 4/44, "Dostavlja se izjetaj o vojno-politikoj
situaciji u Istonoj Bosni" dated 14 July 1944 (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 27, 251).
36
Letter to the author from Zvonimir Bernwald dated 3 January 1993.
37
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Str. pov. br.: 4/44, "Dostavlja se izjetaj o vojno-politikoj
situaciji u Istonoj Bosni" dated 14 July 1944 (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 27, 251).
38
13. SS-Division, le 1561/44 geh. v. 28. 5. 1944, "Bewegliche Verbnde und bodenstndige
Organisationen des Feindes, mit welchen die Division in der Zeit vom 10. 3. 1944 bis 27. 5. 1944 im
Kampfe stand."
weariness, which have manifested into carelessness and negligence. Here the
exemplary actions of the German officers and NCOs are helpful, whose losses
in battle are quite high, in that they are in no way comparable to casualties
suffered by the enlisted ranks.
The members of the supply units have. . . become entrepreneurs of a sort,
stealing equipment, trading gear captured from the enemy, and plundering.
The institution and application of capital punishment for all cases of forcible
plundering has been quite successful. There has not been one reported case of
plundering since that time.
39
One officer who believed his Bosnians to be totally reliable at this stage of-
fered these anecdotes:
One company commander swore by his Muslim orderly. "He obeyed ev-
ery order. If, for example, he was asked to fetch me a new pair of socks, this
Mujo would do it, even if he had to steal them from the division commander."
Another company commander came across a Mujo during the Bairam
feast who was wildly firing his rifle into the air in celebration. He immedi-
ately ordered him to cease fire, pointing out that he was wasting ammunition.
"Do you understand, Mujo?" asked the officer.
"Jawohl, Obersturmfhrer!" answered the Mujo.
And with that our Mujo continued on his merry way.
40
Nevertheless, the penal company (Strafkompanie) was formed to maintain
discipline in the division. Its commander wrote:
The penal company was subordinated to the pioneer battalion. It was as-
signed such tasks as laying mines, obstacles, and the like.
One could be sent to the penal company for offenses such as theft (which
in the SS was second in severity only to treason), disobeying orders, contract-
ing venereal diseases, being absent without leave, returning late from fur-
loughs, etc. One Muslim sold a tracked vehicle to the etniks. He received six
months. Another "accidently" shot and killed his platoon leader. As the end of
the war neared, there were also cases of self-inflicted wounds and desertions.
After conferring with the division judge advocate, von Kocevar, I was able to
39
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. - 15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Hg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
40
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 20 March 1944.
Officers relax at II/28' s command post in Straa, late May 1944. From right to left Walter Eipel, Heinz
Jeep, Johann Eiden, and Hans Meschendrfer. In reality, there was little to smile about: Eipel was
executed after the war by the Yugoslav government, Eiden was shot and killed only days after this
photo was taken, and Meschendrfer, an ethnic German from Romania, lost all of his possessions and
saw his wife marched off to Siberia by the communists at the war' s end.
II/28 in position at Straa, late May 1944.
obtain suspensions of several death sentences until after the war and saved a
few of the dummies. At one time, the company reached a strength of about
320 men. Most of the men sent to the company were Muslims, which re-
flected not only the division's overall ethnic composition but also the mental-
ity of our Mujos.
The first commander of the company was ex-law student Slavko Oresi,
a hard-drinking former Ustaa man from Borovo. He deserted back to the
Ustaa at the end of 1944 (he absented himself on the evening of 4 January
1945 - author). I then assumed command and led the unit until the end of the
war.
41
During Maibaum and other operations that took place south of the Spreca, the
division's service support units struggled to keep the combat arms well supplied.
In addition to the difficulties posed by the rugged, mountainous terrain, attacks on
supply columns by scattered communist forces were not uncommon.
42
The cooks,
as in all armies, worked especially hard. One NCO from the division's baking
company outlined his unit's work:
We were an over-strength company and possessed eight baking ovens.
The work was carried out in three shifts (0600 - 1400,1400 - 2200, and 2200
- 0600). Each shift contained a shift leader (usually an NCO) and three super-
visors, one of whom was responsible for the bake site, the others for the over-
all dough making process and forming of the loaves, as well as for the proper
leavening. The ovens were fired four times during each shift, with each bak-
ing 192 loaves at a time.
The shifts also had to perform the Arbeitsdienst (work detail) during their
off-time when necessary. This involved either the distribution of the bread
when the units arrived for pick-up or the duties that were necessary for a
smooth operation of the bake site, such as the gathering of wood for the bake
ovens. We also had a water truck that provided the large amount of water
necessary at the bake site, a large dough machine, and a machine that weighed
out and formed the individual loaves. Our company was fully motorized and
possessed half-tracked vehicles that were used to transport the ovens."
43
41
Letter to the author from Dr. Wilhelm Roth dated 24 August 1993.
42
Letter to the author from Klaus Berger dated 16 June 1993.
43
Karl Papenfuss-Stettin, "Bericht ber den Dienst in der 13. SS-Gebirgsdivision Handschar,"
unpublished manuscript, 1992.
Elements of the division's service support units were eventually shifted from
Vinkovci to Tuzla during the summer of 1944 to ease logistical problems, but this
was not entirely successful.
As May passed into June, the division, now known as the 13. Waffen-Gebirgs-
Division der SS "Handschar" (kroatische Nr. 1 ),
44
shifted to a defensive posture
within the security zone. During this period, Ernst Schmedding's artillery regi-
ment was able to conduct a complete topographic survey of the region, ensuring
that its batteries could be engaged with maximum effectiveness. A confident
Sauberzweig summarized the situation in northeastern Bosnia as follows:
The territory between the Sava, Bosna, Spreca, and Drina (rivers) is now
free of the Bolshevist terror. . . . The enemy has been driven out with the
heaviest losses. Scattered groups of defeated or expelled mobile enemy forces
attempting to return shall be destroyed immediately. All local (communist)
organizations have been eradicated through the elimination of all sponsors,
organizers, and commissars, among these many Jews. . . . Through the 100%
destruction of the local organizations, the bases, the aid stations, etc. the en-
emy no longer possesses the opportunity to renew and maintain his combat
strength. Hence the area's inhabitants are guaranteed liberation.
45
He had little time to gloat.
"""Ot h Mountain Division of the SS ' Scimitar' (1st Croatian)." The "of the SS" as opposed to
simply "SS" title is intentional - it is meant to reflect the division' s non-Germanic composition (T-175,
roll 70, ff2586884).
45
13. SS-Division, Ic 1561/44 geheim v. 28. 5. 1944, "Bewegliche Verbnde und bodenstndige
Organisationen des Feindes, mit welchen die Division in der Zeit vom 10. 3. 1944 bis 27. 5. 1944 im
Kampf Stand."
Division Operations -
J une-August 1944
Th e Partisans wasted little time in attempting to recapture northeastern Bosnia.
After the German assault on his headquarters at Drvar in late May, Tito ordered a
general uprising in which his forces were "to engage in offensive action against
the enemy." Thus the III Bosnia Corps planned an offensive in which several divi-
sions were to "push north in three columns and liberate the Majevica, Posavina,
and Semberija regions, with their military, political, economic, and mobilization
bases."
1
The operation was planned as follows:
a) The Western Column (Danilo Leki's 16th Vojvodina Division at
Raeva) would advance along the route Prnjavor - Kiseljak - Hrasno - Seljublje
- Busija - Zlo Selo - Labucka - Lopare and destroy enemy forces in the Tuzla
- Lopare area.
b) The Center Column (Milo Zeki's 38th East Bosnia Division in the
Rakino-Brdo - Osmaci area) was to advance along the route Osmaci - Jelica
- Ravni Zavid - Brijest - Priboj - Tobut and seize Tobut and Kameniti Brijega.
c) The Eastern Column (Marko Peri's 36th Vojvodina Division at Papraa)
would advance along the route Caparde - Baljkovica - Mededa - Kraljevici -
Sapna - Teoak and eliminate enemy forces in the Krine - Bare area.
1
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Str. pov. br.: 44/44, 4 juna 1944. god., "Zapovijest Sekcije
Tuzla-Bijeljina-Klandanj-Zvornik" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 26, 82).
Sauberzweig first learned of the movements when division reconnaissance
detected the communists crossing the Tuzla - Zvornik road on the evening of 6
June. To stem the advance he devised Unternehmen Vollmond (Operation Full
Moon), in which division forces were to "assault the enemy from the north and
west, pushing him against the Drina."
2
1 and II/27 were ordered to assemble and
attack from the area northeast of Priboj south towards Visoka Gl a/ (I/27) and
Jasenica (II/27). IV/28 was moved into position at Ploa and Busija, where it was
to remain ready to assault Priboj, Rozanj, or Stolice, depending on the develop-
ment of the situation. I/28 took up positions in the Priboj heights to protect the
firing positions of .and 7./AR 13, and to assist IV/28 if necessary. Artillery sup-
port was provided by 2./AR 13 at Donja Trnova (for Regiment 27), 6./AR 13 (for
I/28) and by 7./AR 13 at Lopare (for Regiment 28). All other division units were to
remain in reserve during the operation but on alert status, ready to react to any
situation within thirty minutes' time. The attack, which kicked off at 0345 hrs. on
8 June,
3
did not begin well. The areas assigned to I and II/27 were far too wide for
the units to secure, and as a result, the Eastern Column, after routing local etnik
forces, was able to infiltrate through the German lines and continue its advance.
Disaster at Lopare
Sauberzweig believed that the Partisan aim was to either attempt an advance
between the eastern flank of Regiment 27 and the Drina to assault Bijeljina, or
achieve a breakthrough in the direction of Obrije. He was aware that additional,
"apparently weaker," enemy forces were operating in the area east of Corbin Han
on the afternoon of 7 June, but called the situation in this sector "unclear" several
hours before Vollmond began.
4
What he did not know was that these "weaker"
forces were in fact the entire Western Column, and that it was advancing at full
speed toward Lopare.
In accordance with Sauberzweig's instructions, Heinz Driesner moved his 1/
28 into position in the heights southwest of Priboj - and directly into the 16th
Vojvodina Division's march route. In the early evening hours of 8 June, the Parti-
sans slammed into the position, which buckled under the weight of the assault.
2
13. SS-Division, IaTgb. Nr. 45/44, geh. v. 1. 9. 1944, Divisions-Befehl, Unternehmen "Vollmond"
(Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RS 3-13/3).
3
In his book Die Gebirgstruppen der Waffen-SS, Rolf Michaelis incorrectly states that Vollmond
began on 7 July 1944. The operation had been over for nearly a month by that time!
4
Sauberzweig was not blind to the possibility of a communist advance to the northwest or west.
He wrote that the Partisans could have the task of "advancing through Medednik to assault into the
deep division flanks, " but that this would only be carried out by forces that were to "arrive later" [13.
SS-Division, la Tgb. Nr. 45/44, geh. v. 7. 9. 1944, Divisions-Befehl, Unternehmen "Vol l mond"
(Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RS 3-13/3)].
Division operation order for Vollmond.
The Western Col umn' s advance, 8 June 1944. (Based on the map found in Peria Grujis "Borbi 16
vojvoanska divizije i sedmi ofenzivi.")
Driesner's battalion, which was composed primarily of newly-mustered recruits,
was eventually scattered, and the insurgents continued their advance.
5
Raithel soon
learned of the attack and at 2300 hrs. ordered II/28, which manned several posi-
tions in the Srebrnik area, to intervene.
6
I/28 was not the only victim of the surging "Vojvodiners" that evening, for
shortly before midnight, Heinz Rudolph's 7./AR 13, which occupied a firing posi-
tion at Zajednice, several kilometers east of Lopare, was also attacked. This posi-
tion, defended by about eighty men with four 15-cm guns, one machine gun and
assorted small arms, stood little chance against the overwhelming hostile force.
7
Young signalman Fritz Langemeier recalled the attack:
5
The fact that I/28' s raw recruits were sent into the line immediately after their mobilization was
not lost on the Partisans. "The situation was ripe for action," wrote Jovo Vukoti, commander of the III
Bosnia Corps [tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. Br.: 60/44, 11 jula 1944. godine, to Vrhovnom
tabu NOV i POJ, "Dostavlja operativni izvjetaj za mj esec juni 1944 godine" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol.
27, 202)].
6
Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entries from 8-9 June 1944.
' Let t er to the author from Heinz Stratmann dated 10 December 1992.
"I di dn' t think I' d survive that night," said radioman Eduard Roth, who fought in the Battle of Lopare.
Roth is shown here at far right with his signals squad and their pack animal. After the war, he went on
to serve in the Bundeswehr.
Partisans of the 16th Vojvodina Division at Lopare, 9 June 1944. The destroyed remnants of 7./AR 13
are visible in the background.
I had been ordered to maintain a telephone net at (Seventh Battery). Sud-
denly enemy small arms fire began, which grew heavier. Our big guns fired
salvoes directly into the ranks of the advancing enemy.
8
Another survivor, Eduard Roth, remembered:
I was engaged in hand-to-hand fighting with fixed bayonet when one of
my comrades was shot through the throat. I carried him to the first-aid tent.
Upon my arrival, the medical orderly received a gunshot wound in the arm,
which I bandaged. I then crawled back to my radio position, which was lo-
cated to the left of Seventh Battery's position. I was alone.
In the meantime, a wild shootout had broken out at the pack animal col-
lection point, which was also located to the left of the battery position. As we
later learned, the enemy killed most of our mules and horses. The Partisans
were virtually on top of my position, but as I had only four rounds of ammu-
nition left, I could do little. Had I fired even once I would not be alive today.
To be honest, I didn't think that I would make it through that night.
9
The battle lasted for four hours until the defenders' ammunition was exhausted.
The order "Save yourselves!" then came, and the position was evacuated, with
Rudolph heroically being the last to leave. "We ran out of infantry ammunition,"
Langemeier continued:
and I was shot through my right forearm. I joined a group of men who
were withdrawing towards (6./AR 13), which occupied a position further west
along the road to Lopare (at Brezovaa - author), and we were soon able to
reach it.
At dawn we could see Sauberzweig in his "Stork" reconnaissance air-
craft circling above the evacuated position of (Seventh Battery), but he quickly
flew off after the Partisans opened fire on him with their machine guns.
Soon the enemy surrounded us. The battery broke out and attempted to
make its way to Lopare itself but the enemy fire was too heavy. At this time I
' Let t er to the author from Fritz Langemeier dated 14 January 1994.
' Let t er to the author from Eduard Roth dated 15 April 1993. [Author' s note: With the assistance
of former division member Heinz Stratmann, I located a third individual who survived the attack on
Lopare, but was unable to chronicle his account of the battle. "I spoke with this man, " Stratmann told
me, "but he was unwilling to discuss that horrible night. He was only eighteen years old at the time and
suffered from nightmares for over a decade thereafter. He feared that talking about it would bring back
all of those terrible memories. I suppose we must accept this" (Letter to the author from Heinz Stratmann
dated 28 January 1993)].
was shot yet again, this time in the back. We then changed direction, heading
north towards Celie.
Most of the survivors managed to reach friendly lines at eli in the following
days. One man recalled his escape:
As I made my way towards eli . . . I came across Unterscharfhrer
Cischlik in the forest. We almost shot each other before recognition was made.
We spent the daylight hours alternating between guard and sleep. After dark,
we continued on our way.
10
Other men from the mauled units eventually reached elements of 2,/Pi. Btl.
13, which were busy rebuilding bridges along the Brko - Tuzla road between
eli and Lopare. An officer recounted:
I was ordered to take two platoons of the Second Company and rebuild
the bridges in the eli - Lopare area. We were to be quartered in the neigh-
boring village for the night.
Upon arrival at the site, four squads set to work on the bridges while two
others were employed as security in the neighboring heights. . . . Soon the
security reported large enemy movements on distant hills parallel to the road
leading north. We reinforced our security and decided to remain at the build-
ing site for the night, thinking that the bridges, which were almost complete,
would be better protected.
In the middle of the night (8 June - author) there was a huge fireball in
the (position of I/28). After about half an hour it was over. Many fires could be
seen. The Partisans passed in front of our position, this time in the opposite
direction. We were lucky that we were not attacked. The following morning
we discovered what had occurred. (I/28's) position had been completely de-
stroyed, and the entire garrison was either dead, wounded, or scattered. It was
only a matter of time until the enemy detected us, so we decided to pull back
to the hei ght s. . . . Soon, scattered members of our division began to turn up. .
.. After two days the scope of this battle could be recognized. My men found
nearly five hundred scattered men, most with small arms. Many of them be-
longed to (I/28), which had been completely scattered.
11
' "Letter to the author from Eduard Roth dated 15 April 1993. Roth noted that telephone squad
from 8./AR 13 operating in the area that evening was nearly wiped out in an ambush that same evening
(ibid., letter dated 21 October 1992).
11
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
As II/28's units assembled at Srebrnik, the battalion's Tross constructed a strong
point in the town. The battle units departed towards Lopare at 0200 on 9 June,
advanced through Navioci and reached Vakuf several hours later. It began its at-
tack at 1600.10./28 (Eiden) first moved to Medednik to secure the battalion's right
flank, and joined 7./28 (Jeep) in its assault on Hill 341 that evening. The hill had to
be stormed, but was taken after hard fighting. In the meantime, 9./28 (Knig),
along with elements of 8./28 (Rssler), pushed towards Seventh Battery's destroyed
firing position east of Lopare. Communist resistance was bitter and progress was
slow. During the advance, Knig's men managed to find Driesner, who assumed
command and received clear instructions from Raithel: retake Lopare or be court-
martialed.
12
On the morning of 10 June, Eiden and Jeep, supported by l./AR 13, attacked
Partisan units at Kameniti Brdo. Heavy resistance was again encountered: Eiden
was shot dead by machine gun fire soon after the attack began, and an additional
company, Willi Schreer's 21./27, was thrown into the fighting. The town finally
fell at 1730 that evening. Resistance was also fierce in Driesner's sector; he him-
self was killed when he and his men assaulted Svjetlika and were pushed back
with heavy casualties. The Partisans evacuated the Lopare area that evening, and
Knig, who reassumed command of his men after Driesner's death, was finally
able to reach Seventh Battery's former position on the following morning. An
NCO described the carnage:
It was a scene of destruction. The Partisans had been unable to take the
big guns, prime movers, or vehicles with them and had destroyed them. Thirty-
eight soldiers of the battery had been killed and eight were missing. I won't go
into detail about how gruesomely our dead had been mutilated by the enemy,
but I will say that even during my two years of combat in Russia I had never
experienced anything so horrible. As it was not possible to move all of the
bodies to the military cemetery at Celie, the dead were buried where they had
fallen.
13
Eduard Roth added:
We found the Seventh Battery's field kitchen virtually undamaged, but
the provisions were plundered. The tent camp was totally ransacked, all of the
rucksacks were emptied and the personal effects were strewn about. We took
12
Letter fr om Heinrich Gaese to Kurt Schwer dated 10 May 1985 (Archiv der Truppenkamerad-
schaft Handschar).
13
Letters to the author from Heinz Stratmann dated 16 October and 10 December 1992.
Left: Raithel observes II/28's advance towards Lopare during Unternehmen Vollmond, 9 June 1944.
Right: Heinz Driesner, I/28' s ill-fated commander.
the tent's destroyed covering along and later found the rest. We then had to
bury our dead. I still remember one man's name, Menzel.
14
II/28 began pursuit of the Western and Center Columns that afternoon, reach-
ing Priboj before darkness fell. They continued through Stolice and Draganovac
the following day without making contact with the elusive foe. The battalion re-
turned to its original positions in the Srebrnik area on the afternoon of 13 June.
In the sector of I and II/27, Hampel ordered that a hasty blockade line be
constructed from the battalions' staff vehicles, 13./27, and 9./AR 13 to contain the
advance of the Eastern Column. This was successful: the Partisans were unable to
launch an attack in the face of the heavy fire from the line and withdrew to the
south. One officer wrote:
Together with the staff vehicles and a 10,5-cm artillery battery (9./AR 13
- author), we hindered the Partisan (advance) without friendly losses. Under
the fire of six howitzers, four 10,5-cm cannons, and three anti-aircraft guns,
the Partisans opted to pull back to the south without mounting an attack. In
addition, we deceived the enemy into believing that we were far stronger in
' "Letter to the author from Eduard Roth dated 15 April 1993.
number than we actually were. We kept the engines of our trucks and tracked
vehicles running all night to sound like an armored unit.
15
A motorized march column set out from Brko and an independent armored
company was sent to assist Regiment 27 in pushing the communists back across
the Spreca, which was accomplished by 12 June. Vollmond thus ended with the
Partisan advance into the security zone being thwarted. Sauberzweig boasted that
the enemy "suffered 3000 dead in the operation," but even Phleps considered this
to be a "large exaggeration."
16
Losses were in fact heavy on both sides: one Ger-
man after-action report claimed 1586 enemy killed, while the division admitted
205 dead, 528 wounded, and 89 missing.
17
The new I/28 was reduced to a strength
of only 180 men. When Driesner's replacement, Karl Liecke, arrived in Lopare on
20 June, he was horrified by the battalion's condition. One officer wrote in his
diary that I/28's virtual destruction "haunted the entire division."
18
Shortly after the battle ended, Sauberzweig tallied his mens' successes. Dur-
ing the period 7 April-15 June, the division inflicted the following losses on the
Partisans:
19
Personnel:
4526 counted dead
3766 estimated additional dead (geschtzt)
1246 prisoners (including six downed American air crew)
Equipment captured/confiscated:
51 horses and mules
19 machine guns
825 rifles
15
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 15 September 1992.
"Personal diary of Artur Phleps, entry from 11 June 1944. The Partisans proved equally adept at
inflating enemy casualty figures: one report drafted by the III Bosnia Corps concerning the Vollmond
battles claims that the Western Column alone inflicted some 350 fatalities on the "Handschar" Divi-
sion on 9 June, when in fact the Germans suffered fewer than 300 dead during the entire operation [tab
III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. Br.: 60/44, 11 jula 1944 godine., to Vrhovnom tabu NOV i POJ,
"Dostavlja operativni izvjetaj za mjesec juni 1944 godine" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 27, 202), and
Tagesmeldung, Ob. Sdost, 15 June 1944 (T-78, roll 331, ff6289029)].
17
ibid.
18
Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entries from 14 and 20 June 1944.
19
IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4.-15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Hg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
over 2400 rounds of artillery ammunition
90,562 rounds of small arms ammunition
17 vehicles
18 boats destroyed
These official figures are certainly more credible than his Vollmond estimate.
As for the prisoners of war, one post-war Yugoslav author accused the division of
murdering "approximately five hundred" of them in a wooded area north of the
Sava River, and some forty others in Brko. The others were reportedly handed
over to the Ustaa in Vinkovci, who dispatched them to various concentration
camps.
20
Indicative of the treatment afforded to division members who fell into
communist hands was the case of SS-Untersturmfhrer Lnen. According to intel-
ligence reports, Lnen, a communications officer, was ambushed on a road en
route to Doboj in 1944. The Partisans dragged him along with them for several
weeks before finally killing him.
2
'
Formation of the Second "Croatian" SS Division
It was Himmler's desire to expand Waffen-SS recruiting in the Balkans. "My
goal is clear," he told Phleps. "The creation of two territorial corps, one in Bosnia,
the other in Albania. These two corps, with the Division 'Prinz Eugen,' as an army
of five SS mountain divisions. . . are the goal for 1944."
22
The Reichsfhrer came
one step closer to the realization of his plan on 28 May 1944 when Hitler ordered
that a second "Croatian" division be formed.
23
Berger again traveled to Croatia
and met with government officials at Novi Dvori on 13 August to work out the
particulars.
24
He conceded that this new division could not be an all-Muslim for-
mation, reporting to Himmler that "the induction of 10,000 Croatian citizens of
the Islamic faith (was) not possible, for such a number of reliable youngsters (was)
simply not available, and thus Catholic Croatians will be (accepted)."
25
The new
20
Jeremija Jeo Peri identified several victims in his article "13. SS ' Handar' divizija i njen
slom u istona Bosni" (Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 587).
21
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 18 December 1992.
22
Himmler to Phleps dated 10 May 1944 (T-175, roll 70, ff2586895).
23
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 19 June 1944. See also SS-FHA, Amt II, Org. Abt. la/ II,
Tgb. Nr. 1667/44, g. Kdos. v. 17. 6. 1944, "Aufstellung der Waff-Geb. Div.-SS (kroatische Nr. 2)" (T-
175, roll 141, 2669304).
24
The 10,000 men necessary for the division were to be obtained through the recruiting of volun-
teers, the conscription of Muslims of the birth years 1926 and 1927 (so long as they had not volun-
teered for Paveli' s bodyguard or the Ustaa militia), and, if the Croatian government deemed neces-
sary, the inclusion of personnel from the Muslim militia. The personnel were to be made available to
the Germans by 15 September [Kasche to the Auswrtig. Amt dated 2 September 1944 (T-120, roll
2908, E464459)].
25
Berger to Himmler, "Dienstreise Kroatien" dated 17 August 1944 (T-175, roll 120, ff2645945).
Pages 224-227: Division positions, 15 June 1944. (Note: page 224 shows top left quarter of map; page
225 shows top right quarter of map; page 226 shows bottom left quarter of map; page 227 shows
bottom right quarter of map.)
Sauberzweig (left) officially hands the division over to Hampel, 19 June 1944.
division, titled "23. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division der SS "Kama" (kroatische Nr. 2),"
26
was to be formed within the security zone, but Himmler, heeding Sauberzweig's
advice that Bosnian recruits "should not be trained in Bosnia. . . due to the Ustaa's
negative influences," eventually adopted his suggestion to form it in Hungary's
Bcska region.
27
In addition, a corps headquarters element, the "IX. Waffen-Gebirgs-
Korps der SS (kroatisches)" (IX SS Mountain Corps), was to be formed (also in
Hungary, at Bcsalms) to assume tactical command of the two divisions.
Orders were issued directing the "Handschar" Division to hand over cadres
for the new formations, several officers in the case of the corps staff and a slew of
personnel, including three NCOs from every company, for the division.
28
Regi-
ment 28's commander, Raithel, was chosen to lead the "Kama" Division, and
Sauberzweig assumed command of the new corps. The formation of these new
elements, delayed considerably by Vollmond, began on 19 June, and on this date a
small change of command ceremony took place in Brko, with Sauberzweig hand-
ing control of the "Handschar" Division over to Desiderius Hampel.
26
A kama is a small dagger used by Balkan sheepherders.
27
SS-FHA, Amt Ia/II, Fernschreiben to various commands dated 24 June 1944 (T-175, roll 141,
ff2669290). For Sauberzweig' s advisory see IX. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g.
Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1 (9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4.-15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des
Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059, Aktenband Inland Hg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen zur
Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
28
Beginning on 23 June, the men destined for "Kama" were assembled in Bonjaci for the trans-
fer. Eventually 54 officers, 187 NCOs, and 1,137 men were provided. They were moved to southern
Hungary on 15 July.
Hampel confers with a etnik commander, summer 1944.
The new corps commander departed for Berlin on the following day and was
received by Himmler on the twenty-second. He delivered a range of complaints to
the Reichsfhrer during their meeting concerning what he saw as the mishandling
of the division:
The situation in the Balkans has led Second Panzer Army and V SS Moun-
tain Corps to consider the idea of utilizing elements of or the entire 13th Divi-
sion for purely military purposes, i.e. the destruction of the enemy wherever
he may appear. Should this idea be adopted, the division would be greatly
weakened and the constantly growing Partisan forces would be able to as-
semble in the security zone and disrupt the progress that we have achieved.
Therefore, a decision must be made as to whether or not a) the mission
you ordered (to bring peace and prosperity to the security zone) should con-
tinue to be carried out as directed, or b) the division be used first for purely
military tasks (including operations conducted outside of the security zone),
and after these have been concluded the original mission be again undertaken,
or c) both missions be carried out simultaneously.
29
Sauberzweig argued in defense of the first proposal, noting that the others
would result in the loss of the loyalty of the Muslims. In speaking of the other
options, he stated that "whereas further Bosnian territory might be seized, it could
29
Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig, "Vortragsnotiz fr Reichsfhrer-SS 22. 6. 1944."
only be pacified, not liberated." Discipline was also on his mind, as Ustaa propa-
ganda directed at the Bosnians would be more effective if the troops were over-
worked. "(The Bosnians) see how easy the Ustaa and Domobramen live, and that
they receive higher pay," he said. "If elements of the division are moved out of
their homeland, desertions will increase, as the men would much rather remain in
their home villages as militia than hunt for the enemy." He then told Himmler of
the problems that resulted owing to the creation of the "Skanderbeg" and "Kama"
Divisions, as well as the new IX SS Mountain Corps command element:
When the division first went into action, it was not fully combat-ready.
The infantry regiments possessed only six line companies apiece. The transfer
of the Albanians (to the "Skanderbeg" Division), officers and NCOs included,
made the situation worse, especially when no replacements for the latter (were
received), and the division's combat strength was reduced by 25%. The new 1/
28 has been engaged in heavy fighting twice already and has been decimated.
In addition, another battalion (II/28 - author) and two artillery batteries (6.
and 7./AR 13 - author) have been battered and need officers. There is a large
shortage of German officers and NCOs (in the entire division). Heavy weap-
ons are also lacking.
30
Himmler sided with Sauberzweig on the issue of moving the division out of
the security zone. In the coming months he denied several requests from field
commanders seeking the detachment of various division units for use in desperate
Balkan hot spots.
31
To compensate for the large number of personnel given over to
"Kama," the Reichsarbeitsdienst (Reich Labor Service) supplied the division with
500 sixteen-to-eighteen-year-old ethnic Germans from Croatia who had been ex-
cused from their Labor Service obligations. Hampel in turn elected to form the
youngsters into a special all-German "fire-brigade" unit within the division. Chris-
tened Einheit Hermann (Unit Hermann) after its commander, Hermann Schiffer-
decker, it began its training at Racinovici in mid-August.
32
Shortly after Hampel assumed command of the division, he learned that the
etniks were busy combing the Vollmond battlefields, scavenging large amounts
30
ibid.
31
One such attempt is described in a conversation between General Winter and General Warlimont
on 1 September 1944 (T-311, roll 193, ff31).
32
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 20 June 199.
of what had been the division's weapons and equipment.
33
He immediately ar-
ranged for a meeting with Majevica etnik chieftain Radivoj Kerovi to discuss
the matter. Hermann Schifferdecker, who accompanied Hampel, recalled the en-
counter:
We drove with an escort to the pre-determined point near Lopare where
several mounted etniks awaited us.
Only Hampel and I were allowed to continue. The etniks placed us on
mountain horses, blindfolded us, and we set off into the mountains. After about
an hour the blindfolds were removed. Shortly thereafter, we came to a clear-
ing in the forest where a few cabins and tents stood. About thirty heavily-
armed etniks lingered about, including a few women. Their leader approached
and introduced himself as Vojvoda (Chieftain) Radivoj Kerovi. He was an
imposing man with a powerful beard and head of hair, as were his compatri-
ots. After Hampel presented him with a gift (a hunting rifle), we were made to
take places at a richly-decorated table inside one of the cabins. Only after the
feast were we able to begin discussing the matter of the weapons. After tough
negotiations, we managed to secure the return of the material, which was to be
carried out in exchange for the delivery of several thousand rounds of small
arms ammunition and a few cases of hand grenades.
The return trip was made in the same manner, and we were quite happy to
see our escort again!
34
Although the security zone was free of the Partisans at the time, constant
patrolling took place in and around its perimeters. Communist raids on division
bases at Prnjavor and Vis on 23 June were unsuccessful, but an Allied fighter
attack on a supply column five days later was not. Two trucks, an anti-tank gun,
and two ambulances were destroyed in the attack, while five men, including an
officer, were killed and twenty-nine were wounded. Twenty-one horses were also
lost.
35
The insurgents also began to wreak havoc along the Bosna River; the newly
formed III/28 had to be deployed to the Maglaj area on 26 June, and when Croatian
forces were forced out of Derventa, elements of Aufkl. Abt. 13 and Pz. Jg. Abt. 13
were sent to relieve them. The twenty-ninth saw the Partisans slip across the Sava
at Sremska Raa and inflict a number of casualties on a etnik battalion at Velino
Selo before division forces could chase the enemy back across the river. The month
33
This equipment included twelve machine guns, approximately forty carbines, several radio
sets, and a few wounded (!).
34
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 15 September 1992.
35
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 28 June 1944.
Men of Pz. Jg. Abt. 13 near Brko, July 1944. Franz Scheucher is at left.
closed with a failed enemy attempt to seize the Sekovii area (30 June), in which
II/28 was successful in pushing the guerrillas to the south. In his obviously subjec-
tive account of the battle, Sauberzweig wrote:
On 30 June, the enemy attacked the Sekovii area in strength (7-8000
men), this later confirmed through the interrogation of prisoners, from the
direction of lupanari. Local forces were forced back to the town itself, and, as
the commanding heights had fallen into enemy hands, were soon brought into
a critical situation. (II/28) was called to action . . . (from) Vlasenica. After a
forced march, Hanke's men quickly engaged the enemy. The (Partisans), who
had strong forces at their disposal, immediately attacked (his) battalion. . . .
Hanke repulsed this assault and counterattacked immediately. Through his
personal initiative, he led the men to extraordinary achievement, and threw
the stubborn enemy out of a number of their positions, while making contact
with the surrounded local units. . . .
36
Partisan forces again attempted to cross the Sava at Sremska Raca on the
evening of 1-2 July, but division forces were waiting for them. The Germans opened
fire on their hapless foes while they were still in the water, sinking one boat and
forcing the others to turn back. On the seventh, an even stronger hostile force
supported by heavy weapons in the Bosut area attacked Strainci, twenty-one kilo-
meters east of Brko. Despite the fact that the town lay slightly outside the security
zone, two companies of the division's pioneer battalion were sent to drive the
guerrillas off. When the Germans crossed the Sava in assault boats with artillery
support, the Partisans retired into the deep Bosut woods after a short but fierce
battle, taking their dead and wounded with them. Hans Amtmann's Second Com-
pany was successful in capturing a large base during the fighting. The troops re-
turned to their garrisons (Vrani and Bijeljina) soon after, bringing captured equip-
ment, horses, and carts with them.
37
As usual, the Partisans did not relent, attack-
ing a division supply column in the area on the evening of the 9 July with some
success.
Yet another hostile intrusion into the security zone was detected in the area
around Doboj on 4 July. II/28 was rushed to the threatened sector immediately and
Police Battalion IV was sent from Tuzla by rail to assist, as the Partisan force was
36
13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS "Handschar" (kroatische Nr. 1), "Vorschlag fr die Verleihung
des Deutsches Kreuzes in Gol d" dated 14 October 1944 [Personnel file of Hans Hanke (Berlin Docu-
ment Center)].
3 7
I X SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entries from 7-8 July 1944, and Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier
Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " un-
published manuscript. The Germans suffered one dead and two wounded in the battles.
I/28, July 1944. The battal-
ion imam is at right.
Karl Liecke decorates men of
believed to consist of over 2,500 men. The Germans launched an attack on the
tenth that prevented their foe from crossing the Bosna. Communist losses were
heavy: 137 dead were counted and 12 men were taken prisoner. II/28 suffered 2
men killed in action and seven wounded.
38
Fliegenfnger
Hampel knew that the Partisans had constructed a makeshift landing strip in
the Osmaci area, some twenty-six kilometers southeast of Tuzla, that was being
used by Allied aircraft to bring in supplies and evacuate Partisan wounded to Italy.
39
According to division intelligence, the field was heavily guarded, so Unternehmen
Fliegenfnger (Operation Flypaper) was planned to destroy both the airstrip and
its garrison.
40
1 and II/27, along with one battalion of Cetniks, were used in the
assault, which was to begin on 12 July, but was postponed until the fourteenth
when the etniks did not arrive in the assembly area on time.
When launched, the small operation achieved its objective. The towns of
Osmaci and Memii, and the airstrip were seized within a day despite determined
Partisan resistance. The strip itself was destroyed, and the Partisans withdrew to
the Vlasenica - Rajici area.
41
Forty-two enemy dead were counted, while the at-
38
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entries from 6-12 July 1944.
39
Dr. Dorde Dragi, "Na radu u sanitetu 19. biranske brigade i 38. divizije" in Istona Bosna,
vol. 2, 509. See also Nikola Andri, "19. biranska NOU brigada" in ibid., 427.
40
The garrison was composed of elements of the XIX Bira Brigade from the 27th East Bosnia
Division.
41
tab XXVII NOU Divizije, br. 67, 1. avgusta. 1944, to tabu III. Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije,
"Dostavljamo vam petnaestodnevni izvjetaj-izvod iz operacijskog dnevnika za vrijeme od 1.-15. jula
1944, godine" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 28, 7).
Li ecke at I/28 ' s command
post at Kokoinjac, mid-July
1944.
tackers lost four men killed and seven wounded. The cooperation with the etniks
was described as "effective."
42
Heiderose
While Fliegenfnger was underway, Second Panzer Army' s leadership was
planning to stop a large Partisan force moving eastward across central Bosnia to-
wards Serbia. The Germans sought to utilize various forces from the V SS Moun-
tain Corps, including the SS parachute battalion, the "Handschar" Division, and
one of two German - Croatian police battalions engaged in Croatia to assault the
enemy before they could cross the Drina. The plan was code-named Unternehmen
Rose (Operation Rose).
There were difficulties from the start. The commander of the SS parachute
battalion claimed that his unit "would not be ready for action for another four
weeks" and could not be used.
43
The Germans sought to employ friendly forces
stationed in Serbia as well, but only six battalions of the Russian Defense Corps,
composed primarily of anti-communist Tsarist emigres, and two battalions of the
nationalist Serbian Volunteer Corps were available. These units lacked serious of-
fensive capability as they were virtually devoid of motor transport, and were sim-
ply to be engaged along the eastern bank of the Drina to defend western Serbia. In
the case of the division and the police battalion, Himmler' s permission had to be
procured. The Reichsfhrer agreed to allow the use of the division but demurred
42
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1., entries from 12-14 July 1944.
43
Oberbefehl shaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, entry f r om 14 July 1944,
"Aussprache Oberst i. G. Selmayr mit Oberst i. G. Varnbler ber Plannung Pz. AOK 2 fr Unternehmen
' Rose' " (T-311, roll 190, ff822).
on the police unit, so a battalion from the SS Division "Prinz Eugen" was substi-
tuted in its place. Nevertheless, the Second Panzer Army planners opted to post-
pone the attack as only minimal forces were available, and opted to "wait and see
how the enemy situation developed."
44
As the bulk of the division's forces were still deployed in the southern sector
of the security zone, Hampel decided to launch Unternehmen Heiderose (Opera-
tion Wild Rose), a "long-awaited" assault against the communist stronghold north-
west of ekovii. Here the Partisans maintained a series of hidden underground
bases and caves vital to the sustenance of their forces in eastern Bosnia. Braun
quickly drafted the operation order:
a) A task force from Regiment 27 (I and the new III/27) was to attack
from the east towards ekovii. It would then seek out the hidden enemy
bases, assisted by the etnik battalion from Fliegenfnger.
b) A task force from Regiment 28 (II and the new III/28) would strike
from the north.
c) A battalion from the SS Division "Prinz Eugen" would advance to-
wards the ekovii area from the south, effectively blocking an enemy with-
drawal in that direction.
45
The assault was slated to begin early on 17 July. Braun requested that he
temporarily assume direct command of Regiment 27, for it would bear the brunt of
the fighting. Hampel, who was somewhat dissatisfied with new regiment com-
mander Hermann Peter, agreed.
The troops moved into their assembly areas immediately. When Braun ar-
rived at Regiment 27's command post south of Zvornik to assume command, sev-
eral of I/27's unit commanders complained that their men were still exhausted
from Fliegenfnger (not to mention the long marches required to reach the assem-
bly areas) and asked for an additional twenty-four hours of rest. Braun allotted
them six, and pushed the scheduled attack time back from 0600 to 1200.
46
Heavy fighting broke out as soon as Heiderose began. Task Force Rgt. 28
advanced through rough, hilly terrain and reached the area near Pt. 414, twenty-
one kilometers southeast of Tuzla, before dusk. Enemy resistance was fierce and
numerous counterattacks were repulsed. Task Force Rgt. 27, struggling over moun-
44
ibid., entry from 15 July 1944, "Oberst i.G. Selmayr unterrichtet Maj or i. G. Brudermller ber
die Lage" (T-311, roll 190, ff826).
45
Aut hor' s note: The Army Group F diarist mistakenly referred to Group 27 as the "northern
group" and Group 28 as the "eastern group" in the Army Group F war diary (T-311, roll 192, ff61).
Post-war Yugoslav historians copied his error (see Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 29, 399, note 10).
46
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 16 June 1944.
tains reaching 1097 meters in height, reached the Udr area at 1800 hrs. without
incident,
47
as the "Prinz Eugen" battalion attacked and seized the area northeast of
Sokolac. The etnik battalion began its assault from Matkovac towards ekovii
at 0400 hrs. the following morning.
Group 27 continued its advance on 18 July and reached Backovac and the
heights south of ekovii, which were seized the next day. In the meantime, Group
28 pushed the 36th Vojvodina Division back to the Raevo - Mihajlovici -
Vidakovici area.
48
The "Prinz Eugen" battalion encountered heavy resistance in
the Vlasenica area, but managed to surge forward and kill twenty-four Partisans
and take four prisoners.
49
By 19 July, it seemed that only scattered hostile units remained in the area.
Group 28 moved north from the ekovii area to Gornje Petrovice to attack units
of the XII Partisan Corps, which had taken up positions at ivinice, and Aufkl.
Abt. 7 from "Prinz Eugen" was brought in from Vare to blockade the Kladanj area
- a possible enemy withdrawal route. Just as the Germans thought the ekovii
battles had ended, however, the Partisans sent elements the 16th Vojvodina Divi-
sion from the northwest to aid its sister 36th Vojvodina Division, and the pair
attacked Group 27 on the afternoon of the twentieth.
50
The attacks were thwarted
with heavy losses. Braun described the scene in his diary:
Suddenly at 1400 the alarm sounds, and machine gun bullets whiz through
the command post. Shots fly past me but I am not hit. The enemy has taken us
completely by surprise. Seventh Company is engaged at once and counterat-
tacks. After about an hour, they manage to bring the situation under control.
Four tents are riddled. We have come through it in good shape.
51
Searches for the local bases planned for the following day were postponed
when the stubborn enemy attacked yet again. The Partisans did not desist even
when Group 28 was rushed back to ekovii to aid the beleaguered men of Group
27.
It was not until the twenty-third that the communists began to leave the area,
retreating to the south. They did score a minor success during the withdrawal when
they ambushed a division supply column near Hill 360 that bore III/27's wounded.
47
Personal diary of Jrg Deh, entry from 17 July 1944.
48
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. br. 86/44, 20. septembra 1944, to Vrhovnom tabuNOV
i POJ, "Dostavlja operativni izvjetaj za mj esec juli 1944. godine" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 29, 397).
49
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch Anlagen, Ic Meldung from 19 July
1944 (T-311, roll 192, ff61).
50
tab XXXVI NOU Divizije, O. br. 75, 18. jula 1944. g to tabu III i V Brigade i XII Korpusa
NOVJ (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 27, 347).
51
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 20 July 1944.
This page and opposite: Men of 1/
27 exami ne enemy bases and
corpses at ekovii, 25 July 1944.
The column was quickly scattered, and its survivors staggered back to ekovii.
Four men were killed and seventeen pack animals were lost in the attack." III/27,
which had been attacked three times in as many days, was sent south to Dopasci to
destroy the last remaining hostile forces in the area, in this case two brigades. The
"Prinz Eugen" battalion was also assaulted several times during this period, but
maintained its positions.
Finally, the searches for the hidden bases began. The Germans had originally
envisioned the search being assisted by the local population, but because of the
heavy fighting most civilians had already evacuated the area.
53
The three battal-
ions still in the area (I/27,II/28, and III/28) formed "base search teams" and set to
work themselves. At first nothing was found, leading Hampel to believe that noth-
ing was there. Braun later said:
Rachor (the division's intelligence officer) told us repeatedly that the bases
had to be there. I knew he wasn't dreaming. . . . I asked Hampel for more
time.
54
52
Personal diary of Klaus Berger, entry from 24 July 1944.
53
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 23 July 1944.
54
Interview conducted with Erich Braun at Suhl, Germany on 29 August 1993.
Hampel allotted Braun an additional day to conduct a more thorough search.
The second combing of the area revealed stockpiles of medical and radio equip-
ment. One search unit then struck paydirt - a battalion headquarters was found that
contained a sector sketch revealing the locations of ten other hidden bases. The
Cetniks were quick to begin seizing bases as well, much to the resentment of the
Germans, as the former's participation in Heiderose was lukewarm at best.
55
Braun
described the scene:
Large amounts of clothing, weapons, and equipment were found. The
enemy had employed several labor battalions here for two years constructing
these bases.
Regiment 28 was then subordinated to me. I/28 was sent to seize the
Drinjaa valley. Everywhere cabins full of ammunition were found and de-
stroyed. I was thrilled that the operation had gone so well.
56
Heiderose was by all accounts a huge German success. The Partisans suffered
grievous losses during the operation - 947 dead were counted, and the estimated
number of killed and wounded carried off by their comrades was considerable as
well. The amount of equipment captured was enormous: 1 anti-tank gun, 2 mor-
tars, 22 machine guns, over 800 rifles, and nearly 500,000 rounds of small arms
ammunition. The division's casualties were also heavy - 24 men were killed, in-
cluding one officer, and over 150 were wounded.
57
In recognition of his actions
during the operation, Hampel proposed to Phleps that Braun be decorated with the
Knight's Cross, Germany's highest military decoration, but Phleps, apparently still
bitter over his earlier feuding with the "Handschar" division staff, refused.
58
III/28 was still recovering from Heiderose when it was called to action on the
morning of 29 July. A raid conducted by the Partisan XVII Majevica Brigade routed
Ustaa and Zeleni Kader units in Kladanj, and the battalion was now ordered to
attack and recover the lost territory. The German assault began at 0400 hrs. the
following day and quickly cleared the town, with the Partisans retiring into the
heights to the south and southeast. The Ustaa and Zeleni Kader troops later re-
turned to their garrison and resumed their duties. Information concerning the num-
55
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 23 My 1944.
56
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 27 July 1944.
" I X SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entries from 29-31 July 1944. Braun returned command of Regiment
27 to Peter and returned to Brko on the 27th.
58
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 29 July 1944.
Men of Nachr. Abt. 13 near Brko. Heinz Gerlach is at far left.
ber of casualties incurred during this fighting are not available, but it is known that
during the entire month of July 1944 the division suffered a total of 89 dead and
181 wounded during combat operations.
59
Rbezahl/Hackfleisch
The first August week saw Second Panzer Army' s operation against the Parti-
san forces moving towards the Drina finally begin. Renamed Unternehmen
Rbezahl, the plan called for the division's combat units, along with the SS Divi-
sion "Prinz Eugen," to take part in the Bosnian phase of the operation, code-named
Hackfleisch (Minced Meat). The guerrillas were to be driven from the area be-
tween Kladanj, Vlasenica, Sokolac, and Olovo, where they were "preparing to
cooperate with or support the Partisan divisions from Montenegro in the invasion
of Serbia."
60
The attack was to take place as follows:
61
a) SS-Aufkl. Abt. 7 (from the SS Division "Prinz Eugen") was to move
from Vare and attack hostile forces in the Olovo area, pushing them east-
ward.
59
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch Anlagen, Ic Meldung from 20
August 1944, "Verluste Befehlsbereich OB Sdost, Juli 1944" (T-311, roll 192, H735)].
60
Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1975), 410.
61
Oberkommando Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, entry from 4 August 1944 (T-311,
roll 285, ff983).
Hans Meschendr f er ,
adjutant of 1/28, issues a
safc-conduct pass to a
Musl i m ci vi l i an, Jul y
1944.
b) 1/28 (at Ribnica) was to attack to the south and southeast towards Olovo.
c) 111/28 (in the Kladanj area) was to strike to the south and southwest
towards the Petrovi area.
d) Regiment 27 (in the ekovii area) was to attack to the south.
e) Elements of SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 14 (from the SS Division "Prinz Eugen")
were to advance from the area fourteen kilometers northwest of Sokolac to-
wards the northwest.
f) Reinforced SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 13 (from the SS Division "Prinz Eugen")
was to assemble in the Sokolac area and attack to the north.
The operation began on 4 August. SS-Aufkl. Abt. 7 scattered the Partisans in
the Olovo area and drove them eastward towards the waiting pincers of I and III/
28 and the "Prinz Eugen" units. They went on to seize the heights southwest of
Olovo against spirited resistance on the second day. Elements of Regiments 13
and 14 gained ground and linked up on 6 August. 1/28 cleared unita during its
advance and continued south towards Olovo. 111/28 also moved forward on sched-
ule, but Regiment 27 quickly became locked in what both sides called "bitter fight-
ing" against the Partisan 27th and 38th East Bosnia Divisions, which had launched
an offensive of their own in the Vlasenica area.
62
As the regiment was unable to
advance, the planned encirclement of the enemy did not take place, for the Parti-
sans simply crossed the Vlasenica - Han Pijesak road to the east and escaped.
63
62
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. br.: 87/44, 29. septembra 1944. godine, to Vrhovnom
tabu NOV i POJ, "Dostavlja operativni izvjetaj za mjesec avgust 1944. godine" (Zbornik, tome IV,
vol. 29, 514), and IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 5 August 1944.
63
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, entry from 6 August 1944 (T-311,
roll 285, ff1022).
Unternehmen Hackfleisch
Other enemy troops were able to flee south towards Gorade. Their planned move-
ment into Serbia was delayed, but not prevented.
64
Nevertheless, the Germans considered Hackfleisch to be moderately success-
ful. By 8 August, they had counted 221 communist dead in the area and over 50
prisoners had been taken. The division's forces were to return to the security zone
after clearing the area, but enemy forces had been detected yet again near ekovii.
Regiment 27 was engaged to clear the Partisans out of the area on the Ninth. The
operation was carried out within a day; the insurgents retreated with 73 casual-
ties.
65
I and III/28 were then subordinated to the SS Division "Prinz Eugen" to
continue pursuit of the enemy into central Bosnia.

Numerous small engagements with a host of Partisan elements took place in
mid-August. During the absence of I and III/28 (8-17 August), the division's units
were hard-pressed to keep the enemy out of the security zone. As Regiment 27
pursued communist forces fleeing from the ekovii area, II/28 moved to Zivinice
M
J ozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1975), 411.
65
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 11 August 1944.
Max Daumer decorates members of his Flak Abt. 13, 18 August 1944.
on 9 August to engage the Partisan 11th Division. Hanke's men joined Aufkl. Abt.
13 and Police Regiment IV for a joint attack towards the Purai area on eleventh
that pushed the enemy to the south. Aufkl. Abt. 13 was disengaged and was slated
to return to Bijeljina on the following day in spite of the fact that there were still
enemy forces in the area. The sector was finally considered clear on 15 August. By
this time, Regiment 27 had pushed the retreating enemy out of Osmaci, which had
again been occupied.
Despite the division's presence in these southernmost reaches of the security
zone, the 11th Border and 38th East Bosnia Divisions were able to infiltrate into
the area and soon reached the southern edge of the mountainous Konnuh region.
Hampel began operations to dislodge them immediately, ordering II/28, Aufkl.
Abt. 13, and I/27 to assault the 11th Division on 16 August, while sending III/27
and two task forces from the division's training and replacement battalion in Tuzla
to attack hostile forces in the Testinica area. Both operations were successful, and
the Partisans were pushed to the east and southeast. The 11th Division was nearly
surrounded when the Germans were forced to disengage III/27 for use at Bratunaci
(see below).
It must be noted that this constant movement in pursuit of the highly-mobile
enemy was taxing on the division's troops and draft animals. On 17 August, Hampel
submitted a report to Sauberzweig stating:
By the end of July the troops (were already) extremely overtired and ur-
gently in need of a rest after four weeks of constant strenuous action. The
Officers of Flak Abt. 13, 18 August 1944.
horses and draft animals (were also) overexerted and in need of a break.
66
Ironically, this exhaustion was aggravated by the Zeleni Kader and the Croatian
city commander of Tuzla, who were accused of "repeatedly sending the division
off on false alarms owing to erroneous reports."
67
Sauberzweig's prediction that
overworking the Bosnians would amplify the effects of the Ustaa propaganda
barrage upon them and thereby increase the number of desertions within the ranks
came to pass in the coming weeks, and at a rate that defied all expectation.
There was to be little respite for the troops, however, for the 27th East Bosnia
Division, which was described as "well-armed," entered the area northwest of
Srebrenica and was marching on Bratunaci. II and III/27 were moved through
Tuzla and Zvornik by truck to the Bratunaci area on 20 August and prepared to
launch an attack on the following day. The assault began as planned and was an
immediate German success. The guerrilla force suffered 52 dead in the first forty-
eight hours and, according to the IX SS Corps diarist, "was split into two groups
and mauled." Partisan positions at Kik and Ploa were also uprooted with heavy
losses. The only mishap that occurred took place when the third platoon of Klaus
Berger's 11./27 attempted to set up a blockade position on Hills 585 and 434 and
somehow wound up in a firefight with elements of II/27, which in the confusion
called for an artillery strike on their comrades. Two men from 11./27 were killed
by the ensuing "friendly fire" and five were wounded before the mistake was cor-
66
ibid., entry from 17 August 1944.
67
ibid., entry from 18 August 1944.
Hampel (second from right) and an imam confer with members of the Zeleni Kader militia, summer
1944.
rected. In spite of this calamity, the operation achieved its goal: the 27th Division,
which possessed some 1200 troops before the offensive, could boast of a strength
of only about 400 effectives by 26 August. Its survivors divided into small groups
and escaped to the south. The V SS Mountain Corps ordered the division to pursue
them even after they had retreated into the virtually impenetrable Podzeplje area,
but Hampel considered an attack into this rough terrain against such a "token"
force a "waste of time," and sent only Jagdkommandos into the area. These forces
reported light skirmishes with scattered enemy units.
68
Hampel then gave the men
two days' rest (28-29 August).
It was at this time that a bizarre incident occurred. German intelligence agents
in Tuzla reported that 307 division deserters were spotted at the Ustaa base at
Lukavac, and that they were to be moved to an unknown location on 1 September.
Hampel rushed a battalion of infantry with artillery support to the post. Their search
was unsuccessful - no deserters were found - but local civilians reported that
"approximately 100 SS men had been taken away only a few days before." In any
event, it was never established whether the reports were true or not.
69
Combat resumed on 30 August when Aufkl. Abt. 13 assaulted Partisan forces
near Osmaci and Matkovac, pushing them back to the southwest. III/28 scattered
68
ibid., entries from 20-27 August 1944.
69
ibid., entry from 28 August 1944.
the 11th Border Division in the area west of Vlasenica but was unable to make any
significant gains. A Partisan counterattack was successfully repulsed at 0800 the
next morning, and the Germans were finally able to clear the heights and push the
communists to the northwest later that day. The Partisans were pursued to Debelo
Brdo (near Sekovii) where and were attacked yet again, this time as they were
preparing a counterthrust of their own. With the effective support of heavy weap-
ons, Debelo Brdo was seized and the enemy pushed out of their positions after an
epic eighteen-hour battle. III/28 succeeded in killing 121 Partisans and capturing
four machine guns and forty-two rifles during the period 28-31 August while los-
ing 18 of their own men.
70
By the end of August it was clear that the division could not continue with the
strenuous movement and combat operations in which it had been engaged through-
out the summer - the troops clearly needed a rest. The Germans perceived this, but
perhaps at a point too late in time.
70
13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS "Handschar" (kroatische Nr. 1), "Vorschlag fr die Verleihung
des Deutschen Kreuzes in Gol d" dated 14. 10. 1944 [Personnel file of Hans Hanke (Berlin Document
Center)].
Disintegration
In the early part of September 1944, the V SS Mountain Corps decided to
move the division by rail back to the security zone to rest and refit. The transfer
began on the first, when II and III/27 left Drinjaa and shifted north, the former to
Kurukaja and the latter to Vukovije. I/27 was moved to Osmaci, II/28 to Srebrnik,
and I/28 joined III/27 in Vukovije. It required several days for all of the units to
make the moves, but the battlefield situation was fairly quiet and the transfers
were conducted without incident.
Shortly after the division's return, Tito ordered his III Bosnia Corps to begin
an offensive in the Majevica, Posavina, and Semberija areas.
1
On the afternoon of
4 September, under the cover of heavy fog, units of the V Border Brigade as-
saulted the division garrison at Srebrnik.
2
The battle lasted into the night. Helmut
Kinz's II/28 was hard pressed to fend off the attackers and at one point was even
surrounded, but managed to hold the position. Twenty-five enemy dead were
counted and two prisoners were taken, while four of Kinz's men were killed.
Srebrnik's defenders earned a rare "acclamation" from the Partisans:
1
tab III. Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. br. 108/44,26. oktobra 1944. to Vrhovnom tabu NOV
i POJ, "Operativni izvjetaj za mjesec septembar" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 30, 268). The bulk of the
corps (including the corps staff and the 11th Border and 38th East Bosnia Divisions) moved from the
Sekovii area on 31 August and reached the Rati-Rapatnica-Ljenobud area four days later. For the
operation order see Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 28, 470.
2
The Germans incorrectly identified the attackers as the VI Brigade [IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1,
entry from 4 September 1944, and tab V Kozarske (Krajike) NOU Brigade, Br. str. pov. 7 septembra
1944 g to tabu I-IV Bataljona (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 29, 208)].
:
Burial service for artillery commander Friedrich Kreibich, killed by etniks on 8 September 1944.
Below: Officer second from right is SS-Stubaf. Walter Kamprath.
On 4 September, units of the 11th Division nearly liquidated enemy forces
in the Srebrnik area. The fighting lasted (for two days), but the enemy stub-
bornly held on, aided by their effective use of heavy artillery.
3
The 38th East Bosnia Division assaulted the division base at Srnice on the
following morning, but this attack was also repulsed.
Hampel rushed several units to the Srebrnik area to relieve the pressure on II/
28. An attack carried out by 3,/Pi. Btl. 13 on the morning of 6 September in the
Srebrnik - Podorasje - Ljenobud area was successful in pushing the guerrillas to
the south. Remarkably, even this did not stop the Partisans, who regrouped and
continued fighting with support from automatic weapons and mortars. The Ger-
mans called their resistance "dogged and tenacious" and an assault from I/28, which
had been moved in from Dobosnica, was required to finally drive them out of the
area. In all, the division counted seventy enemy dead while losing thirteen of their
own men killed and thirty-three wounded.
4
It was on 6 September that the division fought its first battles with its former
"allies," the etniks. Taking advantage of the increasingly desperate German mili-
tary situation, the Serbians assaulted three division supply columns that afternoon
and raided the base at Dragaljevac (twenty kilometers east-southeast of Brko)
that evening. All of the attacks failed but Friedrich Kreibich, commander of II/AR
13, was killed at Lopare. Two days later, the base at Kastel was similarly attacked
and two division members were slain east of Stolin. What is most remarkable
about these incidents is the fact that there were still instances of cooperation be-
tween the division and etnik units after their occurrence. Partisan activity contin-
ued during this period as well: II/27 was assaulted unsuccessfully at Matkovac,
west of Zvornik, on the eighth.
During the period 1-7 September 1944, the Allies conducted Operation
"Ratweek" in the Balkans, in which Tito's forces, combined with Allied air power,
launched attacks against vital Axis railways and roads, seeking to hamper the with-
drawal of German units from Greece. Large sections of the Sarajevo - Brod rail-
way were destroyed, making the division's supply situation critical,
5
and mass
desertions among the demoralized Croatian units tasked with the line's security
3
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. br. 108/44, 26. oktobra 1944, to Vrhovnom tabu NOV
i POJ, "Operativni izvjetaj za mjesec septembar" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 30, 268).
4
I X SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entries from 5-7 September 1944. Eventually, the number of Partisan
dead was raised to 120. Renewed attacks in the Srebrnik area on 7 September were repulsed as well.
5
The major targets were (a) the Ljubljana-Belgrade railway and (b) rail and road communications
from Belgrade to Greece and Bulgaria and from the Sava valley to the Adriatic. For a detailed study of
"Rat week" see Milovan Delebdi, "Dejstva na komunikacije u Jugoslaviji od 1. do 7. septembra
1944. godine-Operacija ' Rat week' " in Vojnoistorijski Glasnik (Belgrade, 1970), No. 3, 7-61.
made maintenance difficult.
6
Men from 2,/Pi. Btl. 13 were seni to Doboj lo assisi
in the repairs. Platoon leader Hugo Schmidt described the situation:
Our mission was to repair the line in the area between Zepce and Brod.
The division's penal company stood at our disposal, and we were supported
by railroad engineers and a flak platoon of the Luftwaffe.
The Partisans had destroyed eighteen kilometers of track in one night.
Several hundred of them had torn the tracks from the ground and hurled them
into the Bosna. We rolled back the tracks, laid the ties back into the gravel
bed, filled, and nailed in accordance with the instructions of the seasoned
railroad engineers. The track was used for material and personnel transport
and urgently needed bauxite for aluminum manufacturing was moved on this
line. The stretch would later be of great military value for the retreat of our
troops from Greece.
Partisan activity was heavy. We were attacked repeatedly and suffered a
number of casualties. Demolitions took place on the line every night. In addi-
tion, we were attacked by Allied fighter planes. After we managed to shoot
down a "Lightning" with a machine gun it was quieter for a time. This aircraft
had attempted to fly under our flak and came into our machine gun's sector of
fire.
7
After a strong Partisan force was detected in the Sokol area (near Graanica),
several of the division's combat units were shifted to the western border of the
security zone. I/27 moved to Simin Han, II/27 to Rastonica, and III/27 and II/28
to the Srnice area. The units began operations to dislodge the insurgents immedi-
ately. I/28 seized Slatna after hard fighting on 10 September, and a Partisan coun-
terattack launched the following afternoon from the northwest was repulsed. II/28
overran Mededa, eight kilometers northwest of Srnice, while an assault launched
by four etnik brigades in the Skugri area, supported by the division's heavy
weapons, was also successful. An attack planned against a hostile force detected
west of Gradaac was cancelled after the insurgents left the area. The division's
forces were then relieved by Ustaa units and moved into the Brko area on the
thirteenth for a rest. The construction of new fortifications and patrolling was un-
dertaken, with this continuing for the next two weeks.
8
The southern section of the
^Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch Anlagen, Ic Meldung from 11 .Sep-
tember 1944 (T-311, roll 193, ff459).
7
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. WalTen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
8
I X SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entries from 10-28 September 1944. Outside of unsuccessful l'urlisiin
assaults on I and III/27 during the evening of 28 September the period passed with only minimal
fighting (ibid.).
security zone, now abandoned by the division, was quickly overrun by the Parti-
sans, including ivinice, Zvornik, and northeastern Bosnia's sole industrial re-
gion, the Tuzla area, which fell on 17 September.
9
"The Flood"
It was during the month of September that the division began to display signs
of massive disintegration. In the face of the deteriorating German military situa-
tion on all fronts, rumors began to spread among the Bosnians that the Germans
were planning to pull out of the Balkan peninsula and leave them to fend for them-
selves. One can only speculate as to the source of the rumors; it was almost cer-
tainly the Partisans, the Ustaa, or both. A number of desertions had taken place
since the spring, but by September it became epidemic. "The worse the situation at
the front became," complained one platoon leader, "the more desertions would
result. There were many rumors that made the rounds (among the Bosnians) that
never reached us Germans."
10
During the period 1-20 September, over 2,000
Bosnians deserted from the division.
11
Some did not return from furloughs; others
simply abandoned their posts. What was worst for the Germans was that the men
departed with their weapons and equipment and these were finding their way into
the hands of the insurgents. Through the desertions the division lost 1,578 rifles,
301 pistols, 61 sub-machine guns, 61 machine guns, 2 trucks, 1 motorcycle, and
40 horses in the first two weeks of September alone - and it only grew worse.
12
Morale also waned in Raithel's "Kama" Division; as they entered the final phase
of their training, one German reported:
(Our) company was quartered in a Stiechowice school. I bunked with
(two NCOs), Werner Rauner from Thuringia and a Muslim. One day this
Muslim departed; he had been given a furlough. His last words to us were that
he would not be returning. We took it as a joke. We in fact never saw him
again.
13
9
Gen. Kdo. IX. Waffen-Geb. Korps der SS (kroatisches), SS und Pol. Org. Stab, "Monatbericht
September" dated 30 September 1944. The Tuzla area was lost when the entire 12th Ustaa Brigade
deserted to the Partisans (ibid.). The Partisans' version of the story is slightly different: one post-war
Yugoslav author wrote that "the XVI Muslim and XIX Bira Brigades, along with elements of the 38th
(East Bosnia) Division, liberated Tuzla in a lightning attack, capturing nearly all of the enemy garri-
son" (Nikola Andri, "19. Biranska NOU Brigada" in Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 435).
10
Letter to the author from Hugo Schmidt dated 7 October 1992.
'
1
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Gruppe Ic/AO/Abw./ Nr. 03182/44, geh. v. 20. 9.
1944, "Kroatische berlufer und Fahnenflchtige" (T-311, roll 285, ff864).
I 2
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 16 September 1944.
13
Kurt Imhoff and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pioniereinheiten der 23. Waffen-Gebirgs-
Division der SS ' Kama' (kroat. Nr. 2)," unpublished manuscript, no date.
11 ./27 provides security for a division
supply column in the DobojMaglai
area, 18 September 1944. In the fore-
ground are Kurt Bernhardt (left), the
company' s senior NCO, and com-
pany commander Klaus Berger.
As for the Bosnians themselves, some simply fled to their homes out of con-
cern for the safety of their families; others joined the Ustaa or Zeleni Kader. One
communist report stated that "large groups of deserters (from the division) were
wandering around local villages."
14
Many of the men actually changed sides and
joined the Partisans, as it was obvious to them that the Germans were losing the
war. This particular trend was abetted by Tito's declaration of 17 August which
pledged amnesty for deserters from the occupation forces to his cause, as well as
the fall of Tuzla.
15
By 5 October, the Partisan III Bosnia Corps could report that
"approximately 700 (deserters) from the ('Handschar' Division) were fighting
within (its) ranks."
16
The flood briefly subsided after the division returned to the
Brko area, for some 158 deserters returned by the end of September, 51 of which
were retained.
14
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. br. 108/44, 26. oktobra 1944, to Vrhovnom tabu NOV
i POJ, "Operativni izvjetaj za mjesec septembar" (Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 30, 268).
15
Jozo Tomasevich, War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks (Stanford: Stan-
ford University Press, 1975), 412. See also Kasche' s telegram from 10 September 1944 (T-120, roll
1030, 408909). It is interesting to note that in his telegram, Paveli supporter Kasche fails to mention
those Bosnians deserting to the Ustaa; he merely mentions deserters "going over to the (Partisans)."
16
tab III Korpusa NOV Jugoslavije, Pov. broj: 90/44, 5. oktobra to Vrhovnom tabu NOV i POJ
(Zbornik, tome IV, vol. 30, 94). See also Milo Zeki, "Trideset osma NOU divizija" in Istona Bosna,
vol. 2, 457. Zeki writes that "many soldiers (of the ' Handschar' Division) surrendered (at this time)."
This report reveals the extent of the Croatian desertion rate within Army Group F in September 1944.
Hampel recommended that the division be reorganized so as to save its re-
maining weapons, proposing that two small divisions be formed from the avail-
able German personnel. He met with Sauberzweig on 16 September to discuss the
situation. They devised what was called the "Sauberzweig Proposal" {Auftrag
Sauberzweig) which was forwarded to the SS FHA. It provided two options as to
how the desperate situation in the division could be remedied:
a) The division could be dissolved and transported to the Osijek area. The
majority of the Bosnians (about 10,000) would be disarmed and given over to
the Ustaa. German personnel and the division's weapons would then be sent
to SS units forming in Hungary.
b) The division could remain in its present sector, but with the addition of
at least 2,000 trained German personnel, bringing the ratio of Germans to
Bosnians in the division to 1 : 2 and with that a new stability. Only those
Bosnians who were willing to fight on the German side under any circum-
stances (i.e. on any front against any enemy) were to be allowed to remain in
the ranks.
17
The proposal was also sent up the tactical chain of command to Second Panzer
Army and Army Group F. The latter believed that only the second option was
feasible, reasoning that "the remaining Bosnians would be expected to desert be-
fore the rail movement from Brko to Osijek would even begin." They also be-
lieved that to hand the Bosnians over to the Ustaa would be no different that
simply discharging them, as the Ustaa would be in no position to arm 10,000
men. They were certainly not anxious to see the division's German personnel (as
of 24 September 279 officers, 1611 NCOs, and 4125 men) leave their operations
area, for of the eight divisions tactically subordinated to Second Panzer Army at
that time, only three were composed of Germans. They even envisioned the divi-
sion taking over the personnel of the 22d Infantry Division, which possessed nei-
ther weapons nor vehicles, to form a "first-rate unit" that would operate in the
security zone.
18
The final decision was Himmler's, and Sauberzweig departed on
18 September to see him. The Reichsfhrer apparently chose to blame him person-
ally for the division's problems. "I was reprimanded in the sharpest and most dis-
graceful manner," Sauberzweig later wrote. "Himmler accused me of defeatism
and of mishandling the situation. I was ordered to return to my command and
" I X SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 16 September 1944, and Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo.
H. Gr. F.), la Nr. 4866/44 g. Kdos. v. 19. 9. 1944, Fernschreiben to OKW/ WFSt . Op. (H) Sdost (T-
311, rol l 193, ff787).
18
ibid.
resume the formation of the (IX SS Mountain) Corps."
19
Himmler did agree to
make some changes to the corps, but insisted that the Bosnians remain in service.
An order was issued on 24 September outlining the new plans:
20
1. The Bosnians of the Division "Kama" (about 2,000 men) and SS-
Standartenfhrer Raithel were to be transported to Bosnia, where they and the
Division "Handschar" would be reorganized into two small divisions of about
10,000 men each.
21
Both Hampel and Raithel would retain their commands.
Unit nomenclature would for the most part remain the same, but Aufkl. Abt.
13, Pz. Jg. Abt. 13, Art. Rgt. 13, and Pi. Btl. 13 were declared "Special Troops
of the Reichsfhrer-SS" and were to serve not in either of the divisions but
under the direct tactical control of the IX SS Mountain Corps. These units
were to receive new designations with this status:
The transfer of 3,000 German army troops from Crete was also foreseen,
but these men were eventually sent to eastern Serbia.
23
2. The IX SS Mountain Corps Staff was to be transported to the opera-
tional area of Second Panzer Army as quickly as possible and was to be sub-
ordinated to it immediately upon its arrival. In turn the existing "Handschar"
Division was to be subordinated to the corps, and after the completion of the
divisional reorganizations the two small divisions would come under the tac-
tical control of the corps.
19
Untitled report written by Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig at Preetz on 26 September 1946.
20
SS- FHA, Amt II, Org. Abt . Ia/II Tgb. Nr. 3253/ 44 g. Kdos. v. 24. Sept ember 1944,
"Umgliederung der 13. Waffen-Geb. Div. der SS ' Handschar' (kroatische Nr. 1) und Aufstellung der
23. Waffen-Geb. Div. der SS ' Kama' (kroatische Nr. 2) unter Gen. Kdo. IX. Waffen-Geb. Korps der
SS (kroatisches)" (T-175, roll 141, ff2669151). In addition, several of the division' s units were re-
duced in size (see Appendix A).
21
These "Kama" elements were to be moved by rail to the area between Gradite, upanja, and
Bonjaci, where the "new" Division "Kama" was to be formed.
22
These changes were made only on paper (Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden,
"Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript).
23
Himmler also ordered that the all-German Einheit Hermann be disbanded and its personnel be
sent to the various units as "stiffeners" (Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 20
June 1992).
SS-Aufkl. Abt. 13
SS-Pz. Jg. Abt. 13
SS-Aufkl. Abt. 509
SS-Pz. Jg. Abt. 509
SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 509
SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 509
22
SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
3. The German personnel, weapons, and equipment that had been involved
in the formation of the "Kama" Division in Hungary were to be used to form
a new infantry division under the command of SS-Oberfhrer Gustav Lombard.
While in Berlin, Sauberzweig also met with the Mufti, who told him that "a
great deal of the faith that the Bosnians had (in the Germans) had been lost be-
cause of the aid that the Germans were providing to the etniks."
24
Moreover, the
abandonment of the autonomy movement and Muslim Turkey's severing of diplo-
matic relations with the Reich dealt the German - Bosnian relationship a crippling
blow. "The Muslim intelligentsia," one German in Croatia wrote, "is directionless
at the moment and seeks a new Yugoslavia. They convey their aspirations to An-
kara and (Turkey's) friendship with the English."
25
Husseini promised to visit Bosnia
in the coming weeks to address the division's officer corps and imams, but the trip
was eventually cancelled.
26
To compensate for the personnel shortage caused by the desertions, a number
of units in the division resorted to acts of desperation to obtain replacements, in-
cluding forcing young Muslims into its ranks. One German company commander
later admitted:
I can recall two or three instances during reconnaissance missions in which
the company seized a number of young Muslims. These were eventually handed
over to the division for training. If these forcibly recruited men later deserted,
I cannot say.
27
In addition, various security measures were taken within the units to mini-
mize the losses of arms and equipment; a company commander in III/27 remarked
that "because of the unstable situation that developed in other division units, all
automatic weapons in our battalion were "secured," i.e. given over to German
personnel. Through this measure only a small number were lost."
28
24
Berger to Himmler dated 28 September 1944 (T-175, roll 125, ff2650604).
25
Deutsche Referat Kroatien, Lagebericht-September 1944 (T-120, roll 1140, 449344).
26
The Muft i planned to meet all IX SS Corps imams near Budapest on 11 October. The "Kama"
Division' s clerics were unable to attend due to the heavy fighting on the Tisza River; the "Handschar"
Division imams were assembled and sent to Budapest by truck, where they learned that Husseini was
unable to attend. They travelled to the IX SS Corps headquarters on the following day and met with
Sauberzweig, who adjured them to prevent further desertions (IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entries from
11-12 October 1944). See also T-120, roll 1030, 408994.
"Let t er to the author from Klaus Berger dated 14 July 1993.
28
ibid., letter from 4 February 1993.
This page and opposite: I/28 sequence in the Dubrave area, 26 September 1944. The battalion first digs
in (above). Battalion Adjutant Meschendrfer then sends out patrols (opposite above). Meschendrfer
and his driver (opposite below).
Crisis East of the Drina
In the meantime, the fighting continued to rage in Bosnia. By the beginning of
October, the Partisans were converging on the Brko bridgehead. Interrogations of
prisoners revealed that their objective was to "advance either to the north over the
Sava or to the east over the Drina, in either case to make contact with Soviet forces
advancing from the east."
29
Division patrols and intelligence received from etnik
forces revealed that no fewer than four enemy divisions were operating within
what had been the security zone.
30
Army Group F tasked Second Panzer Army with keeping the road and railway
between Belgrade and Vinkovci open at all costs. As the latter had few troops to
prevent a threatened Partisan - Soviet link-up in Srem, it was proposed that ele-
ments of the division be moved out of the security zone and engaged in the area
between abac, Sremska-Mitrovica, and the Drina Tributary to perform this task.
Field Marshal von Weichs wired Himmler on 2 October and outlined the situation.
"If the enemy succeeds in his aims," von Weichs wrote, "the entire southeastern
theater of operations will be brought into a very difficult situation." He told the
29
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 1 October 1944.
30
These were the 11th, 27th, and 38th Divisions.
Hi mml er' s reply to von Weichs from 4 October. " . . . I cannot agree to your proposal. Heil Hitler, H.
Himmler. "
Reichsfhrer of the impossibility of utilizing any of his own forces or those of
Army Group E for this assignment, as these were needed in eastern Serbia. He
concluded, "I am aware of the danger of moving the Muslim units from their present
sect or. . . but I see no other solution."
31
At the same time, the Armed Forces High
Command (OKW) suggested that the Bosnians be disarmed and the division's
Germans be assembled into a mobile brigade, with all extra weapons being given
over to Army Group E. Himmler flatly denied both proposals, calling them "politi-
cally and militarily detrimental" as the Bosnian population "would rightly feel
cheated by the Germans."
32
Von Weichs was apparently angered by the
Reichsfhrer's refusal, for when asked by another officer what was to be done, he
replied, "We must simply tolerate it. (The "Handschar" Division) is not even a
military formation but merely a political instrument."
33
The Battle of Janja
At 0500 on 3 October, a large Partisan force from the 28th Slavonia Division
assaulted the division base at Janja. The company-strength garrison
34
was quickly
surrounded but managed to break out to the north. The mass of Aufkl. Abt. 13,
stationed at nearby Bijeljina, began a counterattack immediately. They managed
to bring the enemy advance to a halt at Caracine, but suffered heavy casualties in
the battle, including the unit commander, Heinrich Brichze, who was killed. III/27
was rushed to the area from Suhopolje to assist and went into action at Modran.
They finally reached the Janja area and its battered garrison at 2200 that evening.
The Germans built positions in the northern part of the town for the night, and
brought in an artillery battery, 3./AR 13, for the counterattack that was slated to
begin early the following morning. The Partisans had in the meantime destroyed
several bridges over the Janja River.
35
At dawn on the following day, four Partisan brigades attacked the division's
forces in the town before they could launch their own assault. The fighting lasted
the entire day and it was not until dusk that the communists broke contact and
retreated to the south. III/27 occupied the southern edge of Janja and moved its
forward positions up to the northern bank of the river on 5 October. One company
commander described the fighting on this day:
31
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), la Nr. 5236/44 g. Kdos. v. 2. 10.1944, Fernschreiben
to Reichsfhrer-SS Himmler (T-311, roll 194, f f l 46) . The "danger" that von Weichs mentions is of
course the risk of further mass desertions by the Bosnians, as a move out of their homeland would be
involved.
32
Himmler to von Weichs dated 4 October 1944 (T-311, roll 194, f f l 76) .
33
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, "Ferngesprche am 4. 10. 1944,
von Weichs-Oberst Brker" (T-311, roll 194, f f l 85) .
34
The garrison was composed of one squadron from Aufkl. Abt. 13.
35
Personal diary of Klaus Berger, entry from 3 October 1944.
We occupy the southern part of Janja and move our positions forward to
the northern bank of the river. As this is taking place, a small enemy patrol
comes into view on the southern bank. We recognize it as hostile and open fire
with one of our heavy machine guns. All seven Partisans, one of them a woman,
fall dead. We continue to improve our positions, and our artillery fires on
enemy targets to the south.
36
Hunter teams were sent out after the fleeing enemy but the Partisans crossed
the Drina and escaped into Serbia. One team, composed of 11./27, did manage to
engage the enemy before the crossing but without achieving the desired result, as
its commander wrote:
Eleventh Company was assigned the task of conducting a reconnaissance
of the (area) south (of the Janja River). With a radio squad borrowed from 3./
AR 13, we cross the Modran and reach Obrije, which is not occupied. We see
the Partisans on Hill 126, though they pull back (to the south) before we can
reach them. South of the hill we receive heavy machine gun fire, especially
from Hill 137 and a local school. Strong enemy forces attack our left and right
flanks and attempt to encircle us. During the beginning of this firefight our
radio equipment fell into a water-filled ditch and is not functioning, so we
cannot request artillery fire. To avoid an encirclement, the company breaks
contact and withdraws (to the north) in the direction of Janja. The Partisans
advance to Obrije. Losses: 1 dead, 12 wounded. Some of the wounds reveal
that the enemy has been using "dum dum" bullets.
On (the following day), 10./27, reinforced by elements of I/27 and the
massive fire of 3./AR 13, repeat yesterday's operation. There is no enemy
contact. According to local civilians, the Partisan units had crossed the Drina
on the previous evening, taking scores of wounded with them.
37
The division's overall performance in the Janja battles was not considered
impressive, as Army Group F's diarist wrote that "the minimal combat value of the
13th SS Division Handschar has been shown yet again during the fighting in the
Bijeljina (Janja) area."
38
36
ibid., entry from 5 October 1944.
37
ibid., entry from 6 October 1944.
38
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch Anlagen, Ic Meldung from 4 Oc-
tober 1944 (T-311, roll 194, f f l 90) .
In accordance with Himmler's instructions, the command staff of the IX SS
Mountain Corps departed Hungary and arrived at Andrijasevci, five kilometers
southwest of Vinkovci, on 3 October. The staff became partially operational four
days later. Sauberzweig immediately visited the "Handschar" Division in Bosnia
to begin carrying out the measures that had been agreed upon during his confer-
ence with Himmler in Berlin, but the increasingly desperate situation on the east-
ern front prevented the implementation of most of the orders. On 9 October, for
example, the corps received a telegram from the commander of Waffen-SS Forces
in Hungary announcing that "battle-ready units from SS-Oberfhrer Lombard's
division and Bosnians of the Division 'Kama' had been thrown into the fighting in
Bcska." As a result, their planned return to Bosnia was delayed.
39
Heavy fighting also broke out in the security zone on the ninth, when division
hunter teams attacked Partisan columns south of the Brko bridgehead. At Vakuf,
an entire hostile force was scattered, but an even greater success was achieved at
Vukosavci that is deserving of closer scrutiny.
Ambush at Vukosavci
When the Germans detected a sizable Partisan column moving eastward to-
wards the Drina, Hans Knig's 9./28 was tasked with "fixing the hostile force,
blockading its march route, and repulsing it." During the early morning hours of 9
October, Knig and his men spotted their quarry, the XVII Majevica Brigade, on
the move near Vukosavci. Employing tactics similar to those he used so success-
fully during Operation "May Bell," Knig emplaced mortars and heavy machine
guns at a distance of 1.5 kilometers from the enemy and maneuvered his riflemen
to within two hundred meters of the unsuspecting foe. The twenty-one-year-old
Westphalian then ordered the heavy-weapons fire to begin and personally led a
determined charge into the Partisan ranks. The insurgents were taken completely
by surprise and fled, leaving behind scores of dead comrades. When the smoke
cleared, the Germans counted sixty-seven enemy bodies on the battlefield as well
as nine abandoned pack animals.
40
The haul of captured equipment yielded the
XVII Brigade's entire load of documents and orders concerning its future opera-
39
Additional units of the IX SS Mountain Corps were also subordinated to other commands at
this time. Second Panzer Army requested that the Staff of IV/AR 13, two artillery batteries, l./Pz. Jg.
Abt. 13, and five anti-aircraft guns be sent east against the advancing Russians (IX SS Corps KTB Nr.
1, entry from 8 October 1944). After hard fighting, the units rejoined the Division "Handschar" in late
November. Another 10,5-cm battery from the division' s artillery regiment had been subordinated to
Second Panzer Army' s Sturmbrigade von Rudno (Assault Brigade von Rudno) since September. In
addition, the division' s flak was seconded to the XXXIV Army Corps during this period, and returned
to the "Handschar" Division in January 1945. All of the moves were effected with Hi mml er' s blessing.
40
SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28, "Vorschlagsliste Nr. 1 fr die Verleihung des Deutschen Kreuzes in Gol d"
dated 6 January 1945 [Personnel file of Hans Knig (Berlin Document Center)].
tions, intelligence, and even the brigade commander's rucksack.
41
Hampel was so
impressed with the raid and its architect that he later called Knig "the model of a
young, aggressive, and intrepid leader" and "the most successful company com-
mander in the division." It is interesting to note that Knig, who had joined the SS
at age sixteen, was so fanatical that he was known to drive his often-reluctant
Bosnian subordinates forward by shooting at them.
42
The division's luck continued when an assault of the XXI Brigade north of
Strna succeeded in forcing the enemy to evacuate the area on 11 October. Forces
of the 38th East Bosnia Division converging on the Brko Bridgehead were thrown
back to the edge of the Majevica range the following day. "The division's hunter
teams," the IX SS Mountain Corps diarist wrote, "were succeeding in foiling en-
emy plans of advancing to the Sava."
43
Transfer of the Division to the Zagreb Area
The Soviet advance through Serbia required the establishment of a defensive
line along the Drina River stretching from Kraljevo in the north to Uzice in the
south. The Germans sought to employ the division on this line and Sauberzweig
ordered Hampel to move his men into an approximately 65-70 kilometer sector
from the Drina tributary to the area south of Zvornik. When Hampel informed him
that the division "would only be able to hold the position for about twenty-four
hours" the order was withdrawn.
44
Field Marshal von Weichs then devised the plan of moving the IX Corps com-
mand element and the division to the area southeast of Zagreb to undertake rail-
way and road security duties, thus relieving the LXIX Corps, which in turn would
be engaged on the Drina. As Himmler's permission had to be procured for the
move, von Weichs asked Dr. Constantin Canaris, Himmler's newly-appointed liai-
son officer to the army group, to "convince the Reichsfhrer that the switch of
Sauberzweig and Handschar with (the LXIX Corps) was indeed feasible."
45
This
time Himmler agreed. While Regiment 28 and several other units remained in the
Brko bridgehead to keep the Sava bridge open,
46
the mass of the division began
41
One post-war Yugoslav writer accuses the division of executing a group of captives from the
Fourth Battalion, XVII Majevica Brigade at nearby Jablanica around the time of this fighting (Jeremija
Jeo Peri, "13. SS "Handar" Divizija i Njen Slom U Istonoj Bosni" in Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 587).
42
SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28, "Vorschlagsliste Nr. 1 fr die Verleihung des Deutschen Kreuzes in Gold"
dated 6 January 1945 [Personnel file of Hans Knig (Berlin Document Center)].
43
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 14 October 1944.
""Untitled report written by Desiderius Hampel, 1973). Eventually, the German army' s 1st Moun-
tain Division was moved into the sector [Hubert Lanz, Gebirgsjger: Die 1. Gebirgsdivision 1935-
1945, (Bad Nauheim: Verlag Hans-Henning Podzun, 1954), 290].
45
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, "Ferngesprche am 15. 10. 1944,
1515, SS-Staf.Canaris-von Weichs" (T-311, roll 194, ff452).
46
The units remaining in the security zone were Regiment 28,I/27, and III/AR 13.
the transfer to northern Croatia on 16 October. Two march groups were formed,
organized as follows:
a) Foot March Group - (Commander - Holzinger, the new commander of
Regiment 27) II and III/27, Aufkl. Abt. 13,1 and II/AR 13.
b) Motorized March Group - (Commander - Hampel) the division staff,
Nachr. Abt. 13.
The commander of 11./27, Klaus Berger, described the march in his diary:
16 October - We cross the Sava Bridge, leaving Bosnia, and enter Gunja,
later reaching Bonjaci.
17 October - The march continues through upanja - Stitar - Babina
Greda to Velika Kopanica. In the evening we hear a strong Allied bombing
raid on Vinkovci. *
18 October - Through Brod to Gromacnik.
19 October - We continue through Stupnik and Nova Kapela to Godinjak.
20 October - Rest day.
21 October - Through Nov. Gradika - Okuzani - Rajic to Rozdanik.
22 October - Through Novska and Batina to Kutina
23 October - Through Repusnica - Popovaca - Kriz to Ivani Grad.
Comments - Since the beginning of the march, there have been massive
losses due to desertions, as it is widely held that the division will never return
to Bosnia. Twenty-seven men deserted from my company. Losses in other
units are unknown. There was no enemy contact during the march. I remem-
ber that large numbers of ethnic German and Bosnian Muslim refugees joined
our march column.
47
The movement was a disaster. The Bosnians, who had not forgotten what
occurred when they departed their homeland during the previous year (see chapter
5), were reluctant to leave Bosnia and deserted in droves. In Regiment 27 alone
642 Bosnians deserted during the transfer.
48
Desertions in the Brko bridgehead
were also heavy. 17 October saw no fewer than 161 Bosnians leave their posts.
49
47
Personal diary of Klaus Berger, entries from 16-23 October 1944, and commentary in a letter to
the author dated 8 March 1993.
""Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch Anlagen, Ic Meldung from 21. 10.
1944 (T-311, roll 194, ff607).
49
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 17 October 1944.
Ironically, many German officers actually sympathized with their men. "It was
desertion for which I had full understanding," one wrote, "(for) the Bosnians had
been promised that they would be permitted to fight for their homeland. When
moved (out of Bosnia) to the Zagreb area during the time of greatest peril, one
should not wonder about the disobeying of orders."
50
The division again resorted
to forced inductions to refill its ranks and soon the Croatian government was com-
plaining that "all males between the ages of 25 and 50, regardless of their suitabil-
ity, are being seized. Entire villages are being cleared (of adult males)."
51
If all of this wasn't bad enough, the Bosnians of the Division "Kama," who
had been disengaged from the front line in Hungary and had begun the planned
move into Bosnia, mutinied on 17 October. Raithel managed to gain quick control
of the situation but for all practical purposes this spelled the end of his division. A
small number of reliable Bosnians were used as replacements for "Handschar"
Division units in the Brko bridgehead; the "Kama" itself was formally dissolved
on the Thirty-first.
52
The Mutiny of the Division Staff Security Company
While the transfer was well under way, yet another disaster befell the divi-
sion. On 21 October, Division Imam Abdulah Muhasilovi incited a mutiny within
SS-Ostuf. Franz Karolyi's Division Staff Security Company at Cerna. There were
no casualties in the affair; Muhasilovi and 101 Bosnians simply deserted and
took off in the direction of Bosnia, taking three 20-cm anti-aircraft guns, four
machine guns, and a number of vehicles with them.
53
One German officer on the
division staff recalled the incident:
It is clear that the Bosnians knew what the situation was. They had volun-
teered to defend their homeland and now that was coming to an end. They
used this opportunity. They took off with everything they had towards home.
A number of German (and Bosnian) soldiers and I were fired upon. We imme-
diately took cover. If there were casualties, I do not know (there were not -
author).
54
Hampel immediately ordered the division' s intelligence officer, Fritz
Wegemann, to locate the group and convince the men to return. Wegemann was
50
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 15 October 1992.
51
Ladislaus Hory and Martin Broszat, Der kroatische Ustascha-Staat (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-
Anstalt, 1964), 171.
52
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entries from 18 and 31 October 1944.
53
ibid., entry from 24 October 1944, and a letter to the author from Karl Wambsganss dated 7
February 1993.
54
Letter to the author from Wilhelm Ebeling dated 15 September 1994.
indeed able to find them but was unable to persuade the Bosnians to change their
minds.
55
The mutineers soon became somewhat of a thorn in the division's side,
disarming a 14-man division patrol on 30 October and seizing two light machine
guns. Seven of the patrol's Bosnians who had refused to open fire on the mutineers
elected to remain with them and did not return. The group eventually joined ap-
proximately 600 other division deserters in the Maoa - Rahi area and surren-
dered en masse to the Partisan XVIII Croatian Brigade with all of their weapons.
56
Eventually, Halim Malko assumed the duties of Division Imam. All told during
the movement from the security zone to the Zagreb area (16-23 October) the divi-
sion lost 881 rifles, 22 machine guns, 104 pistols, and 15 sub-machine guns through
Bosnian desertions.
The IX SS Mountain Corps Staff was to be stationed in Zagreb itself.
Sauberzweig arrived there at about midnight on 20 October and began to arrange
quartering for the "Handschar" Division in the area southeast of the city. II/27,
along with two artillery batteries and a squadron from Aufkl. Abt. 13, reached
Novska on the twenty-second. III/27 pulled into Ivani Grad the following day.
The motorized march group moved to nearby Klotar Ivani. The units were quar-
tered in the following areas:
Division Staff - Klotar Ivani
Nachr. Abt. 13 - umeani
Pi. Btl. 13 - Poljana
Regiment 27 - Ivani Grad
55
Wilhelm Ebeling, "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. ' Handschar, ' " unpublished
manuscript, 1953.
56
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 30 October 1944. See also Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo.
H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch Anlagen, Ic Meldung from 31. 10. 1944 (T-311, roll 194, ff753)]. The
Partisans used these men to form a new brigade of the 38th East Bosnia Division [Abdulah Sarajli,
"Dvadeset prva istonobosanska (Tuzlanska) brigada" in Istona Bosna, vol. 2, 623. See also Muhidin
Begi, "Borbeni put 16. muslimanske brigade" in ibid.
SS-Geb.Art. Rgt. 13
SS-Dinatru. 13
SS-Pz. Jg. Abt. 13
II/27
III/27
Novska
Ivani Grad
Klostar Ivani and Kria (?)
Dugo Selo
?
Herbstlaub - The Disarming of the Bosnians
Upon hearing of the recent events in the division, a horrified Himmler ordered
that all of its unreliable elements be disarmed immediately and a unit composed of
Germans and dependable Bosnians be formed. He held Sauberzweig responsible
that no more weapons fell into enemy hands.
57
The German army's 1st Mountain Division was to take over the sector of the
Drina front from the river's tributary to Zvornik. This division had recently arrived
in the area from Serbia where it had been mauled by the Russians and suffered
heavy losses in both men and equipment. The survivors were in great need of a rest
but in light of the tense situation on the Drina, it was not possible to send the
division back to Germany - it would have to refit in northeastern Bosnia. Thus it
was decided that they were to receive the weapons and equipment of "Handschar's"
disarmed Bosnians until the planned refitting of the battered army division could
take place. The gear was then to be "returned to the SS Task Force Handzar (sic)
without exception"
58
but one officer later claimed that this did not always occur.
59
The actual disarming, code-named Herbstlaub (Autumn Leaves), began in
the Brko bridgehead on 25 October. It was completed within a day and without
incident. Given over to the army mountaineers were several pieces of artillery and
heavy infantry weapons as well as technical equipment and trucks. Army Group
F' s diarist wrote:
With the transfer of weapons from the SS Division "Handschar" (to the)
1st Mountain Division . . . the absurd practice of issuing the best German
weapons to (non-Germans), who in turn hand them over to the enemy, will
cease. A most costly error!
60
As for the fates of the disarmed Bosnians, most (approximately 900-1,000
men) were combined to form two labor battalions (in Jennersdorf and Oberwart),
61
while others were turned over to the 1st Mountain Division to serve as Hiwis
(Hilfswilligen, or non-combatant auxiliaries). Envoy Kasche's request that all dis-
57
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 24 October 1944.
58
The division elements in the Brko bridgehead were subordinated to the 1 st Mountain Division
until the former was transferred to Hungary in November [Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.),
Iafld Nr. 6453/44 geh. v. 31. 10. \9AA,Fernschreiben t oPz. AOK 2 (T-311, roll 194, ff759)]. See also
Hubert Lanz, Gebirgsjger: Die 1. Gebirgsdivision 1935-1945 (Bad Nauheim, Verlag Hans-Henning
Podzun, 1954), 290.
59
Interview conducted with Karl Wambsganss at Suhl, Germany on 28 August 1993.
60
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), "Zur Lage" dated 26 October 1944 (T-311, roll
191, ff256).
61
Zentralle Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen, "Vermittlungsverfahren der Zentralen Stelle"
(110 AR-Z 85/61). These Bosnians were engaged in construction work until March 1945, when they
were sent to Csurg and used as replacements in Pi. Btl. 13 and the penal company (ibid.).
The division' s positions on 26 October 1944.
armed Bosnians be placed at the disposal of the Croatian government was predict-
ably ignored.
62
In the Zagreb area, over 2300 Bosnians were considered unreliable. Hampel
also requested that division forces in the Doboj area (II/28, one battery from III/
AR 13, and 2./Pi. Btl. 13) be disarmed as well. Opposition to the move was voiced
by the V SS Mountain Corps, which possessed only limited forces to secure the
area, but their complaint was disregarded as "(Hampel) had personally recom-
62
Kasche telegram to von Ribbentrop dated 29 October 1944 (T-120, roll 764, 358140).
The Situation on the Drina River, 30 October 1944.
mended the quick disarming of these forces."
63
Although the actual number of
Bosnians disarmed in the Zagreb area and at Doboj is not known, the process was
apparently not carried out until mid-November, shortly before the division's trans-
fer to southern Hungary.
64
One German army division even took it upon itself to
order the disarming of Bosnians, provoking an angry response from Field Marshal
von Weichs, who feared further interference from Himmler:
63
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 30 October 1944.II/28 was transferred to Brko, while the
mass of the artillery regiment and 2,/Pi. Btl. 13 were moved to the Zagreb area in early November.
64
Letter to the author from Heinz W. Herrmann dated 30 May 1993.
An order was issued on 12 November by the 118th Light Infantry Divi-
sion to disarm (l./Pz. Jg. Abt. 13), and seize its anti-tank weapons, including
vehicles and equipment. (In addition), four machine guns and two mortars
were seized from a group of forty-two former members of the "Kama" Divi-
sion who had been absorbed into the "Handschar" Division. . .. The order is
to be rescinded immediately, and the equipment is to be returned to the
("Handschar") Division. . . . Such measures will only sour (our) favorable
relations with the SS Leadership.
65
The desertions and discharges drastically changed the division's ethnic com-
position. Described as being "95% non-German" earlier in the year, the ratio of
Germans to Bosnians increased to 1:1 by the beginning of November.
66
With the final disbanding of the "Kama" on 31 October, Himmler's plan to
reorganize the "Handschar" Division was abandoned. It was also clear that IX SS
Mountain Corps staff, now with but one division under its command, was super-
fluous. Himmler ordered that both the corps headquarters and Dr. Wagner's staff
be dissolved
67
and summoned Sauberzweig to Berlin.
68
The "Handschar" Division
was then subordinated to Rudolf Konrad's LXVIII Army Corps, under which it
remained until the end of the war.
Luckily for the Germans, the fighting in both the Brko and Zagreb areas was
light during October. The division's losses through hostile action were moderate -
38 men were killed, including one officer (Brichze), and 139 were wounded. The
fighting did intensify somewhat during November; one of the larger actions in the
6 5
0. B. Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr . F. ) , I aNr . 6279, g. Kdos. v. 19. 11. 1944 (T-311, roll 194, f f l 020) .
66
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), la Nr. 6123/44 g. Kdos. v. U . U . 1944 (T-311, roll
194, ff925).
67
IX SS Corps KTB Nr. 1, entry from 31 October 1944. The corps staff was sent to Budapest
where it was destroyed by the Soviets.
68
Sauberzweig recalled their meeting in a short post-war memoir: "I was relieved in the most
disgraceful manner. Himmler threatened me with arrest and transfer to a concentration camp. (Having
been) informed of my (poor) health, he had me sent at first to the Charit clinic (and later) to Hohenlychen.
. . . I was officially ' placed on leave,' as it is called, on 6 January 1945" (Untitled report written by
Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig at Preetz on 26 September 1946).
Sauberzweig returned to the ranks of the German army during the final weeks of the war,
commanding a corps within Army Group H in northern Germany. Realizing that the war was lost, he
prohibited his forces from making futile resistance and opened the road to Wismar to the advancing
American armies. After being taken prisoner by the British at the war' s end, Ti t o' s government de-
manded his extradition to Yugoslavia to face war crimes charges. On the night of 20 October 1946,
only hours before his scheduled extradition, he swallowed a cyanide capsule that in all likelihood was
supplied to him by a sympathetic British officer.
When a Yugoslavian officer arrived at "Civil Internment Camp No. 6" on 21 October seeking
to take Sauberzweig into his custody, he was informed by the British commander of the general' s
death. The skeptical Yugoslav demanded to see the remains but was sharply rebuffed. "For you, the
word of a British officer will have to suffice!" replied the annoyed Englishman (Letters to the author
from KZ-Gedenksttte Neuengamme dated 13 May 1991, Alfred Kreutz dated 29 May 1991, and Prof.
Dr. Dieter Sauberzweig dated 1 May 1992).
Zagreb area was described in a post-war account provided by platoon leader Hugo
Schmidt of 2,/Pi. Btl. 13:
The beginning of November 1944 was marked by rain and mud.
On 9 November my promotion to Obersturmfhrer was announced. As
we were stationed close to the battalion staff, a small party was held.
At about midnight we observed a fire in the neighboring village.
Sturmbannfhrer Knoll spoke with the division operations officer on the ra-
dio and was ordered to send out a patrol.
I had to go. With two platoons of Second Company and a few men from
the battalion headquarters, we set out in the cold and rain of this pitch dark
night. (Company Commander Hans) Amtmann would support us with the fire
of our mortars. We moved forward on the left and right sides of the road.
One kilometer before the village we came across strong Partisan security.
At about 20 meters they called out "Who's there?" We took cover.
The Partisans opened fire with automatic weapons. We began to pull back
a little. We then heard the sound of our mortars. One round struck the Partisan
ammunition dump. We heard the explosions and subsequent fire. We returned
to base in good shape. Loss - 1 man (blacksmith of the battalion staff) killed.
On the following day we made our way back to the village and recon-
structed what had occurred. We were lucky that we had taken full cover im-
mediately. The mortar round had blown the nearby Partisan command post
sky high. That was the end of the Partisan attacks in the village.
69
The Germans were quite successful in this instance but the Partisans saw to it
that this was not the case in the coming days, and on the night of 13-14 November
in particular.
The Raid on Sumeani
The Partisans were quick to learn that the division base at umeani, near
azma, was in a vulnerable state. The communists had already conducted a raid
on the post in late October, inflicting a number of casualties on the signals units
that composed the position's defense force. The Germans believed that the transfer
of an infantry company from Regiment 27 to the town would adequately improve
its security. They were wrong.
The perpetrators of the October raid, Josip Antolovi's 33d Division, planned
a repeat performance for the night of 12 November, but local flooding forced them
69
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
to postpone the raid until 2330 hrs. the following evening. The battle plan called
for elements of the division's first brigade to assault the position and the third
"Nikola Demonja" brigade lay in wait to ambush any German relief effort from
nearby Klotar Ivani. Antolovi's after-action report describes the attack in de-
tail:
On 13 November, First and Third Brigades conducted an attack on the
base at umeani. The positions was located on a small rise among rolling
hills... The enemy was using this position to secure the Kri - Ivani Klotar
road. The First and Third Battalions of the First Brigade carried out the attack,
and another battalion acted as flank security and strategic reserve towards
Ivani Klotar. Third Brigade secured the Kria - Ivani Grad and Ivani
Klotar areas. Enemy forces consisted of three companies (about 300 men) of
the First Battalion (sic - it was composed of signals units and 7./27 - author),
27th Regiment, 13th SS Division.
The enemy in the base fell into a rush of activity, especially in First
Battalion's sector. The enemy first retreated, then attempted a counterattack,
but in Third Battalion's sector they simply remained in the defense. After half
an hour of fighting, Third Battalion succeeded in throwing the enemy out of
their positions. They fell back to a building in the southeast sector of the town.
Fighting continued in this manner through the night. At about 0430, the en-
emy attempted to break out and rejoin their battalion, but our brave men man-
aged to repulse this counterattack. At 0500 the enemy used the darkness to
break contact and move towards Ivani Klostar.
70
A German survivor wrote:
Our company was posted to umeani after a signal unit was raided and
three men were killed. The platoons were placed into positions, and the com-
pany command post was situated in a large house.
At about 0015 on 14 November all hell broke loose. We had no contact
with the heavy weapons platoon. As messengers brought ammunition to the
command post, two of them were killed. Four or five men were within the
house, one later wounded by a hand grenade. (Before long) there were about
twenty wounded men in the building. The Partisans finally withdrew at dawn.
Several of the platoon leaders were dead or wounded. Our medical orderly
70
tab XXXIII. Divizije, Narodno-Oslobodilake Vojske Jugoslavije, Op. Broj: 229, od 18.
Novembra 1944, to u X Korpusa "Zagrebakog" tabu NOV i POJ, "Operativni izvjetaj za akciju na
uporite umeani, dostavlja" (Zbornik, tome V, vol. 35, 306).
and another man who attempted to reach the battalion headquarters (about 3
kilometers away) were (also) found dead (in) the village. A report was (later)
made to our battalion headquarters, who had no idea what had occurred other
than a great deal of shooting!
German casualties in the raid were heavy: thirty-two men were killed and
forty were wounded in 7./27 alone.
71
Partisan estimates of the overall number of
German dead range between 180 and 200 and are not far off the mark. They also
took four prisoners, while claiming losses of 12 dead and 62 wounded. The Ger-
mans had little time to rest, for on 23 November the Partisans conducted a similar
raid on Lupoglav, manned by division troops and Croatian forces, which was also
successful.
72
It soon became apparent that Croatia was not a suitable location for the divi-
sion for the Ustaa continually lured its non-German personnel (including several
officers) to desert.
73
The few remaining Catholics in the division, according to one
platoon leader, also partook in such activity. "I am now convinced," he wrote,
"that the Ustaa influence upon our people came from within the division as well.
When (fellow officer Heinz) Schssler by chance met Dr. Paveli at Dugo Selo,
the latter commented sarcastically, 'The Handschar Division? It still exists?"'
74
The situation became so tense in the division's pioneer battalion that unit com-
mander Heinz Knoll angrily stormed into an Ustaa barracks near Zagreb and forc-
ibly recovered a number of deserters at gunpoint. "There wasn't any shooting,"
remembered one officer. "The Ustaa dared not attempt anything stupid, for a large
portion of the 'Handschar' Division was in the immediate vicinity."
75
This particu-
lar incident is indicative of the overall change in the military situation in Croatia
from the previous year, for it was then that Ustaa officers were retrieving their
men from the division's installations. A German officer attached to a secret field
police unit operating in the area accurately reported:
The SS Division "Handschar" is engaged at Dugo Selo, twenty kilome-
ters east of (Zagreb). Ceaseless enemy propaganda has been very effective
(and) desertions have increased. When deserters are captured, they are not
punished, (hence) the disintegration of the units receives further countenance.
71
Personal diary of Willi Emhardt, entry from 14 November 1944.
72
tab III Brigade "Nikola Demonj e, " XXXIII Divizije, to tabu XXXIII Divizije NOVJ, od 24.
Novembra 1944, "Predmet: Operativni izvjetaj" (Zbornik, tome V, vol. 35, 376).
73
The personnel files of several commissioned deserters, including Jaroslav Ruman, Mat o
Oreskovi, and German Eckhard Rhomberg are archived at the Berlin Document Center.
74
Letter to the author from Hugo Schmidt dated 29 March 1993.
75
ibid, dated 17 February 1993.
The deserters have been going over to the Ustaa, the Croatian army, and the
(Partisans). As of late, the (Partisans) have attempted to overrun isolated divi-
sion outposts and win over the remaining (Bosnian) division members. Only
through employing the most extreme measures have the (Partisans) been de-
feated. As for the present conditions within the division, the following case is
typical:
On 14 November 1944, two (Bosnian) division members were found
wandering down an open road approximately one kilometer from their as-
signed position without their weapons, equipment, or identity documents. They
stated that they were en route to a neighboring village to buy cigarettes and
potatoes. The pair were returned to their position, which was occupied by
about twenty men, all (Bosnians) and without German leadership. The men
possessed about ten rifles to defend their position and belonged to the division's
8th Supply Company. (It was later established) that this unit was no longer
considered reliable."
76
The division did not remain in this sector for long, for Hampel had already
spoken with von Weichs about its future on 7 November. The latter reported to the
OKW on the conversation:
After speaking with Oberfhrer Hampel, (it was decided) that this divi-
sion, even after the release of 70% of its (Bosnian personnel), can still not be
considered "reliable," so long as it remains in Bosnian territory, where the
"negative influences" are strongest. Action in other areas of Croatia would
mean further Ustaa "decomposition" efforts, which have already resulted in
high numbers of desertions to their forces.
Therefore, I recommend that the Division Handschar, provided the
Reichsfhrer-SS approves, be engaged in anti-Partisan fighting along both
sides of the Zagreb - Celje railway.
77
Himmler approved this measure, but the transfer did not take place, for the
surging Red Army had other plans.
76
Gruppe Geheime Feldpolizei 9, Tgb. Nr. 1324/44, "Zerfallserscheinungen bei der muselm. SS-
Div." dated 15 November 1944 (T-311, roll 188, ff954).
77
Oberbefelshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), I aNr . 6033/44 g. Kdos. v. 7. 11. 1944 to WFSt./Op.
(H) (T-311, roll 194, ff863).
Transfer to the
Eastern Front
T h e German situation on the southern sector of the eastern front became
virtually untenable in the latter part of 1944. After the fall of Romania in late
August, elements of the Soviet army's 3d Ukrainian Front and Tito's Partisans
drove the Germans out of Serbia, seizing Belgrade on 20 October. Seeking to de-
stroy Axis forces in the Budapest area, the Russians shifted north and continued
their advance into Hungary, reaching the Danube by the end of the month.
Scharochin's Fifty-seventh Army, veterans of Stalingrad, managed to secure a
bridgehead over the river at Apatin soon after.
1
Field Marshal von Weichs ordered Second Panzer Army to "muster all avail-
able forces to throw the enemy back over the river"
2
and units of every description
were brought in to attempt to stem the Russian advance. At 0915 on 9 November,
the LXVIII Corps ordered Hampel to send the division's reconnaissance battalion
to Apatin. Hampel at first actually refused, stating that he "had already received
contrary instructions," and proceeded to move the unit to Andrijevci "until a final
decision was made." He also requested that the units of the division "not be sepa-
rated." Within the hour he received a call from Army Group F informing him that
the unit was to be moved to Apatin immediately and that in the future "orders were
to be carried out."
3
' M. Scharochin and V. Petruchin, "Forsirovanie Dunaja voijskami 57-i armii i zacovat operativnogo
placdarma v rajone Batini" in Voenno-Istoricheskih Zhurnal, III (1961), Nr. 2, 26.
2
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), la Nr. 6052/44 g. Kdos. from 8 November 1944 (T-
311, roll 191, ff305).
3
ibid., "Ferngesprche am 9. November 1944" (T-311, roll 191, ff307).
Aufklrungs Abteilung 13 began the movement the same day. The unit ad-
vanced through Gradite, Vinkovci, and Osijek before crossing the Hungarian bor-
der,
4
and was moved into position at Drda on 10 November. It was only hours
until the unit was embroiled in heavy combat, for that evening a Red Army battal-
ion attempted to cross the Danube west of Kutska, behind the German blockade
position around Apatin. One squadron and eventually the entire unit was thrown
into the fighting to assist the army's Brandenburg Division and after suffering
heavy casualties, succeeded in repulsing the attack. A firm defensive line was then
constructed along the muddy flats on the river's western bank.
The situation on the Danube only grew worse for the Germans, for on 11
November the Soviets managed to secure a second bridgehead to the north at Batina.
The only German forces operating in the area were three companies of Gustav
Lombard's half-trained 31st SS Division that were not even fully armed. A Rus-
sian battalion crossed the river and set up a position near the city train station, their
advance slowed as much by their lack of bridging equipment and boats as by the
Germans.
5
Desperate, von Weichs obtained Himmler's permission to "temporarily"
transfer the entire division to Batina, which was (correctly) assumed to be the
more perilous of the two Soviet bridgeheads."
6
Nevertheless, the Germans hesi-
tated before moving troops to this area, for they believed that the Russians would
also attack south of the Drava. The Soviet plan, they reasoned, was to "seize Hun-
garian territory south of Lake Balaton for a later assault on Zagreb." In any case, it
was decided to send the remaining division forces in the Brko bridgehead first. A
task force was formed known as Kampfgruppe Hanke (Task Force Hanke). Its
composition was as follows:
7
Commander: SS-Stubaf. Hans Hanke
Adjutant: SS-Ostuf. d. R. Heinz Jeep (as of 22 Nov.'
elements of l./Pi. Btl. 13: SS-Ostuf. Fritz Keller
"Personal diary of Theodor Moll, entries from 9-10 November 1944.
5
M. Scharochin and V. Petruchin, "Forsirovanie Dunaja voijskami 57-i armii i zacovat operativnogo
placdarma v rajone Batini" in Voenno-Istoricheskih Zhurnal, III (1961), Nr. 2, 26.
6
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), la Nr. 6123/44 g. Kdos. v. 11. 11. 1944 (T-311, roll
194, ff925).
7
Letter to the author from Cord-Henning Knospe dated 12 November 1992.
III/AR 13:
I/27:
I/28:
II/28:
SS-Ostuf. d. R. Hans Meschendrfer)
SS-Hstuf. August Nothdurft (?)
SS-Ostuf. Hans Knig
SS-Hstuf. Christian Schwarting
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Franz Heldsdrfer (?)
The men were sent to Hungary by rail and began arriving at Plmonostor
(Beli Monastir) on 14 November. This movement saw the last Muslim SS units
cross the Sava and leave Bosnia forever. The dream of autonomy died with their
departure.
After their arrival in Plmonostor, Hanke' s men reached the so-called
Riegelstellung (blockade position) at the Batina bridgehead after a short march.
8
The regimental command post was set up at Hercegszlls (Kneevi Vinogradi)
and the task force itself was placed into the line at Vrsmart (Zmajeva). "The
assigned sector was so large," complained one officer, "that it was impossible to
build a connecting main defense line, so company-strength strong points were
constructed on the hilly terrain of the area vineyards."
9
They were soon joined by
Aufkl. Abt. 13, which was transferred from Apatin, where, according to the Army
Group F diarist, it had fought "extremely well."
10
Although the fighting at both bridgeheads soon became even more intense,
the situation actually brightened for the Germans on 12 November when they
managed to throw the Soviets out of a number of positions at Apatin. Similar
success was achieved at Batina, where a major counterattack was launched with
Luftwaffe air support that pushed the Soviets back to the eastern and northern
sectors of the city." The attack was continued on the following morning but with-
out any further success. The fact that the Germans were unable to destroy the
Soviet bridgeheads ultimately proved to be decisive, for the Russians were soon
able to construct pontoon bridges and bring massive forces, including tanks, across
the Danube. By the twentieth, they had crossed two divisions at Apatin and three at
Batina. The Germans managed to repulse several assaults but in the face of a criti-
cal ammunition shortage (especially in artillery) and heavy losses, they began to
give ground. The bitter fighting was certainly taking its toll on Hanke's units; the
following passage describes the desperate situation in I/28's sector on 20 Novem-
ber:
After Knig's battalion withstood five days of the most difficult defen-
sive fighting against a vastly superior foe and sustained bloody losses, the
enemy broke through positions situated to the west of the battalion's sector
after the last company commander was killed. In spite of the hopelessness of
the situation, Knig personally led eleven of his men in a counterattack and
"Letter to the author from Hans Meschendrfer dated 3 March 1993.
9
ibid., letter dated 19 May 1993.
10
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, "Lagebericht" and "Ferngesprche"
from 17 November 1944 (T-311, roll 191, ff343).
11
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, "Lagebericht" and "Ferngesprche"
from 12 November 1944 (T-311, roll 191, ff321-322).
Chapter IO: Transfer to the Eastern Front
Task Force Hanke' s position on 19 November 1944.
threw the enemy back. The foe answered with the fire of their heavy weapons
on the breakthrough point, killing ten of the men and seriously wounding
another. Knig, himself wounded, held the position single-handedly with hand
grenades and ammunition brought forward by his messenger.... He held the
enemy (at bay) long enough for his shattered battalion to consolidate and re-
organize in a new position 100 meters behind the breakthrough point.
12
The end came when the Soviets crossed the fresh 113th Rifle Division over
the Danube at Batina on the night of 21 November. They attacked the following
afternoon, breaking a two-kilometer-wide hole in the German lines and reaching
the defenders' artillery positions east of Podolje before dusk.
13
The Russians prac-
tically rolled right over Task Force Hanke, which was thrown out of Vrsmart
and back to Hercegszlls.
14
The remaining Bosnians in the unit were inexperi-
l 2
SS-Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28, "Vorschlagsliste Nr. 1 fr die Verleihung des Deutschen Kreuzes in Gold"
dated 6 January 1945 [Personnel file of Hans Knig (Berlin Document Center)].
13
ibid., Kriegstagebuch, "Tagesmeldung" from 22 November 1944 (T-311, roll 194, ffl 064) .
14
Personal diary of Karl Haas, entry from 22 November 1944.
enced in this type of warfare and many fled in the face of the massive Soviet
assault.
15
One company commander wrote:
Our battalion (I/28) came under intense fire from the left, front, and right,
and had to pull back with heavy losses. The battalion lost all of its officers
(except me) and some of its heavy weapons.
As I attempted to assemble the remnants of the battalion near Hercegs-
zlls, a battalion of the Division "Brandenburg" began a counterattack. We
joined in and managed to reach our former positions but we were in such poor
shape that we had to return to Hercegszlls. During ojir withdrawal, I too
was wounded, but I remained with the battalion.
16
Losses were catastrophic. Of the original 1200 men assigned to the task force,
barely 200 remained. Von Weichs exhorted the men to hold their ground:
No further retreats, even in individual sectors of the front, are to take
place under any circumstances.... It must be made clear to every soldier that
he is to firmly stand his ground. The bridgeheads and commanding heights
are to be recaptured at all costs. It is to our advantage that the enemy's morale
is inferior at best, and that their losses are extremely high. Each member of
the LXVIII Army Corps, most of whom are facing the (Soviets) for the first
time, must be made aware of this superiority (that we enjoy) against this en-
emy.
17
Nonetheless, the Russians continued their offensive virtually without respite;
a hastily constructed German defense line was pierced in two places on the morn-
ing of the twenty-third when Soviet forces surged westward from the Podolje area.
In addition, a Russian regiment advanced and overran the area south of
Hercegszlls. By this time, Task Force Hanke was not facing the brunt of the
thrust, but was still occupying a sector in the rapidly deteriorating Riegelstellung.
Scharochin later wrote:
15
Oberbefehlshaber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, "Tagesmeldung" from 22 No-
vember 1944 (T-311, roll 194, ff1064). Unit adjutant Hans Meschendrfer later denied that the Bosnians
ran in the face of the Soviet onslaught. "The (Bosnians) did not flee. On the contrary, as the unreliable
men had already been discharged, the Bosnians performed well" (Letter to the author from Hans
Meschendrfer dated 19 May 1993). This was perhaps the case with the Bosnians that he came into
contact with, but it is unlikely that the army group report was invented.
"Cord-Henni ng Knospe, "Kmpfe am Brckenkopf von Batina und folgende Absetzbewegung,"
unpublished manuscript, 1993.
, 7
0. B. Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Ia Nr. 6336, g. Kdos. v. 22. 11. 1944, to OB. (2.) Pz. Armee (T-
311, roll 194, ffl 067) .
(Dalyok), Branjina, (Hercegszlls), and Berestovac were in our hands.
Under all circumstances it was vital that we not provide (the Germans) the
chance to (regroup) and form a new defensive line.
18
The Germans scrambled to bring up additional units to stabilize the situation,
but their efforts were in vain. They realized the danger that a deep Soviet break-
through in this area posed: Army Group F could be cut off from its supply line, or,
if the Russians turned north, Army Group South risked encirclement. Consequently,
it was not long before the remainder of the division was sent to this desperate
sector. The units in the Zagreb area began moving by rail to Hungary on 25 No-
vember and reached the area soon after.
19
Even this was not totally successful, for
a massive Allied bombing raid on the Osijek train station prevented the pioneer
battalion from moving and it was forced to remain in Croatia.
20
Uncertainty reigned
among the Bosnians. "We didn't even know where we were going," Ibrahim
Alimabegovi later wrote. "Rumors began to spread among the men that we were
returning to Bosnia, but soon it became clear that we were headed for Hungary to
face the Russians."
21
Such efforts brought little relief to the Germans on the Danube, for by this
time the Soviets were already driving on Pcs and had brought yet another divi-
sion across the river. Task Force Hanke, which in the meantime had been subordi-
nated to the 44th Reichsgrenadier Division "Hoch und Deutschmeister," received
the order to withdraw on the evening of 26 November. They passed through
Keskend, reached the town of Bolmny (Bolman) on the twenty-eighth, and fi-
nally moved into position in the Sikls area the following day.
The survivors had little chance to rest, for on 30 November they were again
attacked by overwhelming hostile forces. Two heavy Russian assaults on both
sides of the town of St. Marton, seven kilometers south of Sikls, were repulsed,
but the Soviets were able to achieve a deep penetration to the south that evening,
nearly encircling the task force. Although the breakthrough was quickly plugged
when a battalion of the 118th Jger Division reached the area, the Germans de-
cided that the task force was not reliable enough to remain on the front in this
sector. It was soon moved out of the line and sent to Bares, where it was to be
rebuilt. Its positions were filled by various alarm units until troops of the 1st Moun-
18
M. Scharochin and V. Petruchin, "Forsi rovani e Dunaj a voi j skami 57-i armii i zacovat
operativnogo placdarma v rajone Batini" in Voenno-Istoriceskih Zhurnal, III (1961), Nr. 2, 33.
"Personal diary of Willi Emhardt, entry from 25 November 1944.
20
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
21
Ibrahim Alimabegovi, "Moj e vrijeme u 13. SS ' Handar' diviziji," unpublished manuscript,
30 Novemberl 944.
tain Division arrived from the Drina front. Interestingly, when Hanke's men ran
into the 1 st Mountain Division elements in the Sikls area, it found that a number
of Bosnians who had been disarmed in October were still serving with the latter as
Hiwis. These Bosnians were handed over to the task force as the 1 st Mountain had
left the majority of its pack animals behind in Bosnia. These "new" replacements
were a welcome sight to the task force, which was woefully understrength. The
group was finally reunited with the division at Bares on 2 December.
In Bares, the division consolidated its units and began to rebuild. Replace-
ments were brought in from the training and replacement battalion, most of whom
were German. In addition, a Hungarian infantry battalion and artillery battery were
placed at Hampel's disposal.
22
Through the casualties on the Danube and German
replacements, the division lost even more of its Bosnian character; it now looked
little different from the other elements subordinated to Second Panzer Army.
The Margarethestellung
The Germans were eventually able to form a firm defense line stretching from
the southern bank of Lake Balaton to the Croatian border and stemmed the Rus-
sian advance. Known as the Margarethestellung (Position "Margarethe"), the line
22
Untitled report written by Desiderius Hampel, unpublished, 1973.
German map of the military situation south of Lake Balaton, 19 December 1944.
consisted of fixed fortifications built by German and Hungarian construction units
and was manned by the forces of Second Panzer Army.
23
Although stronger than
the previous Axis defenses on the Danube, the halt of the Russian advance can be
attributed as much to the exhaustion of the Soviet forces and the heavy losses
suffered during the fighting on the Danube as to the line's actual strength.
24
The
division occupied positions in and around Bares, Berzence, and Haromfa while
supply and support personnel were quartered in a Hungarian army barracks at
Nagykanizsa. The division staff was located at Somogyudvarhely.
25
The defense
line itself was secure, but the supply of the division's units was hampered by con-
23
Second Panzer Army was transferred north of the Drava to Army Group South on 2 December
1944, but forces operating south of the river remained under the control of Army Group F [Oberbefehls-
haber Sdost (Okdo. H. Gr. F.), Kriegstagebuch, entry from 1 December 1944 (T-311, roll 191, ff439)].
24
Peter Gosztony, Endkampf an der Donau 1944/45 (Vienna, Verlag Fritz Molden, 1969), 89.
25
Personal diary of Theodor Moll, entries from January 1945. It should be pointed out that in
many cases the units in the Margarethestellung were mixed together; numerous small elements were
subordinated to other units, etc. (Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 20 June
1992).
stant air attacks on railways and trains. The baking company, for example, which
had always received its supply of flour from the Reich, now had to use Hungarian
flour.
26
During the month of December, an order was received for the division to
move to a training area in the shrinking Generalgouvernement (i.e. Poland) where
it was to complete its rebuilding, but due to the tense situation on the new defen-
sive line, the directive could not be carried out.
27
Similarly, Himmler's plan to re-
form the division into a brigade and transfer it to Lower Styria also came to nought.
28
The Russians attempted to breach the new German defense line almost imme-
diately. Heavy fighting broke out near Haromfa on 7 December, where a number
of assaults were repulsed by Karl Liecke's Regiment 27. Hampel lavishly praised
his subordinate:
In the defensive fighting . . . in the Haromfa area, SS-Sturmbannfhrer
Liecke has proven and distinguished himself, in that he has effectively de-
fended the key position of Haromfa from numerous enemy attacks since 7
December. Reserve forces (from his unit) have been successfully engaged
outside of (his) sector to halt enemy breakthroughs, and in a counterattack
retook an important bridge at Point 129 in the sector of (a) neighboring unit,
earning the praise of General von Rost.
29
Renewed attacks in this sector on 12 and 13 December also failed. The Rus-
sians suffered heavy losses in the fighting - twenty-seven of them were killed and
one captured on the twelfth, and seventy-two dead were counted and ten captured
the following day.
10
The fighting in the division's sector soon diminished to what
the defenders called Stellungskrieg (trench warfare). This continued into the new
year, with II/27 fighting off determined assaults on 1 January (Russians) and 11
January (Bulgarians). As for Pi. Btl. 13, which remained stranded in Croatia, a
platoon leader recalled:
26
Karl Papenfuss-Stettin, "Bericht ber den Dienst in der 13. SS-Gebirgsdivision Handschar,"
unpublished manuscript, 1992.
27
Wilhelm Ebeling, "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. ' Handschar, ' " unpublished
manuscript, 1953. One erroneous report issued by the German Army High Command even listed the
division as "refitting at the Schieratz Training Grounds" on 1 January 1945 [OKH, Gen. Stdh, Org.
Abt. Nr. 1/1425/45 g. Kdos. v. 1. 1. 1945, "Das Verbandspackchen" (T-78, roll 346, ff6304708)].
28
Generalinspekteur der Panzertruppen, "13. Waffen-Geb. Div. SS (Handschar) (Kroatische Nr.
1)" (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, Signatur RH 10/322).
Mentioned here is General Hans-Gnther von Rost, commander of the 44th Division.
30
13. Waffen-(Geb.) Div. SS "Handschar" (Kroat. Nr. 1 ), "Vorschlag Nr. 551 fr die Verleihung
des Deutschen Kreuzes in Gold" dated 20 December 1944 [Personnel file of Karl Liecke (Berlin Docu-
ment Center)].
Division positions in the Margarethestellung ("13. SS-Geb."), December 1944 - March 1945.
Our division was on the far side of the Drava. We, on the near side, were
subordinated to another division and undertook security along the river. We
remained here into the New Year. We were quartered on a large farm. The
owner had three sons - one in the Ustaa, one in the Croatian army, and the
third with the Partisans. Now that's diplomacy!
The battalion received an order to perform a leaders' reconnaissance to
probe the forces on the far side of the Drava. The patrols, the order read, were
to consist solely of Germans. Whoever came up with this idea was an idiot. A
rumor quickly spread among the (Bosnians) that the Germans were leaving
them and fleeing across the Drava (towards Germany). A flood of desertions
(was the result). We were relieved in January by (the 11th) Luftwaffe Field
Division.
We were to return to our division by rail. Why our train stopped in
Slavonski Brod I no longer know. Our company was unloaded and took over
the security of the track. We were subordinated to the Division "Stephan. "
It was dusk when we reached the village of Grabarje. There we relieved a
Luf t waf f e ground unit, which had barely repulsed several heavy enemy at-
tacks. We occupied the positions and awaited the next assault, which came at
midnight. The Partisans did not notice the change. A huge firefight followed
in which the Partisans suffered heavy losses. On our side only the leader of
the mortar squad was killed. Aft er that the Partisans called us "the ones fr om
Grabarj e, " and did not attack again.
We carried out some operations, naturally at night. It was difficult to tell
friend f r om foe during these night battles, for everybody spoke Croatian. We
were often given away by dogs, whose barking alerted the Partisans.
A heavy bombi ng raid was carried out on Brod at this time. Our flak
destroyed a number of bombers, but the i nferno in Brod was huge. We took
t wo downed American flyers prisoner and turned them over to the intelli-
gence offi cer of the Division "Stephan. " In February 1945 we were loaded on
a transport and finally reached our division at Bares.
31
The lull in the division' s sector that began in mid-January continued through
the winter. One division officer wrote in his diary that "hardly any fighting at all"
took place during the first two weeks of February outside of patrolling and harass-
ing artillery fire.
32
Nonetheless there was no end to the casualties, for enemy snip-
ers proved proficient at their craft. Among the wounded was I/27' s commander,
Karl-Hermann Frenz, who was shot in the groin on 17 February and had to be
evacuated. This unit was soon forced to assume control of an additional sector of
the front, including the towns of Csurg and Nagyatd that had previously been
held by units of the 71st Infantry Division. This sector was anything but quiet, as
Hermann Schifferdecker, Frenz' s replacement, reported:
The Rinya, a four-to-six meter wide brook that fl owed north to south
through the eastern part of the village, formed the divider between friend and
31
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
32
Personal diary of Jrg Deh, entries from 1-14 February 1945. ' "No particular incidents' read
the daily situation reports," wrote another officer (Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden,
"Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript).
foe. The enemy held but two small bridgeheads firmly in his hands that he
made quite a nuisance of. The foremost elements of both sides were about
eight to ten meters from one another. There were casualties every night. All of
the infantry companies were down to strengths of about 60-70 men. On the
left was Second Company under Obersturmfhrer (Hermann) FlUckiger, a
Swiss, who would be killed a few days later. In the middle was First Company
in a narrow sector that we called the "close combat corridor." Here night after
night individual houses were fought over. Finally, on the right was Third Com-
pany, in a broad but easily defendable sector. The machine gun company would
be engaged in accordance with the appropriate tactical emergency.
Remaining at my battalion command post was the reserve - one platoon
composed of forty Hungarian Arrow Cross members who had volunteered a
short time before. They came from Nagykanizsa and said that they wanted to
defend their homeland with us. After the daily losses we were glad to receive
any replacements, so we outfitted them and engaged them under their own
officer. They were good comrades. Most of them were killed. The few survi-
vors entered captivity with us. Our heavy weapons section consisted of two
infantry howitzers that stood in the western edge of the village and a Hungar-
ian battery with eight captured Russian mortars. Facing us was a Bulgarian
division. They had the advantage of holding the high ground and could "spit
down our chimneys"! Well equipped with automatic weapons of German
manufacture, German tactical doctrine was discernable in all of their opera-
tions.
This was the situation on a Sunday morning (25 February 1945 - author)
at 0800 hrs. when suddenly heavy artillery and mortar fire lays the "close
combat corridor" to waste under a cloud of dense smoke and dust. Second and
Third Companies report strong harassing fire in their sectors and several ca-
sualties. The telephone line to First Company remains quiet. Signalmen rush
about, repairing the communication wire, which has already been broken many
times. Slowly the artillery fire shifts from the eastern limits into the center of
town. 17,2-cm shells smash into the houses. They burn.
Covered in mud and sweat, the signal squad leader sprints towards us and
shouts "Ivan is in the close combat corridor!" From his bridgehead, assaulting
along both sides of the street that led towards the marketplace, the enemy has
overrun First Company to the left of the road, whereas to the right, the attack
fell apart under our mortar and flanking machine gun fire. Slowly, the Bulgar-
ians move into the village. The Mujos fight back desperately. The line of houses
on the right remains in our hands, and from these cellar windows and roofs
they engage the attackers from close range. Our heavy weapons lay down fire
on the enemy Rinya bridgehead. The force of their attack breaks down with
heavy losses. In the maze of houses, rubble, and trenches, the leaders of First
Company quickly assemble fifteen Mujos and manage to halt the enemy ad-
vance. Now no time can be lost. If the enemy gains a foothold here, he will
bring up additional forces and roll over our positions. But here comes the
reserve platoon. After quick preparation, the Hungarians assault the enemy
with hollow charges, hand grenades, hand-held anti-tank weapons, and a lot
of roaring. The enemy drop their weapons and retreat back to their original
positions. The counterattack is halted to prevent further friendly losses. The
close combat corridor is ours!
At dawn the next day, a friendly patrol surprises the enemy in his bridge-
head without preparatory artillery. Our artillery then clears the east Rinya bank
with a box barrage. The back-and-forth fighting of the previous day and the
heavy artillery fire has rendered the barbed wire and various obstacles in this
sector useless, so with a dash our men are in the enemy trenches without
losses. The enemy gives up the bridgehead after a short battle.
33
"Spring Awakening"
In late February, the staff of Army Group South began planning what was to
be the last great German offensive of the war. The operation, code-named
Frhlingserwachen (Spring Awakening), was a daring plan in which "Army Group
South, in cooperation with forces of (Army Group F), (was to) destroy the enemy
forces between the Danube, Lake Balaton, and the Drava while feigning an attack
against the enemy west of Budapest, win the Danube between the Drava tributary
and the area east of Lake Velence, and seize bridgeheads at Dunapentele,
Dunafldvr, and Baja."
34
To add some muscle to Army Group South's punch, the
6th (SS) Panzer Army was brought in from the western front for the assault.
As far as Second Panzer Army was concerned, its mission was for elements of
the two corps under its command, the XXII and LXVIII, to "advance from the
Nagybajom area in the direction of Kaposvr, and destroy the enemy forces in its
sector as well as those west of the Drava between Szaporcza and the area south of
Babcsa in connection with the LXXXXI Army Corps and forces of the 6th Panzer
Army (I Cavalry Corps)."
35
The attack, which began on the morning of 6 March,
made some early headway but quickly bogged down in the face of the thick spring
mud and tenacious Russian resistance, which stiffened after the initial shock
"Let t er to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 20 June 1992.
34
Obkdo. Hgr. Sd, la Nr. 84/45, g. Kdos., Chefs., "Befehl fr den Angriff "Frhlingserwachen"
dated 3 March 1945 (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RH 19V/62).
35
ibid., and Obkdo. d. Heeresgruppe Sd, Tgb. Nr. 73/45 g. Kdos. Chefs, v. 28. 2. 1945, "Angriff
' Frhlingserwachen' " (T-78, roll 305, ff6256185).
abraded. As no strategic breakthrough could be achieved, the offensive was called
off on 15 March.
The division was slated to join the offensive when Second Panzer Army's
assault elements reached Kaposvr, but this of course never occurred. As a result,
most of its units simply remained in the Margarethestellung during the operation
so as to maintain security against possible enemy counterattacks. As it turned out,
this is exactly what occurred on 9 March. Of these the Army Group South diarist
wrote, "The ('Handschar' Division), engaged on the southern flank of Second
Panzer Army, thwarted several enemy attacks at Haromfa."
36
Several of the
division's units did partake in the offensive, though subordinated to other Second
Panzer Army elements. Among these was 2,/Pi. Btl. 13. One officer remembered:
Second Company was subordinated to the neighboring 71st Infantry Di-
vision, and together with a platoon of army engineers formed an (overstrength)
assault company. This unit in turn was subordinated to the assault brigade
commanded by Major Rosenbaum. Frhlingserwachen was in its final stage
of preparation.
During the nights preceding the attack (which was postponed several times)
we and the engineers from the neighboring SS-Pi. Btl. 16 cleared the mines in
no man's land. The assaulting units would advance through these passages.
During the removal of a mine the commander of 1./SS-Pi. Btl. 16, Ostuf.
(Albert) Fischer, was severely wounded.
On the first day of the attack everything moved forward according to
plan. We cleared mine fields for the advancing tanks and infantry. After a few
days, the attack remained stuck in the mud before Kaposvr. The tanks simply
sat idle with their hatches open.
In one week we had cleared approximately 5,000 Russian wood box mines
behind the front. They were mostly light protection mines and had been in the
ground all winter. The individual engineers collected the igniters and blasting
caps, which were virtually stuck together, and placed them in their field caps.
They were then taken to the rear and detonated. A Mujo stumbled and fell
with the last cap-full. Four men were wounded. With 5,000 previous mines
there had been no problems.
After the attack was called off, we returned to the battalion at Bares.
37
36
Tagesmeldung from 9 March 1945 (Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, RH 19V/70).
31
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript. For an excellent account of this battle see
Josef Paul Punti gam' s Vom Plattensee bis zur Mur: Die Kampfe von 1944-1945 im Dreilndereck.
A Soviet offensive planned for this same period, the so-called "Vienna Opera-
tion," had been briefly delayed by Frhlingserwachen and finally began on the
afternoon of 16 March. The Russians bombarded the Germans with heavy artillery
and close air support, as was their custom, and struck with three armies north of
Shkesfehrvar. In spite of dense fog, they quickly managed to achieve a break-
through at Mr. Second Panzer Army, which was situated far south of the attack,
reacted by launching an assault of its own against the hostile forces in its sector.
On the night of 16-17 March, the division, aided by a number of anti-communist
Hungarian units,
38
attacked the enemy northeast of Heresznye and succeeded in
throwing the Russians out of their frontal positions, but the men were able to ad-
vance only about 300 meters before being brought to a halt.
39
After the attack,
which was the last offensive operation the division ever mounted, the fighting in
this sector slackened, although aggressive patrolling and probes of enemy posi-
tions were the norm. The deadly Russian snipers remained active as well; several
more men of Regiment 27 fell victim on 23 March.
40
As April neared, the Germans were well aware that a Russian attack in Sec-
ond Panzer Army's sector was imminent, and when heavy movement was detected
on the enemy side, it was clear that the time had arrived. In spite of such indica-
tions, the commanders of Army Group South considered the situation in Sixth
Army's sector more critical and proposed that a number of Second Panzer Army's
units be sent there. Hitler declined the proposal, demanding that the Hungarian oil
fields at Kanisca be held.
41
In the end it did not matter, for the Soviets ripped a
large gap between the Sixth and Second Panzer Armies, placing the latter in dan-
ger of encirclement before the Russian forces in its sector even began their antici-
pated offensive! The Germans fought back bravely; even the Luftwaffe, plagued
by fuel shortages, put in an appearance during the battle, but their efforts fell far
short of stopping the Soviets. For all of the loss of life, Frhlingserwachen had
been a mere inconvenience to them.
,s
A host of Hungarian infantry battalions still loyal to the Germans were subordinated to the
division at this time. These were Fortress Infantry Battalion 1011, II/Regiment Bakony, and Fortress
Machine Gun Battalion 218 (T-311, roll 265, f f l 64) .
Okdo. Hgr. Sd, Kri egst agebuch Ent wurf, entry from 17 March 1945 (Bundesarchi v/
Militrarchiv, RH 19V/50)
40
Personal diary of Jrg Deh, entry from 23 March 1945.
41
Hitler provided Second Panzer Army additional forces (the 297th Infantry and 14th SS Divi-
sions) to hold the area.
Retreat to the Reich
On 29 March 1945, the Soviet Fifty-seventh and Bulgarian First Armies
launched an all-out offensive against the entire front held by Second Panzer Army.
They quickly pierced the German defense line at Nagybajom and widened the
breach on the following day. The division's forces, occupying positions just south
of the leak, could not withstand the assault, which was carried out with close air
support and the fire of heavy weapons. Kivadar was soon lost in the fierce fight-
ing. One company commander wrote:
The enemy is preparing for his attack. The intensity of his artillery in-
creases. In the village limits across from us, eighteen enemy tanks begin to
fire on our positions from a distance of about 200-300 meters. A breakthrough
had been achieved on our left flank (I/27) that was plugged by a counterat-
tack. The foe was successful in breaking through on the right flank as well (7./
27).
Fifty meters before our positions lies a gravel pit in which enemy infantry
have gathered. We are unable to engage them. The fire we have requested
from 8./27's mortars lack the necessary additional charges and cannot be used
at this distance. Instead of reaching the gravel pit, the mortar fire begins to
strike near our own positions !
1
1
Personal diary of Klaus Berger, entry from 30 March 1945.
The Soviet-Bulgarian Offensive, 1 April 1945.
It was on the evening of 30 March that the units began to pull back to the
northwest, but things went wrong from the beginning. The commander of Pi. Btl.
13, Heinz Knoll, was accidently killed in Csurg by a faulty demolition charge on
the Thirty-first:
During a demolition, only two of three charges exploded. Knoll approached
the mill that was to be destroyed with the responsible NCO while his driver,
medical orderly Willi Lommetz, waited in the street outside with his vehicle's
motor running. Knoll soon emerged from the mill and stood with his back to
the door. It was at that time that the explosion occurred prematurely, and Knoll
was buried alive under the debris from the doors and masonry. The local min-
ister rushed over and assisted in clearing the rubble, but (Knoll's) internal
injuries were so severe that he died in the back seat of the vehicle on the way
to Berzence.
2
2
Letters to the author from Hartmut Schmid dated 11 July 1993 containing Lommel / ' s uoni-
ments, and Hugo Schmidt dated 24 June 1992.
Heinz Knoll
The Russians attacked Csurg that same day with some success before being
repulsed by I/27, which suffered no fewer than fifty-eight dead, including com-
pany commanders Hermann Fliickiger of 2J21 and Heinz Schssler of the subor-
dinated 3./P. Btl. 13, in the ferocious fighting.
3
On 1 April, a battery of Flak Abt.
13 was attacked by Allied aircraft near Letenye (west of Nagykanizsa) before its
8,8-cm guns could be moved into firing position. Battery commander Jakob
Bernardy and a platoon leader numbered among the dead.
The division then moved into the so-called Dorotheastellung (Position
"Dorothea") in the town of Bajca. The men scarcely had time to construct defen-
sive positions when another large Russian assault began on the morning of 2 April.
After the Soviets succeeded in breaking through German positions at Nagykanizsa,
4
the division, facing encirclement, was ordered to pull back yet again at about noon
that same day.
The Crossing of the Mura
The Russian steamroller chased the division throughout the afternoon of 2
April until the latter reached the eastern bank of the Mura River. Those divisional
units stationed in the Nagykanizsa area, including its service support elements and
SS-Flak Abt. 13, crossed the river via the bridge at Letenye. By the time the com-
3
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 28 January 1994.
4
The Russians struck between the sectors of the German 118th Jger and 71st Infantry Divisions.
bat units drew near this area, however, the sector had already fallen to the Soviets,
forcing them to cross further south at Molnri. Albert Stenwedel's II/27 secured a
crossing site in the north while Hermann Schifferdecker's I/27 forded the river and
attacked Russian forces that had already crossed at Murakeresztur, thus securing
the far-side southern shore. They managed to hold the site open until the last mo-
ment, despite the fact that the companies had eroded to platoon strength.
Schifferdecker wrote of the incident:
As we received the order to pull back, the enemy attacked with tanks and
motorized units from Nagykanizsa on the main road to the west, in an attempt
to block our route to the Mura bridge at Letenye. As a result, we had to use the
ferry at Kotoriba. On the way there, under periodic attack from the air, I re-
ceived a written order from my regiment commander (Fischer) to cross im-
mediately and attack the enemy, who were threatening the crossing site, and
repulse him. We were far too weak owing to the past battles to throw the
enemy back. We had a battle strength of about forty to fifty rifles per com-
pany, and had no ammunition for our heavy weapons. We were nonetheless
able to keep the site open and secure the division's crossing.
The forward division command post during the crossing was in the north-
ern part of Kotoriba. I wanted to report quickly to the division commander
and waited in the anteroom, as Hampel was conducting a conference. Sud-
denly a frantic orderly officer (SS-Obersturmfhrer Artur Fiechtner - author)
burst in. "Russian tanks are entering the town!" he reported. Hampel didn'l
even turn around - he merely said over his shoulder, "Well, knock them out"
- and continued with his conference.
5
' Let t er to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 16 November 1992. 'l'Ile tanks wi'iv
indeed destroyed (ibid, dated IB December 1992).
One of Regiment 28's medical orderlies described the actual crossing:
The Russians attacked us with tanks and dive bombers. We had to cross
in broad daylight. It was utter chaos. On the eastern bank of the river lay most
of the division's vehicles, abandoned by their drivers.
We were fired upon by all calibers. Some of our vehicles and heavy weap-
ons made it across on the ferry, but as soon as the enemy tanks neared our
column, the men simply left their vehicles and equipment and dove into the
river. Those who could not swim were left for the Russians. I was driving a
vehicle full of wounded men, including the regiment physician, but was lucky
enough to make it to the last ferry - and across the Mura.
6
The rearguard, II/27, fought its way across the river at 2000 hrs. that evening.
7
In recognition of its conduct during the retreat, Regiment 27 received praise from
the corps commander and several of its officers were decorated.
8
The division suffered grievous casualties during the crossing. Regiment 28
was not even able to determine its losses in the fiasco, as one man later said, "be-
cause so many men as well as the personnel records were lost."
9
After the crossing,
the units consolidated in Kotoriba and were placed into yet another flimsy German
defense line at Dravovid. The Red Army attacked this line on the morning of 3
April. Early breakthroughs in the sector of II/27 were plugged after a violent coun-
terattack by Klaus Berger's 5./21, but the Russians kept coming and by 5 April the
situation was hopeless.
10
The division pulled back under heavy pressure and crossed
the German border on the following day.
The Reichsschutzstellung
Immediately after crossing the German frontier, the division settled into the
so-called Reichsschutzstellung (Reich Defense Line) northeast of Pettau (Ptuj)."
The troops soon found that it was a defense line in name only; I/27's commander
' Personal diary of Karl Haas, entry from 2 April 1945.
' Personal diary of Klaus Berger, entry from 2 April 1945.
"Letter from SS-Stubaf. Karl Fischer to the men of Regiment 27 dated 10 April 1945.
' Personal diary of Karl Haas.
10
Operationsabt. IS, "Tagesmeldung der H. Gr. Sd vom 3. 4. 1945" dated 4 April 1945 (T-78,
roll 304, ff6254768).
11
This took place on 6 April. The division' s signal company was briefly placed into the line in
northern Croatia (at Varadin), where it was tasked with maintaining a small Drava bridgehead. This
position was deemed superfluous and evacuated on 10 April. The men then rejoined the remainder of
the division in its sector of the Reichsschutzstellung [Erich Schmidt-Richberg, Das Ende auf dem
Balkan, Wehrmacht im Kampf, Band 5 (Kurt Vowinckel Verlag, Heidelberg: 1955), 113]. By the
eleventh, the division was holding the line between the southern edge of Vitan to the area north of Kog
[Operationsabt. I/S, "Tagebuchmel dung der Heeresgruppe Sd v. 11. 4. 1945 (T-78, roll 304,
ff6255063)].
The crossing of the Mura River, 2 April 1945. (Courtesy Hermann Schifferdecker).
wrote that he and his men "had been told that positions had already been prepared,
(but) we found hardly anything at all."
12
Few if any believed that the defense line
would hold for long; one German officer later said that "the gaps in the line were
so large that it was impossible to maintain direct contact between the neighboring
units."
13
It was at this time that the division received its last reinforcements from
its replacement battalion in Leoben. Various Volkssturm (People's Militia) units
also appeared, most often in platoon strength and with limited combat value. In
addition, several anti-communist Hungarian infantry battalions were subordinated
to the division, and the penal company received 165 Italians.
14
The troops set about
improving their positions and awaited the inevitable next assault.
The Russians spent 7 April probing the new German line and launched their
first attack, in I/27's sector, on the following morning. Its commander wrote:
12
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 16 November 1992. Most of the
division' s other units also found the line to be such in name only. One officer of Pi. Btl. 13 wrote that
the line existed "only in the figurative" (Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier
Einheiten der 13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript). The only ex-
ception appears to be II/27; one company commander wrote that his men entered the line at Weiten and
entered "well built positions," but added that several of them were "poorly situated" (Personal diary of
Klaus Berger, entry from 6 April 1945).
l 3
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 16 November 1992.
' "Letter to the author from Dr. Wilhelm Roth dated 24 August 1993.
After a short but intense artillery barrage, the enemy came at us. We were
quickly thrown out of our positions. The order from the regiment commander
stated implicitly that the line was to be held at all costs, so we counterattacked
and reoccupied the lost territory. While firing at the retreating enemy, I was
shot through my right arm. As my wound was being attended to, we came
under enemy mortar fire that injured a number of men, including our imam.
15
Regiment 28 was also attacked on this day, and their positions at Kaag en-
dured two days of constant assaults before the Russians finally relented. One
Bosnian wrote:
On 9 April, six of us were ordered to conduct reconnaissance of the Rus-
sian positions. As we were carrying this out, the Russians detected us and
opened fire. I was shot in my left knee. We returned to our lines. What rotten
luck! The war would be over in less than a month and I am wounded!
16
Attempts to breach a gap in the division's lines continued through to the elev-
enth, when a large force of Bulgarians struck in the sector of Jrg Deh's 8./27. The
attackers were repulsed after a fierce battle. The Germans suffered ten dead in the
attack but sixty-four Bulgarian bodies were counted.
17
Fighting also raged near
Kaag; Hill 327 changed hands many times, and most of II/28's officers lay dead or
wounded.
18
An NCO wrote in his diary:
Kaag was attacked every day up until 13 April. The Russians could not
break through. We had built up the position and engaged all of the Volkssturm
men.
14 April was extremely quiet. We all called it 'the calm before the storm.'
We were right. At about 0800 the following day, the Russians began a four-
hour barrage of our positions with all weapons. Then the infantry came, sup-
ported by tanks. The men of the Volkssturm, most of whom were actually
Slovenian, panicked and went over to the Russians. The enemy broke through
to our left and began attacking us from the rear, but we retained the heights
and the church.
15
ibid.
16
Ibrahim Alimabegovi, "Moj e vrijeme u 13. SS ' Handar' diviziji," unpublished manuscript,
1994.
l 7
Personal diary of Jrg Deh, entry from 11 April 1945.
18
II/28' s commander, Christian Schwarting, was badly wounded, and two company commanders
were killed (Personal diary of Hans Meschendrfer, entry from 13 April 1945).
The division' s position ("Rst. 13. SS") on 13 April 1945.
At about 1400 the Russians hit us with another hour of artillery fire and a
second infantry assault. Heavy fighting continued until dusk, when we were
pushed back.
We received some replacements (from the Luftwaffe) and set about re-
taking our positions. It took us two days to throw the Russians out.
19
The situation in Regiment 27's sector during this period was little different.
According to the Army High Commmand's diarist:
After a heavy artillery barrage the enemy attacked in the sector of the
13th SS and 297th Divisions in battalion and up to regimental strength, sup-
ported by tanks. The fighting was extremely bitter; some positions changed
hands upwards of six times, and losses were bloody on both sides. Our troops,
particularly the 13th SS Division "Handschar," have fought outstandingly well
in the face of a vastly superior foe. Despite two enemy breakthroughs, the
main battle line is in our hands. The fighting continues. One enemy tank has
been destroyed.
20
It was on 14 April that Hitler issued the following order imploring his units to
stand their ground in the face of the Soviet juggernaut:
21
Soldiers of the German Eastern Front!
"Personal diary of Karl Haas, entries from 14-18 April 1945.
20
Oberkommando des Heeres, Gen. St. d. H./Op. Abt. (III), Nr. 4630/ 45, g. Kdos. v. 15. April
1945, "Tagesmeldung Ost v. 14. 4. 1945" (T-78, roll 304, ff6254905).
21
OKH/GenStdH/Op Abt (roem. la), Nr. 463/45 dated 14 April 1945, to O. B. Sd.
The lethal Jewish-Bolshevist enemy is preparing for the final blow. He
shall attempt to destroy Germany and exterminate our people. You soldiers of
the east are well aware what destiny threatens our German women and chil-
dren. As the elderly are murdered, women and girls will be degraded to bar-
racks whores, the rest marched off to Siberia.
Anyone who does not fulfill his duty at this moment is a traitor to his
people. The regiment or division that ignobly abandons its positions is shamed
by the women and children who have stood firm in our cities despite the bomb-
ing terror.
If every soldier on the eastern front does his duty in the coming days and
weeks, the last assault from Asia will fail. . . . Berlin will remain German,
Vienna shall be German again, and Europe will never be Russian.
Form a prodigal community to defend not the empty notion of a Father-
land, but to defend your home, your women and children, and thus your des-
tiny.
In these hours, the entire German nation looks to you, my warriors in the
east, and hopes that through your steadfastness and fanaticism, and through
your weapons and leadership, that the Bolshevist assault will drown in a blood-
bath
Adolf Hitler
By this time, however, commanders were complaining that their units had
been decimated in the fighting.
22
Losses were so severe in the pioneer battalion
that its third company was dissolved and the survivors used as replacements else-
where.
23
The situation grew most desperate on 16 April, when the Russians broke
a large hole in Regiment 27's sector. 5./27, which had been held in reserve, coun-
terattacked and with the aid of two assault guns {Hetzer), seized Hill 295 and
pushed the Soviets back. Yet another success was achieved on the following day,
when division artillery fire on an enemy assembly area was so effective that a
planned Russian attack was thwarted before it could begin. This proved to be the
last fighting to take place in the regiment's sector.
Regiment 28's last battle came at Kiesmanndorff on 19 April, where Russian
forces were prevented from breaking through the regiment's perimeter. Apart from
harassing artillery fire, their sector remained quiet for the remainder of the war.
24
22
Personal diaries of Klaus Berger and Jrg Deh, entries from April 1945.
23
Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
24
Diaries of Karl Haas and Hans Meschendrfer, entries from 19 April-8 May 1945.
During this period, the troops monitored radio bulletins describing the fierce battles
taking place on the Reich's shrinking frontiers. The Anglo-Americans were driv-
ing on the Elbe; the Russians were storming Berlin. The end had come.

Capitulation
T h e division remained in its positions until the evening of 5 May, when, after
being relieved by units of the German army, it began to pull back towards the west.
The troops reached the Kellersdorf area two days later, where they occupied the
so-called Ursulastellung (Position Ursula). Here they merely prepared for the
planned trek westward, towards the Anglo-Americans.
The capitulation came the following day, with most of the men hearing the
news from radio broadcasts. Before the great retreat began, however, Regiment
28's imams approached their commander, Hans Hanke, and requested that they
and their men be discharged and be allowed to attempt a return to their homeland.
They were brought to division headquarters in Allerheiligen, where Hampel ap-
proved their request. Soon, all of the Bosnians remaining in the division were
asked if they wished to remain. Many opted to leave, despite warnings from the
Germans.
1
They were released from their oaths and departed, still armed, towards
Bosnia. A large number quickly returned to the ranks, and most of the others were
eventually captured by the Partisans. Little is known concerning the fates of these
captives, but Dr. Erich Maschke's exhaustive multi-volume history of German
prisoners of war cites two reports of large-scale killings of division prisoners dur-
ing this time period. One account described "reprisals" taken by the guerrillas in
which "members of the Waffen-SS Divisions 'Prinz Eugen' and 'Handschar,' po-
1
Letter to the author from Klaus Berger dated 8 March 1993. Berger stated that all of the Muslims
from his 5 ,/27 opted to return to Bosnia. He added that he "attempted virulently to warn his men against
the plan," for he "knew what awaited them" in their homeland (ibid.).
Final telegram from Rudolf Rhmer, commander of Nachr. Kp. 13, to platoon leader Heinz Hrnlein,
dated 8 May: "To Ustuf. Hrnlein. Situation demands the swiftest march speed. All horse-drawn ele-
ments are to be moved to the LeonhardPssnitzhofen road as quickly as possible and arranged in
convoy interval. March route: Pssni t zhofenKuni gundLeut schachAr nfel sEi bi swakl
Mahr enber g Unt erdraubergDrei fal t i gkei t St . Paul St . Andraedest i nat i on Wol fsburg.
Rhmer. "
lice, military police, and certain German officers" were slain. The second tells of a
mass shooting of 1400 soldiers, "among them a large portion of the former SS
Division Handschar," that took place "nine kilometers southwest of Raamanders,"
though the date of this massacre is listed as 22 April 1945.
2
The long retreat for the remainder of the division began soon after.
3
The men
moved at a rapid pace so as to avoid being overtaken by their Russian and Bulgar-
ian pursuers. For most of the units the march route was as follows:
8 May - Through Patzing - Unterochsenau - Skofzen to Hirschendorf.
9 May - Through Ragosnitz - Strahleck - Pssnitzhofen to Kunigund.
10 May - Through Georgenhof - Leutschach - Arnfels - Grndorf to
Deutschlandsberg.
11 May - Through the Kor Alps to Twimberg.
The movement did not pass without incident. Several of the division's units
were accosted by the sterreichische Freiheitskmpfer ("Austrian Freedom Fight-
ers"), an Austrian anti-fascist movement, near Deutschlandsberg. These individu-
als approached members of the reconnaissance and pioneer battalions seeking to
disarm them. Having heard that the Austrians had "disarmed and thrashed a unit of
the German army on the previous day," the troops refused to surrender their weap-
ons.
4
The rigorous march over heights of 1600 meters or more was taxing on the
soldiers. One later wrote:
After Deutschlandsberg we had to pass over a large 24% rise (this was
near St. Oswald - author). The artillery had to haul one gun after the other
with double horse teams. We left nothing behind.
The Bulgarians tried again and again to reach us. We wasted no opportu-
nity to delay them with mines.
At the Pak Alp we saw the first British vehicle and a lieutenant. He sa-
luted, and we retained our weapons.
5
2
K. W. Bhme, Die deutschen Kriegsgefangenen in Jugoslawien 1941 -1949, vol. I of Die deutschen
Kriegsgefangenen des Zweiten Weltkrieges, ed. by Dr. Erich Maschke (Munich: Verlag Ernst and
Werner Gieseking, 1962), 1/1: 107-109.
3
Albert Stenwedel' s II/27 actually began the retreat before the capitulation. The battalion began
its withdrawal on 6 May (Personal diary of Klaus Berger, entry from 6 May 1945).
"Wilhelm Ebeling, "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. ' Handschar, ' " unpublished
manuscript, 1953 and Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der
13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
5
ibid.
It was at Twimberg that most of the men saw British soldiers l'or the l'irsi lime.
When the British did not disarm them, rumors began circulating thill lliey were lo
be subordinated to the British army and engaged against the sterreichische
Freiheitskmpfer,
6
This of course was not to be.
As the Russians had advanced and seized Judenburg to the north (elTeclivcly
blocking the Lavant valley), the division continued its trek through (he Sail Alps,
over mountains some 2,000 meters high. After passing through Lolling and
Silberberg, they reached the town of St. Veit an der Glan. It was here that Hampel
carried out formal negotiations with the British on 12 May.
7
The division's adju-
tant, Karl Wambsganss, was present:
Hampel and I sat in a Kbelwagen. We came across an English armored
vehicle which escorted us through the Katschberg Pass to Spittal. Both Hampel
and I were "equipped" with cyanide ampules which we would use if the En-
glish decided to turn us over to the Partisans.
We were introduced to an English Major Smith, who assured us that our
division would not be extradited. He even permitted Hampel and me to stay in
a local hotel. I informed the men of the situation (as they) were ready to con-
tinue the march into northern Italy.
Major Smith conducted himself in a very correct manner. I would have
liked to have sought him out after the war to thank him, but I never knew
how.
8
It was not long after that the British did disarm their captives, who were held
in a large field north of St. Veit. The field was not closely guarded and most of I/28
managed to escape. "The English guarded the southern, eastern, and northern sides
of the camp," remembered battalion commander Cord-Henning Knospe. "The
western side, which was bordered by a steep rise, was open. We, I/28, were situ-
ated near this rise. After summing up the situation, I called my people together and
advised them to break up into groups of 3-5 men and take off over the hill. In this
way a large number of my men and I were able to escape.
9
Many of the remaining
Bosnian division members feared forced extradition to Yugoslavia. "We were held
' ' Personal diary of Klaus Berger, entry from 12 May 1945.
7
Not all of the division' s personnel surrendered to the British. A number of stragglers, mostly
from the division' s artillery regiment, were taken prisoner by the U.S. Army.
"Letter to the author from Karl Wambsganss dated 9 August 1992. The British actually wnil us
far as saving a group of stragglers from Pi. Btl. 13 which had been captured by a Partisan unii limi limi
crossed the German border. The British freed the men and allowed them to continue their nuiivli wrxl
ward (Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13, Willie
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript).
' Let t er to the author from Cord-Henning Knospe dated 8 February 1993.
The great retreat, 8-11 May 1945.
near Klagenfurt in a large field," Imam Ibrahimovi recalled. "We feared extradi-
tion to the Partisan officers. I would presume that two-thirds of the men there were
from our Handschar Division."
10
On 15 May, the remaining prisoners were moved through Villach, Udine, and
Padua to Rimini, where the British had constructed a large prisoner camp. One
prisoner said:
Here we saw the first barbed wire. We lay in an open field with only what
we had brought with us. New transports arrived daily, from the SS Divisions
"Prinz Eugen" and "Reichsfhrer-SS," the Orgasnisation Todt, and the po-
lice.
One day Yugoslavian officers (former Partisans) appeared and attempted
to persuade the (remaining) Bosnians to return to their homeland. They tried
the same with the Volksdeutsche, many of whom were unaware of the fates of
their families. We persuaded nearly all of the Volksdeutsche to remain with us
in the camp, but a number of the Bosnians believed the promises and were
taken soon away.""
Imam Ibrahimovi:
Thirteen British vehicles took us to southern Italy to a camp near Taranto.
There were 70,000 prisoners in this camp. We were held for seven months in
one of the worst camps. Many (prisoners) became ill. Partisans, Titoist offic-
ers, appeared on several occasions attempting to convince (Bosnians) to re-
turn. Some agreed. They were not forced; there was no coercion. With a word,
one could go. I do not believe that any of these men were executed.
12
Those Bosnians who elected to remain in the camps eventually found asylum
in countries throughout the Western and Arab worlds. Many of those who settled
in the Middle East later fought in Palestine against the new Israeli state.
13
It should be pointed out that scattered groups of division soldiers did not sur-
render until long after Hampel's negotiations with the British. One example:
' "Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995.
" Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
l 2
Telephone interviews conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 11 December 1995 and 1
March 1996.
" J ohn Roy Carlson, Cairo to Damascus (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1951), 401-403, and a
telephone interview conducted with Ibrahim Alimabegovi on 12 March 1996.
One of several false documents used by a division member in 1945 to conceal his SS membership. 11
announces a "promotion" awarded to Heinz Gerlach of the German army' s "13th Mountain Division,"
a formation that never existed, and was backdated to 30 April 1945. Interestingly, the document was
signed by the "Handschar" Division adjutant, SS-Sturmbannfiihrer Karl Wambsganss, who masquer-
ades here as "Maj or" Wambsganss of the German army. In addition, the official unit seal was inten-
tionally smeared, rendering it illegible. Gerlach was also careful to obliterate the SS blood-type tatloo
under his arm. The ruse was succesful: Gerlach' s captors, unaware of his SS affiliation, quickly re-
leased him from captivity. In reality, Gerlach had held the rank of SS-Oberscharfhrer, making him
subject to "automatic arrest," and had served in the Waffen-SS since 1942.
On 9 May, the division's signal company began its retreat with the rest of
the division with the order to surrender to the Americans. Long after the ca-
pitulation, we were attacked by Partisans and strafed by three Russian f i ght er
bombers.
The rumor had already began to spread that General Eisenhower de mande d
that all former members of the Waffen-SS holding the rank of Obers charf hrer
and above were to be imprisoned for at least twenty years, so we N COs mini
aged to "procure" documents identifying us as members of an army si gi mi
unit. This was carried out by the division's adjutant with the aid of a l i eul emi nl
from an army signal repair company. These phoney documents staled I lull we
belonged to the "13th Mountain Division" of the German army ( N o s uc h l or
mation existed - author). We intentionally smeared the of f i c i al unii s enl s lis
we stamped these documents (rendering them illegible) and de s t r oye d our
(SS) identity documents. With a group of about twenty me n, I s unv ml e i v i l lo
the British at Mauterndorf on 18 May.
Division officers Klaus Berger (left) and Jrg Deh in Brit-
ish Prisoner of War Camp 184 in August 1947.
Many men took additional steps to disassociate themselves from the SS, such
as obliterating the telltale blood type tattoos found on their arms:
Later, in the prisoner-of-war camp at Tamsweg, I met Sturmbannfhrer
Liecke from our division. He brought us to a physician from the 14th SS
Division, who provided us with hydrogen tablets to remove our blood type
tattoos. We moistened these tablets and dabbed them on our arms. This was
extremely irritating to the skin, but the tattoos simply came off after two to
three days. Naturally the skin required about two to three weeks to heal. Be-
cause of these tablets, I was successful in passing two inspections conducted
by our captors.
14
Ibrahim Alimabegovi added:
I was in the hospital for a year in Leoben. When the British came, they
took people's medals, etc. and checked under our arms for the SS blood type
tattoos. I didn't have one, (as) the doctor never tattooed me. The British troops
liked me and I later worked for them.
15
14
Heinz Gerlach, "Erinnerung an die vor 39 Jahren erfolgte Aufstellung der Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
(Handschar) in Goslar und deren Entwicklung innerhalb des Div. Verbandes, " unpublished manu-
script, 1982, and a letter to the author from Gerlach dated 26 September 1994.
-
15
Telephone interview conducted with Ibrahim Alimabegovi on 12 March 1996.
Beiger (ridilli ill ( 'limp IM,
The prisoner pens of Rimini hardly meant the end of the war for a number of
the men, for the Yugoslavian government asked the British to hand over nearly
fifty Germans who had served in the division to face war crimes charges. Many of
these men went to great lengths to avoid extradition, including suicide in the cases
of Sauberzweig and Hans Knig. Desiderius Hampel was also slated for extradi-
tion, but was able to escape, as Imam Ibrahimovi recalled:
Seventy of us officers were later taken to a camp in Mnster, and to in-
ternment camps at Fallingbostel and Neuengamme. I was eventually discharged
from Fallingbostel. There, I met Hampel, our division commander. A Partisan
officer arrived there one day and attempted to persuade him to return to Yugo-
slavia to face a trial. He declined, whereupon the Partisan said, "What you
don't say here, you'll say in Belgrade." A few German comrades eventually
helped him escape. It was at that time that I received a package from my sister
containing six hundred cigarettes. Hampel was a heavy smoker, so I gave
some to him. I never saw him again.
16
The Yugoslavs eventually decided on thirty-eight individuals and arranged to
send them by rail to Sarajevo to stand trial. Before this took place, one of the men,
Otto Kruse, swallowed a spoon and was rushed to a British military hospital. Un-
daunted, the Yugoslav officer in charge of the extradition proceeding simply se-
lected another captive division officer, Robert Ehlers, and sent him in Kruse's
place.
17
16
Telephone interview conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 1 March 19%, llimipi'l
eventually settled in Graz, where he lived until his death in 1981.
"Int ervi ews conducted with Heinz Stratmann (4 July 1993) and Otto Kruse (28 August 199.1),
The accused were tried before a military court during the summer (22-30 Au-
gust) of 1947. Although the indictment accused the division of murdering some
five thousand people, only seven of the thirty-eight defendants were charged with
specific offenses.
18
The defendants were highly suspicious of the court's integrity;
one claimed:
We were defended by three defense attorneys, two civilians and one (Yu-
goslavian army) officer - 13 defendants per attorney! As I was questioned by
the court and later during my sentencing, my lawyer did not utter one word in
my defense. It was the same with most of the others.
19
Another commented on the hearings themselves:
The trial was conducted as follows: 1. Reading of personal information,
2. A poor translation of the charge sheet, 3. Individual questioning. I was
Defendant No. 9 and was questioned on the second day. The first question
was the same for all of the defendants, "Do you feel guilty?" All answered,
"No." This was followed by the most ridiculous questions, with me, for ex-
ample, "When did you join the (Nazi) Party? Why? When did you join the
SS? How could you, as a member of the working class, become an SS of-
ficer?" followed by questions about murder and plunder, etc.
We were accused of every crime imaginable. (It was charged that) we had
ourselves mutilated dead German soldiers simply to blame the Partisans! Those
men who vehemently denied the charges later received death sentences.
All of the witnesses who were paraded in (were) the biggest liars. One
stated that he had heard from a friend who no longer lived in Yugoslavia that
Unterscharfhrer (Wilhelm) Schmidt had killed a civilian with his pistol in
Tuzla. . . . According to an entry in his paybook, Schmidt proved that he was
in Germany at the time attending a bridge-building instruction course. The
witness, a Mujo from our division who sought revenge, was nonetheless be-
lieved.
I was eventually convicted as my work on the division staff "enabled the
division to operate, and it was thus able to commit its crimes," and sentenced
to twelve years.
20
18
Wilhelm Ebeling, "Als ' Kriegsverbrecher' in Jugoslawien," in Der Freiwillige, Heft 4 (April
1992): 7.
" Letter to the author from Heinz Stratmann dated 28 January 1993.
211
Wilhelm Ebeling, "Als ' Kriegsverbrecher' in Jugoslawien," in Der Freiwillige, Heft 4 (April
1992): 7, and Hugo Schmidt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der 13. Waffen-
Gebirgs-Division-SS ' Handschar, ' " unpublished manuscript.
312 \
1
\
i
All thirty-eight men were found guilty and sentenced to donili or lenglhy prison
terms. The death sentences were carried out on 17 July 1948. Executed were:
Baumeister, Rolf SS-Ostuf. d. R.
II/27
Eipel, Walter SS-Hstuf. d. R. SS-Wi. Btl. 13
Ltkemller, Kurt SS-Oscha. SS-Geb. Pi. Uli. 13
Ltjens, Bruno SS-Hscha. SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
Masannek, Heinz SS-Ostuf. d. R. 12./28
Plmke, Josef SS-Oscha.
6./27
Schmidt,Wilhelm SS-Oscha. SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
Schreer, Willi SS-Ostuf. d. R. 21./27
Schwerin, Erich SS-Oscha. SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
Weber, Kurt SS-Ustuf. d. R. SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
The others received prison terms ranging from five years to life:
Arfsten, Jakob SS-Oscha. Div. Staff
Ashauer, Willi SS-Oscha.
?
Bahlau, Kurt SS-Uscha.
?
Bayer, Otto SS-Oscha. Div. Staff
Denecke, Hermann SS-Hscha. Rgt. 28
Ebeling, Wilhelm SS-Ostuf. d. R. Div. Staff
Eckert, Eduard SS-Oscha.
?
Ehlers, Robert SS-Ostuf. d. R. SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
Eidner, Herbert SS-Hscha.
?
Gerwe, Franz SS-Hscha. SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Haak, Wilhelm-Karl SS-Stuscha. Div. Staff
Hdecke, Gnther SS-Ustuf. SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Labjon, Franz SS-Uscha. SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Langwost, Konradt SS-Uscha.
?
Lautenschlger, Gnther SS-Oscha.
?
Lorenz, Karl-Heinz SS-Oscha. SS-Aufkl. Abt. 13
Mahn, Wilhelm SS-Strm.
?
Matthiessen, Bruno SS-Hscha.
?
Mehl, Heinz SS-Oscha. SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Mischnek, Eduard SS-Uscha.
?
Petzely, Alfred SS-Hscha.
?
Riemann, Wilhelm SS-Uscha.
?
Runge, Harry SS-Uscha.
?
313
Schrder, Alfred SS-Ustuf. d. R. 21./28
Stratmann, Heinz SS-Oscha. SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Weil, Erich SS-Oscha. SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
Wiegel, Fritz SS-Oscha. SS-Aufkl. Abt. 13
Most of the men were released early, and by 1952 the last prisoners had been
freed.
21
21
The prisoners were released gradually (in accordance with their original sentences) to the Ger-
man Embassy in Belgrade. Wilhelm Mahn died in captivity.
C
Conclusion
Hei nri ch Himmler was undoubtedly the driving force behind the creation of
the "Handschar Division." It was from his romantic notions of Islam in general
and the Bosnian Muslims in particular, as well as his desires to "restore order" in
Croatia and expand his SS empire, that the seed of the division was sown. On the
other hand, had it not been for the terrible misery endured by these Muslims it is
unlikely that very many men would have volunteered at all, and indeed nearly half
of the division was conscripted. In fairness, however, it should be pointed out that
a large number of young Muslims had already met their deaths fighting in the
Soviet Union in German service by the time Himmler had secured Hitler's ap-
proval of his plan, and that many were serving in Croatian units.
The SS used the excuses of Croatian incompetence and military expediency
to attempt a sort of "hostile takeover" in northeastern Bosnia. The utter disregard
for Croatian sovereignty displayed by both Himmler and his underlings, illustrated
in numerous occasions in the text, became commonplace during the division's
existence. The Reichsfiihrer's desire to recruit Muslims only (in spite of the Vrani
- Dengel agreement), von Krempler's dealings with the Muslim autonomisls, llie
Mufti's visit, and Sauberzweig's ruthless "Guidelines for the Liberation of Bosnia"
all provided the Paveli regime with ample reason to oppose the division. Wh e t h e r
Envoy Kasche's opposition involved a sincere desire to see German - Croul i nn
relations continue without such interference or simply his personal di s da i n l' or t he
SS (or both) is open to speculation. In any case, the SS was clearly di s pl e a s e d by
his actions, for when news of the mutiny in southern France r e a c he d Be rl i n, Merger
falsely placed the blame on the envoy's shoulders for "forcing" the SS to accept
Catholics into the division. As for the SS dream of "reaching out to Muslims all
over the world" through the division, this was partially realized, but only through
the persona of the Mufti. Husseini was instrumental in German recruiting drives
for several Muslim units, although one should remember that he was always well-
payed for his services.
The big losers in the entire affair were the Muslim autonomists. They never
achieved their goals of political sovereignty and German annexation, and paid a
steep post-war price for casting their lot with the SS. Nevertheless, their collabora-
tion was quite different than that of Quisling or Mussert; their "pro-German" ten-
dencies aside, these Muslims, who stood in the face of physical annihilation, would
have accepted military protection from anyone who so offered. "The Muslims are
the weakest element (in Bosnia)," Sauberzweig admitted. "They shall always seek
the assistance of those they believe to be the strongest."
1
That they also discussed
annexation with the Italians in October 1942 furthers this argument, and it is ac-
cepted by most post-war historians.
2
Indeed, to many Muslims at this time, the
Allied powers were an enemy, for it was they who supported the Serbian Cetniks,
perpetrators of most of the anti-Muslim violence in Bosnia (it was not until the
power politics of Teheran in November 1943 that the Big Three finally abandoned
Mihailovi). Moreover, the fact that the Bosnian soldiers deserted in droves in late
1944 when rumors of a German withdrawal from the Balkans spread strongly sug-
gests that their interest in the "Thousand Year Reich" extended little further than
their own frontiers.
3
Most interesting in this respect are the Bairam speeches pre-
sented by Sauberzweig and Imam Muhasilovi at Neuhammer in October 1943.
The German spoke first and foremost of being "the Fiihrer's best soldiers," while
the imam's primary concern was his "beloved Bosnia" and its suffering Muslim
population. Looking back on his days in the division, Imam Ibrahimovi stated
I was young then, religious, and raised as an anti-communist. And in this
division, I must honelstly say, we saw a bulwark against Bolshevism. More-
over, we had witnessed what the etniks had done and were determined to aid
' I X. Waffen-(Gebirgs-) A. K. der SS, le 31/44/108/ g. Kdos. v. 15. 6. 1944, "Lagebericht Nr. 1
(9) fr die Zeit vom 7. 4. -15. 6. 1944" (Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Signatur R 101059,
Aktenband Inland Ilg 404, "Berichte Lind Meldungen zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien,"404524).
2
See for example Yeshayahu Jelenik' s article "Nationalities and Minorities in the Independent
State of Croatia" in which the Bosnian Muslims are referred to as "famous for their pragmatic attitude
toward political constellations" (Nationalities Papers Fall 1980: 195). Hory and Broszat agree [Ladislaus
Hory and Martin Broszat, Der kroatische Ustascha-Staat 194-1945 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-
Anstalt, 1964), 171].
' Based upon available data, the author estimates that a total of 18,000 Muslims from Bosnia-
Herzegovina and Sandjak served in the "Handschar" and "Kama" Divisions, and of these at least 3,000
(one in six) deserted.
our countrymen. This stirred us to join the division. Who else wns in n posi
tion to help us? The Germans were willing to provide us with weapons nud
military leadership. We weren't politiciansin my eyes, (our) decision wus
purely a military one. We (sought to) end the Serbian attacks and to snve wlml
remained of the Muslim settlements (in Bosnia) after the massacres al ( ioni?,de,
Foa, Zenica, and near the Drina.
4
It is obvious that the German leadership and the Bosnians held different pri-
orities. "The Bosnian volunteers were promised that they would be engaged only
within their own lands," one German officer wrote many years later. "What should
happen when the division was transferred to Hungary? One can clearly see that the
Balkan peoples live by their own rules."
5
As far as the division itself is concerned, it is certain that it would not have
succeeded in combat had it not been for Himmler's influence. It was on his author-
ity that the division received what amounted to nearly a full load of new equip-
ment to fight irregulars at a time when German units were struggling to contain
vastly superior enemies on other fronts. Even more important was the transfer of
the "hard-core" of young German officers and NCOs to its ranks in late 1943, for
the Bosnians seldom performed well unless under strict German supervision. This
lack of military initiative can be attributed in at least part to the thorough Serbian
domination of the inter-war Yugoslavian army, and the similarly lukewarm perfor-
mance of the Croatian army also bears this out. During the division's initial months
in combat, i.e. before the collapse of the southeastern front, it proved to be more
than a match for its enemies, as was admitted by all parties concerned. The experi-
ment only disintegrated in the autumn of 1944 with the rapidly deteriorating Axis
military situation, the feared German evacuation of the Balkans, and Muslim
Turkey's severing of diplomatic relations with the Reich. The division's combat
record has been much maligned by many post-war historians who in reality have
perpetrated little if any actual research on the subject/' but the successes achieved
during the nine major anti-Partisan operations it conducted in and around north-
eastern Bosnia - Wegweiser, Save, Osterei, Maibaum, Maiglckchen, Vollmond,
Fliegenfnger, Heiderose, and Hackfleisch - are now a matter of record and speak
for themselves.
The conflict that emerged between Phleps and Sauberzweig concerning the
employment of the division is typical of a debate that has existed throughout the
4
Telephone interviews conducted with Imam Demal Ibrahimovi on 1 I Decembri' I' Wi mill III
June 1996.
' Let t er to the author from Hugo Schmidt dated 7 October 1992.
6
Onenot eabl e example is Professor George H. Stein' s otherwise excel leni Tlu Wolfen SS: I Hilft'x
Elite Guard at War 1939-1945 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966).
history of counterinsurgency warfare. Phleps argued in favor of the "big unit"
strategy in which the Germans and their allies used their superior numbers and
firepower to actively pursue and destroy the guerrillas, while Sauberzweig sought
to win the "hearts and minds" of the (Muslim) people. Always one for novel ideas,
Himmler usually sided with Sauberzweig on this matter, though he occasionally
bowed to Phleps's almost constant manpower demands. In the end, neither solu-
tion was successful: despite the fact that the division inflicted grievous losses upon
its foes, never did it succeed in eliminating the insurgency, its leaders, or the "threat"
to Srem, the task for which it was formed in the first place.
Much attention has been devoted in the text to the wartime "marriage of con-
venience" between the division and the etniks. It is perhaps ironic that many of
the men who volunteered for the division with the hope of "putting an end to
etnik massacres" in their homeland actually wound up fighting alongside them.
This arrangement would have ceased had (a) the western Allies effected a landing
on the Adriatic Coast or (b) Tito's forces been eliminated. Without the Partisans to
consume their time and energy, Bosnia simply wasn't big enough for the two of
them. The fact that such close cooperation between the two sides did emerge so
quickly challenges the accusation that the division committed innumerable atroci-
ties against Bosnia's Serbian Orthodox population, a charge that enjoys consider-
able popularity in post-war literature. However, it does not allay the utter indiffer-
ence for their welfare professed by Sauberzweig in his Wegweiser operation order
or the various allegations cited in the text. Overall, it is fairest to say that the
Yugoslavian insurgency was a racial - national - ideological - religious struggle
that was unique in its barbarity and excesses were perpetrated by all of the warring
sides against both combatants and the civilian population.
Was the SS - Bosnian Muslim relationship doomed to failure? One can cer-
tainly argue that regardless of how the war progressed, the Germans were not
prepared to formally annex Bosnia. However, had the division and the "SS and
Police Organization Staff' been provided with sufficient time to end the misery
among the Muslim population, the autonomists' interests may have been at least
partially satisfied. They did after all afford "German protection" to the region.
Indeed to this day, many Bosnians express pride in having served in the division,
and those who spilled their blood on the battlefields receive pensions from the
German government.
7
On the other hand, the relationship was anything but satis-
factory to the other actors in this parameter - the Croatians, who saw it as a threat
to the very existence of their new state, and Bosnia's Serbian Orthodox popula-
tion, who were promised inclusion but later saw the SS confiscate their harvest. In
7
Letter to the author from Mehmed Suljkanovi dated 30 March 1994.
the end, Himmler's efforts to "restore order in the ridiculous (Croatian) state" sim-
ply added fuel to the fire of religious hatred that continues to live and breathe
among the Slavs of the Balkan peninsula.
Appendices
Appendix A - Order of Battle
Division Staff
Feldpost Nr. 57400
Division Commanders
9 March 1943- 1 August 1943:
1 August 1943
2
- 1 June 1944:
1 June 1944
3
-8 May 1945:
SS-Staf. d. R. Herbert von Ohwinv.iT
1
SS-Oberf. (as of 1 October 1943 SS
Brif. u. Gen. Maj. d. Wa l Tc n - SS)
Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig
SS-Staf. (as of 9 November 1944
SS-Oberf. and of 30 January 1945
SS-Brif. und Gen. Maj. d. Wa l Te n - SS)
Desiderius Hampel
Leadership Section (la)
First General Staff Officers
9 March 1943- 6 June 1944
4
:
29 July 1944 - 5 January 1945:
5 January 1945 - 28 February 1945
5
:
SS-Stubaf. Erich Braun
SS-Hstuf. (as of 1 August 1944 SS-
Stubaf.) Gerhard Haenle
SS-Stubaf. Siegfried Sander
Adjutantur (IIa)
Adjutants
24 April 1943- 7 March 1944: SS-Hstuf. (as of 9 November 1943 SS-
Stubaf Gtz Berens von Rautenfeld
1
Erich Braun stated that von Obwurzer was merely "charged with the formation of the division"
and was never division commander (Letter to the author from Erich Braun dated 23 June 1992).
3
This was the effective date in which Sauberzweig was to assume command of the division. I Ir
was chosen for the position on 19 July but did not arrive in Mende until 9 August when he actually look
command [Personnel file of Karl-Gustav Sauberzweig (Berlin Document Center), personal diary di'
Artur Phleps, entry from 19 July 1943, personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 9 August I943| ,
' Thi s was the effective date in which Hampel was to assume command of the division. I le did noi
take over until 19 June [Personnel file of Desiderius Hampel (Berlin Document Center), pcrsonnl iliiiry
of Erich Braun, entry from 19 June 1944],
4
Thi s was the effective date in which Braun was to assume duties as Chief of SlalT of lili' IX SS
Mountain Corps. As his replacement had not arrived, Braun remained titular la until 29 July mill wiin
promoted to SS-Osturmbannfiihrer on 21 June [Personnel file of Erich Braun (Berlin Doami ni l < Vll
ter), personal diary of Erich Braun, entry dated 29 July 1944].
5
Karl Wambsganss wrote, "From 1 March 1945 until the end of the war, Hampel led lln- divinimi
without a la. Sander possessed poor leadership quality and was transferred" (Lcllcr lo Ilir millinr I rum
Karl Wambsganss dated 18 April 1992). A Maj or Grob of the German army was seni lo lln< divinimi In
perform the duties of la in the final weeks of the war.
1 March 1944- 1 June 1944:
1 June 1944- 8 May 1945:
SS-Stubaf. Karl Liebermann
SS-Hstuf. (as of 1 April 1945 SS-
Stubaf.) Karl Wambsganss
Quartermaster Section (lb)
Second General Staff Officers
4 September 1944
6
- 20 June 1944:
20 June 1944 - 8 May 1945:
SS-Hstuf. Karl Liecke
SS-Hstuf. d. R. (as of 30 January 1945
SS-Stubaf. d. R.) Boy Petersen
Division Imam - Abdulah Muhasilovi (deserted), as of October 1944 Halim
Malko
Waffen-Gebirgs-Jger Regiment der SS 27 (kroatisches Nr. 1)
Feldpost Nr. 59054
14 August 1943 - SS-Freiw. Geb. Jg. Rgt. 1 (Kroat. Div.)
12 November 1943 - SS-Freiw. Geb. Jg. Rgt. 27
22 January 1944 - SS-Freiw. Geb. Jg. Rgt. 27 (kroatische Nr. 1)
11 October 1944 - Waffen-Geb. Jg. Rgt. der SS 27 (kroatisches Nr. 1)
Regiment Commanders
17 May 1943 - 2 8 September 1943:
28 September 1943- 1 June 1944:
19 June 1944-August 1944:
7
August 1944:
September 1944-October 1944:
October 1944- 24 November 1944:
24 November 1944 - Spring 1945:
Spring 1945- 8 May 1945:
SS-Ostubaf. Mathias Huber (?)
SS-Stubaf. (as of 9 November 1943 SS-
Ostubaf. and 2 April SS-Staf.) Desiderius
Hampel
SS-Ostubaf. d. R. Hermann Peter
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Sepp Syr
SS-Stubaf. Friedrich-Karl Scanzoni
SS-Ostubaf. Anton Holzinger
SS-Stubaf. Karl Liecke
SS-Stubaf. Karl Fischer
Imam - Hasan Bajraktarevi
I Battalion Feldpost Nr. 57130
' ' Erich Braun executed the lb duties before Liecke' s arrival (Letter to the author from Erich
Braun dated 29 November 1992).
7
Erich Braun served as temporary commander of the regiment from 16-27 July 1944 (Personal
diary of Erich Braun, entries from 16 and 27 July 1944).
9 August 1943- 7 March 1944:
7 March 1944- 1 June 1944:
1 June 1944-August 1944:
August 1944-October 1944:
October 1944 - November 1944:
November 1944- 17 February 1945:
17 February 1945 -8 April 1945:
8 April 1945- 8 May 1945:
SS-Hstuf. d. R. (as of 9 November 1943
SS-Stubaf. cl. R.) Karl I .ielu-rmiinn
SS-Stubaf. Gtz Herens von Rmtlenl'eld
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Karl Ueberiniimi
SS-Hstuf. Arnold Schaar
SS-Hstuf. August NothduiTl (killed in
November 1944)
SS-Hstuf. d. R. Karl-Hermann I Ten/,
SS-Hstuf. Hermann Schifferdecker
SS-Ostuf. d. R. Fritz Keller
Imam - Fadil Siro, later Osman Deli (deserted)
II Battalion
1943 -Oct ober 1944:
October 1944- 8 May 1945:
III Battalion
8
25 June 1944-31 October 1944:
IV Battalion"
? - ?:
10 February 1944 - 25 June 1944:
Feldpost Nr. 56013
SS-Hstuf. (as of 20 April 1944 SS-
Stubaf.) Karl Fischer
SS-Hstuf. (as of 30 January 1945 SS-
Stubaf.) Albert Stenwedel
Feldpost Nr. 59583
SS-Hstuf. Karl-Hermann Frenz
Feldpost Nr. 57295
SS-Stubaf. ?
SS-Hstuf. Heinz Jgers
Waffen-Gebirgs-Jger Regiment der SS 28 (kroatisches Nr. 2)
Feldpost Nr. 57347
14 August 1943 - SS-Freiw. Geb. Jg. Rgt. 2 (Kroat. Div.)
12 November 1943 - SS-Freiw. Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28
22 January 1944 - SS-Freiw. Geb. Jg. Rgt. 28 (kroatische Nr. 2)
11 October 1944 - Waffen-Geb. Jg. Rgt. der SS 28 (kroatisches Nr. 2)
"III/27 was dissolved during the division' s formation due to personnel shortages. It was eveiilu
ally formed during the division re-organization in June 1944. The battalion was dissolved penniinenlly
on 31 October 1944 due to casualties and desertions.
' ' IV/27 was dissolved during the division re-organization in June 1944.
Regiment Commanders
SS-Staf. d. R. Franz Matheis
SS-Ostubaf. (as of 1 April 1944 SS-Staf.)
Hellmuth Raithel
SS-Stubaf. (as of 30 January 1945 SS-
Ostubaf.) Hans Hanke
Imam - Husejin Dozo, later Ahmed Skaka
8 May 1943 - 1 December 1943:
1 December 1943- 6 June 1944:
6 June 1944- 8 May 1945:
I Battalion Feldpost Nr. 56329
1 August 1943
13 April 1944-
- 13 April 1944:
10 June 1944:
20 June 1944- 6 August 1944:
SS-Hstuf. d. R. Walter Bormann
SS-Ostuf. (as of 20 April 1944 SS-Hstuf.)
Heinz Driesner (killed on 10 June 1944)
SS-Hstuf. (as of 21 June 1944 SS-Stubaf.)
Karl Liecke
6 August 1944 - October 1944: SS-Hstuf. Alois Weisshupl
October 1944 - late November 1944: SS-Ostuf. Hans Knig
Late November 1944 - 5 December 1944: SS-Ostuf. d. R. Cord-Henning Knospe
5 December 1944 - 22 March 1945: SS-Ostuf. d. R. Heinz Masannek
22 March 1945- 8 May 1945:
Imam - Ahmed Skaka
II Battalion
December 1943-1 March 1944:
1 March 1944- 6 June 1944:
20 June 1944 - October 1944:
October 1944- 8 May 1945:
III Battalion
10
25 June 1944-31 October 1944:
IV Battalion
11
5 October 1943 - 25 June 1944:
SS-Ostuf. d. R. Cord-Henning Knospe
Feldpost Nr. 59128
SS-Stubaf. Egon Zill
SS-Stubaf. Hans Hanke
SS-Hstuf. Helmut Kinz
SS-Hstuf. Christian Schwarting
Feldpost Nr. 57872
SS-Hstuf. Hans-Heinrich Kaltofen (?)
Feldpost Nr. 56156
SS-Hstuf. Hans-Heinrich Kaltofen
'"III/28 was dissolved during the division' s formation due to personnel shortages. It was eventu-
ally formed during the division re-organization in June 1944. The battalion was dissolved permanently
on 31 October 1944 due to casualties and desertions.
11
IV/28 was dissolved during the division re-organization in June 1944.
Appendices
SS-Gebirgs-Artillerie Regiment 13
Feldpost Nr. 59297
14 August 1943 - SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
24 September 1944 - SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 509
31 October 1944 - SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
26 March 1945 - Waffen-Geb. Art. Rgt. der SS 13 (kroatisches Geb.Arl. Rgl.Nr. I )
Regiment Commanders
1943- 5 October 1943:
5 October 1943- 19 June 1944:
19 June 1944- 3 December 1944:
3 December 1944 - ?:
? - 8 May 1945:
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Alexander von Gyurcsy
SS-Ostubaf. (as of 2 April 1944 SS-Slnl.)
Ernst Schmedding
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Alexander von Gyurcsy
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Adolf Meyer
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Franz Heldsdrfer
Imam - Haris Korkut, later Mustafa Hadimuli
I Abteilung
9 November 1943 - Spring 1944:
Spring 1944- 20 July 1944:
20 July 1944- 13 February 1945:
13 February 1945- 8 May 1945:
Imam - Hasim Torli
II Abteilung
? - 6 September 1944:
September 1944- 8 May 1945:
III Abteilung
15 November 1943 - May 1944:
May 1944-June 1944:
20 July 1944- ?:
Feldpost Nr. 57452
SS-Stubaf. Bozidar Dobrini
SS-Hstuf. d. R. (as of 21 June 1944 SS-
Stubaf. d. R.) Dr. Hans Koppert
SS-Hstuf. d. R. Richard Lubin
?
Feldpost Nr. 56388
SS-Hstuf. d. R. (as of 21 June 1944 SS-
Stubaf. d. R.) Friedrich Kreibich (killed
on 6 September 1944)
SS-Hstuf. d. R. Rudolf Gerstenborger
Feldpost Nr. 59136
SS-Stubaf. Dr. Hermann Behrends
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Adolf Mayor
SS-Stubaf. Dr. Hans Kopperl
1944-? SS-Stubaf.d.R. Franz Heldsdrfer
? - 8 May 1945: SS-Ostuf. d. R. Karl Brunne
IV Abteilung Feldpost Nr. 57822
5 October 1943 - 19 June 1944:
19 June 1944-Autumn 1944:
10 March 1945 - 8 May 1945:
SS-Stubaf. Alexander von Gyurcsy
SS-Ostuf. Walter Kamprath (killed in
action)
SS-Hstuf. Georg Bottier
SS-Gebirgs-Aufklrungs Abteilung 13
Feldpost Nr. 58907
14 August 1943 - SS-Geb. Aufkl. Abt. 13
24 September 1944 - SS-Geb. Aufkl. Abt. 509
31 October 1944 - SS-Geb. Aufkl. Abt. 13
Commanders
22 May 1943- 1 August 1944:
1 August 1944 - September 1944:
September 1944- 3 October 1944:
3 October 1944- 8 May 1945:
Imam - Salih abanovi
SS-Hstuf. (as of 9 November 1943 SS-
Stubaf.) Emil Kuhler
SS-Hstuf. Walter Lth
SS-Hstuf. Heinrich Brichze (killed on
3 October 1944)
SS-Hstuf. (as of 1 April 1945 SS-Stubaf.)
Helmut Kinz
SS-Panzerjger Abteilung 13
Feldpost Nr. 58861
14 August 1943-SS-Panzerjger Abt. 13
24 September 1944 - SS-Panzerjger Abt. 509
31 October 1944 - SS-Panzerjger Abt. 13
Commander
2 July 1943 - 8 May 1945: SS-Hstuf. (as of 30 January 1945 SS-
Stubaf.) Gerhard Dierich
Imam - Kasim Mai
SS-Gebirgs-Pionier Bataillon 13
Feldpost Nr. 56975
14 August 1943 - SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
24 September 1944 - SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 509
31 October 1944 - SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
Commanders
16 August 1943 - 17 September 1943 : SS-Ostubaf. Oskar Ki r c h l mi m (murdered
on 17 September 1943 during a unit
mutiny)
21 September 1943-30March 1945: SS-Hstuf.(asof21 June 1944SS-Stubaf.)
Heinz Knoll (killed on 30 March 1945)
30 March 1945- 8 May 1945: SS-Ostuf. d. R. Hans Amtmann
Imam - Halim Malko
SS-Flak Abteilung 13
Feldpost Nr. 58056
14 August 1943-SS-Flak Abt. 13
17 June 1944 - SS-Flak Abt. 509
31 October 1944-SS-Flak Abt. 13
Commanders
August 1943 - 1 March 1944: SS-Ostubaf. Husejin Bievi
1 March 1944 - 8 May 1945: SS-Hstuf. d. R. Max Daumer
Imam - Demal Ibrahimovi
SS-Gebirgs-Nachrichten Abteilung 13
Feldpost Nr. 58229
27 April 1943 - Nachr. Abt./Kroat. SS-Freiw. Div.
2 July 1943 - Nachr. Abt./Kroat. SS-Freiw. Geb. Div.
14 August 1943 - SS-Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
24 September 1944 - SS-Geb. Nachr. Kp. 13
Commanders
1 May 1943- 1 March 1944:
1 March 1944 - 5 November 1944:
5 November 1944- 8 May 1945:
SS-Divisions-Nachschubsfiihrer 13
SS-Hstuf. (as of 9 November 1943 SS-
Stubaf.) Hans Hanke
SS-Hstuf. (as of 1 September 1944 SS-
Stubaf.) Bruno Buschenhagen
SS-Hstuf. Rudolf Rhmer
14 August 1943 -SS-Dinaf. 13
24 September 1944 - SS-Versorgungs-Regiment 13 (The unit was expanded to
regimental size with the inclusion of all of the division's service support elements).
Commanders
1943- 20 September 1943:
20 September 1943 - Summer 1944:
Summer 1944-Autumn 1944:
Autumn 1944 - September 1944:
SS-Ostubaf. Ajanovi
SS-Stubaf. d. R. Albert Fassbender
SS-Stubaf.(F) Ernst Rademacher
SS-Stubaf. Willi Hempel
Imam - Mustafa Hadimuli, later Mehanovi
SS-Wirtschafts-Bataillon 13
14 August 1943-SS-Wi. Btl. 13
24 September 1944 - Battalion staff dissolved; elements became part of SS-
Versorgungs Regiment 13.
Commander
20 April 1943 - 24 September 1944: SS-Hstuf. (as of 9 November 1943 SS-
Stubaf.) Otto Kster
Imam - Muhamed Mujaki
SS-Sanitts-Abteilung 13
14 August 1943 - SS-Sa. Abt. 13
24 September 1944 - Elements transferred to SS-Versorgungs-Regiment 13
Commanders
1943- 1 January 1944: SS-Stubaf. (as of 21 June 1943 SS-
Ostubaf.) Dr. Albrecht Wiehler
1 January 1944 - 8 May 1945: SS-Stubaf. (as of 20 April 1944 SS-
Ostubaf.) Otto Kloes
Imam - Sulejman Alinaj stro vie
SS-Feldersatz Bataillon 13
24 September 1944 - SS-Feldersatz Bataillon 13
Commanders
24 September 1944 - November 1944
November 1944 - 17 February 1945:
17 February 1945- 8 May 1945:
"Einheit Hermann"
August 1944 - "Einheit Hermann"
October 1944 - dissolved
Commander
August 1944 - October 1944: SS-Ostuf. Hermann Schifferdecker
("Einheit Hermann" was composed of two infantry companies, a heavy weapons
platoon, and a support platoon).
:
?
SS-Ostuf. (as of 30 January 1945 SS-
Hstuf.) Hermann Schifferdecker
SS-Hstuf. Walter Lth
Members of the division staff, spring 1944. From left to right Schifferdecker (01, orderly to the la)
Recknagel (Kdt. St absquart i er, commander of the di vi si on' s headquart ers), and EgcrsdoilVr
(Sauberzweig' s personal orderly).
Desiderius Hampel
Hermann Peter
Karl Liecke
F r a n z
Matheis
Members of II/27 in Bijeljina, May 1944. Seated fr om left to right, Rolf Baumeister (battalion adjutant,
executed in Yugoslavia in 1948), Gerd Jordt (company commander, killed on 13 November 1944),
Karl Fischer (battalion commander), Albert Stenwedel (company commander), Kamillo Benno (com-
pany commander). Second row from left to right Dr. Matthias Muser (battalion physician, killed on 14
August 1944), Dr. Peter Stegh (battalion veterinarian), and two platoon leaders.
Hellmuth Raithel Hans Hauke
Himmler inpects the division' s artillery regiment at Neuhammer. From left to right Himmler, Ernst
Schmedding, Imam Haris Korkut, and Adjutant Rolf Winkler.
Adolf Meyer Oskar Kirchbaum
Pioneer officers in Bosnia. Schmidt (left), and Amtmann
Staff of Pi. Btl. 13 at Brezovo Polje, summer 1944. Seated from left are Dr. Schweiger, Ehlers (admin-
istrative officer), Dr. Bambitsch (veterinarian), Mller (adjutant), and Knoll (commander).
Hans Hanke (right) and Bruno Buschenhagen.
Men of the signal battalion in Bosnia, June 1944. From left Schroer, Krger, Droste, Fleischmann,
Schuster.
Max Daumer (center), commander of Flak Abt. Emil Kuhler
13, with his adjutant Kaase (left), and Grber
(right) in Brko.
Walter Lth
Heinrich Brichze
Helmut Kinz
Ernst Rademacher
Albert Fassbender (right) confers with division operations officer Braun.
Appendix B - Award Winners
A number of division members were decorated with high German military awards.
They are listed below:
Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross
Hampel, Desiderius
Hanke, Hans
Kinz, Helmut
Liecke, Karl
Stenwedel, Albert
German Cross in Gold
Hanke, Hans
Knig, Hans
Kuhler, Emil
Liecke, Karl
Schifferdecker, Hermann
German Cross in Silver
Wambsganss, Karl
Division Commander
Cdr. Regiment 28
Cdr. Aufkl. Abt. 13
Cdr. Regiment 27
Cdr. II/27
Cdr. Regiment 28
Cdr. I/28
Cdr. Aufkl. Abt. 13
Cdr. Regiment 27
Cdr. I/27
Adjutant, Division Staff
3 May 1945
3 May 1945
3 May 1945
3 May 1945
3 May 1945
28 February 1945
30 March 1945
16 June 1944
28 February 1945
April 1945'
30 April 1945
' Letters to the author from Karl Wambsganss and Hermann Schifferdecker dated 16 April and 20 June
1992.
Appendix C - Insignia
The SS designed several distinctive uniform items for the division, including
special headgear and badges. They were intended to symbolize various eras in
Bosnian history.
Himmler prescribed the wear of the fez in the division as it was symbolic of
the Bosnian regiments of the Habsburg army. Although the fez was to be worn by
all ranks, officers were permitted to wear the mountain cap (Bergmtze) as part of
the walking-out uniform (Ausgehanzug). There were two fez types: a field-gray
model that was to be worn as part of the service uniform, and a red-colored model
that was to be worn as part of the parade and walking-out uniforms.
1
Both styles
were adorned with SS insignia. In reality, most German officers disregarded these
regulations and wore whatever they pleased. Von Obwurzer issued an order on 30
July 1943 stating that the "fez or Bergmtze could be worn on duty" but even this
was ignored.
2
Himmler also felt that "a different type of headgear was necessary for the
division's Albanians," and proposed the issuance of a white cap similar to that
once worn by the Austro-Hungarian army's Albanian Legion.
3
This suggestion
was never implemented but the so-called Albanerfez (Albanian fez) was eventu-
ally approved.
4
A field-gray model of this cover was produced for the service uni-
form and was distributed to the Albanian battalion (I/28) in early 1944. As I/28
was transferred to the newly-forming 21. Waffen-Gebirgs Division der SS "Skander-
beg" (albanische Nr. 1) in April of that year, the Albanerfez was no longer worn in
the division after that time.
Waffen SS formations that were primarily non-German in composition were
officially prohibited from wearing the standard SS collar insigne, so the SS FHA
ordered that a special badge be produced for the division.
5
Believed to have been
designed by Gottlob Berger, the patch contained a scimitar, which had been car-
ried by Turkish policemen in the Balkans for centuries and was included on Bosnia's
coat-of-arms during the Habsburg era, and a swastika symbolizing national social-
ism. The special insigne was first distributed to the troops at Neuhammer and was
worn until the end of the war. As there were some Germans in the division who
1
SS-FHA, Kdo. Amt d. Waffen-SS, Org. Tgb. Nr. 589/43, g. Kdos. v. 30. 4. 1943, "Aufstellung
der Kroatischen SS-Freiwilligen Division" (T-175, roll 111, ff2635334).
2
Personal diary of Erich Braun, entry from 30 July 1943.
3
Himmler to Pohl dated 26 November 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587106).
4
Both the division' s operations officer and an NCO from I/28 stated that at no time were the
Albanians of the division issued any type of "white cap" (Letters from the author from Erich Braun and
Rudi Sommerer dated 29 November and 21 September 1992).
5
SS-FHA, Kdo. Amt d. Waffen-SS, Org. Tgb. Nr. 589/43, g. Kdos. v. 30. 4. 1943, "Aufstellung
der Kroatischen SS-Freiwilligen Division" (T-175, roll 111, ff2635334).
were members of the SS organization, these men were permitted to wear the SS
runic emblem on the left breast pocket of their uniform tunics.
6
During the initial negotiations concerning the formation of the division be-
tween the SS and the Croatian government, the latter requested that the volunteers
wear Croatian uniforms. The Germans declined, but designed a small badge bear-
ing the Croatian coat-of-arms that was worn on the left uniform sleeve.
7
Many of
the division's Bosnian Muslims felt little affinity for the Croatian state and dis-
liked the badge. Zvonimir Bernwald remembered:
(Some) of the imams said, "We won't be wearing this badge for long!"
By the time we reached Brko, most of them had already removed it.
8
As for the imams, the Germans considered issuing them a special "imam badge"
sporting the symbol of Islam, the crescent and star, but this suggestion was re-
jected as this emblem already served as the Turkish coat-of-arms.
9
Since the division was to be "uniformed and equipped as a mountain divi-
sion," its soldiers were permitted to wear the sleeve badge of the Waffen-SS moun-
tain troops, which was emblazoned with the edelweiss of the Officers, who by
regulation were permitted to wear the Bergmtze, and wore the cap badge of the
Waffen SS mountain troops on this headgear.
10
When queried concerning this multitude of heraldic bijoux, division officer
Hermann Schifferdecker wrote:
Among the German officers were many who secretly laughed at the rune-
and-symbol fanatic Himmler, but we had so many other concerns that this
remained in the background."
6
Letter to the author from Albert Stenwedel dated 2 December 1991.
' SS- FHA, Kdo. Amt d. Waffen-SS, Org. Tgb. Nr. 589/43, g. Kdos. v. 30. 4. 1943, "Aufstellung
der Kroatischen SS-Freiwilligen-Division" (T-175, roll 111, ff2635334). This order stated that the
badge was to be worn on the right sleeve, but since this was normally where the Waffen-SS mountain
troops wore their special mountain insignia, the men of the division wore the Croatian badge on the left
sleeve.
"Telephone interview conducted with Zvonimir Bernwald on 22 March 1996.
' SS- St ubaf . Legationsrat Horst Wagner, Auswrtiges Amt, Ini. II 1305 g., "Planstellen fr
muselmanische Imame" dated 31 May 1943 (T-175, roll 70, ff2587155).
10
SS-FHA, Kdo. Amt d. Waffen-SS, Org. Tgb. Nr. 589/43, g. Kdos. v. 30. 4. 1943, "Aufstellung
der Kroatischen SS-Freiwilligen-Division" (T-175, roll 111, ff2635334). Wear of this insignia was
governed by the Verordnungsblatt der Waffen-SS, Number 21, Section 651 dated 1 November 1944
(T-611, roll 6, Ordner Nr. 431).
11
Letter to the author from Hermann Schifferdecker dated 18 December 1992.
Rudolf Gebele of 5./AR 13
Heinz Gerlach
Rudolf Bergner of the division' s pioneer battalion on his wedding day, 3 October 1944.
Kurt Stegemann of the division' s signal battalion.
Appendix D - Officer Casualties
Name Rank Unit Died
Bernardy, Jakob SS-Ostuf. d. R. 1./Flak Abt. 13 1 April 1945
Brichze, Heinrich SS-Hstuf. Aufkl. Abt. 13 3 October 1944
Driesner, Heinz SS-Hstuf.
I/28
10 June 1944
Dani, Ferid SS-Ustuf. 1./Pi. Btl. 13 17 September 1943
Eiden, Johann SS-Ostuf. 10./28 10 June 1944
Flckiger, Hermann SS-Ostuf. d. R. 2./27 31 March 1945
Galantha, Julius SS-Ostuf. 2./Pi. Btl. 13 17 September 1943
Golob, Gjuro SS-Ustuf.
I/28
13 April 1945
Grabarde, Hans SS-Ustuf. Pi. Btl. 13 Summer 1944
Jordt, Gerd SS-Hstuf. 10./27 13 November 1944
Kamprath, Walter SS-Stubaf. IV/AR 13 Late 1944
Kirchbaum, Oskar SS-Ostubaf. Pi. Btl. 13 17 September 1943
Knoll, Heinz SS-Stubaf. Pi. Btl. 13 30 March 1945
Kreibich, Friedrich SS-Stubaf. d. R. II/AR 13 6 September 1944
Kretschmer, Gerhard SS-Ostuf. d. R. Pi. Btl. 13 17 September 1943
Kuntz, Heinrich SS-Hstuf. Pi. Btl. 13 17 Septemberl943
Lauenstein, Wilhelm SS-Ustuf. d. R. l./Pi. Btl. 13 22 November 1944
Lber, Wilhelm SS-Ustuf. 1./Flak Abt. 13 1 April 1945
Luckmann, Andreas SS-Ostuf. d. R. Pi. Btl. 13 1 April 1945
Lnen SS-Ustuf. Division Staff September 1944?
May, Josef SS-Ostuf. Flak Abt. 13
?
Muser, Dr. Matthias SS-Ostuf. d. R. IVb II/27 14 August 1944
Nothdurft, August SS-Hstuf.
I/27
1944
Petkovi, Stjepan SS-Ostuf. 2./28 17 May 1944
Scheiner, Heinz SS-Ustuf.
I/28
13 April 1945
Schssler, Heinz SS-Ostuf. d. R. 3./Pi. Btl. 13 31 March 1945
Skalka, Robert SS-Ostuf.
II/28
23 April 1944
Waida, Gerhard SS-Ustuf. Pi. Btl. 13 23 May 1944
Wiegandt, Erich SS-Ostuf. 20./27 (?) June 1944?
Weisshupl, Alois SS-Hstuf. Rgt. 28 November 1944
Wolf, Anton SS-Ostuf. Pi. Btl. 13 17 September 1943
Appendix E - The Division Song
"Sa Pjesmom u Boj" ("Into Battle With a Song")
(Set to the melody of "Bombs on England")
Pjesma jei, sva se zemlja trese,
SS-vojska stupa roj u roj,
SS-vojska sveti barjak vije.
SS-vojska sve za narod svoj.
Daj mi ruku ti, draga Ivana,
oj s Bogom sad, oj s Bogom sad, oj s Bogom sad
idem branit, idem branit, idem branit mili,
rodni kraj, rodni kraj.
U boj smjelo vi SS.-junaci
pokaite domovini put!
Podjite putem slavnih pradjedova
dok ne padne tiran klet i ljut.
Ljubav naa nek u srdcu plamti,
i sa pjesmom podjimo u boj.
Za slobodu mile domovine
svaki rado date ivot svoj.
A song is in the air, the entire earth is shaking,
Columns of SS men march in step,
SS men wave the sacred banners.
SS men do everything for the people.
Give me your hand, dear Ivana,
Follow God now, Follow God now, Follow God now
I shall defend, I shall defend, I shall defend my beloved
Homeland, Homeland
SS men are heroes in battle
Show our homeland the way
Follow the road of our glorious grandfathers
Until tyranny falls, cursed and bitter
Let love burn in our hearts
And with a song let's enter battle
To liberate our beloved homeland
For which anyone would gladly sacrifice his life.
Appendix F - Rank Conversion Chart
U.S. Army (1996) Waffen-SS Abbreviation
Private
Private (E-2)
Private First Class
Specialist
Corporal
Sergeant
Staff Sergeant
Sergeant First Class
Master Sergeant
Sergeant Major
SS-Schtze, Jger, Pionier, etc.
SS-Oberschtze, etc.
SS-Sturmmann SS-Strm.
(no equivalent)
SS-Rottenfhrer SS-Rttf.
SS-Unterscharfhrer SS-Uscha.
SS-Scharfhrer SS-Scha.
SS-Oberscharfhrer SS-Oscha.
SS-Hauptscharfhrer SS-Hscha.
SS-Stabsscharfhrer SS-Stabssch.
Second Lieutenant S S -Untersturmfhrer SS-Ustuf.
First Lieutenant SS-Obersturmfhrer SS-Ostuf.
Captain S S -Hauptsturmfhrer SS-Hstuf.
Major SS-Sturmbannfhrer SS-Stubaf.
Lieutenant Colonel SS-Obersturmbannfhrer SS-Ostubaf.
Colonel SS-Standartenfhrer SS-Staf.
(no equivalent) SS-Oberfhrer SS-Oberf.
Brigadier General SS-Brigadefhrer SS-Brif.
Major General SS-Gruppenfhrer SS-Gruf.
Lieutenant General S S -Obergruppenfhrer SS-Ogruf.
General SS-Oberst-Gruppenfhrer SS-Obst.Gr.
(no equivalent) Reichsfhrer-SS RF-SS
Notes - The ranks of reserve officers are followed by "d. R. " (der Reserve). (FA) = Fhreranwrter
(officer candidate). Seeking to maintain fastidious racial standards, the Germans adopted a ridiculous
system in which non-Germanics who were "unworthy" of membership in the SS organization on racial
grounds were prohibited from using the "SS-" prefix with their ranks. In other words, the Bosnians
were permitted to fight and die for the SS, but not to actually belong to it. In any case, the regulation
was widely ignored and I have followed suit in the text.
Appendix G - Glossary
Abteilung (Abt.): German military unit of approximately battalion strength.
Dinatru: (Divisionsnachschubstruppen). Division supply troops.
Feldersatz (-bataillon): Field replacement battalion.
Flak (Flugabwehrkanone): Anti-aircraft.
Imam: (in this instance) Individual responsible for religious practice within the
division's units. Usually a company-grade officer.
Nachrichten: Signal
Nachschub: Supply
Panzerjger (Pz. Jg.): Anti-armor.
Pionier (Pi.): Pioneer.
Reiter (Schwadron): Cavalry Squadron
Sanitt (-sabteilung): Medical.
Stab: Staff.
Ulema: Muslim leadership organization within a community.
Versorgungs (-regiment): Service support/supply regiment.
Veterinr (-Dienste/Kompanie): Veterinary services or company
Wirtschafts (-bataillon): Logistics.
C
Works Cited
Primary Sources
I. U.S. National Archives, Washington D.C.:
Records Group 242:
Microcopy T-78, Records of the German Army High Command (OKH), rolls 136,
305, 331, and 346.
Microcopy T-84, Miscellaneous German Records, rolls 25 and 26.
Microcopy T-120, Records of the German Foreign Ministry, rolls 120, 212, 392,
395, 764, 1026, 1030, 1140, 1757, 2908, 3124, 4203, and 5799.
Microcopy T-175, Records of the Reich Leader of the SS and German Police, rolls
18, 21, 31, 60, 70, 85, 94, 108, 111, 115, 117, 119, 120, 124, 125, 126, 131, 141,
460, and 579.
Microcopy T-311, Records of German Field Commands, Army Groups, rolls 188,
190- 194, 265, and 285.
Microcopy T-313, Records of German Field Commands, Panzer Armies, roll 200.
Microcopy T-354, SS-Einwanderzentralstelle, roll 156.
Microcopy T-501, Records of German Field Commands, Rear Areas, rolls 264,
265, and 267.
Microcopy T-611, Non-biographical material microfilmed at the Berlin Document
Center (Schumacher Material), roll 1.
Records Group 238:
Document NO-4951.
II. Bundesarchiv/Militrarchiv, Freiburg i. B.:
Signatur RS 3-13/3 and /5 (13. SS-Division).
Signatur RH 10/322 (Generalinspekteur der Panzertruppen).
Signatur RH 19V/43-50 and 67-70 (Heeresgruppe Sd).
Signatur N 19/16, Fiche 1-3 (Papers of Field Marshal Maximilian Freiherr von
Weichs).
III. Public Records Office, London:
Records of the Foreign Office, FO 898 (Political Warfare Executive), and FO 371
(General Correspondance/French Resistance).
Records of the War Office, WO 202 (Military HQ Papers - Military Missions),
and WO 106 (Directorate of Military Operations and Intelligence).
Operations Record Books of R.A.F. Special Duty Squadrons 138 (AIR 27/956)
and 161 (AIR 27/1068).
IV. Vojnoistorijski Institut, Belgrade:
R. b. 43/1-56; k. 312 - "13. SS bosanskohercegovaka divizija zvana 'Handar'."
V. Berlin Document Center:
SS personnel files of several officers who served in the division.
VI. Politischen Archiv des Auswrtigen Amtes, Bonn:
Archiv Signatur R 101059, Aktenband Inland Hg 404, "Berichte und Meldungen
zur Lage in und ber Jugoslawien."
VII. Zentralle Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen, Ludwigsburg:
10 AR-Z 85/61 - (Vorermittlungsverfahren der Zentralen Stelle).
VIII. KZ Gedenksttte Neuengamme:
Correspondance from 1991.
IX. Personal papers of and manuscripts prepared by former division members:
Alimabegovi, Ibrahim. "Moje vrijeme u 13. SS 'Handzar' diviziji," 1994.
Ebeling, Wilhelm. "Was ich noch weiss von der 13. SS-Geb. Div. '"Handschar,'"
1953.
Gerlach, Heinz. "Erinnerung an die vor 39 Jahren erfolgte Aufstellung der Geb.
Nachr. Abt. 13 (Handschar) in Goslar und deren Entwicklung innerhalb des Div.
Verbandes," 1982.
Hampel, Desiderius. (untitled manuscript), 1973.
Imhoff, Kurt and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pioniereinheiten der 23.
Waffen-Gebirgs-Division der SS 'Kama' (kroat. Nr. 2)," unpublished manuscript,
no date.
von Kocevar, Dr. Franz. "Die Geschichte der 13. SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgsdivision
'Handschar.'"
Knospe, Cord-Henning. "Kmpfe am Brckenkopf von Batina und folgende
Absetzbewegung," 1993.
Papenfuss-Stettin, Karl. "Bericht ber den Dienst in der 13. SS-Gebirgsdivision
Handschar,'" 1992.
Sauberzweig, Karl-Gustav. Private papers and lecture notes (courtesy of Prof. Dr.
Dieter Sauberzweig).
Schmidt, Hugo and the Pionier Kameradschaft Dresden, "Pionier Einheiten der
13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division-SS 'Handschar'" 1988.
Schweiger, Dr. Willfried. "Stellungnahme zum Bericht ber die Ereignisse vom
17. 9. 1943," 1992.
Wangemann, Ekkehard. "Ein Bericht ber die Situation der ehem. 13. SS Geb.
Division "Handschar im Frhjahr 1944," 1993.
Zill, Egon. (Untitled manuscript), 1973.
X. Truppenkameradschaft Handschar Archive, BRD:
Various holdings and correspondance.
XI. City of Villefranche de Rouergue, France:
Correspondance (1992-1994).
XII. Correspondence and interviews with former division members:
Alihodi, Muhamed
Alimabegovi, Ibrahim
Berger, Klaus
Bergner, Rudolf
Bernwald, Zvonimir
Braun, Erich
Breier, Edmund
Deh, Jrg
Ebeling, Wilhelm
Emhardt, Willi
Engler, Rudolf
Gebele, Rudolf
Gerlach, Heinz
Griesinger, Erwin
Hrnlein, Heinz
Haas, Karl
Herrmann, Heinz W.
Ibrahimovi, Imam Demal
Kaase, Werner
Kirchner, Balthasar
Knospe, Cord-Henning
Kost, Willi
Kruse, Otto
Kuhler, Emil
2./Pi. Btl. 13
I/28
Cdr., 11./27
3./SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
Abt. VI, Division Staff
la, Division Staff
Staff, Regiment 27
8./27
IVz, Division Staff
11./27
9./SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Cdr., 5./SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
SS-Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
SS-Flak Abt. 13
SS-Geb. Nachr. Kp. 13
SDG, II/28
Staff, Regiment 27
Imam, SS-Flak Abt. 13
Adj., SS-Flak Abt. 13
Aufstellungsstab
Cdr., I/28
Adj., II/28
Cdr., 8./SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Cdr., SS-Geb. Aufkl. Abt. 13
Langemeier, Fritz
Lehmann, Heinz
Mahmutovi, Ajdin
Meschendrfer, Hans
Moll, Theodor
Omi, Ago
Portschy, Willi
Papenfuss-Stetin, Karl
Recknagel, Friedrich
Roth, Eduard
Roth, Dr. Wilhelm
Rhmer, Rudolf
Scheucher, Franz
Schifferdecker, Hermann
Schmid, Hartmut
Schmidt, Hugo
Schroer, Paul
Schweiger, Dr. Willfried
Sommerer, Rudolf
Stenwedel, Albert
Stratmann, Heinz
ulkanovi, Mehmed
Wambsganss, Karl
Wangemann, Ekkehard
Weise, Horst
Wolfschmidt, Fritz
7 ./SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
SS-Wi. Btl. 13
2./28
Adj., Regiment 28
3./SS-Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
14./28
SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
SS-Wi. Btl. 13
Kdt. Div. St. Qu.
8./SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
Cdr., Division Strafkompanie
Cdr., SS-Geb. Nachr. Kp. 13
SS-Pz. Jg. Abt. 13
Cdr., I/27
SS-Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
Cdr., 2./SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
SS-Geb. Nachr. Abt. 13
IVb, SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
6./28
Cdr., II/27
7./SS-Geb. Art. Rgt. 13
1./28
IIa, Division Staff
Political Officer, Division Staff
Abt. V, Division Staff
1./SS-Geb. Pi. Btl. 13
and family members of deceased individuals:
Dr. med. Reinhart Phleps
Prof. Dr. Dieter Sauberzweig
Frau Angela Hampel
XIII. Personal diaries:
Klaus Berger
Erich Braun
Jrg Deh
Willi Emhardt
Karl Haas
Hermann Hfel
Siegfried Kasche (as found in the "Kasche Nachlass")
Theodor Moll
Hans Meschendrfer
Artur Phleps
XIV. Original documents in private possession:
a. IX. Waffen-Gebirgs-Korps der SS (kroatisches), "Kriegstagebuch Nr. 1."
b. 13. Waffen-Gebirgs-Division der SS "Handschar" (kroatische Nr. 1), various
orders, reports, and maps.
Articles and Books
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Begi, Muhidin. "Borbeni put 16. muslimanske brigade" in Istona Bosna u
NOB-u 1941-1945. 2 vols.
Bender, Roger James and Hugh Page Taylor. Uniforms, Organization, and
History of the Wajfen-SS. 5 vols. San Jose: R. James Bender Publishing, 1969-
1982.
Bhme, K. W. Die deutschen Kriegsgefangenen in Jugoslawien 1941-1949.
vol. I of Zur Geschichte der deutschen Kriegsgefangenen des Zweiten Weltkrieges.
Edited by Dr. Erich Maschke. Munich: Verlag Ernst und Werner Gieseking, 1962.
Boi, Nikola. "Vojvodani i istonoj Bosni" in Istona Bosna u NOB-u 1941-
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Broucek, Peter, ed. Ein General im Zwielicht: Die Erinnerungen Edmund
Glaises von Horstenau. 3 vols. Verffentlichen der Kommission fr Neuere
Geschichte sterreichs, Band 76. Vienna: Bhlau, 1988.
Carlson, John Roy. Cairo to Damascus. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1951.
Dragi, Dorde. "Na radu u sanitetu 19. biranske brigade i 38. divizije" in
Istona Bosna u NOB-u 1941-1945. 2 vols.
Delebdi, Milovan. "Dejstva na komunikacije u Jugoslaviji od 1. do 7.
septembra 1944. godine - Operacija ' Ratweek' " in Vojnoistorijski Glasnik vol. 3
(1970): 7- 61.
Ebeling, Wilhelm. "Als 'Kriegsverbrecher' in Jugoslawien" in Der Freiwillige,
Heft 4, April 1992.
Erignac, Louis. La Revolte des Croates. Villefranche de Rouergue: Louis
rignac, 1980.
Gosztony, Peter. Endkampf an der Donau 1944/45. Vienna: Verlag Fritz
Molden, 1969.
Gruji, Peria, "Borbi 16 vojvoanska divizije i sedmi ofenzivi" in Vojnoisto-
rijski Glasnik vol. 2 (1953): 64- 81.
Grunwald, Horst. Gebirgsjger der Waffen-SS im Kampf um den Semmering:
Bericht ber die ersten und letzten Gefechte des SS-Geb. Jg. Ausb. u. Ers. Btl. 13
Leoben, Steiermark im April/Mai 1945. Fuldatal: Horst Grunwald, 1984.
Handar. Various issues, 1943-1944.
Heiber, Helmut, ed. Hitlers Lagebesprechungen: Die Protokollfragmente seiner
militrischen Konferenzen 1942-1945. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1962.
Hoettl, Wilhelm. The Secret Front. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1953.
Hory, Ladislaus, and Martin Broszat. Der Kroatische Ustascha Staat 1941-
1945. Schriftenreihe der Vierteljahrshefte fr Zeitgeschichte Nr. 8. Stuttgart:
Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1964.
Institut za Istoriju Radnikog Pokreta. ZAVNOBiH Dokumenti 1943-1944.
Sarajevo: Izdavako Preduzee "Veselin Maslea," 1968.
International Military Tribunal. Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the
International Military Tribunal, Nuremberg, 14 November 1945-1 October 1946.
42 vols ; Nuremberg, 1948.
Jelinek, Yeshayahu. "Nationalities and Minorities in the Independent State of
Croatia." Nationalities Papers Fall 1980.
Kumm, Otto. Vorwrts Prinz Eugen! Osnabrck: Munin Verlag, 1978.
Lanz, Hubert. Gebirgsjger: Die 1. Gebirgsdivision 1935-1945. Bad Nauheim:
Verlag Hans-Henning Podzun, 1954.
Maier, Georg. Drama zwischen Budapest und Wien. Osnabrck: Munin Verlag,
1985.
Neubacher, Hermann. Sonderauftrag Sdost 1940-1945; Bericht eines
fliegenden Diplomaten. Gttingen: Musterschmidt-Verlag, 1956.
Pavlowitsch, Stevan K. "How Many non-Serbian Generals in 1941?" in East
European Quarterly XVI, no. 4 (1982): 44 -452.
Pearlman, Maurice. Mufti of Jerusalem: The Story of Haj Amin el-Husseini.
London: Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1947.
Peri, Jerimija Jeo. "13. SS 'Handar' divizija i njen slom u istona Bosni"
in Istona Bosna u NOB-u 1941-1945. 2 vols.
Redi, Enver. Muslimansko autonomatvo i 13. SS divizija. Sarajevo: Svjetlost,
1987.
Sarajli, Abdulah. "Dvadeset prva istonobosanska (Tuzlanska) brigada" in
Istona Bosna u NOB-u 1941-1945. 2 vols.
Scharochin, M., and V. Petruchin. "Forsirovanie Dunaja voijskami 57-i armii
i zacovat operativnogo placdarma v rajone Batini" in Voenno-Istoricheskih Zhurnal.
vol. 3 (1961): 25-36.
Schmidt-Richberg, Erich. Der Endkampf auf dem Balkan. Die Wehrmacht im
Kampf, Band 5. Heidelberg: Kurt Vowinckel Verlag, 1955.
Schramm, Percy, ed. Kriegstagebuch des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht
(Wehrmachtsfhrungsstab), 1940-1945. Vol. V. Frankfurt: Bernard und Graefe
Verlag fr Wehrwesen, 1961-1963.
Stein, George H. The Waffen-SS: Hitler's Elite Guard at War 1939-1945. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1966.
Tomasevich, Jozo. War and Revolution in Yugoslavia 1941-1945: The Chetniks.
Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975.
Tudjman, Franjo. "The Independent State of Croatia as an Instrument of Policy
of the Occupation Powers in Yugoslavia, and the People's Liberation Movement
in Croatia From 1941-1945" in Les Systems d'Occupation en Yougoslavie 1941 -
1945. Ed. Petar Brajovic. Belgrade: IRP, 1963.
United States Department of State. Documents on German Foreign Policy
1918 -1945. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1962, series D, vol. XII.
Vojnoistorijski Institut. Zbornik dokumenata i podataka o narodnooslobo-
dilackom jugoslovenskih naroda, tome IV, vols. 24-31, and tome V, vol. 35.
Belgrade: Vojnoistorijski Institut, 1949-.
Vrani, Dr. Vjekoslav. Branili smo dravu. 2 vols. Barcelona: Knjinica
Hrvatske Revije, 1985.
Zeki, Milo. "Trideset osma NOU divizija" in Istona Bosna u NOB-u 1941-
1945. 2 vols.
C
Index of Names
A
Ajanovi 119
Alimabegovi, Ibrahim 142, 281, 310
Alinajstrovi, Sulejman 73
Alispahi, Mujo 103
Amin el-Husseini, Haj 31
Amtmann, Hans 114, 233, 337
Antolovi, Josip 272
Arevi 92
Arfsten, Jakob 313
Ashauer, Willi 313
B
Bahlau, Kurt 313
Bajraktarevi, Hasan 50, 73,111
Banji, Zemko 103
Basic, Ephraim 103
Baumeister, Rolf 313, 335
Bayer, Otto 313
Beganovi, Alija 103
Beganovi, Sulejman 179
Benno, Kamillo 335
Bensei 36, 149
Berger, Gottlob 31, 346
Berger, Klaus 30, 32, 35, 42, 49, 64,
79, 81, 94, 111, 112, 130, 136,
139, 211, 239, 245, 253, 261, 265,
292, 296, 300, 302, 305,310
Bergner, Rudolf 358
Bernardy, Jakob 294, 295
Bernhardt, Kurt 253
Bernwald, Zvonimir 47, 71, 72, 73,
206, 347
Beslagi, Hilmija 15
Bievi, Husejin 118
Bormann, Walter 129, 136
Boutonnet, Ren 56
Brandt, Rudolf 17, 58, 59, 60, 65,135,
181
Braun, Erich 25, 26, 27, 35, 40-42,43,
44, 48, 51, 52, 59, 65, 68, 92, 106,
109, 117, 127, 136,141, 142, 162,
165, 170, 189, 236, 239, 331
Brichze, Heinrich 261, 342
Broz, Josip 15
Bubi, Nasif 16
Buschenhagen, Bruno 339
C
Canaris, Constantin 264
Canki, Pavao 15, 30
Capli, Ragib 24
Cavie, Marko 24
Cefkovi, Ismet 103
Christiansen 70, 127
D
Daumer, Max 118, 244, 340
Deh, Jrg 155, 162,193, 199, 286,
298, 300,310
Delie, Osman 73
Denecke, Hermann 313
Dengel, Rudolf 23
Dani, Ferid 81 82, 86, 97
Dierich, Gerhard 118, 126, 340
Dozo, Husejin 72-73, 77, 78, 79, 124,
133, 137,185-186
Dizdarevi, Lutfija 82, 83, 86, 97
Driesner, Heinz 214, 220-221
E
Ebeling, Wilhelm 70, 266, 313
Eckert, Eduard 313
Egersdorfer, Alexander 141
Ehlers, Robert 189, 311, 313
Ehling 66, 70
Eiden, Johann 210, 220
Eidner, Herbert 313
Eipel, Walter 210, 313
Eisenhower, General 309
el-Husseini, Haj-Amin 75
Emhardt, Willi 274, 281
Engels 70
Engler, Rudolf 62, 63
Ernst 45
F
Fahsl 36
Fassbender, Albert 119, 343
Fegelein, Hermann 51
Ferdinand, Archduke Franz 32
Fichtner 190
Fiechtner, Artur 295
Fischer, Albert 290
Fischer, Karl 154, 191, 296, 335
Flckiger, Hermann 287, 294
Fontages, Louis 93
Frank, Nikolaus 191
Frenz, Karl-Hermann 286
Frmberg 85
G
Gaese, Heinrich 64, 73,191, 220
Galantha, Julius 85, 88
Gebele, Rudolf 355
Gerlach, Heinz 37, 47, 143, 163, 241,
309, 350, 356
Gerwe, Franz 313
Glaise von Horstenau, Edmund 17
Golob, Gjuro 41
Griesinger, Erwin 351
Grothe 45
\
Gyurcsy, Alexander von 118
H
Haak, Wilhelm-Karl 313
Haas, Karl 279, 296, 299, 300
Hdecke, Gnther 313
Hadiefendi, Muhamed 16, 28, 34
Hadihasanovi, Uzeiraga 17
Hadimuli, Mustafa 184
Haeffner, Alfred 28
Haenle, Gerhard 112
Hampel, Desiderius 117, 127, 146,
187, 193, 228, 229, 230, 231, 234,
240, 244, 246, 250, 256, 264, 265,
269, 275, 276, 282, 284, 302, 311,
330, 333
Hanke, Hans 37,45, 70, 101, 115,
155, 233, 244, 247, 277, 279, 302,
335, 339
Heldsdrfer, d. R. Franz 277
Hempel, Willi 344
Herff, Maximilian von 51
Hiemer 149
Himmler, Heinrich 16-20, 22, 27, 30,
31, 32, 35, 38, 47, 49, 51, 79, 94,
103, 104-105, 112, 117, 123-126,
131, 135, 143, 165, 172, 181, 183,
192, 194, 223, 228, 235, 255, 256,
258, 260, 263, 270, 284, 315, 318,
346
Hitler, Adolf 13, 19, 30, 47-48, 80,
121, 124, 152, 181,223,291,
299-300, 315
Hodi, Nazir 165, 353
Hoettl, Walter 64
Hofer, Hans-Georg 45
Holzinger, Anton 265, 334
Hrnlein, Heinz 303
Horstenau, Edmund-Glaise von 21,
23, 27, 28, 37, 139
Husseini 33, 34, 130, 132
I
Ibrahimovi, Demal 33, 52, 71, 73,
76, 78, 82, 100, 111, 186, 308,
311
J
Jaarevi, Ejub 90, 91, 103
Jahnke 36
Jee, Heinz 277
Jeep, Heinz 210, 220
Jelenek 82, 84, 86
Jelenek, Boo 81, 82, 92, 105
Jodl, General 80
Jordt, Gerd 335
Josef, Franz 18, 25
Juels, Carl 112
Jurkovi, Ivan 103
Jurkovi, Mato 60
Jttner 30, 51
K
Kaase, Werner 118, 295
Kammerhofer, Konstantin 27, 42, 81,
111
Kamprath, Walter 249
Karamanovi 84, 103
Karolyi, Franz 266
Kasche 17, 30, 34,41, 50, 94, 170,
172, 174, 181,253,268,315
Keller, Fritz 114, 149, 277
Kerovi, Radivoj 194, 231
Kinz, Helmut 248, 342
Kirchbaum, Oskar 40, 85, 87, 104,
336
Kirchner, Balthasar 32, 33
Kloes 190
Knoll, Heinz 106, 114, 118, 189, 274,
293, 294, 337
Knospe, Cord-Henning 61, 119, 277,
305
Kocevar, Franz von 95, 112
Khler 120
Komi, Halid 203
Knig, Hans 197, 220, 263, 277-278,
311
Konrad, Rudolf 271
Korkut, Haris 73, 336
Kottig 36
Kreibich, Friedrich 249, 250
Krempler, Karl von 24, 27, 28, 30, 32,
34
Kretschmer, Gerhard 85-87
Kreutz, Alfred 271
Kronstadt, Martin 68-69
Krumes, Theodor 164
Kruse, Otto 311
Kuhler, Emil 68, 119, 137, 146, 162,
188, 340
Khne 36
Kulenovi, Daferbeg 15, 23
Kuntz, Heinrich 85, 87
Kster, Otto 26, 70, 344
Kvaternik, Slavko 42
L
Labjon, Franz 313
Langemeier, Fritz 168, 180, 216, 218
Langer 70
Langwost, Konradt 313
Lauenstein, Willy 153
Lautenschlger, Gnther 313
Lehmann, Heinz 59, 79
Liebermann, Karl 332
Liecke, Karl 222, 234-235, 284, 331,
334
Link, Ernst 107
Lisa, Milivoj 58
Lchert 70
Lohr, Alexander 17
Lombard, Gustav 257
Lommetz, Willi 293
Lorenz, Karl-Heinz 313
Lorkovi, Mladen 20
Lsch 190
Lua 149
Luckmann 114
Lnen 190
Lth, Walter 26, 63, 342
Ltjens, Bruno 313
Ltkemller, Kurt 313
M
Mai, Kasim 73
Mahmutovi, Ajdin 60
Mahn, Wilhelm 313, 314
Malko 72, 94, 96, 97, 103
Malko, Halim 73, 85, 86, 89, 90
Markovi, Josip 202
Masannek, Heinz 313
Maschke, Erich 302, 304
Matheis, Franz 117, 133, 137, 334
Matthiessen, Bruno 313
Matutinovi, Eduard 82, 93, 105
May, Karl 151
Mehii, Zeir 103
Mehl, Heinz 313
Mehmedagi, Fikret 73
Meho 63
Memisevi, Meho 103
Meschendrfer, Hans 141, 157, 162,
189, 191, 194, 210, 216, 242, 258,
277-278, 280, 298, 300
Meyer, Adolf 336
Michawetz, Alexander 85, 88, 94, 97
Mihaljevi 88
Miljkovi, Huska 200
Misch 149
Mischnek, Eduard 313
Moll, Theodor 277, 283
Morie, Mustafa 103
Muhasilovi, Abdulah 71-73, 75, 78,
120, 121, 184, 266,316
Mujaki, Muhamed 73, 79
Muser, Matthias 335
Mussert 316
N
Neubacher, Hermann 49
Njima, Philipp 103
Nothdurft, August 277
O
Oberkamp, Carl Reichsritter von 44,
49
Obwurzer, Herbert von 25, 26, 35, 37,
40, 42, 51, 53, 330
Okanadi, Adern 90, 92, 103
Omi, Ago 61, 130
Oresi, Slavko 211
Oreskovi, Mato 274
P
Plmke, Josef 313
Panda, Hafiz Muhamed 28, 111
Pannwitz, General von 135
Paveli, Ante 14, 17, 94, 223, 274
Peter, Hermann 236, 333
Petersen, Boy 332
Petrovi, Stjepan 197
Petzely, Alfred 313
Phleps 17, 19, 21-22, 23, 27, 30, 31,
32, 37, 38, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 104,
145, 194, 222, 240,318
Posch 70
Q
Quisling 316
R
Rachor, Carl 58, 190
Rademacher, Ernst 342
Raithel, Hellmuth 117, 146, 157, 187,
188, 191, 220, 221, 252, 256, 335
Rauner, Werner 252
Rautenfeld, Gtz Berens von 26, 40,
70, 332
Rein, Rolf 341
Rendulic, Lothar 169
Renner, Hans-Wolf 101
Rhomberg, Eckhard 139, 274
Ribbentrop, von 20, 22, 30
Riemann, Wilhelm 313
Riesen, Hannes 341
Rodez 94
Rost, General von 284
Roth, Eduard 217, 218, 219, 220, 221
Roth, Wilhelm 38, 81, 211, 297
Rudolph, Heinz 216
Rhmer, Rudolf 303, 340
Ruman, Jaroslav 274
Runge, Harry 313
S
abanovi, Salih 73
Sackl, Vitatins 341
Salihbegovi, Nedim 16
Sander, Siegfried 331
Sauberzweig, Dieter 52, 61, 63, 66,
68, 71, 77, 94, 102,104, 107, 112,
120, 127,131, 132, 141, 143, 162,
164, 170, 172, 175, 178, 181, 198,
201,214,228, 255, 271, 316, 318
Sauberzweig, Karl-Gustav 51, 53,
120,271,330
Schaumller, Walter 167
Scheucher, Franz 114, 232
Schifferdecker, Hermann 136,139,
146, 148, 150, 179, 190, 198, 209,
230-231,266,283, 288, 295, 344,
345
Schilling 70
Schmedding, Ernst 118, 134, 212, 336
Schmid, Hartmut 55, 64, 92, 100, 102,
119, 293
Schmidt, Hartmut 45, 108
Schmidt, Hugo 142,148, 168, 178,
219, 233, 251, 272, 274, 286, 293
Schmidt,Wilhelm 313
Schrder, Alfred 314
Schreer, Willi 313
Schuchhardt 43
Schssler, Heinz 114, 149, 274, 294
Schuster 45
Schtz 149
Schwarting, Christian 277, 298
Schwarz, Gerhard 84, 91
Schweiger, Willfried 83, 84-85, 89,
91,94, 103, 106, 114, 182
Schwer, Kurt 191,220
Schwerin, Erich 313
Selo, Dugo 274
Seyfried 36
Silejdi, Sulejman 103
Siro, Fadil 60
Skaka, Ahmed 73, 184
Snidari, Borislav 58
Sommerer, Rudi 152, 165, 348, 352-
353
Stegemann, Kurt 359
Stegh, Peter 335
Stenwedel, Albert 56, 79, 80, 295,
304, 335
Stratmann, Heinz 118, 216, 218, 311,
314
uljak, Alija 24, 27
Suljkanovi, Mehmed 318
Syr, Sepp 334
T
Tebbe, Wilhelm 163
Topi, Nead 200
Torli, Has im 73
Toth, Johann "Hans" 56
V
Vogel 200
Voigt 67
Vrani, Vjekoslav 23, 50
Vuievi, Kranoslav 58
Vujak, Jusup 103
Vukeli, Nikola 81, 84, 86,102-103
Vukoti, Jovo 216
W
Wagner, Richard 173
Waida, Gerhard 207
Wambsganss, Karl 266, 268, 305, 309,
332, 345
Wangemann, Ekkehard 181
Weber, Kurt 313
Weichs, Maximilian Freiherr von 193,
276
Weil, Erich 314
Weise, Horst 59, 64, 140
Weiss, Josef 84-85
Weyhe, Gnther 108
Wiegel, Fritz 314
Wiehler, Albrecht 51
Winkler, Rolf 336
Wolf, Anton 85, 87
Z
Zill, Egon 130, 133, 136
Zumsteg 114