THE AUDIOVISUAL LANDSCAPE IN POLAND AT THE DAWN OF THE 21°" CENTURY Agnieszka Szarkowska (Poland) Introduction Poland is traditionally thought of as a stronghold of voice-over (see Gottlieb 1998: 244). Indeed, it is this audiovisual translation (AVT) modality that is predominantly employed on Polish television and that continues to enjoy tremendous popularity in spite of the fact that the rest of the world seems to treat it with a slight sneer of disdain. There is far more to the Polish audiovisual landscape, however, than just voice-over. The aim of this paper is to offer a general overview of the audiovisual modalities in Poland: from voice-over, subtitling and dubbing in the cinemas, on TV and DVD to the current situation related to the accessibility of audiovisual translation for audiences with visual and hearing impairments. Voice-over Voice-over is here understood as a revoicing technique "in which a voice offering a translation in a given target language (TL) is heard simultaneously on top of the source language (SL) voice" (Diaz Cintas and Orero 2006, 477)'. The volume of the original soundtrack is lowered, but is still audible in the background while the voice of the narrator is brought to the fore. In contrast to dubbing, the translated text does not needs to correspond to lip movements of the characters on screen; in other words, it does not have to meet the phonetic or lip synchrony requirement (see Fodor 1976, Chaume-Varela 2006). Neither does it have to ideally match the " in Film Studies the term voice-over refers to the non-ciegetic narration spoken by an unseen narrator.186 Agnieszka Szarkowska duration of the character’s utterance, the requirement known as isochrony (see Whitman 1992, Chaume-Varela 2006). This is not to say, however, that voice-over is not subject to any time constraints at all. Diaz Cintas and Orero (2006, 473) note that "it is common practice to allow the viewer to hear the original speech in the foreign language for a few seconds at the onset of the speech and to reduce subsequently the volume of the original so that the translated speech can be inserted."* As a consequence, the target text inevitably undergoes reduction and condensation. In Western Europe, voice-over is mainly used in non-fictional genres such as interviews, documentaries and current affairs programmes. In Poland, to the bewilderment of the rest of Europe, voice-over is also utilised to translate fictional genres. The application of voice-over to the translation of feature films has never had good press in Western Europe, as demonstrated by the following quote from Dries (1995, 6): Research on audience preferences on this matter has never been carried out so far, however, some professionals regard it as the worst possible method, It is seen as too simple a way of getting the message across. The viewer simply gets the dialogue ‘read’ with the moving image, most of the time without any difference in intonation or acting attempts. Doing this, the characters in the film lose their identity and acting quality can only be transmitted visually and not orally. Therefore, language transfer using this method can in no sense maintain ot do justice to the quality of the original version. While Dries is right in describing the method itself (that the original sound is heard in the background and that the voice-over narrator, called Jektor, does not attempt to imitate the original intonation), she is nevertheless mistaken about certain issues. First of all, it is voice-over that is by some believed to be more cost-effective than subtitling (Garcarz 2007, 140; Fukushima and Major 2002, 59). Second, the /ektor is by no means This scems to hold true for non-fiction genres while in the case of voiced-over feature films in Poland, the onset and outset of the original dialogue and the translated text roughly correspond, except for certain features of orality that are not translated. The Audiovisual Landscape in Poland... 187 expected to act out the dialogue — if he did, it could create an unintentional humorous effect — but rather to provide a ‘whispering’ translation, thus allowing the audience to hear the original voices to the greatest extent possible. "To do it well, you must not interfere with the program. You mustn't become like an actor on the screen; you must do your job as unobtrusively as possible: read in Polish so the viewers will understand", comments Marek Gajewski, a well-known Polish voice talent (qtd. in Glaser 1991). Since Dries's article was published, several studies on Polish audience preferences have been conducted. In 1995, a study commissioned by Canal Plus showed that voice-over is preferred by 50.2% of Polish respondents, compared to 8.1% favouring subtitles and 43.3% — dubbing (Bogucki 2004, 69). In the early 2000s another research was carried out for the BBC before it decided to withdraw its cable channel BBC Prime from Poland, which broadcasting programmes with Polish subtitles. The results demonstrated that 52% viewers would rather watch programmes with voice-over whereas only 4.5% preferred subtitles (Subbotko 2008). These findings are also supported by yet another survey conducted among TV audiences commissioned by the Polish public television (TVP), which showed a marked preference for voice-over (45%) and for dubbing (45%), with only 4% favouring subtitles (Garcarz 2007, 131). Naturally, preferences for particular AVT modalities are determined by habit and they are often "self-perpetuating, because over-exposure to one or other technique affirms its acceptability and continued use" (Mera 1999, 73). With the increasing availability of digital television and the multiple options it offers, it is possible that more and more Polish viewers will tum away from voice-over in favour of subtitling — thus threatening the status quo and the reign of voice-over. > The term for voice-over of feature films which is used among professional translators in Poland is szeptanka (‘whispering’). The same term is used to denote simultaneous interpreting, which sometimes causes confusion among Polish translation studies scholars.Agnieszka Szarkowska According to Hendrykowski ( 1984), the origins of voice-over go back to the era of silent films. At that time it was common for special live commentators (such as Japanese benshi) to explain the plot of the film and to read out and/or translate the intertitles to the viewers, many of whom were illiterate, Other AVT researchers trace the origins of voice-over back to newsreels (Garcarz 2007), claiming that once audiences grew accustomed to the voice commenting the action taking place on the screen, it was only natural that this method was subsequently used on television. Another theory has it Goanna Klimkiewicz, personal communication) that the very first films broadcast on Polish television were subtitled (using cinema subtitles), which — owing to the small size of the screen — resulted in poor legibility, so it was decided that it would be better to have the subtitles read out. It soon tured out, however, that this method was inadequate; therefore, a decision was taken to create a special type of translation with its own characteristics and constraints: a written text which is to be read out by a lektor. The supporters of voice-over in feature films point out that, unlike in subtitling, viewers do not have to divide their attention between the image and the text, which makes viewing more natural and enjoyable. In contrast to dubbing, voice-over is much cheaper, easier and faster to produce. Moreover, it does not require high literacy levels and, as such, does not exclude illiterate audiences and children. It is also the preferred modality — as opposed to subtitling — of the audiences with visual impairments. As the original dialogue can still be heard in the background, some claim that this adds to the authenticity of the audiovisual program. The translation does not ‘pretend’ to cover the original and "the viewer is constantly aware through the auditory channel of the Presence of the foreign language" (Diaz Cintas and Orero 2006, 477). This makes voice-over an overt type of translation (see House 1981), The Audiovisual Landscape in Poland... 189 Disadvantages of voice-over, on the other hand, are also numerous. The major flaw of this modality is the mismatch between the gender (and also the age) of the original actors and the voice-over reader. Regardless of the gender of the screen character, the dialogue in fiction films in Poland will always be read out by a man‘. This invariably raises eyebrows among foreigners, unaccustomed to this modality, as shown in the following quote from The New York Times: As actors and actresses open their mouths to speak, their words are drowned out by the voice of a seemingly omniscient Polish male off screen. Joan Collins’s acrid put-downs on Dynasty are thus heard by Poles as a local baritone. Marilyn Monroe’s breathy come-ons in Some Like It Hot ate heard as a deep monotone, and Jane Fonda’s seductive voice in Barbarella emerges as flat drone (Glaser 1991). Some viewers find voice-over distracting as two different languages can be heard at the same time. In scenes with many characters speaking simultaneously, it may be difficult to distinguish between the utterances of particular speakers. Similarly to other AVT modalities, voice-over is also characterised by a high number of elements from the original dialogue list that undergo reduction, condensation or omission, among them vocative forms of address, borrowings such as OK, greetings, leave-takings, identification in telephone conversations, swearwords, and/or repetitions (Tomaszkiewicz 2006, 118-119). As in other countries, voice-over is also used in Poland as a translation modality in non-fiction genres such as documentaries, interviews, news and cooking programmes. Here, both male and female voice artists are employed with the preference for female ones given in cooking programmes and in nature documentaries on some channels. Unlike in the UK — where a new trend has developed over the last few years, whereby the voice talent reads out the translation with a foreign “ Interestingly, in non-fiction programmes on some cable channels, such as Kuchnia TV (Kitchen TV), most programmes are read out by a female narrator, even in the case when there is a male character on screen.190 Agnieszka Szarkowska accent instead of using Received Standard Pronunciation’ — voice-over in Poland is read out in standard Polish by native speakers, regardless of the origin of the character on screen. No attempt is made on the part of the reader to impersonate the character through their accent. It takes at least three people to produce voice-over: translator (dumacz), editor (adiustator) and voice-over narrator (Jektor). First, working with the audiovisual material and (usually) the dialogue list, the translator produces the target text. Next, the editor, who ideally should know the language of the original and who should have seen the film, makes sure the translated text is understandable, meets the standards established in the profession and conforms with relevant legal regulations such as the Act on the Polish Language and the Media Act (see Garcarz 2007, 142)%. Only then is the translated text ready to be recorded. During * In other words, “if the person on screen speaks Spanish, the voice-over narrator will read the translation in English with a clear foreign accent, showing characteristic inflexions that are associated with a Hispanic person speaking English" (Diaz Cintas and Orero 2006, 478). The contentious issue of the voice-over narrator's accent is also raised by Fawcett (1983, 186): "In a recent television documentary on Poland, all the voice-overs were pronounced with a Polish accent. As is often the case with written translation, so in this spoken translation the foreignness of the accent only filtered into consciousness after a short time, but when it did it immediately raised the question why? Why speak English with a foreign accent? Were the voice-overs done by English- speaking Poles who had not lost their accent, or by English actors deliberately imitating the Polish accent?". Imitating foreign accents can drastically change the perception of the character by the target audience: the characters in the source material may speak an impeccable standard variety of their mother tongue, yet in translation they may come across as uneducated or inexpert. This may bring about unintended comic effects and may result in the character being perceived as inferior to the target audience. Another problem is whether the voice talents are truly able to impersonate speakers of all foreign languages they may come across in their work (c.g. a rare African language or a non-standard source language dialect, say, Silesian in Polish). Finally, it seems that such an approach only serves to perpetuate common stereotypes about other nations. This is particularly important in terms of swearwords and slang as Polish law explicitly forbids to use such expressions on TV before late at night. ‘The Audiovisual Landscape in Poland... 191 the recording, the Jektor watches the film from his box (called dziupla —'a hollow’ and reads out the text’, The multiplicity of roles served by the people involved in the audiovisual translation production process raises the thomy issue of authorship and copyrights ownership. How many people should be entitled to hold the copyright on an audiovisual product translated into another language in the form of subtitles, voice-over or dubbing (see Diaz Cintas and Orero 2006, 477)? While the moral rights of the author are not usually questioned, it is the economic rights that tend to arouse controversy. In Poland, after the introduction of new amendments to the copyright law, voice-over narrators established their own professional organisation Stowarzyszenie Lektoréw RP (‘Polish Lektors Association’), demanding royalties for their work. In 2007, the issue of copyright ownership became the centre of attention in a stormy debate on amateur subtitling which was sparked off by the arrest of several authors of fansubs’ who published their works online on the portal www.napisy.org. Polish copyright law provisions are lagging behind the actual practices and do not clearly regulate the question concerning the sharing of files containing amateur translation of dialogue lists via the Internet. Some experts claim that in order to create a translation of a dialogue list one needs to have obtained consent from the copyright owner whereas others believe that it is legal to produce amateur subtitles (‘fair use’), but it is not legal to make them freely available online (see Lipszyc 2007). Tis an open secret that one Polish voice talent is so skilled at multitasking that he can do the crosswords during recordings, especially when the film does not contain many dialogues. * wwwsinp.pl. ° Fansubbingffansubs or amateur subtitling is said to have originated in 1980s with subtitles produced by fans of Japancsc manga and anime. {t consists in "the free distribution over the Intemct of audiovisual programmes with subtitles done by fans” (Diaz-Cintas and Remael 2007, 26).192 Agnieszka Szarkowska Subtitling Subtitling is the predominant AVT modality in Polish cinemas. All foreign films, with the exception of dubbed children's films, are screened with open interlingual subtitles. During film festivals, it is common for electronic subtitles to be projected on a makeshift panel under the screen. This goes against the common perception of Poland as a voice-over country. Subtitling is also used on one public television channel: TVP Polonia, which broadcasts programmes aimed at Polish audiences living abroad and anybody interested in Polish culture. The channel airs many programmes (mainly Polish TV series, soaps and feature films) with open subtitles in English (see Fig. 1). Fig. 1 Open subtitles on TVP POLONIA. Interestingly, as a result of the campaign run by the Dziennik daily, lobbying for open interlingual subtitles on television, in October 2008 the second channel of Polish public television (TVP2) started broadcasting a programme with open Polish subtitles for the first time in its history: it was an American TV series for teenagers entitled The Suite Life of Zack and Cody (see Fig. 2). As Polish television is obligated by law to fulfil a public mission," it was decided that the broadcasting of educational programmes includes subtitled programmes as they help in learning foreign languages (see Diaz Cintas and Fernandez Cruz 2008). "° Under the Licence Fees Act of 21 April 2005 and the Broadcasting Act of 29 December 1992. The Audiovisual Landscape in Poland... Fig. 2 Open interlingual subtitles on Polish television The decision to broadcast the TV series with open subtitles on public television met with heated debates between the supporters of voice-over and those of subtitling, which continue until the present day. According to the study commissioned by Dziennik, one in five Poles supports subtitles. Apart from open subtitling on TVP Polonia and TVP2, some channels available in Poland offer closed interlingual teletext subtitling. For example, viewers of the digital broadcast of film channel Ale Kino! can watch certain films in the original language without voice-over. Fig. 3 Closed interlingual subtitles on Ale Kino! channel All in all, it seems that thanks to digital TV, debates on whether Poland is a voice-over country or not will soon become obsolete. It will be up to the viewers to choose the AVT modality through which they want to access a foreign material. At present digital television is only available in Poland on cable or satellite. While work is already underway to launch digital terrestrial TV, this is bound to take some time as the predicted date of the completion of digital switchover has been postponed until June 2015 (www.poland. gov.pl).194 Agnieszka Szarkowska Dubbing With the invention of sound and the arrival of the talkies, Hollywood wanted to maintain its leading position on the global cinema market. It was for that purpose that American studios were built in Joinville near Paris, where multilingual films were created by reshooting the original productions in several different languages with foreign actors and directors. This also included five Polish language versions, all directed by Ryszard Ordyfski (Lubelski 2009, 76). The practice, however, “was soon considered uneconomical, inefficient and often deemed artistically poor" (O’Connell 2007, 122) and in the early 1930s this practice was abandoned completely. Few people, both in and outside Poland, realise that Poland has a long-standing dubbing tradition, dating back to the pre-war period. It is believed that the first film dubbed into Polish was Walt Disney's Snow White in 1938. Not only were imported foreign films translated into Polish, but domestic productions were also re-voiced and exported with dialogues in the target language. Androchowicz (the Internet forum www.dubbing.fora.p!) gives the example of a 1937 comedy Pietro wyzej"', directed by Leon Trystan and dubbed into Yiddish, a production which many people considered to be a Jewish film. Interrupted by World War II, Polish dubbing was reactivated in 1949 by opening the Dubbing Department in Wytwornia Filméw Fabularnych in L6dé. In 1955 it was moved to Warsaw and transformed into Studio Opracowan Dialogowych (Grochowska 2004; Miernik 2008). Films soon started to be dubbed for television. The most famous Polish dubbing director was Zofia Dybowska-Aleksandrowicz, who directed, among others, Anatomy of a Murder; Elisabeth R; Anna Karenina; I, Claudius and Alice in Wonderland. Thanks to her we can now talk about the Polish Dubbing School, which stressed the primacy of the source text, faithfulness in the translation approach and theatrical pronunciation of actors. ‘The Audiovisual Landscape in Poland... 195, In the 1980s Polish dubbing suffered from financial difficulties, but the early 1990s brought its marked revival (e.g. Canal Plus productions). The undoubted watershed in the history of Polish dubbing was Bartosz Wierzbieta's translation of Shrek, written in cooperation with dubbing director Joanna Wizmur. It marked a radical departure from the flawless theatrical pronunciation of dubbing actors, characteristic of early Polish dubbing, towards a pronounced shift to the use of natural every-day language. In terms of the translation approach, it was domestication that became the preferred strategy, allowing the translators and dialogue writers to freely substitute the original culture-specific items with Polish functional equivalents and to replace fragments considered likely not to be understood by the audience with a translation containing references to the current situation in the target country. Now dubbing in Poland is used mainly in productions addressed to children and teenagers. It is available in cinemas and is later released on DVD as well as on children’s television channels, such as MiniMini, Cartoon Network and Jetix. Accessibility Accessibility is here taken to mean "making an audiovisual programme available to people that otherwise could not have access to it" (Diaz Cintas 2005, 4). In the traditional understanding of the term’, this includes such AVT modalities such as subtitling for the deaf and hard of hearing (SDH), sign language interpreting (SLI) and audio description (AD). "' Known in English as Neighbours, The Apartment Above, or The Neighbour from the Next Floor (after www flmweb.p). Diaz Cintas wishes to expand to concept of accessibility and argues that it also applies to the translation process itself, which in essence consists in facilitating "the access to an otherwise hermetic source of information and entertainment” (2005, 4).196 Agnieszka Szarkowska Subtitles for the Deaf and Hard of Hearing As the usual method of language transfer on Polish television is voice-over, viewers with hearing impairments are disadvantaged when it comes to accessing TV programmes. The solution lies in providing closed subtitling services, Polish subtitling for the deaf and hard of hearing began on 1 January 1994 when the public television broadcast Rio Grande with closed teletext subtitles. Since then, hearing impaired audiences have been provided with SDH on two major public television channels: TVP1 and TVP2, altogether constituting about 8% of TVP1 and TVP2 air time.'? So far no private broadcaster offers SDH on any channel. Subtitles are available as analogue’ teletext on page 777 with priority given to prime time programmes. The SDH offer covers a variety of genres such as feature films, TV series and soaps, current affairs programmes, television theatre, documentaries as well as two news programmes per day. Most programmes are subtitled intra-lingually, but some foreign feature films are provided with interlingual SDH. The overwhelming majority of subtitles are pre-recorded. In the case of feature films and some TV series, main characters are allocated one of the three colours: yellow, green or blue. Subtitles are also justified to the left or to the right depending on the location of speakers on the screen. Dialogues are not marked with a dash at the beginning of each line, but an empty line is used instead (see Fig. 4). Fig. 4. SDH on TVP: the use of colours and displacement : In January 2009. There are no digital subtitles for the deaf and hard of hearing on digital television, The Audiovisual Landscape in Poland... 197 News programmes (Teleexpress and Wiadomosci) are broadcast with semi- live subtitles, which are always left-aligned and take up to three lines of text (see Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Semi-live SDH in Teleexpress on TVP1 Many viewers with hearing impairments have repeatedly voiced their negative opinions about SDH, criticising them for excessive editing, frequent omissions and inconsistencies with lip movements, and calling for verbatim subtitles’*. It seems that the debate over edited vs. verbatim subtitles cannot be resolved at this stage as so far no systematic research has been carried out in Poland on the reception and comprehension of subtitled TV programs (cf. Romero-Fresco 2009). It is our contention that the best solution may be to provide both edited and verbatim subtitles for viewers to choose from, as is done for example in the US by PBS with the children's cartoon "Arthur" (Media Access Group). This solution, however, requires general availability of digital television and considerable financial resources. Sign Language Interpreting Polish state-owned television also offers programmes with in-vision sign interpreters (see Fig. 6). Many members of the community of the deaf and hard of hearing are very critical of them as the signers do not use natural Polish Sign Language (PSL), but an artificial Polish language-based system *S See www.deafpl or http://v1 itvp.pV/blog/napisy/i.tvp/idb/20/.198 Agnieszka Szarkowska of signing known as System Jezykowo-Migowy (SJM), or Signed Polish, which is not understood by many deaf viewers". Fig. 6 Sign language interpreting on TVP Critics of the present SLI also point out that the figure of the translator placed at the bottom right-hand corner of the screen is too small in order to be understood as sign language which makes use of three-dimensional space and facial expressions. Audio Description The first crude attempts at audio describing films in Poland were made in the late 1990s with the financial support of the Ministry of Culture and the Polish Association of the Blind (PZN). The audio-described films were called 'typhlo-films', from Greek tphios meaning 'blind'. While the technical quality of the audio description left a lot to be desired, it needs to be stressed that the initiative had a truly pioneering character and that it adopted innovative solutions, such as frame-freezing. Unlike the audio description produced now, the early AD was ptovided to both Polish and foreign films, the latter with voice-over. Another more professionalised attempt at audio description was made by public TV, which decided to create AD to a number of Polish TV series to which it owns copyright. The audio-described series are available 6 Signed Polish is not a language — it is a system of manual communication which consists of signs representing the Polish spoken language. In contrast to PSL, Signed Polish never appears on its own but is always presented simultaneously with speech in Polish word order (Szezepankowski 1998: 137). The Audiovisual Landscape in Poland... 199 online on the TVP website’” free of charge to those who have obtained a password from the Polish Association of the Blind or to anyone for a fee. Some of these productions have also been released on DVD. The first screening of an audio described film in Polish cinema was in November of 2006 in the cinema Pokdj in Bialystok. It was a Polish production Statysci (‘Extras’). Soon afterwards other cinemas across the country started inviting blind and partially sighted viewers for screenings with live audio description, read out by an audio describer with a microphone sitting next to the audience or by using a conference interpreting system with the describer in the booth and the viewers wearing headphones.'® Hopefully these actions, few and far between at present, will soon become the norm. Conclusion The audiovisual landscape in Poland is undergoing considerable changes owing to rapid technological advances, the emergence of accessibility services and the introduction of new legal regulations, both at the EU and the national levels.'” In the words of Diaz Cintas (2008), "this flurry of activity that we are witnessing in audiovisual translation these days is a clear indication that AVT has come of age". The changes have far-reaching implications for the field, herald new research avenues and are likely to reshape the audiovisual landscape in the years to come. ”” eww.tvp.p/dostepnosc/audiodeskrypeja. '* The charity Zdaéyé z Pomocq has organised a number of screenings in Warsaw cinemas as part of its new action Kino poza Ciszq i Ciemnosciq (‘the Cinema beyond Silence and Darkness). 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(1992): Through the dubbing glass. Frankfurt.Schriftenreihe Schriften zur Medienwissenschaft Band 22 ISSN 1616-9336 Verlag Dr. Kovaé Angelika Goldstein & Biljana Golubovi¢ (eds.) Foreign Language Movies — Dubbing vs. Subtitling Verlag Dr. Kovat Hamburg 2009