Politics, Democracy and Civil Society: Local Governance in Mugla, Turkey

Ramazan Gunlu1
!stract Democracy and civil society relations in local politics may display significant differences when metropolis, big cities and small or-medium size cities are considered. In Turkey, through the years of 2 !-2 ", several changes have been made in the legislation related to local governance within the framework of the reconstruction of administration. The local elections which were last held in 2# $arch 2 " in Turkey are to be renewed in 2# $arch 2 #. The implementation process of the new arrangements has created changes in the dynamics of local politics and democracy in Turkey, and has obligatorily empowered and activated civil society organizations under the new legislative measures. In this paper the interaction between local political social actors is discussed within the conte%t of changing state-society relations in Turkey from the &## s on. In this paper, 'ithin the framework of a study carried out in the regional city of $ugla, civil society structure and its transformation is investigated and its effect on local politics is evaluated. $ugla is a centre which shares many of the issues also e%perienced at state level when managing regional governance where local politics has a strong and powerful dynamics. This paper aims to highlight such issues by placing emphasis on the local political relationships with civil society and nongovernmental organizations ()*+s, during the local election process. In order to analyze the situation of the actors created by the new legislation, a data set is defined and coded and interviews carried out with the heads of organizations in their relations with the local political sphere, while local political actors are analyzed comparatively. In this analysis, the effect of local social problems on the political actors are identified by comparing the characteristics of governance politics within the local political sphere to its institutional results, and characteristics of the legislative measures arranging the political sphere in Turkey are analyzed and evaluated within a national and global conte%t. "ey#ords: Democracy, Civil Society, Local Governance, Turkey

Democracy has turned into being one of the most spoiled concepts. -owever, it seems difficult without the .democracy/ concept to assess civil liberty, political participation, opportunities and limitations on social and political activists. The
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0ssist. 1rof. Dr. 2amazan *unlu, $ugla 3niversity 4conomics and 0dministrative 5ciences, Dept. +f 1ublic 0dministration, 6otekli 6ampusu, $ugla, Tel. # 272 2&&&"8&, 9a%: # 272 22!; ", gunlu<mu.edu.tr

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Democracy problemati=ue emerges in a comparison between ancient *reek democracy and representative democracy. >et the 'estern 4uropean democracy would be incomplete unless it is conceptualized without considering its historical aspects. -istorical aspect is an important phenomenon with formation of political domain, forms of e%istence and opportunities provided to political activists under different societal forms (?aker, 2 7: &!,. Therefore, the democracy concept and its inclusions (liberal democracies, non-liberal democracies, underdevelopment and communism, must be assessed within historical aspect2 ($achpherson, &#;": ;,. Terminological usages of democracy are important for perceiving the progress and undemocratic practices of certain countries. $orlino ! (2 #: 2@8-2@@, 2;", suggests the term .hybrid regimes/. -e suggests that the democracy concept embraces those regimes which do not meet minimum re=uirements of the democracy, as well. Therefore, these regimes can be called as .hybrid regimes/ when they get in touch with democracy (including authoritarian and traditional regime forms, too,. The minimum necessities of democracy are universal suffrage (both male and female,, the free and fair elections (competitive, recurrent, for more than one party, and different and alternative media sources. 0nother property of 'estern democracies is the e%istence of a political regime subAected to the elected ($orlino, 2 #: 2@;-2@#,. .The political weight of military/ is one of the most debated issues in Turkey under the 4uropean 3nion harmonization process. This fact is interpreted as limitation of rights and liberties in civil society. 0dvocates of a more powerful governmental capacity for assurance of liberties, on the other hand, underline the infrastructural capacity where rights are bases upon (9ukuyama, 2 7: &&;B $orlino, 2 #: 2; , 2#!-2#",. Though the governmental capacity is deemed as the assurance of rights, human rights going beyond the borders of nation-state have become de facto-de Aure references as global norms.

$achpherson (&#;": ;, points out that democracy was a bad thing for & years agoB it has become a good thing for the following 7 yearsB It becomes too vague within the last 7 years.
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$orlino pointed out that .The inclusion of Turkey in this group of countries has already prompted debate, and other analysts, especially Turkish scholars, place it amongst the minimal democracies, stressing the great and now longstanding fairness of the electoral procedure, for which 9reedom -ouse does not award the ma%imum rating.

'hile rights and liberties provide an assurance in uncovering potentials of civil society, their utilization depends on the capacity of institutions which lay actual foundations for them. ?esides the civil society is the domain of potential and actual actors within socio-formation of historicity through sensitivity to religiousCcultural, ruralCurban, socioeconomic partitions, and internalCe%ternal effects. Today, this domain continues to be shaped on a national basis under the matri% of globalization and a range of factors (political, technological, economic, cultural, (6riesi et al., 2 #2!,. 0gainst nation-state practice, construction of 4uropean political domain has become evident as a global fact. Though the historical awareness has been a part of 4uropean consciousness and activities, the rise of populist right-wing can be e%plained starting from the losers of globalization. 1artitions through national culture and economy are transferred through the stage (darstellung, of globalization onto the 4uropean political domain. 0ccordingly the political space is restructured not only with its historical and actual aspects but also with the change of socio-spatial relations. This is the e%istence of a new political space, and it changes perception and assessment of personality and identity (Daeyrynen, 2 !: !@B 6riesi et al., 2 8: #2", #2#, #!@-#!;, #"#-#7&,. Dariety of identitiesE being a prere=uisite for the progress of capital in globalization process should be interpreted from this point of view. 0gainst the polarizing and peripherizing effects of globalization, regional 8:

convergences indicate socio-spatial change. This, at the same time, is the e%pression of politicization of the space where political elites placed themselves on the safe side through cooperation against marketization and degradation of world system (Daeyrynen, 2 !: "&, "!-"7,. 1olitical organization of the space changed enlightenment sources of subAects and political activists. In spite of global information flow, national political elites, political parties and non-governmental organizations still =uarrels within national borders (6oopmans and 1fetsch, 2 !: ! ,. 'hile supranational communication foreshadows new subAects and activity potentials in supranational space, this space is reshaped under interaction of historical confrontations. -owever, this should not be assessed on the base of pre-political, a priori natural and cultural constants but on the base of political concrete struggle practice (4nyedi, 2 7: 8#;, @ B Fizek, 2
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4uropeEs immigration e%perience of last 8 years caused 4uropean reality to adopt the multiculturalism aspect. 4uropean political field should be assessed as sociospatial formation of a new 4urope in not only re-generation of historicity but also struggle practice of politics under 2okkanian perspective. Gegacy, democracy and citizenship debates produced by 4uropean political thought do not emerge within .normative returns/ adapted to the 43 practices but in touch and e%perience with actual e%clusionist practices. (2osamond, 2 @: 2!8-2!@, 2!#,.

Civil society Hivil society has been the field of opportunity and e%perience where potentials of subAects have always brought about new actual subAect conditions. In this respect, civil society is the source of political society. Hivil society, on the other hand, is the field of hegemony where activist political subAects are polarized. Therefore, a holistic society can only be fictional. Hivil society is divided along economical and cultural lines, and bears conflicts perpetually presented (darstellung, and represented (vetretung, on the political stage ($utman, &##;: &@,. 0s per *ramsci, civil society is the field where political subAects transformed or re-generated under force and violence together with moral and intellectual leadership. This, on the other hand, is related to building of a certain polity and citizenship form. This is the struggle of political subAect on the base of autonomy: this struggle is legitimized in the process of political subAectsE evidencing their grievance or government positions through their political formulations with global references of .humanity/ and .human rights/. Thus hegemony, counter-hegemony and opposing hegemony form modes of e%istence of civil subAects in civil society (Gentner, 2 2anciere, 2 @: @&-@!,. 7: @!@-@!;, @"!B 1ozo, 2 @: 7;-7#B

)owadays the civil society is of prime importance in conAunction with democratization problems. .Hivil society is generally conceptualized as the social space in which a democratic polity is enacted./ The separation between public and private space play a crucial role in shaping the political culture in every country. This fact revealed the cultural aspects of democracy. 0n active citizen is considered as the re=uisition of a participatory political community democracy. Democracy and civil participation have come out to be fundamental aspects of civil society and transformative politics.
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Identity conte%t which turned into being a matter of participation become a part of democracy problem (?erezin, &##@: !-7,. The concept of civil society as the current and the potential is to become clearer in the e%planation of Ho%. .Hivil society, in *ramsciEs thinking, is the realm in which the e%isting social order is groundedB and it can also be the realm in which a new social order can be founded. -is concern with civil society was, first, to understand the strength of the status =uo, and then to devise a strategy for its transformation. The emancipatory potential of civil society was the obAect of his thinking. I Hivil society is both shaper and shaped, an agent of stabilization and reproduction, and a potential agent of transformation/ (Ho%, &###: "-7,. 6arl $ar% saw the proletariat as an alternative within civil society. 0ccording to him .I civil society was generating a force within itself that would ultimately destroy and change it/. 0le%is de Toc=ueville observed this civil society force in municipalities and in volunteer organizations as a limitation of government and potential for freedomization. *ramsci, on the other hand, dealt with class allies within themselves. The composition of leadership and grassroots movements would be realized as a hegemony struggle by means of organic intellectuals (Ho%, &###: 8-@,.

Governance *lobal change process carries the set of concepts (privatization, localization, autonomy, participation, transparency, which will facilitate e%pansion of capital. 'orld ?ank, +4HD and 3nited )ations have been the institutions which served for worldwide popularization of these policies. 'orld Trade +rganization organizes the scope of this process as an interstate organization. *overnance can be e%pressed as the .commoditization of politics/ standing in the center of the set of concepts mentioned above (*uler, 2 !aB $ahon and $cbride, 2 #: ;"B *unlu, 2 #,.

4uropeanization concept comprises all-round inventor aspect of 43 (4uropean 3nion, analysis. The relation between the 43 and national authority levels has become an important agenda of country-oriented researches. 0ccordingly effects of the 43 inputs on domestic polity reveal themselves in the rise of multi-level governance literature within the 43 system (2osamond, 2
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Though the governance embraces the politics in (social, dialog model, societal subAects gain specific political ability within the network model through neocorporatist positioning. It is assumed that network-type organization with the ability of detecting the political problems and changing its own course can facilitate .return/ of political domain (2ay et al., 2 !: !#, "&, 77,. -owever, the governance works as patronizing government model though it is carried forward through negotiationoriented maneuvers within dialog-based network model. Transparency is one of the featured terms in governance concept. This term becomes attractive with actual practices. -onesty has become a political value due to corruption and e%clusionist government structure in many countries (including Third 'orld and 4astern 4urope countries,. The solution offered to two problems mentioned above, invited the governance through transparency and participation (De Dries, 2 7: &!B Fizek, 2 @: 2&"-2&7,. 'eberEs e%pertized and institutionalized rational bureaucracy is not a part of practically tested reason but the uniform import of the model. Independent 2egulatory 0uthorities (I20s, are one of the most common e%amples for this model. 1roliferation of I20s is fed from coercive pressures from organizations and relevant authorities, transfer factor as a policy learning process among e%perts and credibility factor as the process of convincing e%ponents. (1edersen, 2 8: #;;-## ,. Thus governance can be interpreted as sacrifice of variety from the rationality of the e%perience to the rationality of imposition. Giberalization, deregulation, and regulation of network industries as a part of competition which are highlighted by globalization started the .4uropeanization/ process of public administration. 5o long as the e%pert authority moves higher up, &: affecting the policy at 4uropean level has become a matter of national policy. In this respect, 43 regulations have gained importance in national policies (-Jritier, 2 ;2@-;2;, ;!"-;!7B 1edersen, 2 8: #;8-#;@,.

*lobal governance coordinates the formal and informal relations within the frame of governmental and non-governmental actors and ensures the involvement of civil society into governance process. This assumes an operational and participative gap. 0ssuming that civil society would grow stronger via such gaps can only be valid for the fictional civil society which became a term of governance. Thus a compatible

relation is assumed where governance on global scale is possible ('hitman, 2 277, 27@, 28 -282,.

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0s in the term .accountability/, concepts and terms derived from political domain are governmentalized through governance and the politics are made to include governmental process ('hitman, 2 !: 288, 28#-2@ ,. Though the participation of civil society actors is the most emphasized matter, those which participate into 4uropeanized public domain are maintaining their traditional participation structures. Therefore, decisions made at a 4uropean level represent the consensus of party elites (6oopmans, 2 @: 2 ", 2 8B 1oguntke et al., 2 @: @7 -@7&, @8"-@87,. !. $ember

4lectricity and gas sector is regulated at 43 level by Directive 2

countries establish energy regulation authorities by mimetic and normative enforcement. The liberalized energy markets e%perience, first introduced in 4ngland, has subse=uently e%panded into other countries, which shows that globalization is a fact that depends on politics. 0cting as self-representing structures, actors and organizations connect different scales (from national civil society to global civil society, from nation-states to global governance,. Thus macro-subAects (industries, states, regions, firms, networks, introduce self-governance, good governance and politics dialog into global competition by means of e%port orientation. Thus, politics remain as a local resistance, and governance comes to the fore as a process hiding the politics (Garner and 'alters, 2 ": 7 ;-7& B 1edersen, 2 8: & 7-& 8,.

*overnance is the driving force of reform process all over the world. Honstitutional reform proAect which will govern the competitive government surrounds multi-actors (governmental, non-governmental,, multi-level (4uropean, national, regional, local, governance domain. The public policy focuses on a competitive economy filled with market actors. 5upranational factors impose competition conditions as the key element of economic policy. 'hile the governance renders the public policy .democratic/ with the participation of non-governmental actors, it discredits social solidarity (Herny and 4vans, 2 ($ayer at al., 2 7: &;8, &# , &#8,. ": 7#-8!,. 1articipative dialog model can be e%clusionist when it comes to characteristics of participants and individual differences

Civil Society, Democracy and Governance in Turkey It is said that civil society is weak in Turkey. 6alaycioglu (2 &: 78-7@, points out,

despite of three brief military interventions, .democratic regime is perceived as functioning though there are criticisms of its efficiency or effectiveness by the masses. There seems some evidence that voluntary non-governmental organizations ()*+s, have started to receive relatively broad support from the masses in Turkey. $ost specifically, the maAor earth=uake disasters of summer and fall &### ironically helped promote civic associations providing social services to earth=uake stricken areas of )orthwestern 0natolia./ 0ccordingly the potential of civil society is revealed with the inade=uacy of the government that materialized with the earth=uake. In spite of recovery in opportunity structure (constitution, laws and regulations, as a result of democratization under the 43 harmonization (0c=uis,, citizens are still bereft of courage regarding political participation. 5truggles of youth, women, public employees and other groups relived the limitations on political participation imposed by the Honstitution, &#;2. -owever, social, economic and political organizations which are vital for civil society are still under the influence of citizentry or primary relations. This is the structural weakness of civil society in Turkey (6alaycioglu, 2 political party in Turkey (?aslevent et al., 2 relations on politics and civil society. 0s asserted by 6alaycioglu, this very fact causes confrontation between democracy and governance. 1atronage structure (religious, citizentry, religious communities, kinship, etc., is the cause laying behind the democracy defects in Turkey. 'ithin the frame of center-periphery relations, the democracy means to destroy the .happy few/ formed during H-1 (2epublican 1eopleEs 1arty, rule between &#2! and &#7 . In that case, democracy is Aust a patronage performance for the rural and urban poor. The urban middle-class defining itself with central values is identified with military. 5o long as the rural and urban poor associated themselves with democracy, the urban middle class developed authoritarian aptitudes for ensuring their life standards and styles. 1ost &#; coup dEJtat liberal market conditions forced urban middle class to make a choice between non-patronage democracy or authoritarianism against patronage democracy of the urban and rural poor based on populist relations. Therefore, good
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7#-8&,. The ongoing weight of cultural and religious factors on votersE selection of a 7: 78 , shows the effect of patronage

governance practice becomes the irony of the government and a dilemma for Turkey (6alaycioglu, 2 &: 8"-88,.

This dilemma has become more of an issue during recent years. *overnment-military relations cause democratization and liberalization through the 43 harmonization regulations, and follow a course led by .elects/ (-eper, 2 7: 2&7-2&8,. This favourable course pulls the civil-military relations over a liberal model to the e%tent that the government abstains from arrangements which poses a threat to secular regime (appearance of Identities in public domain, or that the non-governmental organizations and the public take a stand against political IslamEs e%pansion (-eper, 2 7: 22@-22#,. This very fact signifies the importance of civil society in Turkey under the democratization process. 9ormation of the political domain in Turkey and opportunities provided to political activists are part of the political organization of citizenship. )ationalization of )ational 1act and identification of the government with national identity are outcomes of a fighting process. It was the integrating of divided .0natolia among 0rmenians, 6urds and the 'estern 0natolian *reeks/ through the 5eKvres Treaty was the origin of the discriminatory practices (ILduygu and 6aygusuz, 2 ": 2;, !2, !;,.

.1olitical integrity/ and .national independence/ (in the Gausanne negotiations, are the founding political ethos of citizenship (ILduygu and 6aygusuz, 2 ": "&, "",. 6emalist elites, the anonymous bearers of nation-state, established the political ethos of citizenship on .will of civilization/ for which they asked for a national participation (6eyman, 2 : 2&"-2&7,. Honservative cultural nationalist movement nowadays known with their ?ergsonian views on the base of individual enterprise, liberalism and spontaneity is not positivist but has been one of the most important promoters of Turkish revolution as .the will of civilization/ since &#2 s (Irem, 2 2: #@, & !-& ", & ;,. This ideological stream has become the binder of liberalism and authoritarian government together with Turkish-Islamic synthesis which is the official ideology of Turkey. 1roliferation of identities from civil society is realized under the authoritarian government mentality (+zkazanL, &###: 22-2!,. Giberalization, privatization and competition under the new route changed the state-economy interaction and mobilized potentials of civil society. It created the stage where neo-liberalism, Islam,

secular Turkish nationalism and ethno-religious belongings are updated (6eyman, 2 : 2 @-2 ;,.

.Turkish-Islamic synthesis/ could not provide for fictional integrity of the community but together with the socio-economic factors during &#; s, it turned into being the most important composition of secular and anti-secular polarization. *uiding principles of 6emalist elites (republicanism, nationalism, etatism, secularism, populism, and revolutionism-reformism from above, constituted the base of institutionalism and re-institutionalization (6eyman, 2 : 2&8,. The continuous base of re-institutionalization has always been the Turkish army, the watchdog of the 2epublic. This fact forms the parado% of 6emalism: relying on the army for 6emalist policy and flight from the civil society caused the Islamic identity to spread in civil society and thus forming an obstacle for socialization of 6emalist identity. The fictional-structural crisis between 6emalism and the civil society as a cosmic approach turned the civil society into the source of legitimacy under the memory of coup dEJtat. Together with overspread of identity, drawing the .line of identity/ has become an efficient strategy of democracy. +therwise, civil society .creates a space for the presence of Islamic discourse as a pluralist mode of organization of the stateCsociety interactions (cit. from 5aribay, 6eyman, 2 2&#, 22&, 22!, 22@,. The efficacy gained by Islamic discourse within civil society put religious symbols forward together with increasing importance of individual autonomy within the framework of neoliberal governance. Therefore it is not incidental that neo-liberalism offered insights for Islamic policy, culture and economy. Increasing interest of Islamic section in Turkey towards .civil freedoms/ and .human rights/ under accession to the 43 can be assumed as a result of autonomous individual concept (*okariksel and $itchell, 2 7: &";-&72, &7@-&7#,. *overnance phenomenon in Turkey engaged @: !2 -!2!, !! ,. with privatization and elimination of government monopoly and Islamic revival in civil society (5ezen, 2 : 227B 6eyman, 2 : 2&;-

Government re$orm and criticism on governance in Turkey

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There is a long history of state ownership of industry in 4urope involving national and regional public corporations, state holdings in private sector companies and operation through local and central government departments. 0 maAor e%pansion of state enterprises occurred in the interwar years and especially after &#"7. ?y the late &#8 s a political consensus e%isted in 'estern 4urope favoring the e%istence of a mi%ed economy began to change after the 36Es privatization program (1arker, &##;: &&,. +n the one hand, the pressures of liberalization of the 43 markets and government budgetary difficulties put the governments into the liberalization processB on the other hand construction of 4uropean economic area forced them to develop policies at the 43 level. The 4uropean debate on competitiveness associated with advocacy of deregulation and liberalization as the most efficacious responses to globalization (2osamond, 2 2: &8;, In this perspective, the 43 policy directed to shift the relationship between governments and state-owned utilities has created an economic environment which has led member states to review the benefits of retaining state ownership (1arker, &##;: 2!,. The liberalization and deregulation reigning over 4urope is the source of influence of public reform in Turkey. The most remarkable criticism was made by academicians of 0nkara 3niversity, 1olitical 5ciences 9aculty. The focus of the criticism can be summarized as follows: 1ublic reform is a part of I$9 stabilization program and aims 8,7 percent *)1 (*ross )ational 1roduct, surplus. The policy of downsizing the state or .financial deregulation/ applied during the &#; s now emerges as .state adaptation policy/ or .political-administrative deregulation/. Therefore the localist and privatist governance is not a liberalization towards the needs of the country and people but the needs of capital (*uler, 2 !b: !!,. 'hile the main target of the reform is to circumvent 0nkara, its point of support is the e%pectation and belief that it will ensure growth in local economies. 9air distribution of country resources is essentially the duty of the government. The main factor that sneakingly corroded >ugoslavia which appeared to be a perfect harmonic integration of different ethnicities was the reign of economical instability (Isikli, 2 !: 2-!,. The reason for effective participation of T35I0D (Turkish IndustrialistsE and ?usinessmenEs 0ssociation, and T+?? (Turkish 3nion of Hhambers and Hommodity 4%changes,, etc. into law-making attempts regarding public reform and facilitation of capital movement is the e%pectation for e%tending the space for the capital movements in
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accordance with .governance-state/ rationale of 'orld ?ank. -owever, the unsecured public office system will result in prevalence of bribery and corruption (Dikmen, 2 !: 7, ;,.

0nother point of criticism is that the reform leads to .civilization/. .Hivilization/ bears such characteristics that may be interpreted as arrangement of public domain according to private benefits. The most remarkable e%amples of said .civilization/ are Directorate of 5trategy Development and .5trategy Development ?oard/ acting as consultancy authorities which are included into ?asic 1ublic 0dministration Gaw Draft. This ?oard together with the representatives of private entities and corporates are the elements of .governance/ or .civilization of public domain/ (6arasu, 2 !: 8282,. 1rivatization and commercialization of basic public services are intended for civil field. 5tateEs keeping its hand off a great many public services will result in direct or indirect privatization of services through local governments. The funds provided by 'orld ?ank for funding services that are transferred from central government to local governments are significant indicators for this process. Together with a fle%ible employment system, rendering services through private sector can turn into a rule (4rdogdu, 2 !: &"-&7, 22,. 'ithin this framework, the parallelism between localization and privatization of public services is remarkable. In this conte%t, the purposes of ?asic 1ublic 0dministration Gaw Draft are in fact not localization and democratization but to establish stations for privatization through the instrumentality of localization (5onmez and DinlerB 2 !: !"-!7,. This very fact can be seen in the !: @&way of depredation paved by the recommendation in the 'orld ?ank 2eports for integrating the coastal regions in to the .new/ economic rationale (Duru, 2 @2,. The integrity of administration principle stipulated in the Honstitution contradicts with the .public reform/, because the central administration is in charge as the general supervisor, while the local administrations are in charge of providing service and organization limited to their geographical borders for meeting .common re=uirements/ of local people. ?y means of a custody structure, the Honstitution e%cludes possibility of dissociating the local administrations from the general administration. The Gaw Draft, on the other hand, does not refer to .common local re=uirements/ but first refers to duties of central administration and then assumes the local administration as the general authority in charge. This does not include the
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relations regarding locality of re=uirements but it is essentially a general authorization for privatization of public services (6arahanogullari, 2 !: 72-7@,.

Democracy, Civil Society and Local Governance in Mugla Today, the economic globalization restructured the community and removed alliances resulting from class structure. International production shaped the workforce hierarchically as permanent core workforce integrated with managing forces, as instable workers segmented according to ethnicity, religion, gender and geographic characteristics, and as the outcasts at the bottom. 3nder circumstances where alliances within themselves are blurred, the civil society witnesses a bottom-up integration movement. Top civil society cooperating with global capital and its institutions, on the one hand, and segmented bottom civil society mobilizing the transforming potential on the other hand are the realities of hegemony struggle (Ho%, &###: #-&&,. The hegemony struggle within the civil society takes an important place in the field of interest of theoretical approaches and current pluralism coming to the forefront within local democracy and civil society connection. 1luralist, managerial ('eber, and class ($ar%, paradigms related to government assume the change process as a civil society phenomenon. 1luralistic paradigm focuses on the effect of individuals and individual-based groups on decision-making process of the government. $anagerial paradigm ('eber, focuses on the effect of bureaucratic structures and corporate domain on decision-making process of the government. Hlass paradigm criticizes the pluralist and managerial paradigm for neglecting class aspect, and focuses on capital accumulationCclass conflict. The effect of private sector e%panded on the field vacated by the government for liberalization and marketization purposes puts institutional approaches applied in 'estern welfare-states into new contact points (5engul, 2 &: "7-7&,.

$anagerial paradigm finds its e%planation in public choice theory. The plurality and different polity e%pectations of local choices bring about new income groups, thus re=uiring the government to offer alternative serviceCta% packages to different groups. This means that the government is re=uired to supply for local demands with
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numerous local administration units. 'hile said numerous local units will compete for getting the local people to their side, the local people benefit from such competition by means of less ta%es and better service. 1luralist paradigm points out the necessity of a participative model under the regime theory in incorporation of current segmented and dissolved urban structures. The role of the government is no more to act as an arbitrator assumed by classic pluralist approach but to activate and coordinate the resources under increasingly complicated relations. +ne of the most important features of this approach is to accept the autonomy attributed to municipal authorities by managerial paradigm together with considering limitations of macrolevel power relations and economical structures asserted by $ar%ist approach. In this conte%t, while paying attention to structures and relations, the key decisiveness is implemented by multi-actors of the city. Thus, regimes advocating stabilization would predominate under power balance, alliances and e%tensive spatial division of labour. Hlass paradigm has focused on the concern of winning actual leftist structures after withdrawal of class conflict in the 'est and disintegration of the 5oviet system. Hircles which drifted away from $ar%ist structure are inspired from pluralist approach which is based on radicalization and reinforcement of civil society against central government. 2adicalization of the democracy is not only the duty of working class but also belongs to non-governmental organizations which are assumed as the key elements of this process. $otivating the civil society, on the other hand, is under the responsibility of the (local, government. The most important =uestion arising from this method is .why the government should organize such a civil society/. This can be seen as a new democratic corporatism model. 3ne=ual development theory, on the other hand, remains in $ar%ist paradigm, and asserts that the capitalism does not only bring forth economic ine=ualities but also spatial ine=ualities. 2endering the une=ual development manageable is an obligation for nation-state. It is not possible for a homogenous state structure to cope with a non-homogenous spatial pattern. Therefore local government is not an e%tension of nation-state but a historical response which is une=ually developed against it with its own specificities. It both undertakes regulative roles to get through socio-spatial ine=ualities and acts as spokesman of local powers. Thus each local unit is a stratified socio-spatial formation within the historicity of the positions in spatial division of labour held in different periods. This formation has brought out a local (political, culture. Gocal administration
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practices represent the centre, on the one hand, and become the representative of local powers on the other hand (5engul, 2 &: 72-7@,.

Turkish Honstitution of &#8& did not only provide Audicial assurance for local administration but also commissioned the government with the duty of providing income sources to local administrations pro rata to their obligations. Turkish Honstitution of &#;2, on the other hand, was drafted on an environment where some circles, which have no faith in local administrations, were present. Therefore, it reflects disbelief in local administration bodies (6eles, &##!: &7-&@,. The importance of a constitutional ground supporting peopleEs rights on a participative basis is evident. 0nother phenomenon that has e=ual importance is adoption of democracy as a life style. 3ntil =uite recently, an approach which did not include any political ground for participation was predominant. 5tate and nation were assumed to be identical concepts. 2egimes where governed people do not participate into political processes are not deemed to be a part of democracy concept anymore. 1articipative processes that gained weight in political science re=uire making a distinction between political civil organizations and non-governmental organizations. Today, the regimes where non-governmental organizations are not represented in participation processes are not deemed to be democratic. 0s long as the inefficiency of the centre in providing public services necessitates in-site production and provision of services, e%isting traditional institutions for municipal administration remain incapable. Therefore, it aims to ensure efficacy of participation services together with democracy training, and to reinforce local democracy. 9or realizing this aim, the factors such as the willingness of participants, promotersE faith in participation, nondeterrent effect of the size of community which is interested in the participation are important with regard to participation (6eles, &##!: 2 -22,. 0s in .the city ambient sets people free/ phrase, we can say that city life forms a proper environment for democracy. In terms of e%perimental fields, local administrations have an important effect on tendencies of leaders and politicians that would govern the nation. Gocal administrations have played an important role not only for politicians but in development of contemporary participative aspects of democracy by encouraging public participation. 0s a ground where political activity feeling is rooted, local administrations have played role in promoting the development of political culture based on participation (*ormez, &##&: 7"-8 ,.
&7

It is evident that the disbelief against local administration should be overcome for ensuring them to have their real place in democratic development process (6eles, &##!: ";,. 1articipative municipality practices do not date long back to old times. The municipal organization which is based on common benefit on local scale dates back to &;7" when Istanbul 5ehremaneti (the local administration acting as municipal constabulary which dealt with sanitary and landscaping works of the city during +ttoman reign, was established. Gocal administration system before said date was =uite faint and ambiguous (+rtayli, &## : @ -@&,. The municipality heritage inherited by the 2epublic was restructured by $unicipal Gaw &7; enacted in &#! . .4ach city is a matter of state/ said 5ukru 6aya, then the minister of interior. This approach has played an important role on systemizing the central custody, and putting down roots of custodian mentality until now (0lada, &## : &2&,. 0doption of multi-party system in &#"8 resulted in political revival. 2uralMurban migration period, poverty and classification under wartime conditions turned cities into important political-social phenomena. The rural migration directed into cities and metropolitans resulted in the collapse of urban services and rendered the municipalities incapable of producing services (*eray, &## : 2&@-22!,. 3rban problems coming to the forefront in parallel with the welfare state in the 'est caused urban-social movements to be the new actors of the participation. Therefore, urban movements have been taking an important place in social movements. $ovements similar to those in 4uropean countries were observed to take place in Turkey in the &#@ s, as well. The phenomena observed in Turkish metropolitan and rural areas were gecekondu (shantytown, movements, land and house occupations, radical local participation e%amples ($unicipality of 9atsa, and direct democracy practices. 0s of &#; s, solidarity-based movements were observed to become widespread within the framework of social and spatial bounds. ?eginning from the end of &#; s, these movements emerged as protests against urban regeneration proAects and inefficiency of urban services. ?eginning from the &## s, the civil society gained importance day by day, and opened the organization of civil domain into a serious competition field. 'e can say that political ideologies were rapidly polarized in civil organization field. Hivil society repositioned itself against hegemony and counter-hegemony. 1olitical participation of non-governmental organizations

&8

under urban practices entered into a parallel or contrary split-up period under ethnoreligious, socio-spatial and cultural manners (*unlu, 2 &: "8#-"@!,.

0s a result of migration, citizentry associations become more important following the new aspects attributed to network-type organizations. The network-type life which introverted people into specific identities and relations in abyss of public domain collapsed by liberalization and privatization turned the citizentry associations into a foothold strategy. 0s a balancing element, they entered into the segmented chaotic urban spaces where different conflicts of power relations were staged (6urtoglu, 2 : !&"-!&@,. Thus citizentry associations placed themselves among multi-actors of urban life. Hivil society and participation has entered into Turkish life as a practical matter after the earth=uakes suffered in &### (0ugust &@ and )ovember &2 earth=uakes,. Incapability of the government triggered intervention of non-governmental organizations, and promoted foundation of new non-governmental organizations. 0cting as social actors of participation, non-governmental organizations participate into policy development process together with political actors. 2evised legislations in Turkey describe the participation thereof and recommend that such participations should be promoted. 0rticle @8 to $unicipal Gaw 7!#! includes the provision that city councils will be established by the help and support of municipalities. 3nder said law, the ministry of interior structured the participation by issuing .Hity Houncils *uidelines/. 0ccording to 0rticle ; of said *uidelines, representatives of local administrations (municipality, general provincial assembly,, $embers of 1arliament of the relevant province, representatives from political parties, representatives from public vocational institutes, and representatives of civil society will participate into the Hity Houncil under certain ratios (Hoskun, 2 @: & @-&& ,.

Honsidering $ugla Hity Houncil, which is active since &###, as an e%ample, it is observed that there has been no will to participate into this council, and what is more, those who call for participation do not have faith in such a council. 1olitical cultureEs not being promoting has a negative effect on unwillingness for participation. The participation is interrupted by certain reasons such as the weakness of local democracy, inefficiency of participation consciousness and its education, novelty of participation phenomenon, absence of conditions which promote and encourage
&@

utilization of rights (*okturk and 6avili, =uot. from 2

2, HoNkun, 2

@: &&-&&2,.

9urthermore, the provision included in the *uidelines stating that decisions made in the city council will be negotiated in the first meeting of municipal assembly assumes that all public services in the city are produced by the municipality. This practice results in decreasing the efficiency, thus participation. Institutionalization and changing local consciousness would favourably contribute to participation (Hoskun, 2 @: &&!,.

0s a field of participation and activity, 1rovincial -uman 2ights Hommittee and Hounty -uman 2ights Hommittees are operating since 2 non-governmental organizations. & in $ugla. 'ithin governance mentality, these committees assemble representatives from public and The structure of said committees includes e%clusionist manners in itself as some non-governmental organizations are invited to the committee while some of them are not. 0s specified in their purpose of e%istence, these committees can contribute to improvement of consciousness regarding human rights in local areas where they are established. The reasons behind limited operational area of these committees are that these committees act on the base of complaints, and do not carry out direct investigations. 5ome criticism points that should be underlined can be summarized as the dominance of public authority, failing to ensure participation of non-governmental organizations which adopt a human rights-sensitive approach, lack of institutionalization and failure to promote participation (5ahin, 2 @: "7 -"72, "7"-"8&,.

The fact observed in Hity Houncils and -uman 2ights Hommittees is that institutional structures, where representatives of government authority and representatives of civil society meet, become e%plicit. 5uch institutionalizations are governance structures that come to the forefront today. Institutionalizations at local-level call forth plurality of civil society conceptualized under managerial, pluralist and class paradigms, and the government adopting governance principle. 3nder governance practices, local government institutionalizes its contradictory structure where both central and local powers are represented. Oustice and Development 1arty (061, was dominant in $ugla *eneral 1rovincial 0ssembly after the elections in 2 ". 0fter the elections in 2 #, on the other hand, 2epublican 1eopleEs 1arty (H-1, has grasped the dominance. The economy of
&;

$ugla mainly relies on tourism activities. The weight of agricultural labour gradually diminishes. 'ith said properties, the 1rovince reflects the tension between rural policies and environmentalC tourism policies. 'hile 9ethiye - Dalaman region ruled by 061 is the centre of rural policies, $ilas- ?odrum region ruled by H-1 is the centre of environmentalCtourism policies. This situation politicizes the civil society under the effects of two different polity domains. This fact reflects multi-level formation of polity and socio-spatial division of labour. 2apid increase in numbers of non-governmental organizations of the 1rovince " represents socio-spatial segmentation and variety. The effect of 4uropean 3nion programs should be reminded regarding increasing numbers of 0ssociations. 1resentation and coordination activities performed by *overnorship of $ugla contribute to revival of non-governmental organizations 7. 2econtact of local and central governments under neo-liberalism leads to position conflict in civil society and tensions about local public policy. $odern-secular middle class and traditional-conservative sections confront in socio-spatial domain and politicize the separation of the society among rural policies (061, and environmentalCtourism policies (H-1,. 5aid politicization institutionalizes the multilevel structure of the civil society within governance practices in $ugla, and involves them into the formation of local public policy.

Re$erences

"

It is stated that there are @&; associations in $ugla, which increases up to 2 vocational institutions (+zgur, 2 ;,.
7

after including

In news-report by P-0 1ress 0gency about governance in $ugla (@.8.2 8,, it is reported that nongovernmental organizations participate into environmental policies led by *overnorship regarding the pollution caused by >atagan Thermal 1ower 1lant.

&#

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