The Mystery Religions and The New Testament (1918) Sheldon, Henry C. (Henry Clay), 1845-1928
The Mystery Religions and The New Testament (1918) Sheldon, Henry C. (Henry Clay), 1845-1928
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YSTERY RELIGIONS
NEW TESTAMENT
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SACERDOTALISM IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. Crown 8vo. Net, $2.00 UNBELIEF IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
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8vo.
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APPENDIX TO A FOURFOLD TEST OF MORMONISM. 16mo. Net, THEOSOPHY AND NEW THOUGHT.
16mo.
Net, 50 cents
By
HENRY
C.
SHELDON
9,
Copyright, 1918, by
HENRY
C.
SHELDON
AUG 17
I'Bl'a
CU501480
CONTENTS
PAGE
3
J^
Preface
CHAPTER
A Glance
of
i
the
Mystery
.Religions
CHAPTER
II
39
CHAPTER
III
Distinctive Points in Which the Mystery Religions Show Agreement or Contrast with Christianity
57
CHAPTER
IV
CHAPTER V
The Question of Paul's Indebtedness to the Mystery Religions for His Conceptions of Baptism and the Eucharist
5
100
CONTENTS
CHAPTER
VI
The Question
op the Indebtedness op the Johannine Writings, and op Other Portions op the New Testament, to the Mystery Religions 131
154
Conclusion
PREFACE
This book has been written, not
for
the
small
class
of
experts,
but
are
who
compact exposition of a prominent theme in New Testament criticism. We respect, however, the function of the experts, and venture to cherish the hope that of
those
proportion
its
may be
tenor.
CHAPTER
has been very well expressed in the following sentences: "The word Mystery was the name of a religious society, founded not on citizenship or kindred, but on the
connection,
choice of
of
rites
its
members,
it
by which,
was
believed,
their happiness might be promoted both in this world and in the next. The Greek word (ivoryptov does not, of its own force, imply anything, in
that
our sense of the word 'mysterious/ is to say, obscure or difficult to comprehend. That which it connotes
10
is,
something which can only be known on being imparted by some one already in possession of it, not by mere reason and research which
Thus the Mysstood for a knowledge and a benefit that were accessible only by
are to all." 1
common
tery
way of initiation. The one who had been initiated was considered under very imperative bonds of secrecy. His obligation, however, to maintain silence concerned less the general significance
of the Mystery ceremonial details.
than
its
account of the Mystery Religions notice would need to be taken of the cult of Ishtar and Tammuz. But as our survey pertains only to such religious types as had an opportunity to impinge upon early Christianity on the theater of the
In a
full
S.
40, 41.
11
though a reference to it as an influential antecedent may be quite pertinent. Of direct concern are the Graeco-Thracian Mysteries, having
their
principal
seat
at
Eleusis,
and associated
in particular with
De-
and Serapis originating in Egypt; and of Mithra, primarily connected with Persia and spreading thence in the Roman empire. In
Isis, Osiris,
addition to these
it
is
appropriate to
thought and endeavor which were in close affinity with the standpoint of
the Mystery Religions.
Here, with-
out doubt, are to be included Orphism and the scheme represented in the Hermetic writings. Some consider that it is appropriate to bring into consideration the teaching of Posidonius,
who
figured
at
Rhodes
in
the
first
12
half
the
century
preceding
the
birth of Christianity,
much
in-
an
eclectic temper.
It is claimed
also that
an incipient Gnosticism,
spirit
and
Religions,
was already
tianity
in the field
its
when
Chrisis
began
mission.
Note
taken of the fact that the knowledge (yv&aig), which was the boast of the Gnostic sects, was referred
rather to mystical relationships and
and
In
to
science.
connection
the
with
it
the
is
Mystery
important
Religions as a class,
recognize
serious
limitations
which are imposed upon our knowl"The study of the antique edge.
Mysteries/ says tremely difficult,
'
De
since
Jong,
"is
exat
we have
13
only
fragmentary
and
"Perof
dis-
remarks
general
Cumont,
wreck
more
few mystic formulas quoted incidentally by pagan or Christian authors and a few fragments of hymns in honor of the gods are pracescaped destruction. The treatises on mythology that have been preserved deal almost entirely with the ancient Hellenic fables made famous by the classic writers, to the neglect of the Oriental religions. There is no period of the Roman empire concerning which we are so little informed as the third century, precisely the one during which the Oriental religions reached the apogee of their power." 3 No one of these retically all that
.
Das Antike Mysterienwesen, p. 4. The Oriental Religions n Roman Paganism, pp. 11-14.
:
14
ligions
bequeathed
complete
liturgy or ritual.
An
enthusiastic de-
to
of
perhaps as noteworthy as anything which has been furnished on this subject. Albrecht Dieterich, it is true, has claimed that in the content of a Paris papyrus we have a substantially complete liturgy But Cumont and of Mithraism. 4
others have challenged the legitimacy
of the identification.
It
a very insecure foundation to build upon. This fragmentary character of the sources of information evidently enforces the need of caution against
indulging in over-broad and ill-founded
inductions.
*
It
is
15
viewer to be tempted to gather up the scattered hints derivable from the several Mystery Religions and then to apply them collectively to one or another of these religions, thus
assigning
to
it
definite content
suspicion that recent scholarship has not wholly escaped this tempta-
"There is tion easily intrudes itself. undoubtedly/ writes Maurice Jones, "a tendency among the students of these cults to erect a building out of material that is wholly inadequate
'
and to counterbalance
matter by
in-
serting their
own
hypotheses." 5
On
province
the
Mysteries
it
is
to
be noted that those of Eleusis were started at an early point in the history of Greece. The cult of Demeter,
6
in the
16
Christ; 6
and,
while
considerable
period
may have
scheme at Eleusis was relatively matured, it had doubtless been a factor in Greek religion for centuries prior
to the culmination of Attic civiliza-
In respect of their sphere these Mysteries were limited by the requirement that their celebration should take place at Eleusis and by the exclusion of the possibility of initiation elsewhere. On this score they were placed at a disadvantage as compared with various rivals in the Grsecotion.
Roman
world.
For,
whatever
local
associations they
may have
had, the
Mysteries generally were free to gather groups of devotees in any quarter. At a comparatively early date they "First, began to invade the West.
8
17
was a slow
infiltration of despised
and Persian
threatened to submerge all that Greek and Roman genius had laboriously
built up." 7
The Cult
of
Cybele was
it
represented in
204.
Rome
as early as B. C.
obtained considerable patronage in the West. In the Greek states it received only a scanty welcome. The cult of Isis and of the related Egyptian divinities had begun to take root in Greece and southern Italy in the third century
before Christ.
in
Roman
Paganism,
p.
18
out being
Tiberius.
But
example. Otho was openly favorable to the Egyptian priests and rites, as was also Domitian. From the end of the first century the cult of Isis won
an ever-increasing company
ents
till
of adher-
the culmination of
its
influence
sented at
Rome
as early as B. C. 67,
but
till
gained
no appreciable foothold
second
it
century.
In the
centuries
Christian
wide extension in the region stretching from the Caspian Sea to Italy and Being to the Eastern part of Gaul. a peculiar degree the religion of soldiers, it was carried wherever the
8 Lafaye, Histoire 24-63.
du Cultes dee
DivinitSs d'Alexandrie,
pp.
19
Roman legions were sent, and was furthermore propagated by slaves from the East and by Syrian merchants. The Emperor Commodus (A. D. 180192)
of
his
regarded
it
with
The climax of its progress was probably reached toward the end of the third century. Julian the Apostate beyond the middle of the next century exerted himself to the utmost restore its fortunes, but his to
favor.
to check the
irretrievable
brotherhoods were an appreciable factor in the Greek domain, including Southern Italy, from the sixth century before Christ. The Hermetic literature in its extant form was not earlier than the second century of our era. It is supposed, however, that it incorporated ways of thinking that had been operative at an earlier
20
date. 9
is
How
widely
it
became current
not clearly determined. Reitzenstein's conclusion that it represented a typical form of the piety of the second and third centuries has been challenged by Cumont and others. 10 From the tenor of its content it is natural to conclude that its patronage was limited, for the most part, to the
more speculative minds whose adherence to the classic faiths had become little else than nominal. After
its
contact
ticism became, especially in the sec9 Professor E. D. Burton, after noting diverse views as to the date of the Hermetic writings, adds this statement: "To affirm that they influenced New Testament usage would be hazardous, but they perhaps throw some light on the direction in wnich thought was moving in New Testament times" (American Journal J. M. Creed reviews the of Theology, October, 1916, p. 566). data presented by Reitzenstein and draws this conclusion: "The bulk of the Hermetic writings were probably written in the third century or not earlier than the end of the second century" (Journal of Theological Studies, July, 1914). G. R. S. Mead concludes
that
some
the
of
least
contemporaneous
(Thrice-Greatest
with
10
earliest
Christianity"
Hermes,
III, 323).
234; Astrology
76,
Cumont, The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, pp. 233, and Religion among the Greeks and Romans, pp. 77; Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mystery Religions, pp. Ill, 112.
21
ond century, a widely disseminated In the pre-Christian phenomenon. stage it existed more extensively in the unorganized form of congenial materials than in the character of specific sects, though there were some parties to whom that designation might properly be applied.
In respect of the sources from which
drew their materials opinion is not unanimous. Two things, however, may be regarded as established. In the first place, it cannot be doubted that the Babylonian story of Ishtar and Tammuz wrought in some degree for the
the several Mystery Religions
production of kindred representations Syria and Asia Minor, and it is possible that through these channels it may have touched religious thought in Greece. In the second place, it cannot fairly be questioned that the cults which reached to wide limits
in
22
in the
Isis
Roman
and Mithra, ultimately incorporated materials from various sources, so that they became in a rather emphatic sense syncretistic. There is good reason also for concluding that Orphism was open in the course of
its
of
new
elements,
standing
in
this
respect
somewhat
sinian Mysteries.
On
the relation of
both to
Egyptian antecedents contrasted views have been expressed. Foucart has argued very earnestly
for the distinct
of
and
large indebtedness
the
Eleusinian rites
to
those
of
Isis; indeed, he makes the former no more than a Hellenic version of the 11 Farnell, on the other hand, latter.
rejects
Foucart
Compare De
of
23
has also drawn the conclusion that Orphism borrowed, especially through the medium of Pythagoras, quite
largely
On
Maass
essence national-Hellenic." 13
For our
purpose
it
is
nounce on the disputed points. We see no reason why an intermediate view may not be eligible.
Viewed
of
in
their
general
cast,
the
affair
voluntary
state institutions.
very
much
like
the
early
Christian societies.
however, that claimed a definite political relation. From the seventh century before Christ the Eleusinian Mysteries were under the direct patronage of Athens, and the Samothra13
lichen Jenseitsdichtung
und
Religion.
24
The Ptolemies
in
Egypt were
but their jurisdiction covered only a fraction of the area over which this form of Egyptian religion gathered its groups of worshipers.
It is the
common
verdict of those
who have
their
no considerable body either moral or metaphysical instruction. A modicum of moral impression may have been ministered by them; but of moral indoctrination nothing worthy of note. 14 The statevotaries
of
ment
actions
at
Eleusis,
impressions,"
M At
of
may
Eleusis the homicide was rejected as also the professor unhallowed rites. "Otherwise there seem to have been no They were not definite moral demands upon the candidates. redeemed from any sinful ways. No pattern of conduct was held up before them; nor was the nature of the future life made clear" (J. Estlin Carpenter, Phases of Early Christianity, p. 217).
25
Orphism developed an appreciable body of teaching, and that in the mystical Hermetic literature the doctrinal element, though not strictly uniform or self-consistent, was by no means wanting. There is no hesitation, however, in the verdict that the liturgical,
They included
rites of ablution;
they
they led on the subjects of initiation into scenes which were designed to stimulate the imagination and to awaken a vivid sense both of the terrors and joys which lie beyond the
earthly pilgrimage.
How
effectively
26
into
mysteries
of
Isis.
These are
his words:
"I have
transcended the boundaries of death, I have trodden the threshold of Proserpine, and having traversed all the elements I am returned to the earth. In the middle of the night I have seen the sun scintillating with a pure light; I have approached the gods below and the gods above, and have worshiped face to face." 15 Some allowance may be made for the stylistic ambition of the rhetorician; but it is entirely probable that the Mysteries, at least in the later period of their history, by the employment of various dramatic expedients, such as the combination of deep shadows and brilliant
were often able to exercise a kind of hypnotic influence over those who sought in them pledges and safeguards of future well-being. That the
lights,
15
Metamorphoses,
xi,
23.
27
adapted to their end there is every reason to believe. This is not saying, however, that they harbored nothing which a normally educated
sense
of
propriety would
reprobate.
if
Eleusis,
authorized. 16
A
is
marily
vegetation
speaking,
gods,
or,
more
with
broadly
gods
linked
and animal life. Such distinctively was the earliest in the list, the Babylonian Tammuz, "the young god of
vegetation
the
I8
the heat of
descends to
28
the world below, leaving the earth barren until he returns." 17 In Mithra-
ism this point of view may not have been relatively prominent; but in the
Mystery
were closely connected with the requirements of cereal growths and ani-
may
of vegetation in particular.
All three
were believed to have died and risen again from the dead; and the divine death and resurrection of all three were dramatically represented at annual festivals, which their worshipers celebrated with alternate transports of sorrow and joy, of weeping and exultation. The natural phenomena thus sympathetically conceived and mythically represented were the great
17
Faraell, Greece
and Babylon,
p. 105.
29
most striking and impressive of all, the decay and revival of vegetation; and the intention of the sacred dramas was to revive and strengthen by sympathetic magic the failing energies of
nature, in order that the trees should bear fruit, that the corn should ripen, that men and animals should reproduce their kind." 18 No doubt the in gods who were the chief figures the Mysteries came to stand for other functions than those named in the
citation.
was assigned to Osiris and Dionysos, and to a nearly equal extent others were given a multiple role by the faith and enthusiasm of their
and
offices
devotees.
fact
However,
that
in
the the
significant
remains
as
Mystery
a naturalistic
Religions, p. 383.
30
The naturalistic phase was coupled with magic, as indeed is emphatically indicated in Frazer's statement of the design of the rites in which tribute was paid to Adonis, Attis, and Osiris. In so far as the Mysteries were related to the Babylonian and Egyptian religions they naturally shared in the element of magic, for that element abounded in those religions. It seems also to be the judgment of scholars that the Mysteries wrought for the increased dominion of magic in the
Grseco-Roman world.
reign of Augustus,
the
us,
How they rose in esteem. 19 strongly the current set in that direction is indicated by the ultimate gravcults
itation of
There are also direct evidences that the Mysteries in their scheme of rites
19
The
Oriental Religions in
Roman
SI
on the basis
of magic.
"It
was
"at
necessary/'
we
are
informed,
the
the the
will.
faculty
of
acting
of
directly
upon
their
gods
It
and
constraining
little
imports
use of
whether the
man making
them understands
The age
had
in
man
20
21
much
given
Essai sur
Foucart, Les Mystdres d'Eleusis, p. 150. le Culte et les MystSres de Mithra, pp. 80, 81.
32
mysticism in general. In the mystical scheme of Possidonius large account was made
to
sidereal of the stars
and
and
of their interconnec-
In were
blended with Stoic, and his influence helped to give currency to a complex sidereal scheme as an important and
conditioning factor in religion.
"Wide
extension was
awarded to the doctrine that the soul in descending from heaven takes on the attributes of the planets through which she journeys,
until
finally
she
enters
into
embodied
has,
existence.
by a
reverse
movement, to make
journey,
order,
the
after
heavenward
home
all
22
Not
of
22 Wendland, Die Hellenistisch-Romische Kultur in ihren Beziehungen zu Judentum und Christentum, p. 166.
33
may have taken account of such a pronounced It was, however, sidereal framework.
congenially related to their naturalistic
and
it
is
encountered Chaldsean influences during its movement to the West, it was prominently represented. The following sketch of the Mithraic scheme for the ascent of the soul will serve to illustrate: "The heavens were divided into seven spheres, each of which was conjoined with a planet. A sort
of
ladder composed
of
eight
super-
posed gates, the first seven of which were constructed of different metals, was the symbolic suggestion, in the temples, of the road to be followed to reach the supreme region of the fixed stars. To pass from one story to the next the wayfarer had each time to enter a gate guarded by an angel of
Ormuzd.
The
initiates alone, to
whom
34
the
formulas
to
taught,
knew how
guardians.
inexorable
rid of
re-
ceived
It
its
descent
to
the
earth.
abandoned to the moon its vital and nutritive energy, to Mercury its desires, to Venus its wicked appetites, to the sun its intellectual capacities,
to
its
Mars
its
love of war,
to
Jupiter
ambitious dreams, to Saturn its It was naked, stripped of every vice and every sensibility, when it penetrated the eighth heaven to enjoy there, as an essence supreme, and in the eternal light that bathed the gods, beatitude without end." 23 In the Hermetic literature a kindred
inclinations.
representation occurs. 24
Under proper
23
limitations reference
of Mithra, pp. 144, 145.
24
35
may
in the itations
Mystery
are
Religions.
this
The
lim-
that
tendency did
them; and in any case was conspicuous rather in the later than Of Orphism it is the earlier stages.
all
of
it
mythological terminology,
its
revealed
a certain affiliation with pantheism in tendency to conceive of the gods In the as vague cosmic powers. 25 Hermetic writings, as in the Gnostic
systems,
strains
pantheistic
and
dualistic
were combined. 26
only contains
all things.
27
According
all
mer,
God not
is
things,
but
veritably
In their
Egyptian
cults
showed
Rohde, Psyche, II, 114, 115. Poimandres, p. 46. G. R. S. Mead, while noticing the double aspect, argues that it is not appropriate to take much account of the dualistic phase. Thrice-Greatest Hermes, II, 30, 31, 115, 116, 160, 218. 27 Menard, Herm&s Trisme'giste, Traduction Complete, pp.
Reitzenstein,
boiv,
lxxviii.
36
with
pantheistic
They were developed in this direction, if we may trust Cumont, by Chaldaean and Syrian instandpoint.
writes: "Isis became a power that was everything in one, una quae est omnia. The authority of Serapis was no less exalted, and his field no less extensive. He also was regarded as a universal god of whom men liked to say that he was 'unique/ In him all energies were centered, although the functions of Zeus, of Pluto, or of Helios were
fluences.
He
pantheistic
especially
ascribed
to
him.
This
theological system,
the second century of our era, was not brought in Dy Egypt. It did not have the exclusive predominance there that it had under the empire, and even in Plutarch's time it was only
37
by the Syrian Baals and the Chaldaean The result was an apastrology." 28
proach to monotheism, a cosmic power acknowledged, which, indeed, might be manifested in different forms and addressed under different names, but which it was thought appropriate to describe as one and universal.
being
In the relative prevalence of the pantheistic viewpoint a favorable basis of syncretism, or comity, between the Mystery Religions was obviously provided. Those who had any motive
to
compound the
different
divinities
were able to plead that there was no real difference between them, since they were to be interpreted as only varying designations of the power which is one in essence though diversified
in
manifestation.
Oriental
freely iden-
The
Roman
38
Dionysos.
joined to
priests
There were
who
On
of
motive
this
may have
composite
operated in favor
role.
Unlike the
" Among
admitted women.
come down
either a priestess,
woman
initiate,
or even a donatress." 30
We
are left
then to infer that the predilection for mystic rites which may have been felt by the women connected with the initiates of Mithraism had to be satisfied outside of the proper Mithraic domain.
29
Boissier,
teries of
so
La Religion Romaine, I, 430; Cumont, Mithra, p. 177. Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra, p. 173.
The Mys-
39
CHAPTER
II
Herodotus
initiation
was limited to
the
other nationalities
who understood
Greek language and had the status of Roman citizens were eligible to
admission when presenting themselves at Eleusis at the time of the annual celebration in September and October. Initiation was understood to establish a close bond with the divinities who
40
were specially commemorated, but it was not regarded as shutting one up to an exclusive scheme of worship.
the divinities recognized, the benignant Earth Mother, Demeter, was central. The Maiden or Daughter, Kore (or Persephone), was prominent as an accessory to the role of Demeter. The statue of Iacchus was conspicuous in the solemn procession from Athens to Eleusis. According to one interpretation he represented a special form of Dionysos; according to another he was a divinity of subordinate rank. 1 Dionysos had a place in the Eleusinian rites, but not so much in his original Thracian character, as a patron of ecstasy, as in that of a fosterer of the
arts
Among
and
of
of agriculture.
initiates,
it is
classes
the
the epopts,
J The former is represented by Legge, The Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, 40, and by W. S. Fox, in The Mythology
of All Nations,
I.
is
Myst^res d'Eleusip.
41
were introduced by rites in which Dionysos was relatively promThey represented an adinent. 2 vanced grade of initiation, which was not esteemed necessary to salvation, and by a large proportion was not
taken.
Orphism in the course of its development made connection, on the one hand, with the cult of Dionysos, and on the other with Greek philosophy. It was drawn to the former by a high
appreciation of prophetical inspiration,
and is presumed to have qualified to some extent the orgiastic feature attached to that cult in certain quarters. In respect of philosophy it affiliated especially with the Pythagorean teaching.
Among
it
was
relatively
by
its
42
monialism. 3
it
it
radically
disparaged
the
sense
the true
it
life
In connec-
sin.
For
this
As the
mythical narrative runs, Zagreus, the offspring of Zeus and Persephone, was attacked by the Titans at the instigaThey tore tion of the jealous Hera. his body in pieces which they proceeded to devour. However, his heart remained intact, and this being brought to Zeus, he swallowed it or caused In it to be swallowed by Semele. the issue Zagreus was reborn under
the
name
of Dionysos,
and
his
murinto
derers,
3
the
Titans,
were
cast
This view of the relative prominence of the moral factor in Orphism, though often expressed, is challenged by F. Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, I, 145-147.
43
Since men,
in
respect of
bodies,
As has been
cult of
4 S.
Reinach, Cultes, Mythes, et Religions, II, 59; Rohde, Psyche, Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of the Greek Religion, pp. 481-497.
II,
116ff.;
44
terized
"In the attributes, functions, and form of the goddess, we can discern
life.
nothing
celestial,
solar,
or lunar; she
was and remained to the end a mothergoddess of the earth, a personal source of the life of fruits, beasts, and man." 5 Attis, associated with her as lover, husband, or son, figured by his death and
resurrection the yearly decay
vival of vegetation.
and
re-
According to one version of his mythological history he was slain by a boar; according to another he died from self-mutilation. The great festival of Cybele and Attis occurred in early spring, beginning on the twenty-second of March and continuing for several days.
tion
was
so conducted as to
The celebrawork up
a great excitement in the participants. "In the midst of their orgies, and after
wild dances, some of the worshipers
6
Farnell, Greece
and Babylon,
p. 109.
45
becoming intoxicated with the view of the blood, with which they besprinkled their altars, they believed they were uniting themselves with their divinity. Or else, arriving at a paroxysm of
frenzy, they sacrificed their virility to
These men became priests Cybele and were called Galli." 6 Crude and abhorrent as these features may appear, they did not precipitate an early downfall of the strange religion. The worship of Cybele and
the gods.
of
Attis
survived
the
establishment
of
Christianity
by Constantine. 7
which the EgypOsiris, and Serapis
The
effective appeal
was able to make to the peoples included in the Roman empire was due primarily, in no small degree, to the potent relation which these divinities
6 7
in
Roman Paganism,
p. 50.
46
were represented to hold at once to the realm of life and to that of death. This double relation was figured mythologically in the account of Osiris which became imbedded in Egyptian
traditions.
As the story
goes, Osiris,
the offspring of an intrigue between the earth-god Seb and the sky-goddess
Nut, fulfilled a beneficent vocation in promoting the cultivation of the soil and the advance of civilization. But he was at length exposed to the
malicious plotting of his brother Set,
to be inclosed in a
and to be cast into the Nile. was discovered by Isis, both sister and spouse of Osiris. It was not, however, so securely hidden by her, but that it passed under the hand of Set, who cut the inclosed body into fourteen pieces and scattered them widely. The faithful Isis spared no pains to gather the pieces. The body of the god was thus recom-
The
chest
47
posed and he became installed as king of the dead. As a favorite divinity he had other roles assigned to him, among them that of a sun-god. His most vital association, however, was with the contrasted realms of life and death. In him was symbolized the ever-waning
life
of
the
On 'the
sympathy
and compassion she won a wide appreciation. In some instances she was idealized and universalized as a prinPlutarch interpreted her as standing for "that property of nature which is feminine or receptive of all production." 8 On the whole, she probably received in the general range of the Roman empire more warmth of devotion than any other Egyptian divinity. As for
ciple of divine
8
wisdom.
Of
Isis
and
Osiris, $53.
48
Serapis, he
of a governmental scheme.
The
first
of
the
Ptolemies
(B.
C.
323-285)
one in which Greeks and Egyptians might unite. Not a few scholars have
interpreted
the
name
"Serapis"
as
simply a shortened form of "OsirisApis." Whether this is a true rendering or not, "Serapis" was quite com-
monly regarded as the equivalent of It was in this character "Osiris." that he was accepted by his Egyptian
worshipers.
Like Vishnu
the
of
Hindu deities, the Persian god Mithra was one who made great ad-
vances in respect of relative position His recogin the course of history. nition began, indeed, at a very ancient date, a place having been accorded him in the Vedic system where he
appears under
the
name
of
Mitra.
49
who were
created
by
closely asso-
with his creator, but plainly was a being of subordinate rank. Formally the aspect of subordination may not have been canceled at any period, but practically it came in the end to be set aside. While Mithra continued to be assigned the office of mediator, to a large extent religious dependence was directed rather to him than to the higher and remoter deity. On the one hand, he attracted devotion by his friendly character. Men were solicited to look to him as a kindly and responsive benefactor. In this respect he bears comparison with Apollo and the Dioscuri of the Greeks.
50
On
he commanded
embodiment of warrior might and virtue. He was reputed to be the guardian of the oath and a despiser of falsehood, and so was
allegiance as the
who put a stanch moral ideal to the front. As compared with the gods of other Mysteries, he was more of a sky god, less a god of the underworld or realm of the dead. This, however, is not to be understood as denying that he figured as a succorer of the dead. Like the other divinities he was esteemed a source of procreation and fruitfulness and an agent of resurrecIt is seen, then, that Mithraism tion. possessed features favorable to propagandism. With these were combined some that were not so favorable. The very scanty regard which it paid to
qualified to appeal to those
women was
limitation.
rites
in
particular
too,
a serious
of
its
Then,
some
51
the
either
Greeks or Romans.
cially of the
ceremony known as the which the devotee, seeking purification, stood under a latticed platform and was drenched with the blood of a bull slain above.
taurobolium,
in
ceremony, it is true, is credited to the cult of Cybele; indeed, in its Mithraic use it is thought to have been borrowed from that source; 9 but in either connection it must have been the reverse of a recommendation to
like
The
many
in the
people.
As
to
be
among
scholarly
which have
Against Renan's representation that at one time this religion bade fair to dispute the
9 Cumont, The Mysteries of Mithra, pp. 86, 87, 179-182; Legge, Forerunners and Rivals of Christianity, II, 258, 259.
52
man
is
to
to
prove that Mithraism ever prevailed widely outside the cantonments of the Roman legions. Furthermore, as is indicated by the map which Cumont has prepared, we have the fact that
most of the which could boast a high stage of culture. "Almost the entire domain of Hellenism/ says Harnack, "was closed to it, and consequently Hellenism itself. Greece, Macedonia,
it
territory
'
and Egypt none of these ever had any craving for the cult of Mithra.
tine,
And
by preeminence.
to Mithra,
They were
all,
closed
and as he
thus failed to
or at
an early
53
of
a barbarous
Now
these
were the very regions in which Christianity found an immediate and open welcome, the result being that the latter religion came at once into vital contact with Hellenism." 10 The historian adds that even in the West, where Mithraism had a relatively wide expansion, there is inadequate ground to conclude that it became "any real
rival of Christianity.'
'
The more
Reference was
made
istic
and
and to
their
independent
parts,
composed at
Three
54
naturally precluded uniformity in doctrine. 11 It has been noticed that Cumont assigns to
different periods,
strict
this
literature
less
extensive
role
often
of
sidereal
Egyptian secondary
ideas.
was
Semitic peoples." 12
stated:
One
of the pecu-
"The Master
God, the world
p. 190.
of
is
eternity
is
the
first
the second,
u Reitzenstein, Poimandres,
^Astrology and Religion
pp. 76, 77.
Among
the
55
man
is
the
third." 13
is
Another
first
peculiar representation
as well as
that at
man, and that the division into sexes occurred at the same time for the human and the animal species. 14
non-human
world,"
the
order.
"The
"is
intel-
it is said,
attached
to
to
God,
sensible
world
the
efflu-
intelligible
God
that
is
creative energy.
Around him are the eight spheres which are bound to him the sphere
To
bound,
and to the
men;
13 This occurs in the section entitled "Asklepios," which Lafaye contends must be located in the Neo-Platonic period, Histoire du Culte des DivinitSs d'Alexandrie, p. 85.
14
Corpus Hermeticum,
ii,
I,
18.
vol.
p. 12.)
56
who is the
universal Father." 15
Among
57
CHAPTER
III
DISTINCTIVE POINTS IN WHICH THE MYSTERY RELIGIONS SHOW AGREEMENT OR CONTRAST WITH CHRISTIANITY
By
is
its
in
It is per-
of its
still
more post-Constantinian, Chrismay have taken on characteristics akin to those of the Mystery
tianity
Religions.
original
The question
of intrinsic or
is
resemblances or contrasts
58
bling
aims and objects, all bound to exhibit resemfeatures; and where the religions
being appreciable. Were one disposed to go in quest of points of likeness between Christianity and the classic religions of Greece and Rome, he could undoubtedly fashion a rather
cape
full
catalogue.
But no
judicial
mind
would take
process
practice.
his list as
a demonstration
that Christianity
of
was originated by a
from
the
pre-
selection
existing classic
The Mystery
some
of
may seem
with Christian points of view, and so to be more probable But sources of shaping influence. this relative closeness of approach along certain lines is remote from being
affinity
59
a positive proof of effective working in the domain of primitive Christianity. So far as theory goes, it would involve no breach of logic to assume that New Testament Christianity, in rounding out its system in harmony with its fundamental postulates, was under compulsion to incorporate some
features which were
acteristic
of
less char-
Religions,
and would have done so if those religions had been absolutely out of sight. Of course, too, in so far as these ethnic cults were themselves in
process of development, the
way
lies
open to the assumption that they may have been in some respects affected by
Christian influence, which,
if
we may
judge by the outcome, was decidedly the most potent leaven at work in the Grseco-Roman world. It is not enough, then, to take note of the
fact
that
existence
60
date.
We
One
further discrimination
is
natu-
certain
body
of
of
truth
akin
to
the
content
Christianity
essarily regarded as
to the latter.
What Clement
of Alex-
andria said of Greek philosophy, namely, that it had the office of a schoolmaster to bring the Hellenic mind to Christ, might conceivably be said of the Mystery Religions. The primacy of Christianity is not denied by any agencies that prepare the ground for its own ultimate dominion. As a matter of fact it is not improbable that the points of kinship
the
Mys-
61
Mys-
apostolic writers.
In an important outward respect the Mystery Religions undoubtedly resembled early Christianity.
for exceptions,
Making room
that as a
i
we can say
class they were relatively detached from national associations and national
control.
Like
the
Christians,
their
brotherhoods wherein the chief bonds were a common faith and the use of common rites. Governmental patronage might further their advance, but independently of it they could thrive in any quarter where they were able to appeal successfully to individual men in quest of religious satisfaction. It is also quite certain that the Mystery Religions were akin to Christianity in the earnest attempt which they made to minister to the hopes
62
of
men
life.
Babylon and classic Greece was transcended, and a worthful immortality, as opposed to a vacant and pithless existence, was held in prospect. They
fostered
vital
impression
of
the
ever
into
artificialities
may
for
have entered
safeguarding
their
scheme
those
office
interests,
they
undertook
into a
an
in
assuming to lead
men
way
Some
in
commonly
vogue in the Mysteries were analogous to the cardinal rites of the Confident judgChristian Church.
is
ment here
regarded as materially abridged by our very scanty information respecting the ceremonies which the Mysteries placed under the
properly
ban
of secrecy.
It is quite generally
63
Christian
eucharist.
rites
In emphasizing heart-allegiance to a divine person, with whom redemptive offices were associated, the Mystery Religions were in line with a leading
feature of Christianity.
On
this point,
from other non-Christian faiths. Somewhat of the same element may be found in religions generally. But relatively they were distinguished by the great stress which they placed upon the close^persanal
tinguished
relation
of
the
initiates
saviour-gods in whose
rites
were administered.
Mention might further be made of eschatological particulars in which the Mystery Religions stood close to Christian beliefs. Mithraism especially
could be cited as presenting something
64
like
world by
of
fire, judgment and sentencing men, according to their deserts, to heaven or to hell. It would be rash, however to infer from the correspondence any direct borrowing of Mithraic
materials
into
by
Christianity.
It is
very
doubtful whether Mithraism had come any real contact with the Chris-
tian
New
Testament
was
On
we have
mystery.
store
It
its
made no attempt
to
up
and bolted doors. Free access to its whole message was offered to every
xx;
Cumont, The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, pp. xix, Kennedy, St. Paul, and the Mystery Religions, pp. 114, 115; Hatnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity, II, 318-321.
1
65
as
seclusion
sought for any of its rites it the dictate of a prudent desire to avoid profanation at the hands of a
scornful
was was at
and
hostile multitude.
It
had
nothing which was accounted as necessarily debarred to the sight of the public. Somewhat of a counter current was indeed started after a period. In some measure the point of view embodied in the secret cult of the Mysteries was entertained by the Alexandrian fathers in the third century, and it gained distinct recognition in the Disciplina Arcana in the fourth century. 2 But this was a development which was foreign to the Christianity of the first century. If we may judge from the implicit contradiction of it contained in the writings of Justin Martyr, it had not made appreciable headway at the middle of the second century.
8
Anrich,
pp. 126ff.
66
In a second respect the ChristianNew Testament age was widely distinguished from the Mystery Religions. As has been demonstrated a naturalistic basis was very prominent in them. The divinities in whom they were centered were primarily nature
ity of the
animal life, and the experiences of death and resurrection celebrated in connection with them were symbolic of alternate decay and revival in the sphere of natural life. Herein they were at a great remove from Christianity,
distinctly
which set the divine power above the world, and asfunction
this
and
ethical.
In
one
it stood apart from them by an incalculable interval. The extent to which the Mystery
feature alone
may
be
67
was foreign
to primitive Christianity.
The New
Testament, it is true, gives expression to the thought of a plurality of heavens; but the reference is purely incidental and subserves rather a rhetorical than a dogmatic purpose. No countenance whatever is given to the artificial
scheme of the descent and ascent of souls, through diverse spheres, which came to be installed in the leading Mystery Religions. The dominance of magic in this
class of religions presents a further ground of contrast with original Chris-
tianity.
Those,
indeed,
who
allege
the Christian
such as baptism working ex opere operato (or by the simple virtue of the ritual transaction) charge upon New Testament Christianity a species of magic. It may be that in the
rites,
and the
eucharist, as
68
expedients
effica-
But
expedients which are considered to have the sanction of the divine will, in so
far as
may
without abuse of language be to have a magical aspect. The New Testament, then, if the given allegation is correct, cannot well be excused from admitting an element of magic.
said
Our
is
conviction,
which we
shall
en-
tian
is
essentially
unfounded, 3
and that consequently New Testament Christianity is very decidedly contrasted with the Mystery Religions
as
respects
giving
countenance
contrast
to
is
magic.
3
That a
V
and VI.
relative
See Chapters
69
believed,
notice,
We
on the part of a
critic
New
Testament
who
attributes to the
was weak intellectually and ethically; it had not cut itself off from mythology, and its ethic was lower
"It
than that of Seneca or of the philosophers in general." 4 No such statement, most assuredly, can be made respecting the New Testament. The cogency with which it sets the ethical point of view on high puts it in unmistakable contrast with the Mystery Religions. Even if one should suppose that it contains a magical element, he must grant that it does not permit that element to overshadow the moral after the mode and the measure of the
ethnic systems.
4
70
readiness to
themselves,
essential identity of
one with another. a very different order ruled in the Christian domain. There the idea of striking hands with any contemporary cult was radically
consciousness
discountenanced.
their religion
historic
tial
The
votaries
of
in actual
its
essen-
content given in that revelation, so that it could not be made over for the accommodation of any party, without a most culpable recreancy to
Doubtless the partisans of the Mysteries had a certain faith in the reality of the divinities whom they celebrated, and were far from admitting formally that their careers, as figured in the customary rites,
the
truth.
71
But the
dim and
like that
scanty.
basis of assurance,
was not attainable. In a readiness to compound one cult with another was a half confession that all alike belonged to the sphere of symbolism, and were to be rated in their concrete representations as
tian tradition,
fact,
rather
Locally
may
mythological than historical. and temporarily these cults have derived advantage from the
policy of comity
and accommodation,
but they were not fitted to stand out against a religion which carried the
assurance of historic foundations.
72
CHAPTER IV
THE QUESTION OF PAUL'S INDEBTEDNESS TO THE MYSTERY RELIGIONS FOR CHARACTERISTIC TERMS AND
IDEAS
The
propriety of distinguishing be-
tween the two forms of indebtedness Scholars who deny is quite obvious.
that the apostle derived anything substantial, in the
way
of ideas,
Mystery Religions are free may have appropriated certain terms which came from that quarter. Thus Schweitzer remarks: "Paulinism and Hellenism have in common their
that he
religious
of
ideas,
The
apostle
did
His conceptions are equally distinct from those of Greek philosophy and from those
73
Mystery Religions. The affinities which have been alleged cannot stand an examination which takes account of their real essence and of the different way in which the ideas are conditioned in the two cases." 1 Much to the same effect are the words of
Clemen. Referring to certain Pauline terms which admit of comparison with the language of the Mysteries, he says, "It is a mere question of forms of expression; in themselves they prove absolutely nothing as to an influence of the Mystery Religions on the Pauline
theology." 2
The
like
point
is
urged by Ramsay in the broad statement: "The influence of Greek thought on Paul, though real, is all surely external. Hellenism never touches the life and essence of Paulinism which is fundamentally and absolutely Hebrew; but it does strongly affect the expres1
Der
74
The
cita-
Ram-
say makes it plain that he would not have put a less emphatic limitation on Paul's borrowing had the reference
been
specifically to the
Mystery Retheoretically
ligions.
Of course
it
is
possible that within limits Paul may have borrowed ideas as well as taken up forms of expression from the contemporary cults. What needs to be kept in mind is that the latter is no adequate proof of the former. In respect of terms, it is less easy than might be imagined at first thought to determine the measure in which Paul's phraseology was under specific
Some
of
may have
been
at
hand
in the
current religio-philo-
was no need
of
The Teachings
of
Paul in Terms
of the Present
75
a suggestion of their employment. Others of them can be regarded as having an Hebraic foundation, as being suggested by forms of expression in the Hebrew Bible, such as the alert mind of the apostle could render, with or without assistance from the Septuagint version, into the Greek equivalents which his thought de-
manded.
considerations,
ciably reduce the list of Pauline words which can confidently be referred to the Mystery Religions as their indubitable source. Among the words which come into discussion are the
following: [ivGryjpcov, refaiog, nvevpa as
distinguished
aia,
both
h6%a,
from
$v%n and
dyvoxvoiog
eix&v,
[lETa^op-
(povodcu,
g&^egQoli,
Gcdtyjpta,
and
The term
of a
^cvaryiptov
occurs
upward
76
ties.
4
sense in which
plan,
used
is
that
of
purpose,
or
prospective
event
What
might be taken as an exception occurs in Ephesians v. 32, where the term is applied to
at
first
sight
marriage.
To
bring
this
into
line
with the apostle's customary use we should need to think of the marriage union of man and woman as in a hidden way expressive or symbolical of the great truth of the union of Christ and the church. In the Septuagint, where the term occurs nearly as many times as in the Pauline Epistles, it has in like manner reference to plans and counsels which are, in fact, hidden, though not necessarily occult in nature. No reason is, there*
Rom.
32,
xi.
25; 1 Cor.
ii.
7, iv. 1, xiv. 2,
xv. 51;
iii.
Eph.
i.
9,
iii.
3, 4,
9, v.
vi. 19;
Col.
i.
Tim.
16.
77
apparent why the apostle should be regarded as beholden to the Mystery Religions so far as his general use of the term fivarrjpLov is concerned. That use had been naturalized before his day in Jewish circles. With a somewhat better show of reason it may be urged that PauTs use of the word [ivorrjptov in connection with r&eiog (1 Cor. ii. 1-10), argues for his indebtedness to the Mysteries, since rkXeioc, was a technical term for designating the standing of an initiate. This basis, however, is too fragile to support a positive
conclusion. To whatever extent teXstoq may have been installed in the dialect of the
is
much
them in it was
used by him, namely, to designate maturity or relative perfection, as opposed to an initial stage of develop-
78
ment.
Philo, 5
with
an older contemporary of Paul, and the same use is very closely approached in the Septuagint. 6 If the apostle needed to borrow from antecedent usage he could easily do so without recourse to the Mystery Religions. The most that can rightly be claimed for that source is contained jn these words of a writer whose painstaking review of the subject renders
tainly
rule
the
Mystery-atmosphere
present,
to
some
extent
although plainly no
conclusion
translation
o 1 7
Opera, Graece et Latine, Erlangen, vol. i, pp. 302, 324; English by Yonge, Allegories of the Sacred Laws, Book hi,
Chron. xxv. 8. Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mystery Religions, pp. 134, 135.
79
basis
for
Paul's
psychological
terms is largely supplied by the Old His <xap, ^xh^ and Testament. nvevfia correspond in a general way
to
the
Hebrew
basar,
In either ruach. It may has a double connotation. denote either the divine Spirit which replenishes man with a higher life, or it may signify the finite human In the latter sense it is not spirit. very clearly and uniformly distinguished from the second factor, either in the Pauline or the Old Testament writings. We may say that spirit is the preferred term where there is a wish to emphasize the life of man in its Godward relations, whereas soul is employed when the reference is simply to the center of man's personal life; but in some instances the soul seems to be taken as equivalent to man's supersensuous being without
restriction as to its relations.
Peculi-
80
Pauline terminology are the use of the term cdp in opposition to moral good and the sharp antithesis
arities of the
which is made between the adjective terms ^vftixog and nvevparcxog, the one being applied to man as predominantly a subject of the earthly sense life, and the other describing him as he is under the rule of the spiritual and divine. With the latter term vovg is associated so far as opposition to the flesh is concerned (Rom. vii. 23, 25); but it is in a measure distinguished from the nvev^ia since
it is
intelligence,
other term
xiv. 14, 15).
when
the reference
is
to
God
(1
Cor.
That
contains,
it is
true,
a strong con-
and spirit, but it trast between is the contrast between the feebleness
flesh
81
and transitoriness of man's physical frame and the everlasting might of the divine Spirit, not the ethical contrast which is set forth in the Pauline
Epistles.
On what
his
antecedents
did
Paul
for
base
these
special
usage?
Not
do not present an exact In Orphism, in the Platonic philosophy, and in some other
counterpart.
Hellenic
domains,
life
we
doubtless find
life
the sense
and the
of the spirit
is
strongly opposed.
made
so that the
embodied
necessarily
With him the body is a subject for sanctification and glorification, and holds a permanent place in the ideal for man.
remote from Paul's standpoint.
Consequently,
it is
by
82
newed man, who is so easily led captive by fleshly impulses, than the
material substance as such.
is
His usage
neither
may be
both,
hesitate
Hebrew nor Hellenic. It indebted for suggestions to but prudent scholarship will
to
deny
its
individualistic
Paul's
nvevfia
and
It
more Pauline than anything else. does not conform to any Hellenic
with the other phase of his terminology which lacks a distinct Old Testament basis, the antithesis and between ^v%lx6s nvEVfianxog? The latter term was very likely well naturalized in the Mysteries, being accounted especially appropriate to one who had reached the goal of ecstatic union with the divinity. On the other hand, there seems to be a serious lack of evidence
Mysteries.
is it
How
83
appearance in Gnosticism proves nothing to the contrary, for the Pauline writings were one of the sources of Gnosticism as known
current.
Its
was
to
us.
We
conclude,
then,
that in
is
not shown to have been, in any notable degree, a borrower from the Mystery Religions. He derived suggestions from both the Hebrew and the Hellenic domains. He was not a
servile
copyist
of
any
set
of
ante-
cedents.
The evidence
of his indebtedis
We
add judgments
of
H.
W. Robinson and
The former
with Palestinian Judaism, as well as with the Hellenistic thought of Alexandria. His modifications of Jewish thought are primarily due to his personal experience, and such Hellenistic influences as were inevitable in his period were unconsciously imbibed by Paul
84
and more
and the Mystery Religions, a certain kinship in their use of such terms as yvoag and its
ine writings
involves
opposite dyvQola.
of
The
similar
point
view would of necessity involve a similar use of terms. Moreover, it is to be observed that as a student of the literature of the Old Testament, Paul was definitely introduced to the representation of a knowledge or wisdom which comes by the gift of the
divine Spirit. 9
Christian Doctrine of
Once more,
his Jewish
p.
it
is
not
psychology" (The
Man,
104).
psychological usage of the Hermetic writings is rather broadly contrasted with that of Paul. He also contends that the significance
crdpl; is
not to be deflesh
known
Hellenic antecedents.
"The
that
he says, "is not the body or matter as such, but an inherited impulse to evil. The whole evidence of the Synoptical Gospels tends to confirm the impression gained from the study of Paul, that his usage is not as a whole a reflection of common usage in his day, but to an important extent the result either of exceptional influences or his own thinking" (American Journal of Theology, October, 1916, pp. 550, 586, 589). 9 Hosea, ii. 20, v. 4; Isa. xi. 2; Prov. ii. 5; 1 Kings, x. 24; Job,
for evil,"
.
. .
makes
85
a special phase, in that it sets forth knowledge as profoundly conditioned ethically, as indeed being of no worth at all apart from love. These facts may well modify a dogmatic impulse to translate the similarities into certain evidence of borrowing from the ethnic systems. The possibility that the apostle was influenced in this part of his vocabulary
by the atmosphere
of the Mysteries
admitted, but the warrant for a confident assumption is not apparent. As for the Hermetic literature, which
is
may be
alleged
to
present
in
particular
to the Pauline use of the terms in question, the date of its composition and collection leaves room for the supposition that through the channel of Gnosticism it may have appropriated at one point or another a tinge of Pauline phraseology. The most important of the remainparallels
86
xvpiog.
a specific
six&v,
GaytYjpla.
(j.e?a[iop<pov6dcu,
a^eadou,
all
and
of
Plain suggestions of
(israfiopfyovadcu
them except
are
contained in the Old Testament, and besides they are so far congenial to religious discourse generally that the apostle might reasonably be expected
employ them or closely resembling terms. For the use of (i6?a(iop<povadou the occasion was not quite so obvious, though it is perfectly conceivable that the apostolic thinker, having in mind
to
through
term.
supernatural
means,
might
the acquaintance with the Mysteries could doubtless have introduced him to it, though not fully in his "In the Mystery Religions the sense. chief stress is laid upon a quasi-magThe ical transmutation of essence. ical
An
87
Paul's
in
conception
the
of
10
the the
foreground
made
that
its
application to
Jesus could not have been initiated on the basis of Old Testament prece-
dent or Old Testament training, since in that sphere the monotheistic point of view stood in the way of admitting the ascription of lordship to any other than Jehovah; that the title was current in the Mysteries as the designation of the divinity who was acknowledged as the head of the mystic community; that consequently it was taken from this quarter and installed in its Christian use by the election of Paul or by his acquiescence in the
choice of his Gentile converts. 11
however,
The some
may
Kennedy, St. Paul and the Mystery Religions, p. 183. See in particular Bousset, Geschichte des Christusglaubens
bis Irenaeus.
88
Old Testament a suggestion is given of one who stands as Lord (xvptog in the Septuagint) alongside of the Lord Jehovah (Psa. ex. 1); and the text
bearing this suggestion was given a
certain prominence through it
cita-
tion
by Jesus
Pharisees (Matt.
45;
Luke
xx. 44).
v-
Furthermore the antecedent thought of the Messiah in at least a portion of the Jewish domain, as affirming of him a distinctly superhuman rank, 12 was adapted to supplement the suggestion furnished
by the
psalmist's words,
fit
name
of xvpeog.
An
Jewish basis was thus supplied for applying this name to the transcendent person whom the primappreciable
12
Book
of
89
acknowledged as In harmony with the the Messiah. supposition that this Judaic ground
was
currency
among the
Christians of the
cometh." 13
title
xvpiog
had other
it
in
By
the time the apostle began to pen his the custom, which was pro-
nounced from the age of Domitian, was in all probability under way, the custom namely of dignifying the emwith the title of xvpiog. Is it to be supposed that this use of the
peror
title
would have recommended it to Paul or to any other contemporary Christian? Our conviction is that it must have acted as the very opposite
13
Compare E.
J.
F. Scott,
The Beginnings
of the
Church, pp.
95-108;
H. Ropes,
Critical
90
of a
No
less
is
it
our conviction that the employment of the title in the Mysteries must have served as the reverse of a motive
for
its
adoption.
Some
heard
of
it
Paul's
in that
of the
converts
may have
we know
toward contemporary
Gentilism leads us to suppose that he advised those who took Christ as their
Master to
old faith.
clear their
They were
a bygone and to account themselves new creatures in Christ Jesus. If the apostle took over from them a title which had functioned in their old paganism, it was not in any degree because it had so functioned. It was, rather, because he, and with
these
as
him contemporary
Christians,
had a
title
matched better than any other in the available vocabulary. It at once gave
91
and authority which they wished to ascribe to Christ, and was in harmony
with their intention to conserve a certain preeminence to the Father. Antecedent Gentile usage did not give them the motive for adopting the title; rather their ruling conception of Christ constrained them to adopt the title in spite of its association with crude imperial gods or fabled divinities. In point of theory we freely admit the probability that Paul's religious vocabulary was influenced by his Hellenic environment, and more specifically
by the Mystery
Religions in so
were a conspicuous factor in that environment. But other antecedents were influential with the apostle, and there are abundant reasons
far as they
for
caution
against
attributing
too
92
Mystery Religions impinged upon the mind of Paul, by scouring the GrsecoRoman world and gathering up,
through a period of several centuries, all the phrases having a semblance of Pauline usage. Such a compacting
process easily lends
itself
to an over-
prevalence
and influence in
the
antique
judgment
We
patristic
measure
one,
93
may
t
not
have
sion of
marked an important era in the history of religion. But it is quite possible to take too little account of the
compromising features which limited the acceptability of any specific product of the fusion in the sphere both of Hellenic culture and of Jewish religious training.
It
has
of
been
indicated
that
the
measure
PauPs indebtedness to the Mystery Religions for his terms is by no means a certain index of his obligations for
characteristic
ideas.
He
might very well have been too rich in ideas to need to borrow at all, while yet he was measurably dependent for the terms in which he might give the ideas appropriate and effective
expression.
04
Two
In the
first place,
him
as the
his
epistles
make
have
it
could
the
latter
The
sup-
simply preposterous. In the second place, whatever resemblances can be traced between
province
is
phases in the scheme of the Mysteries, they differ in fact so widely that ample proof is given that he did not
i*
Rom.
1. 21ff., iii. 1, 2; 1
Cor.
i.
21,
iii.
Eph.
v. 8; 1
Thess.
iv. 5.
95
over into his own system any ruling conceptions from the latter. Much of
The
similarities
of
Pauline
representations
to
those
of
the Mystery cults are explicable apart from any supposition of borrowing, and they are accompanied by very pronounced contrasts. The given cults,
it is
made much of a future and immortal life. But how could Paul, as a believer in the Jesus who
admitted,
taught the doctrine of a vital immortality and who rose from the dead, fail to magnify this theme? Jesus gave the incomparable credential of immortality in his warmly colored and penetrating exposition of the Father-
hood
of
God and
of the
filial
relation to him.
Life
and
96
consciousness which he manifested and with which he inspired his followers. Paul was true to a dominant note in his Master's teaching when he spoke of the inward attestation of sonship toward God, and argued, "If children, then heirs, heirs of God, and joint heirs with Jesus Christ." With this
to
lesser flame of the Mysteries? Their dramatic expedients for working up the hope of a blessed hereafter were paltry and inefficacious compared with the grounds of confidence laid for him in the vital message and
the
whom
triumphant experiences of Him on he believed. A second point of resemblance is admitted. The Mystery Religions gave considerable scope to the idea of an intimate relation between the initiate and the divinity in whose name the
97
mystic rites were celebrated. But what need had Paul to draw on them for a lively conception of the privilege of personal communion with his Lord?
His
individual
experiences
were
in-
finitely more potent than any suggestions which could come from that quarter. As often as he thought of the way in which he had been met on the Damascus road he was overwhelmed with a sense of the unmerited grace which had been visited upon himself. That transforming rev-
elation
constituted
the
initial
event
in a chain of experiences
nified the love of
God
in Christ
which magand
brought his soul into complete capHe felt that living or dying tivity. he was the Lord's and could entertain no other purpose but the fulfillment Out of this type of his perfect will. of personal realization he sketched the
believer's relation to Christ.
The nothe
tion
that
he needed
to
go to
98
Mysteries for any part of the ideal is nothing less than grotesque.
Over
similarity,
against
these
points
of
come
has
into
Reference
been made to the naturalistic basis in the Mystery Religions and to the overplus of magic which they
harbored.
tures
it
On
is
impossible to bring
them
redemption. What ground of comparison is there between the Mystery scheme, with its gods who personify in their death and return to life the vicissitudes of vegetable and animal life, and the divine economy for recovering sinners which Paul pictures
harmonious combination of and grace? Nothing righteousness comparable to Paul's argument in the
as
the
third
99
Nothing on the plane of the moral fellowship which he postulated between the believer and the Crucified
One is discoverable in their melodramatic expedients. The cross as he understood it, with its profound moral significance both for God and for man, Anyone has no counterpart there. who can discover in their bizarre and variegated mythology an equivalent for the Pauline doctrine of redemption must be gifted with peculiar Paul manifestly eyesight. discovered nothing of the sort. His declaration that the message of redemption preached by himself was foolishness to the Gentiles (1 Cor. i. 23) is a decisive evidence that he was not aware that Greek, or Grseco-Oriental, theory had in any wise prepared the way for the Christian doctrine of salvation through Christ. 15
36
lenism in 373-376.
Compare Burton S. Easton, The Pauline Theology and HelThe American Journal of Theology, July, 1917, pp
100
CHAPTER V
BAPTISM
by Paul, and was central in the Primitive Christianity to which the Roman empire began to be converted. 2
1
Roman
Catholic usage, which gave currency to the phrase For the main eviit this sense.
dences, the author's Sacerdotalism in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 222-224, may be consulted. * K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, pp. 213-215, 385-390.
101
may
it
is
The
indeed,
writer
who
penned
it
thinks,
that such
he admits "that
highest
ness
of
many
critics of
the
standing
the
among Protestant
theologians
was not centrally sacramental." He might have added that these critics by no means wear a common badge
as respects affiliation with
conserva-
We
choose to believe
way
views were current, to some extent, in contemporary Gentilism. Proof that such views were present in the field
102
very far short of a demonstration that they were appropriated and given a central place in
obviously
primitive Christianity.
In respect of baptism,
it
is
to be
Paul nor any other New Testament writer has expressed the conviction that it works regeneration or any
other spiritual benefit in purely passive
The pronounced token of high sacramentalism, which emerged subsequently in the theory of baptism as applied to infant subjects, nowhere appears in the apostolic literature, that literature making no reference at least of a direct and unequivocal character, to infant baptism. No appeal can be made to this topic for convicting Paul of holding the magical or ex opere operato theory of the sacrament. Possibly it may be thought that in his reference
subjects.
103
has evinced a belief in the efficacy of the rite for purely passive subjects. But that is no warrantable conclusion. If Paul, for argumentative effect, assumed the standpoint of the objectors whom he wished to con-
as will
then he is not placed on record as believing that baptism for the dead has any efficacy whatever. In any case it is not in evidence that he believed that the dead can be benefited unconditionally by baptism performed upon the living in their
behalf.
Nothing,
therefore,
in
the
the assumption
Coming
inference,
to
more
positive grounds of
we
mental conception of baptism to Paul is incongruous with declarations in which he positively disparages the
104
less
point of view. Nothing than this disparagement is involved in the style of his references
ceremonial
to circumcision.
rite,
He
depreciates this
not on the ground that it has been superseded by a more efficacious rite, but on the ground that it belongs to an external range and bears no comparison in respect of religious value with interior or spiritual states This is plainly the or transactions. import of such sentences as the following: "He is not a Jew which is one outwardly; neither is that circumcision, which is outward in the flesh: but he is a Jew, which is one inwardly; and circumcision is that of the heart, in the spirit, not in the letter; whose praise is not of men, but of God." "Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing;
but
the
ments
105
nor uncircumcision, but faith working Neither is circumthrough love. cision anything, nor uncircumcision, but a new creature." 3 The common characteristic of these passages is the antipathy which they reveal to rating the external and ceremonial on anything like a parity with the interior If the apostle who and spiritual. penned them conceived of baptism as profoundly efficacious in its own virtue as a ritual transaction, he must have
. . .
been an adept in self-contradiction. And these passages do not stand alone, but are in line with an ample series of instructions which powerfully stress the incomparable and unqualified necessity
of
those interior
dispositions
ceremonialist that
like these: "If
spirit of Christ,
3
we hear
in
words
.
.
Rom.
ii.
106
As many
by the
Spirit of
God, these are the sons of God." 4 "If I bestow all my goods to feed the poor, and if I give my body to be burned, but have not love, it profiteth me nothing." "I have been crucified with Christ; yet I live; and yet no longer I, but Christ liveth in me; and that life which I now live in the flesh I live in faith, the faith which is in the Son of God, who loved me, and gave himself up for me." 5 Quite in harmony with this supreme stress on an interior life realized through heart appropriation of the gospel message
is
"Christ sent me," of his vocation. he says, "not to baptize, but to preach the gospel" (1 Cor. i. 17). Had he attached to baptism the virtue which is ascribed to it in the high sacramental theory, he would nat*
Rom.
Gal.
viii. 9,
14; 1 Cor.
xiii. 3.
ii.
20.
107
little
inclination
The standpoint of Paul, as involving a limited efficacy of baptism, is indicated very distinctly by the overwhelming emphasis which he places
upon
faith as the condition of justiIt
is
"The
one
is
the power of
God unto
salvation to
. . .
every
therein
that
belie veth.
For
revealed a righteousness of
as
it is
written,
But the righteous shall five by faith." "With the heart man belie veth unto righteousness." The Spirit is received by "the hearing of faith," and it is by the instrumentality of faith that
Christ
Rom.
Eph.
7
ii.
is
made
iii.
iii.
11,
24;
8.
i.
Rom.
Gal.
iii.
2;
Eph.
iii.
17.
108
Now,
who makes
so
much
of
tism?
Is it
conceivable that
it
can
subject
be numbered with Christian believers? These questions, we are confident, must be answered in the Either Paul was glaringly negative. illogical, or he must have rated baptism as distinctly secondary to such
a
spiritual
condition
it
as
faith,
and
as totally desti-
That
the
is
not
necessary
will
to
choose
former alternative
appear from a
109
dogmatic
a
single
to the
is
Romans
in
the
this
subject of baptism
instance,
broached in but
its
and that
introduc-
homiletical
matic.
The passage
we
sin,
may abound?
died
to
live therein?
God how
Or
forbid!
shall
We who
we any longer
who
were baptized into Christ Jesus were baptized into his death? We were buried therefore with him through Even so reckon baptism into death. yourselves also to ye be dead unto sin, but alive unto God in Christ
. . .
Jesus" (Rom. vi. 1-4, 11). The motive underlying the passage, as we
have
Paul
wishes
110
death to sin, was figured. Not what baptism in its own virtue effected, but what it was understood to represent or symbolize, was the pertinent
point of view.
to the passage.
At
least, it is perfectly
The
the
Epistle to the
for
Romans
charging
affords
no proper ground
apostle
that
ran
into
radical self-contradiction
by assuming an outward ceremony intrinsically efficacious or working ex opere operato. It has been observed by one or
another reviewer that Paul's representation of burial with Christ in baptism has a certain analogy to the assumption in the Mystery Religions that the initiate, in the performance
of the ritual, in
some
who
is
being
is
commemorated.
The analogy
not
111
mind so alert as that of the apostle, and so dominated with the thought
and
feeling
of
mystical
union with
Christ,
might
easily
have gravitated,
without exterior impulsion, into the employment of the given baptismal figure. In any event, there is the scantiest sort of occasion to imagine ohat he took over a notion of ceremonial efficacy that is glaringly contradictory to his explicit teachings.
If
the
context
relative to
the
is
Romans
negatives the
demand
for
many
you as were baptized into Christ did put on Christ" (iii. 26, 27).
of
112
The
faith
of
these
sentences
of
the
condition
sonship,
makes and
be supposed that
is
function of faith
as
ignored in
per-
mere
sacramental
formance, is counted efficacious for the putting on of Christ? Let any one, who can, believe the apostle guilty of such a foolish collocation of contradictory
his
statements.
is
The
gist
of
discourse
clear
enough.
He
makes the
thetic,
legal dispensation
and the
He
are no longer in the estate of servitude, but through faith in Christ have become sons of God. To clinch this point of view he reminds them of
their public act in receiving baptism,
113
an acknowledgment that as being they belonged to the Christ who stood for the dispensation of grace and freedom, and so could not consistently locate themselves under the old legal The point of emphasis dispensation. is not what baptism in its own virtue accomplishes, but the relation of union with Christ which baptism, where the
requisite spiritual conditions are fulfilled, attests.
are
ii.
contained in
12,
Cor.
vi.
11,
and Eph. v. 26 leave room for the limitations upon the efficacy of baptism which are logically implied in the fundamental teachings of Paul.
Col.
Kennedy
remarks: "The notion of a baptism of the ixx^yjala is plainly metaphorical. The most notable feature in the passage is the phrase h popart, which no doubt must be interpreted, as in Romans x. 8, 17, of the proclamation
114
of the gospel.
on baptism examined." 8
which
we have
The
peculiar
remark on baptism
to be considered.
of
points that
"That a baptism
thought foreign to the apostle. He wished to point out the subjective absurdity of the procedure in the case The custom propagated assumed. and maintained itself afterward only
. . .
among among
tion,
heretical
sects,
in
particular
the
Cerinthians
. . .
and among
usual objecall,
the Marcionites.
The
8 St.
p. 252.
115
not without adding some censure, such an abuse founded on the belief in a magical power of baptism, is not conclusive, for Paul may be arguing ex concesso, and hence may allow the relation of the matter to evangelical faith to remain undetermined in the meantime, seeing that it does not belong to the proper subject of his present discourse. The abuse must afterward have been condemned by apostolic teachers (hence it maintained itself only among heretics), and no doubt Paul too aided in the work of 9 its removal." Of course no direct proof exists that Paul disapproved of baptism for the dead. But the indirect evidence has no little cogency. The absence of any trace of the custom Christendom in postin Catholic apostolic times speaks decidedly for the conclusion that it could not have
9
Critical
116
enjoyed the sanction of the apostle who surpassed all others in the extent of his field of labor. If we conjoin with this consideration the anti-ceremonial trend of a great part of PauTs teaching, the reasonable inference is that the Corinthian text is to be construed as rather shrewdly employed to confound opponents than as representative of the apostle's own belief. 10 In arguing against the indictment of the apostle as a propagator of the high sacramental theory of baptism, it is not our intention to claim
that
great
it
had
precisely
nificance for
him which
body
Sources, p. 219.
Compare Clemen, Primitive Christianity and its Non-Jewish The above exposition proceeds on the supposition
is
It is
perhaps
incumbent on us to notice that this interpretation is not universally Robertson and Plummer, for instance, suggest that accepted. persons who were persuaded to accept baptism out of affection for friends who had died as Christians might reasonably be designated as "those who receive baptism in behalf of the dead" (International Critical Commentary).
117
marked a great
the convert.
exercise
in
if
the
life
of
It often,
not, indeed,
upon the
had a
ity.
vital
stamped the convert as an initiate into a new world, and doubtless was frequently attended by an increment of the new life. Under such conditions it was naturally given a somewhat closer association with the
It
positive
life
beginning
of
the
Christian
of
baptism was in some degree affected by the special conditions it is not at all necessary to deny. What is to be denied is that he estimated baptism after the mode of a pronounced sacramentalism, attaching to it an independent virtue, or regarding it as
118
subjects
two passages
Cor. x. 16-21,
20-34.
An
been supposed by some to be contained in 1 Cor. x. 3, 4. In the first mentioned passage he styles the cup which is blessed a communion of the blood of Christ, and the bread which is broken a communion of the body of Christ, and reprobates the notion
that
it
is
permissible for
Christians
who
communion
to enter into
altars
and
divinities
In the second of the pasmentioned he rebukes certain disorders which had invaded the sasages
by the Corascribed
119
till
he comes,
and warns against sacrilege by declaring, " whosoever shall eat the bread
or drink the cup unworthily shall be
guilty of the
Lord."
erence
is
made
to the experience of
where as parall
takers of the
manna they
did eat
by the water gushing from the rock they drank of the same spiritual drink, the rock which followed them
freshed
In these three passages the evidence which can be adduced from the writings of Paul in an attempt to convict him of borrowing from the Mystery Religions the conception of a real eating of the body and a real drinking of the blood of Christ. Against the supposition of such borbeing Christ. is contained
all
120
rowing
of
first
doubt as to the presence in the contemporary Mysteries of that which is supposed to have been borrowed. Accounts of sacramental meals as parts of the mystic program are confessedly very scanty. 11 According to Farnell there is no sign that the initiated at Eleusis believed that they were partaking through food of the divine substance of their divinity, and though this conception appears elsewhere sporadically in ancient ritual, "it is by no means so frequent that we could assume it in any given case "The alleged without evidence." 12 instances/ says Moffatt, "of wor'
sharing in the partaking of him life of the deity by in a meal are distant, late, and dushipers
in
the
cults
u
12
102fif.;
Reitrenstein, Die
Hellenistische Mysterienreligionen.
The Cults
of the
Greek
121
we hear
varied
most
but have no inthe partaking in them formation about 14 Percy Gardner reof the divinity. the supposition that Paul pudiates can properly be placed on a level with those who have held to the notion of a real eating of the divinity, and adds, "In fact, in his time we cannot trace in any of the more respectable forms of heathen religion a survival of the
Mysteries,
practice
of
eating
the
deity. 15
It
would seem, then, that a main premise is wanting for the establishment of
the conclusion that Paul took over
Distinct proof
hand,
u Der
tum,
16
at
least
in
such
The
122
would have been] likely to exercise any attraction upon the mind of the apostle. That he should have been favorably impressed
connection
by a Dionysiac orgy
supposing such a rite to have been in vogue in his neighborhood is not conceivable. 16 In the second place, as was illustrated at some length in connection with the topic of baptism, the predominant emphasis which Paul placed upon the spiritual conditions of religious benefits and attainments makes it incredible Jhat he could have held the alleged realistic view of the eucharHe who spoke of Christ as dwellist. ing in the heart by faith, who declared that any eating which is not of faith
16 In the cult of Osiris some sort of recognition may have been given to a partaking of the god (A. Moret, Kings and Gods of Egypt, pp. 97, 98). But it is difficult to conceive that instructed Egyptians could have understood in a literal sense the vague reference to this function in their highly symbolical ritual. As for those within the pale of Christian teaching, it is not credible that they would be inclined to award any favorable attention to a reference of this kind in a cult which they could but regard as
AND THE NEW TESTAMENT
123
works condemnation, who affirmed that the kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, but righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost, who made bold to say that flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God is it to be supposed that this man thought that Christ could be savingly appropriated by the mere physical act of eating and drinking physical elements? Well may any sober-minded
person hesitate to charge the apostle with such superficiality and self-contradiction.
In the third place, it is to be nothat no one of the three passages mentioned contains a compelling ground for imputing to Paul the crass realistic view of the eucharist. There is very slight occasion to take the words of 1 Cor. x. 3, 4 in a
ticed
realistic sense, scarcely
more occasion
as
who
are spoken of
by the psalmist
124
and made to lie must be construed as literal sheep which divided their time between cropping grass and reclining on the ground. As a Jew, or
being
down
simply as a member of the human race, Paul was not necessarily an utter stranger to metaphorical and parabolic speech.
if
It is quite gratuitous,
not worse, to suppose that he meant identify Christ with the manna The manna and the or the rock. water gushing from the rock were spiritual meat and drink to the Israelites to those who were sufficiently responsive to their import as attesting the grace and compassion of God whereof Christ may be conceived as That they the medium or channel.
to
were
trary
unconditionally
is
spiritual
meat
is not said; rather the conintimated by the sequel, for most of the participants fell under the displeasure of God and were over-
and drink
125
thrown in the wilderness. There is no disclosure here of a sacrament which works ex opere operato.
The
16-21
point of emphasis in
lies
Cor.
x.
in the
communion
(xoivovia)
on the one hand with the body and blood of Christ, and on the other with the demons (or gods) who preside over the sacrificial feasts of the
heathen.
communion
indicated
by the
apostle's dealing
with it in its heathen connections. He does not assume that the mere eating of meat offered to heathen gods or demons involves communion with them. Christians may eat without scruple whatever is sold in the shambles, asking no question about its antecedents. Communion with demons ensues only where the meat
is
distinctly
recognized
as
affiliated
with the
126
secration.
derelict as
that
case
is
on the score of his consent, a table companion of demons. As Reville remarks: "The
one,
making
fact
of
consecration.
r>v Saifiovicdv
sorption of
The xouvovla does not mean the abthe flesh of the demons
any more than the xocvcdvla tov Svclaatyjplov means the absorption of the altar. ... In the one and the other
involved the solidarity attested by the religious meal, on the one hand with the demons, on the other with the body and Paul views the blood of Christ." 17
alternative there
is
solidarity or
de-
mons, which
17
127
professing
Christians.
It
is
suppose that he regarded communion with the body or the blood of Christ in other words, with the Christ whose body was broken and whose blood was shed 18 as also ethically conditioned. In fact, he exquite
in
order
to
plicitly
indicates
further
of
on in the
was
in that he speaks
those who, in
what the consecrated elements stand, eat and drink judgment unto themselves.
What we
passage on "communion" is the thought of an ethically conditioned fellowship or solidarity with the crucified Saviour through the medium of a sacred feast.
No
18
literal
eating of the
Christ,
no
The propriety of this rendering is suggested by a phase of the If by communion with the altar is to be understood communion with the God who is represented by the altar, then by communion with the body and blood of Christ we may understand communion with the suffering and dying Christ. That in both instances the sacred person was regarded as the real object of communion cannot well be doubted.
passage.
128
sacrament working ex opere operato needs to be supposed. So readily does the remaining passage
(1
Cor.
xi.
20-34) lend
itself
to
it
symbolical
to
interpretation,
that
de force
realism.
istic
What
is
feast
of
body
eating:
till
Christ,
spoken but
is
not as the
bread.
as
memorial function
it
ascribed to the
Furthermore, as noted above, the benefit of partaking of the elements is conditioned on the appropriate religious attitude.
It is said,
he comes.
to be
sure,
who
eats
and drinks unworthily makes himself guilty of the body and blood of the Lord. But these words are entirely pertinent in connection with the symbolical interpretation.
He who
treats
despitefully the symbol pours contempt on the things symbolized, just as one
129
of that type
which
likely to be taken by a prosaic mind, but, rather, such as is congenial He had a to an intense poetic soul.
most vivid impression of the reality of Christ and of his intimate presence
in every Christian function normally
fulfilled.
in
pronounced contradiction with himself had he not thought of the Master as being effectively present with earnest and faith-inspired disciples in the solemn commemoration of his passion. Herein he shows a certain kinship with a view of the eucharist which had much currency among the Greek Fathers, the view namely that Christ
in his spiritual nature, or as the Logos,
that
in
130
them a
The Pauline
view of the
we
say,
at
notable
identity*
not a special relation of Christ to the consecrated elements, but the ethically conditioned presence of Christ to the
believing recipient of those elements.
19
Gieseler,
Dogmengeschichte,
pp.
200,
201.
p. 411; Schweitzer,
Interpreters,
Church
in the
Middle Ages,
131
CHAPTER
VI
AND OF
connection
we denote
and the
epistles
bearing the
name
is
of John.
On
the
nouncement
treatment account of
designed.
separate
it
is
appropriate
to
on
its special
character.
Among
preliminary
considerations
the Jewish lineage of the author of the fourth Gospel and the Johannine
worthy of note. The fact that he was of Jewish birth and trainEpistles
is
ing
is
commonly admitted.
Good
132
evidence appears in the language of the Gospel. The construction betrays the Hebrew antecedents of the writer.
sentences are for the most part coordinated, not subordinated. Of gen-
The
uine Greek period-building scarcely a 1 is to be found. The tenor of the contents bears witness to like antecedents. While the evangelist thinks of contemporary Jews as irretrace
concilable opponents of the Christian
faith,
is
tion
to his
own
Much
care
is life
Old Testament texts. In fine, the evidence is decisive for the Jewish lineage of the evangelist. Moreover, there are fairly substantial rea-
him
to have been
133
a Palestinian resident. His accurate knowledge of Palestinian localities is It is best explained on this ground. much more likely that he came to that knowledge as a resident, favored with repeated opportunities for observation, than as one who had simply made a fugitive tour through the land. Now antecedents of this kind have something more than an indifferent bearing on our theme. We are entitled to suppose in the author of the Johannine writings, as substantial barriers to an appreciative attitude toward the Mystery Religions as Jewish descent and training could furnish. 2
second preliminary consideration, having distinct pertinency, is the relation of the Johannine writings to the Pauline. Admittedly the latter were influential antecedents of the former. However much they may differ in
2 "I imagine," says Moffatt, "that the author of the fourth Gospel would not have failed to sympathize with Philo's passionate aversion to all Mystery Religions" (The Expositor, July, 1913).
134
pute.
as
already present in all but name, in the Pauline Epistles. In so far, then,
as the points in the writings of Paul,
which have been supposed to align his teachings with the Mystery Religions, are substantially reproduced in the Johannine writings, sufficient historical antecedents are assigned them.
There
is
the influential working of the pagan cults, which undoubtedly their author
regarded quite as unfavorably as did his apostolic predecessor. Now, the points of alignment which are capable of being specified between the Johannine writings and the Mystery Religions are not appreciably different from those which are alleged to pertain to the Pauline writings. It is
3
in Research
5, 6.
135
indeed our conviction that not a single specific point can be mentioned as belonging to the former which is not
discoverable in the latter.
With
this
conclusion
it
is
doubtless possible to
combine the view that the atmosphere of the Johannine writings is more
pervasively tinged with the Mysteries
than
is
verdict
brought
by a unanimous
be heard in these words of Ramsay: "We cannot regard John's Gospel as specially comprehensible to the Gentiles, though it was written in Asia for Asiatic
dissenting voice
Hellenes.
its
may
It is deeply Palestinian in
cast of thought and expression; and the religious atmosphere in which it moves is non-Hellenic to a greater
The
lore
4
may
possibly
of
be challenged in
p. 50.
The Teaching
136
respect this of statement. Firm ground, however, remains for the contention that a substantially full com-
plement of the ideas supposedly affilwhich can be discovered in the Johannine writiating with the Mysteries,
ings,
is
discoverable
in
the
Pauline
The Johannine writer could have taken them from that quarter if he needed to borrow them at all. Of course, if Paul took them from
Epistles.
source,
on the part
The
is
therefore
made with
entire consis-
tency.
may
where
not
it
locate
the
emphasis
just
137
were furnished
by the Pauline teaching. That teaching was an incomparably more fertile source of suggestion than the Mystery
Religions
It is
could
possibly
an
historical illusion
mits one to suppose that a writer of Jewish lineage and training could have
the least motive to draw from them. The attitude of the Evangelist was not and could not have been anything like that of the twentieth-century student who enforces himself to sympathize with all the varied manifestations of religion. Had he been interested to look into any one of the contemporary Mysteries, he would have seen in it nothing better than a heap of fantastic mythological fancies. His verdict would have been quite as scornful at least as was that which the broad-minded Alexandrian Clement in his day passed upon the Mystery
felt
138
For the essential trend of New Testament Christology and soteriology an adequate source can be found entirely apart- from recourse to cults so obnoxious to the minds of New Testament writers. The powerful
impression
cults. 5
made by
the teaching,
life,
death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, combined with the ideal pictures in the Prophets and the higher view of the Messiah in later Judaism, are
such deep and impressionable souls as those of the apostle Paul and the fourth evangelist, to bring forth the
Christological
and
soteriological
con-
indeed fitted to serve as an auxiliary in respect of formulating Christological belief; but the belief itself was not
6 Address to the Greeks, chap. Octavius, chap. xxi.
ii.
Compare Minucius
Felix,
139
intimate
spiritual fellowship
Every
140
one who hopes for it purifies himself even as he is pure. In the latter it is pictured as the result of an ecstatic uplift which serves as a means of
momentary
divine disclosure.
The
in-
the evangelist was too well instructed to take any lesson on this subject
He
agrees
the
There is no need, however, to imagine that he falls in with the supposition because it was harbored by them. As a Hebrew he was legitimately heir to it, and it was an outstanding assumption with his predecessor, the apostle
authentic source of knowledge.
Paul.
Possibly
the
evangelist
dis-
coursed on knowledge somewhat more fully than he would otherwise have done, owing to the occasion to present
an offset to the Gnosticism which had begun to invade the Christian domain.
141
propagandise! could have been devised than the Johannine procedure, in which knowledge is at
Gnostic
once honored and set in right relations. A representation analogous to the Johannine antithesis between the seen and temporal on the one hand and the unseen and eternal on the other
undoubtedly had place in the Hellenic domain. In that domain, however, by far the most prominent and influential setting forth of the antithesis
there
is
very slight occasion to regard him as a debtor specifically to the Mystery Religions. That he was not a headlong borrower from any source, the Platonic included, is evinced by
the fact that in the antithesis which
he depicts no place
is
given to a meta-
142
physical
sically
He
evil. The Christ whom he acknowledges truly came in the flesh, and he excoriates the rejecter of this historic fact as partaking of the spirit
of antichrist.
The evidence
for
the
assumption
affiliates
with the Mystery Religions, as incorporating high sacramental conceptions, strikes us as quite inadequate. As respects baptism only a single phrase can be cited in its behalf, namely, the declaration on being born of water
and the Spirit (iii. 5). And here the conjunction of water with the Spirit
seems to be exegetically designed.
serves to explain to
It
Nicodemus the
birth as being
character of the
new
a cleansing. In the following verse the agent of the spiritual birth is explicitly declared to be the Spirit; and further on a complete basis is given for the
143
that the working of this not tied to a baptismal occasion, his coming and going being like the unaccountable movements of the wind. Thus the passage on the new birth, taken as a whole, distinctly accentuates the primacy of the Spirit's Professor Gardner keeps agency. within the limits of a very decided probability when he says: "The idea
agent
is
that baptism
by
itself
could regenerate
would be to the writer as monstrous as the notion of Nicodemus that a man must enter again into his mother's womb. Here as in all parts of the
Gospel,
require
of
it is
Christ
the
woman
of Samaria (John iv. 13, 14). In the whole texture of those sayings there
8 The Ephesian Gospel, p. 201. have not thought it worth while to take special notice of the fact that the mention of water
We
in John hi. 5 has been judged by part of the original text (Wendt,
John, p. 120).
144
is
tismal washing.
The
stress is plainly
on the inward appropriation of grace or truth which shall be in the recipient as "a well of water springing up unto eternal life." Scarcely more in de-
mand
is
came both blood and water (xix. 34). The evangelist who records not so
much
of baptism,
who
represents Christ as
denying the worth of any fleshly performance, as assigning life-giving virtue to his words, and as repeatedly affirming that in believing on him eternal life is to be found, in all likelihood did not construe the water which he associated with the blood as symbolical of any external rite. As in the Pauline teaching the objective and the subjective phase of Christ's saving office the virtue of atonement and the virtue of a transforming life potency
145
by the outpoured blood and water. By the one was expressed to his mind
the efficacy of Christ as a propitiation,
of his spiritual
The
the
tained
supposed to be consixth chapter of the Gospel is purely verbal rather than substantial. The chapter itself indieucharist
in
the
enough that the literal must be transcended. In the earlier portion the same results are attributed to faith which later are ascribed to eating the flesh and
cates clearly
verbal
sense
Further-
more, the eating and drinking are spoken of as unconditionally efficacious, nothing being said about eating or drinking unworthily. This plainly sug-
146
gests that they do not stand for mere bodily acts, but are to be construed
expressions for
of
priation of Christ in
his
the wealth
this
saving
truth.
Finally,
is formally enforced in unequivocal proposition, "It is the Spirit that quickeneth; the flesh profiteth nothing: the words that I have spoken unto you, are spirit and The necessary induction are life." could not be more suitably stated than in these words of MofTatt: "It is consonant with the characteristic mysticism of the writer's faith to say, that the bread and wine of the Lord's
interpretation
the
Supper must have been for him symat best, of the presence and Symbolism of benefits of Christ." 7 this kind was not foreign to Jewish literary custom. In the semi-canonical book of Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom is reprebols,
The Expositor,
July, 1913.
147
drink
21).
me
'
shall yet
"Metaphors
drinking/
of the
common
in
Talmudic literature, and Philo speaks Logos as the food of the soul. There was, therefore, nothing strange or unintelligible in the imagery of the
[Johannine]
to
discourse.
To
eat
the
mean
It
by
his life." 8
may
be
that
conceded,
the
or
rather,
affirmed,
fourth
evangelist
was not
upon them
as suitable
means
of link-
men What is
of the University of
Day by Members
148
that he imputed to the sacraments independent efficacy, the virtue of rites which work ex opere operato. The similarity of the phraseology of the Johannine writings to that of the Hermetic literature is strongly emphasized by Reitzenstein, while at the same time he admits a notable con-
and thought. 9 Among the terms common to the two classes of writings "light" and "life" are It is noticeable, howconspicuous. 10
trast in spirit
Johannine writer has a pronounced fondness for broad categories and sharp antitheses, an inclination to develop his whole subjectmatter about a few comprehensive and contrasted terms, such as light and
ever, that the
darkness,
life
hatred,
sin
world and the Christian brotherhood. Now, in carrying out this bent it is
9
i
Greek
text,
I, 9,
XIV,
9, 18, 19,
pp. 330-347.
149
phraseology without recourse to exterior models. His acquaintance with the Hermetic literature remains problematical, and the uncertain date of that literature
into
his
peculiar
makes a
decision.
still
made
on
the
ethical
III.
as
opposed
to
the
"See Chapter
150
on a
historical
basis,
the Johannine
The author
elation
license
of
the
to
priate
would cause no surprise to find that he had gone into the field of ethnic beliefs and mythologies for the groundwork of some of his representations. Perhaps in what he says about the number of the "beast," and in his picture of the
woman pursued by the dragon, we have tokens that he derived suggesFacts of tions from that quarter. this order, however, give him no special association with the Mystery
12
The
by E.
F. Scott,
American
151
From
this
inci-
too,
In the Old Testament, the Jewish Alexandrian theology, and the Pauline writings entirely adequate antecedents were supplied to the Epistle to the Hebrews. There is exceedingly slight occasion to connect it with the Mystery Religions. The notion of a plurality of heavens appears, indeed (iv. 14, vii. 26) but a mere general expression of this notion was something in which any Jewish writer of the day might have indulged, and is no proof of
;
belief
in of
the
elaborate
cosmological
scheme
The
apparent reference to conversion as an enlightenment (x. 32) may have a certain affinity with the viewpoint of these cults, and the supposition that
the choice of the expression was in-
152
fluenced
tolerance; but,
was
ical
own motion
The
"mediator" and "shepherd" may correspond to the employment of titles in one or It is to another of the Mysteries. abunhowever, that too be concluded, dant sources of suggestion for these titles were furnished to the writer in his Pauline, Alexandrian, and Old
characterization of Christ as
imperative.
As
for the
priest,"
epistle,
author to picture the preeminence of Christ. Some other points have been alleged to give evidence of
of
the
153
borrowing from the Mysteries; but it is not worth while to mention them. They concern matters that were mere
154
CONCLUSION
It would not be venturesome to
predict that the radical assumption as
ligions
Mystery Reon the form and content of primitive Christianity must recede from the field. Like the Pan-Babylonian theory of some years ago it represents an extreme. Taken in the concrete the only way in which they could be taken prior to scholarly induction the Mystery Religions, as they existed in the first century, were in no
to the influence of the
in
the
direction
of
cere-
monial magic, came later, when great masses which had been leavened by them poured into the church. Even then the entire adverse result was not
155
Much
of it is to
be
any system, which seeks control over men, to gravitate into mechanism and
pretense
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