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PART FIVE
RECEPTION
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HELLENISTIC EPIGRAM IN THE ROMAN WORLD
FROM THE BEGINNINGS TO THE END OF THE
REPUBLICAN AGE
Alfredo M. Morelli
1. Roman inscriptional epigram
The reception of Greek epigram in the Roman milieu must be viewed
in the larger historical context in which Hellenistic poetic genres pro-
gressively took root there. Relevant factors include the means of trans-
mission and actual knowledge in Rome of Greek epigram as a distinct
genre; the selection and re-elaboration of pertinent features by social
and cultural lites; and literary and epigraphic production in Latin and
its social importance (in particular, the continuous mutual inuence
between inscriptional and literary epigram, in Greek and Latin).
What rst attracted Roman society to inscribed epigram was its eulo-
gistic potential. This it adapted to its own ends. Poetic elogia in Latin
are well attested at least from approximately 230 B.C. (CIL I
2
9, an
epitaph for Lucius Cornelius Scipio, Barbatus son). The Scipionum elogia
represent the rst Hellenistic epigrams at Rome:
1
commissioned and
produced by the same cultural lites that introduced literary practices
in Rome, such epigraphic poetry played a notable role in establishing
literary customs and forms.
2
There is no reason to consider these poems
as representative of a native poetic genre, distinct from Hellenistic
epigram.
3
The Greek genre supplies poetic forms, conventions, motifs,
and a prestigious frame in which it is also possible to reshape ancient
Roman topics of eulogy. The rst two elogia follow:
CIL I
2
9 CIL I
2
7
Honc oino ploirume cosentiont R[omane Cornelius Lucius Scipio Barbatus,
duonoro optumo fuise viro, Gnaivod patre prognatus, fortis vir
sapiensque,
1
Van Sickle (1988). See also Morelli (2000: 1135; 4955).
2
Cugusi (2004: 167).
3
Galletier (1922: 1915). Now again Massaro (2002: 1923) and Suerbaum (2002:
335).
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522 alfredo m. morelli
Luciom Scipione. Filios Barbati quoius forma virtutei parisuma fuit,
consol censor aidilis hec fuit a[pud vos. consol censor aidilis quei fuit apud vos.
Hec cepit Corsica Aleriaque urbe, Taurasia Cisauna Samnio cepit,
dedet Tempestatebus aide mereto[d. subigit omne Loucanam opsidesque
abdoucit.
This man Lucius Scipio, as most Lucius Cornelius Scipio
Long-beard,
agree, was the very best of all men Gnaeus begotten son, a valiant
gentleman
at Rome. A son of Long-beard, he and wise, whose ne form alone
matched
was aedile, consul and censor his bravery, was aedile, consul
among and censor
you. He it was who captured among you; he took Taurasia
Corsica, and Cisauna,
Aleria too, a city. To the in fact Samnium; he overcame
Goddesses of all the
Weather he gave deservedly a Lucanian land and brought
temple. hostages therefrom.
(trans. Warmington) (trans. Warmington)
The poems couplets are skilfully disposed, imitating the distichs of
Greek epigram, though in Saturnian meter.
4
CIL I
2
9 opens with a
two-line sentence about the fame and prestige of the deceased (i.e.,
indirectly, his virtutes); the name of the honorand does not occur until
the opening of the third line (Luciom Scipione). Such enjambment of
the deceaseds name at the beginning of the second distich, known in
both epigraphic and literary Greek epigrams, creates expectation and
poetic suspense.
5
The elogium goes on to introduce a patronymic ( lios
Barbati ) and a cursus of the deceased which ll out the second couplet,
followed by a strong syntactical pause. The last two lines describe the
res gestae of the deceased. Barbatus elogium (CIL I
2
7), written probably
30 to 40 years later than CIL I
2
9,
6
is a skilful re-elaboration of the
same pattern. The name of the deceased, a patronymic clause and
an appositive phrase ( fortis vir sapiensque) celebrating Barbatus virtutes
ll the rst couplet; two relative clauses (3, quoius . . .; 4, quei . . .) take
up the following two lines, picking up the contents of the rst couplet
4
Van Sickle (1987: 489), with further bibliography: contra Goldberg (1995: 63,
n. 7); Massaro (2002: 212).
5
GVI 1697; AP 7.54, 7.730. Morelli (2000: 256).
6
Morelli (2000: 146), with bibliography; Massaro (2002: 189, n. 4). Contra
Kruschwitz (2002: 35).
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 523
and mirroring CIL I
2
9.14 by a chiastic re-arrangement of its themes
(see chart below). Line 3 elaborates the virtutes mentioned at the end
of 2; and 4 illustrates the cursus of the deceased, which in the elogium
of Barbatus son Lucius immediately (and logically) followed the name
and patronymic of the deceased.
CIL I
2
9 CIL I
2
7
12: virtutes (B) 12: name and patronymic (A)
2: virtutes (B)
34: name, patronymic, cursus (A) 3: virtutes (B)
4: cursus (A)
The inversion of the logical sequencename, cursus, virtutesin CIL
I
2
9 is rejected in Barbatus elogium to achieve an even more artful
structure. The aemulatio continues in the last two lines account of the
res gestae of the deceased. In CIL I
2
9 the structure of line 5 (hec cepit
Corsica Aleriaque urbe) is bipartite, linked by a conjunction which pairs the
name of the conquered island (Corsica) with its main town (Aleriaque) in
the second half of the line; the verb cepit falls in the rst half. In CIL
I
2
7, by contrast, line 5 builds to cumulative effect through an asyndetic
tricolon (Taurasia Cisauna Samnio), with the name of the conquered land
(Samnio) probably following and embracing the towns enumerated in
the rst half of the line;
7
the verb cepit is placed in the second hemi-
stich. Verse 6 of CIL I
2
9 is composed of a single narrative sentence
(dedet Tempestatebus aide mereto[d); CIL I
2
7.6 is bipartite and bound in
the middle by the enclitic -que; the verbs subigit and abdoucit frame the
accusatives Loucanam and opsides; their historical present elegantly var-
ies the perfect cepit of the previous line and contrasts with the perfect
tense mantained throughout CIL I
2
9 (see in particular the last line:
dedet).
8
The artistry of this variatio is exquisite, to say nothing of other
important stylistic and topical features.
9
What are both of these elogia
if not Graeco-Roman epigrams?
At the same time, it is clear that both poems reproduce the con-
tents and style of a laudatio funebris, the typical speech delivered at an
7
It is still uncertain whether Taurasia and Cisauna were actually Samnite towns:
Kruschwitz (2002: 44), with bibliography.
8
Courtney (1995: 225) correctly compares the nal line in Tuditanus inscription,
CIL I
2
652, also in Saturnian verse.
9
Fuller analysis in Morelli (2000: 2335), with bibliography; add the illuminating
remarks of Fraenkel (1960: 340, n. 1).
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524 alfredo m. morelli
aristocratic Roman funeral.
10
Themes are organized in different units
illustrating in detail the political career, innate qualities and deeds of the
deceased; and the style is plain and sober, yielding slightly to bombast
only in the virtutes-section. In the case of Barbatus elogium, probably
written some 80 years later than the date of his death, a copy of the
laudatio from the family archive was likely used.
11
But an elogium is not
simply a versied summary of a laudatio. Rather, it adapts motifs of
the laudatio, orders them with different syntax, and reinterprets them
in light of Greek epigrammatic convention. At line 4 of both elogia,
apud vos even seems to reproduce the actual circumstances under which
the speech was performed, hinting at a Roman funeral gathering; yet
it also reects the typical epigrammatic address to a passerby. This in
turn is adapted to new circumstances consistent with its monumental
setting, as it targets Roman visitors to the Scipiones tomb: the elogia
thus transform both the audience of an aristocratic funeral and the
anonymous, inattentive oooiapo or reader of Greek epigram into
timeless Roman readers and admirers (giving new life in Rome to the
old public spirit of Greek epigram and evoking the presence of the civic
community in many Hellenistic epitaphs).
12
The synthesis of Roman
and Greek cultural features is total: epigrammatic art and concision
serve here to immortalize the laudatio.
The poetic text is only part of a complex strategy involving the
monument as a whole, its appearance and placement. Ciceros state-
ments about the Scipiones family tomb (Fin. 2.116; Tusc. 1.13) leave
little doubt about the fame and prestige it enjoyed still in his time: it
was a sort of paradeigma of aristocratic preeminence (if not arrogance)
in archaic Rome. The monument was placed near the Porta Capena
among other noble family tombs (cp. Cic. Tusc. 1.13, an tu egressus porta
Capena cum Calatini Scipionum Serviliorum Metellorum sepulcra vides, miseros
putas illos?), along one of the busiest roads to the city: a spectacular
display of aristocratic power for the passerby. The Scipionum elogia
were inside and thus not visible from the road; nevertheless they were
certainly famous, as were elogia from other nobles tombs in the same
area.
13
The poetic forms and eulogistic motifs selected from Greek
10
Kierdorf (1980); Flower (1996: 12858); Suerbaum (2002: 51823), with further
bibliography.
11
Suerbaum (2002: 339) correctly also stresses the inuence of annales ponticum.
12
Morelli (2000: 30).
13
The elogium of Calatinus (apud Cic. Cato 61; Fin. 2.116) emulates CIL I
2
9. The
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 525
epigram for such aristocratic poetry still remained prominent in many
later Latin epigraphic poems.
The second and rst centuries B.C. witnessed a owering of votive
and funerary epigram, involving rst and foremost the new, rising social
ranks: not just (or mostly) equites, but freedmen, craftsmen, and frequently
persons with Greek names and origins. Hellenistic inscriptional poetry
exercised a direct inuence, but the language and meters of the Latin
stage (above all tragedy) played a notable role too in the formative
process of Roman epigraphic poetry. At the same time, the ancient
tradition of aristocratic inscribed epigram remains relevant to the evolu-
tion of Latin epigram. As the rst impetus to inscriptional poetry had
derived from the elogia and from bombastic triumphal votive inscriptions
accompanying public offerings in urban temples, the emerging social
classes at Rome came to regard the commissioning of an epigraphic
poem as a sort of status symbol. Thus funerary poetry is marked by
public-spiritedness and eulogistic features; it emphasizes the ongoing
esteem and prestige (laus) the deceased enjoyed in the community; its
rhetoric of praise is grounded on parallelisms, antithesis and compara-
tive effects (CIL I
2
9.12: honc oino plorume . . . / duonoro optumo; CIL I
2
7.3
forma virtutei parisuma). While such features are present in some Greek
funerary epigrams, they owe the prominence they enjoyed in Rome to
the old tradition of the aristocratic elogium. Of course, some topics and
poetic habits became fashionable due to the prestige of Ennius literary
epigrams; but the inuence of the aristocratic model is also evident
in some features of the epigraphic layout:
14
there is a clear distinction
between prose sections (including onomastic and biographical data) and
the eulogistic poem; and the verse inscription is carefully disposed, for
instance, through the frequent indentation of the pentameter.
Many such traits of aristocratic elogium are present, for instance, in
the rst century B.C. poem found at Triaectum on the Liris (southern
Latium), CIL I
2
1570 (= CLE 56). But far from honoring someone of the
nobility, it is dedicated to a freedwoman, Publia Horaea, who married
the son of her master Nicia(s), himself a freedman. The poem is focused
on praise throughout, with no room for grief or regret. The deceased
describes her deeds and virtues in the rst person. But signicantly, here
consensus about the deceaseds qualities concerns not just the Roman community, but
also all foreign peoples: this is the meaning of gentes (1), pace Courtney (1995: 220); see
Kruschwitz (2002: 222).
14
Del Hoyo (2002) has recently analyzed Hispanic inscriptions.
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526 alfredo m. morelli
the aristocratic ideology of honos is replaced by the decorum and ornatus
of the emerging new classes. Between the second and rst centuries
B.C., lower social ranks combined ancient ideological and rhetorical
devices in a new world of social values: here, individuals enjoyed a
sense of dignity and social prestige not in the larger community of the
cives, but in a smaller milieu where they felt pride in reaching a decent
social status (particularly evident in epigrams for freedmen).
As soon as verse epitaph came to symbolize status for such social
ranks it was abandoned, as it stands to reason, by the same aristocratic
lites who introduced it to Rome: the last elogium in the tomb of the
Scipiones (CIL I
2
15) is dated to approximately 135 B.C. Suspicion of
Hellenizing cultural fashions was probably strong from the beginning
(the Roman aspect of the rst elogia is probably the fruit of a cultural
compromise); it also played a role in the decline of the aristocratic verse
elogium. In any case, the fashion for funerary verse inscription among
the upper classes and in the centers of power gained a foothold again
only in late antiquity.
15
2. Literary epigram from Ennius to Lutatius Catulus
The groups that introduced inscriptional poetry into Rome were also
responsible for the rst literary epigrams. Our starting point is Ennius,
who experimented with this among many other Hellenizing genres.
Fragments of his funerary poems for Scipio Africanus are transmitted
by Cicero and Seneca minor.
Enn. Var. 1920 V.
2
(= fr. 43 Courtney = Cic. Leg. 2.57 and Sen.
Epist. 108.33) :
Hic est ille situs, cui nemo civis neque hostis
Quivit pro factis reddere opis pretium.
Here lies the man, whom no one, countryman or enemy, was able to pay
back adequately for his deeds.
Enn. Var. 212 V.
2
(= fr. 44.12 Courtney = Cic. Tusc. 5.49: see also
Mamert. Pan. Lat. 11(12).16.3):
A sole exoriente supra Maeotis paludes
Nemo est qui factis aequiperare queat.
15
Cugusi (2004: 1679).
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 527
From the rising of the sun above the marshes of Maeotis comes no one
whose deeds could balance his. (trans. Warmington)
Enn. Var. 234 V.
2
(= fr. 44.34 Courtney = Cic. Rep. fr. 6 p. 137 Zieg.
= Sen. Epist. 108.34; see also Lact. Div. Inst. 1.18.11):
Si fas endo plagas caelestum ascendere cuiquam est,
Mi soli caeli maxima porta patet.
If it is right for anyone to go up into the regions of heavens dwellers, for
me alone heavens great gate lies open. (trans. Warmington)
There are many problems in restoring and interpreting these texts.
16

The epigrammatic nature of at least Var. 1920 V.
2
can hardly be ques-
tioned: its rst sentence, hic est ille situs, followed by a relative clause,
is modelled on clichs of Roman funerary epigram, and it probably
exerted considerable inuence on later inscriptional poetry.
17
In Var.
234 V.
2
and possibly in Var. 212 V.
2
Scipio speaks in the rst person;
many scholars wish to combine both distichs into just one epigram (see
also below):
18
though probable, this is not certain.
The poems exhibit marked Hellenizing: a new, Greek meter is intro-
duced and the language owes much to Homeric and tragic solemnity.
19

In 19 V.
2
hostis means stricto sensu enemy, not stranger, foreign per-
son, as in the parallel elogium for Sulla in the Campus Martius, which
very probably imitates Ennius for Scipio.
20
Greek epigram from its
beginnings played with similar ideas: the deceased was appreciated
by citizens and foreigners (e.g., CEG 112.1); even enemies, by their
defeat, testify to the deceaseds value (Aeschylus 2 FGE pp. 1312 =
vita Aeschyli p. 332 Page). There are also traditional motifs that Roman
elogium associated with the deceaseds excellence among his fellow citi-
zens. Ennius re-elaborates, modies and adapts for Scipio such ancient
topoi, even by inversion. Thus the clause cui nemo civis neque hostis quivit pro
16
Courtney (1993: 3942); Bosworth (1999: 5); Morelli (2000: 3640); Suerbaum
(2002: 132), with further bibliography.
17
Courtney (1993: 40); Morelli (2000: 37). Perhaps already CIL I
2
11.4 alludes to
Ennius distich.
18
See already Scaliger (1573: 193), and Skutsch (1985: 148); Perutelli (1990: 275);
Courtney (1993: 401), with further bibliography. Vahlen (1903: 2167) takes a more
cautious approach.
19
Morelli (2000: 401).
20
Setaioli (1977: 700); Courtney (1993: 40); Suerbaum (2002: 338). At any rate, in
Sullas epitaph (paraphrasis in Plut. Sull. 38.4) ioi and Upo are personal friends
and rivals (citizens and strangers) of the deceased.
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528 alfredo m. morelli
factis reddere opis pretium means one thing for the countryman (civis)i.e.,
that he was unable to render for Scipios pains a recompense tting
his servicesbut another for the foeman (hostis).
21
In archaic literary
Latin both pretium and ops are voces mediae which may also have negative
connotations.
22
For the hostis, then, what is meant is that none was able
to make Scipio pay the penalty of his war exploits, hinting perhaps at
Romes foe par excellence in this period, Hannibal. But what does it mean
that no citizen could adequately reward Scipio? Ennius is probably
critiquing Scipios ungrateful fatherland.
23
The epigram was actually
inscribed (or at least alleged to be) on Scipios tomb at Liternum. As
Livy states (38.53.8), Scipio ordered that he should be buried there
ne funus sibi in ingrata patria eret. A breach between individual and his
nation had occurred; the consensus of the Roman people, or even of
all the world, was no longer the guarantee of the deceaseds virtus and
excellence. Scipios personality stands out as haughty and ostentatious
toward citizens and enemies alike (and contrary to eulogistic tradition
both Roman and Greek).
24
In Skutschs opinion, Enn. Var. 214 V.
2
was modelled on Alcaeus
of Messene 1 GP (= AP 9.518).
25
If this is correct, Ennius transforms
the bombastic (perhaps ironic?) eulogy of the still living Philip into a
funerary epigram that deies the dead Scipio; Philips challenge to Zeus
in Alcaeus becomes Scipios ascent to heaven; and Alcaeus address to
the god, almost blasphemous to the Roman sensibilities, is replaced by
the more religious formula si fas endo plagas caelestum ascendere cuiquam est.
Ennius epigram may also conceal a jab at its model, in stressing that
mi soli caeli maxima porta patet: Scipio alone (and not Philip or other Hel-
lenistic sovereigns) has the right to rise to Olympus. The comparison
is now between Scipio and other historical personalities, in particular
Hellenistic kings and perhaps the archetypal gure of Alexander the
Great, conrmed by the emphasis on the Eastern side of the Mediter-
21
So Warmington (193540: 1.401).
22
Setaioli (1977: 7001 and 705). Examples are collected in TLL: ops, 9.2.806.3445
(Kuhlmann) and pretium 10.2.1210.3949 (Michael Hillen). Add Naev. trag. 8 R.
3
pretium
pro factis ferat (the idiom pro factis pretium recurs, e.g., in Plaut. Capt. 940).
23
A hint at a eulogistic motif is also possible: Setaioli (1977: 7012).
24
The motif of the ungrateful country (likewise for a deceased buried in a foreign
land) may be found in a Diodorus epigram for Aeschylus, 13.34 GP (= AP 7.40.34).
There are probably other allusions in Ennius work to Scipios falling into disgrace;
see Morelli (2000: 38).
25
Skutsch (1985: 148).
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 529
ranean (a sole exoriente supra Maeotis paludes).
26
While Ennius states Scipios
superiority in a very Roman wayby comparison of facta (nemo est qui
factis aequiperare queat: see the almost contemporary formula in Publius
Scipios elogium, CIL I
2
10.5, facile facteis superases gloria maiorum)apothe-
osis post mortem is alien to the traditional, conservative Roman aristocratic
mentality. There was, of course, the exemplum of the heroized Hercules
and, above all, Romulus-Quirinus; but in the rst decades of the sec-
ond century B.C. reshaping such models to outstanding contemporary
individuals appeared strange and dangerous. Ennius goes far beyond
the traditional Pythagoreanism of Roman social and cultural lites in
exploiting Hellenistic court epigram and, more broadly, poetry and
culture:
27
his Euhemerism, too, breaks the mold.
28
Two further distichs are ascribed to Ennius by Cic. Tusc. 1.34 and 117:
an epigram on his own portrait (Var. 156 V.
2
= fr. 45 Courtney) and a
self-epitaph (Var. 178 V.
2
= fr. 46 Courtney).
29
Although Ciceros source
seems to be a work of Varro, it is clear that neither distich was written
by that author. Nor are they by Ennius (especially 156 V.
2
). Rather
they were produced some time after the beginnings of Latin philology,
which was at rst particularly devoted to pater Ennius and earlier epic
poetry. Later interest in stage genres
30
subsequently produced alleged
funerary epigrams by Naevius, Plautus and Pacuvius on themselves
(Gell. 1.24.14; probably, at least for Plautus, from Varros De poetis).
31

The epigram for Pacuvius is contemporary with his death and may
be authentic;
32
the remaining two are erudite products, perhaps even
26
Skutsch (1985: 148) suggests a lacuna immediately before 22 V.
2
, because not
all cardinal points of the oikoumene are mentioned at 21 V.
2
; see also Courtney (1993:
412). But Ennius could be stressing comparison precisely with the Hellenistic world.
Geographical limits only for East and North (once again Maeotis, i.e., the Sea of Azov)
are present also in a passage which clearly imitates Ennius poem, Verg. Aen. 6.798ff.;
see Bosworth (1999: 15).
27
Bettini (1979: 857); Skutsch (1985); Courtney (1993: 41); Morelli (2000:
3940).
28
Winiarczyk (2002: 12342).
29
Suerbaum (1968: 20814; 3336); Lausberg (1982: 2757); Skutsch (1985: 1467);
Courtney (1993: 423); Morelli (2000: 417).
30
Suerbaum (1968: 214, n. 631); Morelli (2000: 467). On the evolution of early
Latin philology, see now Goldberg (2005: 179 and bibliograghy 2930).
31
FPL pp. 28 and 32 Morel; 3940 and 434 Bchner; 724 Blnsdorf; Courtney
(1993: 4750).
32
Morelli (2000: 478 and 845). Dahlmann (1963: 100) and Ekkehard Strk apud
Suerbaum (2002: 157, with further bibliography) think differently. On relationships
with CLE 53 and 848, see Massaro (1992: 128) and (1998).
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530 alfredo m. morelli
by the same author, from the period between the Gracchi and Sulla.
33

In the Greek and Roman milieu, epigrammatic eulogies of poets and
writers parallel biographical literature, and their production or at least
their transmission is connected with the erudite genre of Vitae poetarum.
34

In Roman epigrams, typical themes include the grief and pain felt by
Muses and other divine beings over the poets death (the epigrams for
Naevius and Plautus),
35
and the poets undying fame (Enn. Var. 178
V.
2
).
36
Sometimes we recognize the inuence of the older aristocratic
elogium, with some epicizing emphasis.
37
There is also an erudite ten-
dency to refer to features of the poets work or its importance to the
development of Roman literature (especially in Naevius and Plautus
epigrams). In general, we see how Romans became sensitive to the
importance of their literary traditions: they reveal in nuce that same
tendency toward heroizing the main gures of literary past as one sees
in Hellenistic poetry.
38
Another important, though often neglected, gure in the history of
Roman literary epigram is Lucilius, of whose work we possess but a
few scraps in elegiacs, mostly from book 22 of his Satirae.
The most signicant (57980 Marx) is a distich transmitted by Don.
Ter. Phorm. 287:
Servus neque indus domino neque inutilis quaquam
Lucili columella hic situs Metrophanes.
Here lies a slave who was both faithful and in all ways useful to his
master, a little pillar of Lucilius house, by name Metrophanes. (trans.
Warmington)
Metrophanes poetic epitaph was the rst for a slave in Rome. Martial
(11.90.4) quotes its second line as an instance of old-fashioned taste, and
33
Courtney (1993: 50).
34
Gabathuler (1937); Dahlmann (1963: 70100); Bing (1993a).
35
In Hellenistic epigram we nd honors for the dead poet more frequently than the
Muses and other gods grief. Compare with Naevius epigram two poems by Alcaeus
of Messene: 11 GP (= AP 7.1), grief of the gods vs. unworthiness of men; and 14 GP
(= AP 7.412), gods cry and men stop sympotic activities because of Pilades descent
to Hades. See also Suerbaum (1968: 3045); Morelli (2000: 436).
36
See especially Enn. Var. 18 V.
2
volito vivos per ora virum. See Lennartz (1999); Morelli
(2000: 43).
37
See especially Enn. Var. 156 V.
2
The word order is sophisticated, but the eulogy
is quite sober with its indication of the name and deeds of the deceased; the address
to cives is remarkable. Fine analysis in Skutsch (1968: 256); Bettini (1979: 834);
Lausberg (1982: 2756).
38
Rossi (2001: 81106).
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 531
this is in keeping with the fact that the couplet was not just appreciated
by archaizing scholars of the late rst century A.D., but also reused
in CLE.
39
At the same time, it exhibits a degree of Roman-Hellenistic
renement: neque inutilis quaquam is an artful translation of the most fre-
quent epithet in CEG, that used for good slaves in the Greek milieu,
pqoto.
40
Its style, moreover, employs sophisticated word order, and
combines formulae typical of the Roman funerary tradition (hic situs)
with faint echoes of a grander literary tradition, yet in the manner of
the sermo humilis. The diminutive columella tones down the hyperbolic
epic-tragic phrasing (see Enn. Ann. 343 Sk. regni . . . columnam). In all, we
nd a sense of decorum mixed with a certain irony, and a new taste
for slang.
41
Similarly, the other elegiac fragments from book 22 (5814
Marx) are strongly inuenced by Plautine style.
42
It cannot be deter-
mined whether all fragments belong to epigrams or to longer elegies.
Roman cultural lites also experimented with new epigrammatic types
under the inuence of contemporary Greek culture, in particular with
erotic epigram. Gellius transmits amatory poems by Valerius Aedituus,
Porcius Licinus and Lutatius Catulus in a famous chapter of his Noctes
Atticae (19.9); from Cic. Nat. deor. 1.79 we also know another epigram of
Catulus (2 Morel = 2 Courtney).
43
Aedituus, Licinus and Catulus are
mentioned in the same order and in a similar context by Apul. Apol.
9.6, who does not depend on Gellius. On this and other evidence, it has
been suggested for more than a century that all three poets belonged to
a circle under the patronage of Lutatius Catulus,
44
or at least that their
epigrams were part of a Latin anthology which circulated among eru-
dite readers of the second century A.D.
45
Although there is not enough
evidence for either suggestion,
46
the poems impressive consistency in
39
Massaro (1992: 10); Morelli (2000: 114), with further literature.
40
Rossi (2001: 31922).
41
See Donatus commentary (if it is not baseless): ancient people dened older
slaves as columellae.
42
Morelli (2000: 1217).
43
After Courtney (1993: 708), general studies of so-called pre-neoteric epigrams
may be found in Bernardi Perini (1997); Maltby (1997); Biondi (1998a: 4317); Nosarti
(1999: 15174); Morelli (2000: 131237); Vardi (2000); and Suerbaum (2002: 2901;
4523).
44
Buettner (1892: 110).
45
Usener (1865: 151).
46
On the status quaestionis, see Granarolo (1971: 326) and (1973: 3124) and
Courtney (1993: 71); thereafter, the inconclusive surveys of Morelli (2000: 13145)
and Vardi (2000), with further literature.
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532 alfredo m. morelli
subject matter and style suggests that a particular fashion for amatory
epigram took hold at Rome at the end of the second or the beginning
of the rst century B.C.
The best known of the three poets was Lutatius Catulus.
47
A mem-
ber of the Sullan aristocracy, consul with Marius in 102 B.C., victor
over the Cimbri, he committed suicide in 87 B.C., as Marius party
temporarily prevailed. His literary interests were expansive: like other
aristocrats of this period (Scaurus, Rutilius Rufus, Sulla), he wrote an
autobiography (Liber de consulatu et de rebus gestis suis) dedicated to Furius
Antias (Cic. Brut. 132); and he knew and protected Greek epigrammists
such as Antipater of Sidon (Cic. De or. 3.194) and Archias (Cic. Arch.
6). As we read in Pliny the Younger (Epist. 5.3), people like Sulla or
Quintus Scaevola composed erotic epigrams. When did such a literary
fashion begin in the Roman aristocracy? Did it originate in the Garland
of Meleager, as many scholars think?
48
In my opinion, evidence argues against such a suggestion, at least in
case of Lutatius Catulus. If, as is probable, Meleagers Garland was not
published before 80 B.C.,
49
Catulus use of it is simply impossible. If
the Garland was assembled circa 96 B.C. (and it is reasonable to assume
that its arrival in Rome would have required a few years more), it is
hard to believe that a poem like Catulus 2 was written for Roscius when
he was approximately thirty, whereas Cicero speaks in this context of
poems exalting beautiful young adulescentuli or pueri. In both cases, we
must keep in mind that Catulus was in contact, well before the end of
the second century B.C., with important epigrammists such as Antipater
and Archias. Meleager states that Antipater was a noteworthy erotic
poet (122.156 GP = AP 7.428.156). Although only one (homo)erotic
poem of his has survived to our day (65 GP = AP 12.97),
50
it is enough
to acknowledge Antipaters possible contribution to new Roman epi-
grammatic tastes.
51
It is, all the same, impossible to establish whether
all pre-neoteric epigrams precede Meleagers Garland. As a whole they
have to be envisaged as important evidence for a Graeco-Roman liter-
ary movement that preceded and accompanied the Garland, and was
in its turn fostered by the great success of Meleagers anthology. Anti-
47
Bardon (1952: 11521).
48
Laurens (1989: 15977); Cameron (1993: 516).
49
See Argentieri in this volume.
50
The epitaph for the hetaera Lais (23 GP = AP 7.218) is also remarkable.
51
Morelli (2000: 14652).
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 533
pater was surely just one of the intermediaries for the spread of such
a taste to Rome. Similarly, the poetry of Laevius is largely inuenced
by Hellenistic epigram.
52
Such inuence is evident in Catulus 2 Courtney, the poem on Roscius.
Noteworthy features are the playful conceit and artful Phoenician
style, with its jokes about the puers name, and a hyperbolic comparison
between the boys and a gods (Dawns) beauty.
53
Similar tendencies
appear in contemporary Hellenistic epigrammatists, such as Antipater,
Polystratus or Phanias, or the many anonymous poems of the Garland,
without any evidence of strong specic inuence by Meleager or his
anthology.
54
The superiority of the beloved to the gods is a topos Hel-
lenistic erotic epigram inherited from royal encomium; at Rome it is
colored by the humorous Plautine tradition of synkrisis (comparison)
and, with reference to epigram in particular, by the example of Scipios
deication in Enn. Var. 214 V.
2
(= 44 Courtney).
55
By simulating a
lovers frenzy, then, in exalting his darlings qualities, Catulus epigram
exhibits a radical change in cultural mood from bombastic political
eulogy to erotic (and ironic) renement.
In contemporary Greek literature (including Meleager), this period
witnesses a kind of revival of early Hellenistic epigram (Callima-
chus, Posidippus, Asclepiades).
56
Catulus 1 Morel (= 1 Courtney), for
example,
Aufugit mi animus. Credo, ut solet, ad Theotimum
devenit. Sic est, perfugium illud habet.
Quid si non interdixem, ne illunc fugitivum
mitteret ad se intro, sed magis eiceret?
Ibimus quaesitum. Verum, ne ipsi teneamur,
formido. Quid ago? Da, Venus, consilium.
My soul has left me; it has ed, I think, to Theotimus; he is its refuge.
But what if I should beg that he refuse to admit the truant, but cast it
out? Ill go to him; but what if I am caught? What shall I do? Lend me,
Venus, your aid. (trans. after Rolfe)
52
Fantuzzi and Hunter (2004: 463).
53
On Catulus 2 Morel, see also Granarolo (1971: 4950); Dahlmann (1981); Perutelli
(1990); Weber (1996).
54
Contra Laurens (1989: 1745), who compares some of Meleagers poems such as
100 GP (= AP 12.59).
55
On relationships between Catulus and Ennius epigrams, Perutelli (1990: 2756);
Biondi (1998a: 4323); Morelli (2000: 1612).
56
See Argentieri in this volume.
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534 alfredo m. morelli
is an artful translation of Callimachus 4 GP (= AP 12.73 = 41 Pf.):
jio ru u ti to ao, jiou o oux oo
rt po rt oq jpaoor, aiq o.
\ o ti aooe aoii rto; xo r arao
aoiioxi tq opoti q uarroUr, roi
ouxiouiqoo xror yop iiUoiruoto
xrq xo oorpe oo ti aou otprrtoi.
It is but the half of my soul that still breathes, and for the other half I
know not if it be Love or Death that hath seized on it, only it is gone. Is
it off again to one of the lads? And yet I told them often, Receive not,
ye young men, the runaway. Seek for it at **, for I know it is somewhere
there that the gallows-bird, the love-lorn, is loitering. (trans. Paton)
Compared with Callimachus and his contemporaries, we nd the
speaker more deeply involved in his erotic affair: as evidenced by the
syntax of Catulus 1, which is more broken and uneven than in its model,
love is passion, pain, and subjection to Eros or sometimes even to the
beloved. Callimachus poem is reinterpreted in the mood of a Latin
epoioyo (lovers comic monologue), strongly inuenced by the col-
loquial language and style of the adulescentes amatores in the comedies of
both Plautus and Terence.
57
In its approach to love affairs, pre-neoteric
epigram, like contemporary Hellenistic poetry, also refers to important
models of archaic Greek erotic poetry, primarily Sappho: hints at Sap-
phic poems are already evident in Lutatius Catulus,
58
while Valerius
Aedituus (1 Morel = 1 Courtney) adapts the famous ode Sappho 31
V. well before Catullus 51.
59
Sympotic themes, as in the comastic
Valerius Aedituus 2 Morel (= 2 Courtney) and bucolic topics, as in
Porcius Licinus 6 Morel (= 7 Courtney) are also present.
60
3. Did Catullus write epigrams?
To summarize, aristocratic (and even politically conservative) Roman
lites introduced a highly stylized epigram as a kind of mode de salon.
57
On Catulus reuse of Latin comic language, see Pascucci (1979); Tandoi (1981:
1569); Perutelli (1990: 25775); Maltby (1997); Biondi (1998a: 4345); Morelli (2000:
16477).
58
Stark (1957: 330); Morelli (2000: 1757).
59
On the restoration of line 3, Courtney (1993: 701); Bernardi Perini (1997: 157);
Nosarti (1999: 1519); Morelli (2000: 1869 and 3401); Murgia (2002: 67).
60
On Valerius Aedituus 2 Morel, see also Jocelyn (1994); on Porcius Licinus 6 Morel,
Hubaux (1930: 236); Suerbaum (2002: 2901), with further bibliography.
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 535
They imposed on it the ideology of a rened, exclusive society, taking
as a prestigious model the literary culture of the aristocratic archaic
Greek world while recasting it in the light of the Hellenistic epigram. No
wonder then that such a literature became fashionable also for emerg-
ing gures or social classes: Cicero wrote at least one erotic epigram
la Mlagre, on kisses denied (cp. the later Catullus 99);
61
and even at
Pompeii the impressive cycle of Tiburtinus epigrams on the outer wall
of the Odeon shows the appeal that this new aristocratic taste exerted
on provincial lites too.
62
The polymetric nugae and elegiac epigrams by Catullus and the
poetae novi seem partly to continue, partly to break with such a Roman
tradition.
63
Historical assessments have offered sometimes contradictory
results. David O. Ross, for instance, states that Catullus short poems in
elegiacs follow a native Roman tradition (of which pre-neoteric epigram
is an important part) with its own style and literary language,
64
and
hence quite different from Hellenistic epigrams. On the other hand,
Pierre Laurens argues that Catulus, Aedituus and Porcius poems are
simply Hellenistic epigrams written in Latin; Catullus, by contrast, trans-
formed generic expectations so radically that his short poems in elegiacs
are scarcely epigrams, but rather short elegies, their composition and
arrangement closer to sympotic Theognidean poetry; by comparison,
the polymetric nugae are more akin to Greek epigram.
65
The following
points respond to both these judgments.
1) Catullus augments pre-neoteric (and Meleagrian) classicism:
the Greco-Roman epigram of Meleagers age was already affected
by a strong tendency to re-evaluate the Callimachean model, and to
approximate (through Callimachus) archaic Greek poetry.
66
Certainly
we should not minimize the importance of Catullus innovation, but
must avoid the danger of placing it in a historical vacuum.
2) Catullus transformed the rened epigrammatic fashion of exclusive
aristocratic groups into a consistent ideology of venustasliterary and
61
There is no reason to doubt the attribution to Cicero of Ep. 3 Soubiran; see
Morelli (2000: 1801).
62
Ross (1969: 1479); Tandoi (1981) and (19823); Courtney (1993: 7981); Morelli
(2000: 23757), with further bibliography.
63
Recent general introduction to Catullan problems in Kolson Hurley (2004). See
also Wiseman (1985) and Quinn (1999).
64
Wheeler (1934: 6186); Ross (1969: 13769, esp. 1456). Dominicy (2002) analyzes
the rhetorical structure of c. 75, which he parallels with Valerius Aedituus 1 Morel.
65
Laurens (1989: 1778; 183213).
66
Granarolo (1978).
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536 alfredo m. morelli
worldly renement combined with bonds of love and affection set in
a small social groupthat clashes with the coarseness of the invenusti.
Epigrams and nugae are a exible literary instrument to express such
ideals and to sketch the associated dmi-monde.
67
To achieve this effect,
Catullus displays in his short poems an impressive variety of literary
forms and stylistic registers. Every poem is fashioned according to its
own particular formula and shows a wide range of poetic features,
with recourse to the most dissimilar generic traditions and linguistic
registers.
3) In such a context, Theognidean poetry can be merely one ingredi-
ent of Catullus elegiacs, not the key to understanding them. Limiting
things to erotic topics, from a purely thematic and formal point of
view, c. 70 is a Latin epigram in the style of Callimachus 11 GP (=
AP 5.6 = 25 Pf.) or Meleager 69 GP (= AP 5.8), although the dramatic
involvement of the ego is absent from its models. A mannerly poem such
as c. 86 is inconceivable if we leave the Garland out of consideration.
Carmina 83 and 92 work out, in Callimachean epigrammatic manner,
the deductive reasoning of the ego about the behavior of his mistress,
68

and both include a rhetorically elaborated nal point (83.6 uritur et
loquitur; 92.2 and 4 dispeream nisi amat . . . dispeream nisi amo). From a purely
generic point of view, what should we consider a small elegy like c. 99?
Generic composition in Catullan erotic elegiacs is not limited to the
contrast between Hellenistic epigram and Theognidean elegy.
4) The topoi and style of archaic Greek erotic lyric play an essential
role not only in Catullus nugae, but also in the epigrams. Anacr. 83
Page provides an important background for the famous c. 85 (odi et amo)
even more than Theogn. 10914. Sappho 1 V., along with Theogn.
13236, inspired Catullus prayer in c. 76. Although pre-neoteric poetry
adapted Sapphic themes to epigram (cp. Valerius Aedituus 1), Catullus
went further in his classicism, by, for instance, translating Sappho 31
V. into the same lyric meter (c. 51), which paved the way for Horaces
more consistent literary experiment.
5) Nevertheless, Laurens is correct in drawing attention to the
inuence of archaic Greek short elegy. Many of Catullus poems in
elegiacs are similar in shape, topic, and mood to Theognidean pieces.
Moreover, Zicri remarks that the Catullan distich in cc. 69116 is,
67
After Citroni (1995: 57205), see now Nappa (2001: passim, esp. 934).
68
Stoessl (1957: 2914); Syndikus (198490: 3.4952); Thomson (1997: 5102).
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 537
in some metrical features, more similar to Theognis than to Hel-
lenistic epigrammatic elegiacs.
69
Above all, some important leitmotifs
in the epigrammatic part of Catullus liber have their background in
Theognidean elegy. We may highlight the importance of the themes
connected to des, the loyalty between partners that in Catullus leads
to a foedus (pact). Sometimes they are also shaped in a programmatic
and paraenetic way (see c. 109). Nothing similar is to be found in the
nugae (cc. 160): the generic difference between elegiacs and polymetrics
is clearly marked. In Catullus short elegiac poems distance between
epigrams and erotic elegy is effaced: even in the Greek milieu there
is evidence for poetry books containing both epigrams and elegies.
70

No wonder then that among Catullus epigrams we nd an elegy like
c. 76, or that the subject matter and style of c. 68 and cc. 69116 are
so similar.
71
This will have important effects on the history of Roman
elegy: the only poems we know of Cornelius Gallus, the founding father
of Roman elegy, are epigrams!
72
6) Catullus conceived of epigram as an open form. From a generic
point of view, epigram was for him a literary frame in which he could
combine features of very different poetic genres. And if we consider
the rhetorical structure of many poems, we realize that it is not as
closed as in Hellenistic epigram. Yet even in such cases, differences
from Theognidean elegiac sketches are apparent: the epigrammatic
taste for unity and symmetry is always present in Catullus (cp., e.g.,
the difference between Theogn. 13634 and c. 87). But more, Catullus
poems are open to thematic connections with other poems of the liber:
for example, c. 87 grows richer in its meanings read together with cc. 75
and 85. As a whole, Catullus carmina outline a consistent set of exem-
plary moments in the life of a poetic ego and afford a rare opportunity
to observe the network of cross-references that marked out an ancient
epigrammatic libellus.
73
In this, the anthology of Meleager represents
69
Zicri (1964), but see also the remarks in Morelli (2000: 30713). On Catullan
use of hiatus, see now Biondi (2003); on elision Dominicy (2002: 1812). Ross (1969:
11537) overemphasizes Roman features of Catullan elegiacs.
70
Morelli (2000: 327).
71
Day (1938); Luck (1969: 5969); Wiseman (1974: 77103) and (1985); Pasoli (1980);
Sarkissian (1983); Syndikus (198490: 2.296); Biondi (1998b: 4736).
72
On the authenticity and literary background of Gallus papyrus from Qasr Ibrm
see, after Anderson, Parsons and Nisbet (1979), Capasso (2003).
73
I think that Catullus Liber was assembled by him or by an editor out of his milieu,
shortly after his death: recent discussion and bibliography in Scherf (1996) and Morelli
(2005). The Liber was perhaps articulated in three books (160; 6164; 65116): on
BRUSS-BING_F27_518-541.indd 537 2/19/2007 9:48:52 AM
538 alfredo m. morelli
another major inuence. In its erotic part, the Garland is organized into
a sequence of thematic cores which can be read as a sort of exemplary
erotic biography (falling in love, the madness and pain of love, subjec-
tion to the beloved, indelities, separation and so on).
74
7) In addition to erotic topics, we nd in the Liber other traditional
epigrammatic motifs:
75
funerary themes (cc. 96 and 101; see also 65
and 68; not coincidentally, such topics are absent in the polymetric
section)
76
and literary manifestos and polemics (95 and 116; see 1, 16,
22, 35, 36, 50 in the nugae). Above all, we nd abundant invective, in
both the elegiacs and lyrics. The inuence of Hellenistic epigram is
evident, for instance, in the frequent mixture of ad hominem attacks and
literary questions (16, 22, 36, 95, 105, 116),
77
but Catullus themes and
language are often very different and extreme. His aggressive oixq
oro gives an epigrammatic form to the archaic Ionic violence of
Archilochus and Hipponax poetry,
78
a further example of Catullus
classicism, which, once again, consists not of bookish or frigid imitation,
but of the topical presentation of literary models. At the same time,
however, contemporary Roman culture is fond of satiric verse attacks.
Indeed, while the similarity between Catullus satiric poems and Calvus
epigrammatic onslaughts on Caesar and Pompeius (178 Morel = 178
Courtney) is impressive, Calvus scraps are only part of a quite large
corpus of contemporary poetic fragments (both anonymous or by a
recognized author) and testimonia. Short satiric poems were a Roman
tradition ( fescennina iocatio, occentatio, carmina triumphalia),
79
largely reused
by literary epigram and political propaganda: in cultivated poetry as
in folkloric verse or versied slogans, sexual, scatological, and obscene
language and topics are often prominent (Calvus 178 Morel; vers. pop.
in Caes. 12 and 7 Morel = vers. triump. 12 and vers. pop. 3 Courtney).
the third one, see now Skinner (2003). On thematic and word connections in Catullus
work, see now Claes (1996) and (2002).
74
See Gutzwiller in this volume.
75
On the poetics of the various topics in Catullus and Greek epigram, see recently
Hutchinson (2003).
76
The elegiac fragments of Calvus (156 Morel = 156 Courtney) are interesting:
they possibly derive from a poem in memory of Calvus wife Quintilia. On Calvus,
Bardon (1952: 1.3414); Granarolo (1973: 3438); Perutelli (1988); Courtney (1993:
20111), with further bibliography.
77
See now Davies (2000); Schievenin (2000). More in general Gamberale (1982).
78
Newman (1990: 4374). On Catullus obscene language see Richlin (1981) and
Fitzgerald (1995: 5986), with further bibliography.
79
Fraenkel (1955) and (1961). On relationships with Roman folklore, see now Di
Benedetto (2001).
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hellenistic epigram in the roman world 539
8) We return to the role of the Roman poetic tradition in Catullus.
The range of linguistic registers in Catullus short poems is greater
than in Meleagers or Callimachus epigrams. He follows pre-neoteric
epigram in recuperating many linguistic features of the ancient palliata.
Catullus language meets and, at the same time, goes beyond the quasi-
Callimachean demands of realism. The violence of his oopoioyo
suits the coarseness of his targets, but even in outlining such disgusting
gures as Aemilius (c. 97) or Victius (c. 98), Catullus does not lose control
of the epigrammatic shape. One example, c. 80, sufces:
Quid dicam, Gelli, quare rosea ista labella
Hiberna ant candidiora nive,
mane domo cum exis et cum te octava quiete
e molli longo suscitat hora die?
Nescio quid certe est. An vere fama susurrat
grandia te medii tenta vorare viri?
Sic certe est: clamant Victoris rupta miselli
ilia et emulso labra notata sero.
What am I to say, Gellius, to explain why those rosy lips grow whiter
than winter snow when you leave the house in the morning and when
the eighth hour wakes you from your soft slumber in the long day?
Something is certainly going on. Or is the rumour true which whispers
that you swallow the massive stretchings at a mans middle? That must
be how it is. Poor Victors shattered groin shouts it and your lips stained
with the white liquid that you have milked. (trans. Godwin)
The attack on Gellius is crude, but the structure of the poem carefully
worked out. It parodies a famous Callimachean scenario wherein the
ego gradually detects the falling in love of a companion (13 GP = AP
12.134 = 43 Pf.) or even of his own soul (4 GP, the poem imitated by
Catulus). The rhetoric of Catullus poem is similar (1, quid dicam?; 5,
nescio quid certe est. An vera; 7, sic certe est, see Catulus 1.12 Courtney,
credo . . . sic est), but it anticipates a very different nal point. Another
humorous reworking of the same topos is to be found in the nugae
(c. 6). In c. 80.12 and 8 the snow-white lips of Gellius hint at another
well-known erotic topic: the pallor amantis. The obscene sero properly
signies whey, yet its slang meaning sperm contrasts with the high
register of the rst lines (2, hiberna . . . candidiora nive).
80
Such clashes in
linguistic register form part and parcel of Catullus dramatic, or expres-
sionistic style, by which he surpasses the playfulness of both Plautus and
80
Curran (1966); Syndikus (198490: 3.403); Thomson (1997: 5078); Godwin
(1999: 196).
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540 alfredo m. morelli
pre-neoteric epigram.
81
The innovative language ts the new Catullan
mood, which is dominated by a fascinating collision between ideals and
hard reality, renement and roughness, loyalty and indelity.
9) What then of the polymetric nugae? Many of them develop purely
epigrammatic themes (cc. 23, Lesbias sparrow; 13, the invitation to
dinner; 26, Catullus villula; 41 and 43, the high claims of a hetaera),
but the variety of poetic forms, as well as the relatively large average
size of the poems, raises questions.
82
Hellenistic epigram entered Rome
as part of a larger set of light poetic genres of uncertain status. Names
and titles such as ludicra, nugae, and paegnia often recur in Catullus age;
epigrammata, hendecasyllabi, and poematia are some terms still used by Pliny
the Younger (Ep. 4.14.9) to dene the varieties of lyric and epigram
produced in his time.
83
Literary fashion in high society also involved
short poems in lyric meters on topics found in contemporary epigram
(Laevius fr. 28 Morel = 28 Courtney is the incipit of a love letter, in
the style of Tiburtinus CIL 4.4971 and Catullus c. 32). Occasional
poems in lyric meter were surely frequent: amateur aristocratic circles
appreciated Antipaters metrical versatility and cleverness in improvisa-
tion (Cic. De or. 3.194). Catullus nugae must be seen in this historical
context wherein Calvus and other neoteroi also produced similar poems
in lyric meter, with a noteworthy preference for the Phalaecian. With
Catullus, a salon fashion becomes high literary art that revisits Greek
poetic tradition in toto, both lyric and epigrammatic.
10) It makes no sense to ask whether each and every one of Catullus
short poems is an epigram. To be sure, cc. 69116 can be dened, as a
whole, as an epigrammatic collection, even though some t Hellenistic
epigrammatic canons less well than the others. Contemporary Roman
use of the word epigramma is also noteworthy. For instance, Varro (Ling.
Lat. 7.28) calls a scoptic poem in elegiacs by one Papinius, not different
from many of Catullus aggressive poems, an epigrammation. Generic
borders between epigram and elegy or light lyric poetry were vague.
This sheds light on the Roman approach to epigram and the cultural
background for collections like the Catalepton, where poems of various
sizes and meters alternate,
84
and Martials polymetrics and epigrammata
longa. Is this purely a Roman peculiarity? Or did the Meleagrian canon
81
Newman (1990: esp. 277317); Biondi (1998b: 4648).
82
Carilli (1975); Fuhrer (1994).
83
Citroni (2003b).
84
Holzberg (2004).
BRUSS-BING_F27_518-541.indd 540 2/19/2007 9:48:52 AM
hellenistic epigram in the roman world 541
cover, in the Greek milieu, a wider range of epigrammatic forms? It
would be a mistake to suppose that there were original Greek models
for each and every one of Catullus generic experiments: we must not
neglect the specicity of his Roman culture or personal genius. On the
other hand, as we have seen, it is clear that Romans selected from Hel-
lenistic poetry those features found more suitable for their own culture;
vice versa, Greek poets in Rome complied with the literary taste of
their patrons, as the example of Antipater demonstrates.
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INDEX OF EPIGRAMS DISCUSSED
Aeschrion
I GP: 238, n. 19; 475, n. 30
''Aeschylus"
2 FGE: 527
Alcaeus of Messene
1 GP: 528
13 GP: 467
16 GP: 195; 253, n. 15
Alphaeus
6 GP Garland: 420- 1
9 GP Garland: 421
Amyntes
1 FGE: 150
2 FGE: 150

I FGE: 289
6 FGE: 302 3
Anonymous
24 FGE: 124, n. 37
25 FGE: 243, n. 33
33 FGE: 441 2
36a FGE: 429- 30; 438
36b FGE: 429 30; 438
38 FGE: 379 80; 438 40
45 FGE: 151
Antipater of Sidon
4 GP: 173, n. 23
7 GP: 413
11 GP: 440
12 GP: 410
13 GP: Ill
14 (;P: Ill
l.'i (; 1': I 11
lbCI': 171; 111
I 7 (: 1': I I I
Ill (;I' l'lh 7; 111
:.! 1 (;I' 1-,o
( ;p 171
(; p (,
.,., (:1'
17 1, 11. J:i
31 GP: 90 I
32 GP: 207 8
34 GP: 431
43 GP: 239
48 GP: 150
58 GP: 376 81
60 GP: 453
65 GP: 532
67 GP: 174; 499
73 GP: 440 I
Antipater of Thessalonu ,,
4 GP Garland: 381 'l
17 GP Garland: 2 I :l , " . :1:1
19 GP Garland: 44 I
20 GP Garland: 178 I)
54 GP Garland: 173
55 GP Garland: 4 15
75 GP Garland: 437
77 GP Garland: 498
79 GP Garland: 306
84 GP Garland: 268
85 GP Garland: 418
97 GP Garland: 500
111 GP Garland: 424
Antiphanes
1 GP Garland: 426
9 GP Garland: 178, n. 3!1
Antiphilus
3 GP Garland: 159
6 GP Garland: 1.19
14 GP Garland: 248
23 GP Car/and: :ll.'i
35 GP Garland: I I 7 !I
4 8 C P Gm/and: 24 I
/\nytl'
I (;P: l.'i:l I
:l (:I': 'l'lh 7
I (;I' I'.>, 11. I 'I
;, (;I' '.1'\()
11 <:I' I
1
Ho , 11 ' I I
!I I :I' 1111. 11 'Ill
11 i I ; 1': :1'111 Ill
1: I' !1'17 11 I Ill