ABSTRACT

Title of Thesis: THE INFLUENCE OF THE JESUITS ON THE PASSION

MUSIC OF ORLANDO DI LASSO

Nicholas Dean Johnson, Master of Arts, 2006


Thesis Directed by: Professor Richard Wexler
School of Music



This study explores the four Passion settings of Orlando di Lasso, composed
between 1575 and 1582, which have largely been ignored by music scholars. Scholars
have recognized that a dramatic compositional shift occurred between the second and
third settings, but have provided no cogent explanation for the change. Most reasons
given revolve around the Council of Trent, which held its final session in 1563.
However, a consideration of the history and religious contexts of the works discloses
other, possibly better explanations.
I propose that the primary influence leading to Lassos compositional shift was
the liturgical reform initiated by his employer, Duke Wilhelm V, and enforced by the
Jesuit priest Walram Tumler. These reforms had a profound effect on all facets of
worship in Bavaria, most notably music. Recognizing the influence of the Jesuits on
Lassos music makes it possible to understand the composers dramatic change in style.



















THE INFLUENCE OF THE JESUITS ON THE
PASSION MUSIC OF ORLANDO DI LASSO



by


Nicholas Dean Johnson




Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the
University of Maryland, College Park in partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts
2006




Advisory Committee:

Professor Richard Wexler, Chair
Professor Barbara Haggh-Huglo
Professor Richard King






ii


Acknowledgments

I would first like to thank my advisor, Dr. Richard Wexler, for all his assistance,
patience, and guidance throughout this project. I would also like to thank Dr. Deborah
Lawrence for her help in finding this topic, which I first investigated for a paper in one of
her classes at the University of Maryland, College Park. I am grateful to Dr. Barbara
Haggh-Huglo and Dr. Richard King, who served on my thesis committee, and provided
helpful comments and advice, and Bernhold Schmid, Michel Huglo, Leofranc Holford-
Strevens, and Bonnie Blackburn, who provided a facsimile and translation of a dedication
written by Lasso for the Matthew Passion. Finally, I would also like to thank Dr. David
Crook for personal correspondence about Lassos relationship with Wilhelm V and the
Jesuits, which lent new insight on the significance of their role in shaping the composers
late Passion settings.



















iii



Contents





Introduction. Orlando di Lasso and the Passion of Christ 1

Chapter 1. The Jesuit Influence in Catholic Bavaria 6

Chapter 2. The Passions of Orlando di Lasso 20

Chapter 3. Analysis of the Four Passions 40

Conclusion. From Humanism to Realism 74


Works Cited 78






















1
Introduction
Orlando di Lasso and the Passion of Christ

The presentation of the Passion has been an integral part of Christianity since the
fifth century, when public and liturgical readings of the story became the focus of Holy
Week celebrations. Monophonic recitations of the Passion were superseded by
polyphonic compositions in the 15
th
century. During the late Renaissance each religious
denomination began to form a distinct style of Passion composition, and the genre thrived
across all of Europe. Perhaps because it was a genre that all three major branches of
Christianity Catholic, Orthodox, and Protestant shared in the 16
th
century, Passion
settings were often used to proclaim a churchs stance on theological issues, such as the
importance of music in worship and how one should understand the relationship between
Christ and man.
1

More so than in any other genre, musical changes and developments in Passion
settings have always been integrally tied to shifting theological beliefs. The
compositional style of Passions often clearly reflects the political and religious climate
immediately surrounding the composer. The settings of Catholic composers demonstrate
a strict reliance upon the chant and recitation tones that were used in the liturgy. Early
Protestant settings reveal shifting ideas of the purpose of worship with vernacular
languages and clear text declamation. Even modern settings, composed for the concert

1
Kurt von Fischer, Die Passion von ihren Anfngen bis ins 16. Jahrhundert, in Gattungen der Musik in
Einzeldarstellungen. Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, eds. Wulf Arlt, Ernst Lichtenhahn, Hans Oesch, Max
Haas (Bern and Munich: Francke, 1973), 574-76.
2
hall instead of the church, reflect the current trend of mixing the liturgical and the secular
in a single composition.
2

For the music historian Passion settings are valuable tools that may elucidate a
composers personal beliefs and how they were affected by the theological climate
surrounding him. There is no time period for which there tools are more valuable than
the 16
th
century. The birth of Protestantism, the Counter-Reformation, the Council of
Trents decrees on music, and the widespread secularization of European society all
weighed heavily on Passion settings. Where a composer and his employer stood in
regard to these issues often can be measured by the musical techniques used in his
Passion settings.
The best-known composer of the 16
th
-century to write Passion settings was
Orlando di Lasso, whose four settings established the post-Tridentine Catholic Passion
style. Employed for most of his life at the Bavarian Court during the height of the
Counter-Reformation, Lasso composed sacred music that clearly reflects changing
theological trends. After the death of Duke Albrecht V in 1579, his successor Wilhelm V
initiated widespread liturgical reforms and sought to eliminate Protestant influences on
Catholicism in Bavaria.
3
The newly crowned duke required music for reformed worship
services, and in the early 1580s Lasso composed a significant body of sacred music, most
notably a Hymn cycle begun in late 1580 and three Passion settings from 1580 and 1582.
The Hymn cycle has received attention in recent research by Daniel Zager,
4
but Lassos

2
Three modern examples include the Passion settings of Krzysztof Penderecki (1963-6), Arvo Prt (1982),
and Sofiya Gubaydulina (2000).
3
These changes will be outlined in Chapter 1 of this study.
4
Daniel Zager, Post-Tridentine liturgical change and functional music: Lassos cycle of polyphonic
hymns, in Orlando di Lasso Studies, ed. Peter Bergquist (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1999), 41-
63.
3
Passions have been largely ignored despite the insight that they may provide into the
composers immediate reaction to religious reforms.
Lassos first setting, the Matthew Passion, was published in 1575
5
and probably
written no earlier than 1574.
6
This was his most successful setting, and it was printed
once more during his lifetime and appears in manuscripts from as late as the 1740s.
Compared to his later Passions, it is a massive work with polyphonic settings for every
character except Jesus and the narrator. Lasso wrote his next Passion, according to John,
in 1580. This work was never published and was most likely used only in Munich.
7
The
composition is similar to the Matthew Passion, closely resembling it in musical style. His
last settings, Mark and Luke from 1582, were two of his first compositions after liturgical
reform at the Bavarian court had begun. They are very similar to each other and are most
notable for their musical restraint.
8

The most striking feature of Lassos Passions is the drastic difference of style
between the Matthew/John and the Mark/Luke settings. Both earlier works are florid and
expressive. Although these compositions do not contain the complicated polyphony and
expansive melismas that characterize Catholic compositions prior to the Council of Trent,
it is obvious that Lasso desired to create a work of art within a functional setting. In
contrast, the later two Passions are much more restrained and are centered solely on a
realistic telling of the story rather than on artistic expression.
Little work has been done to determine why Lassos compositional style should
have changed so drastically between 1580 and 1582. All scholars agree that the shift

5
Orlando di Lasso, Patrocinium musices IV (Munich: Adamus Berg, 1575). RISM 1575a, L877.
6
Kurt von Fischer argues this in the Vorwort of Orlando di Lasso, Smtliche Werke. Neue Reihe, vol. 2
(Kassel: Brenreiter, 1956), v-vi. His discussion will be summarized in Chapter 2.
7
Ibid., v.
8
The musical characteristics of the four Passions are discussed on pages 40-73.
4
exists, but the reasons given do not appear to take into consideration the political and
religious climate immediately surrounding Lasso. The most common theory has been
that the composer altered his method as a direct result of the precepts of the Council of
Trent, which had its final session in 1563.
9
There is some truth to this, but to assume that
the later Passions were affected solely by the Council of Trent is to ignore the fact that
the Matthew setting was composed at least eleven years after the bodys final assembly.
10

Lasso was well aware of the proceedings of the Council, owing to his engagement under
Duke Albrecht V,
11
and yet his Matthew Passion in many ways blatantly ignores the
statements issued concerning the reform of sacred music, most clearly with regard to the
clarity of text setting.
12
The Council of Trent obviously had some influence on Lassos
settings, as even the Matthew is more restrained than many Passions composed prior to
1563, but its influence does not explain why Lassos earlier and later settings differ so
much in style.
13

The two factors that have not thus far been afforded much attention in regard to
the Passions are the influence of Wilhelm V and the Jesuits and their influence on Lasso.
The Duke introduced liturgical reforms in 1579, one year before the composition of the
John Passion. These reforms seemed to have had little impact on Lassos compositional

9
Wolfgang Boetticher, Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit, 1532-1594, Repertoire-Untersuchungen zur Musik
der Sptrenaissance (Kassel: Brenreiter Verlag, 1958), 652. Kurt von Fischer, Vorwort of Orlando di
Lasso, Smtliche Werke. Neue Reihe, vol. 2 (Kassel: Brenreiter, 1956), vi-vii.
10
Fischer mentions this discrepancy, but does not make it part of his theory.
11
Michael Mullet discusses Albrecht Vs relationship with the Council of Trent in The Catholic
Reformation (New York: Routledge, 1999), 57.
12
The Tridentine position on sacred music is discussed at length by K.G. Fellerer in Church Music and the
Council of Trent, The Musical Quarterly 39 (1953), 576-94. Among the decrees of the 22
nd
Session, that
of 17 September, 1562, reads: But the whole must be managed in such a manner that Masses should be
celebrated either simply by the voice or be a chant, so that all should be pronounced clearly and distinctly
and make its way undisturbed into the ears and hearts of the hearers. Quoted in Fellerer, 276.
13
It should be realized, however, that the Mark and Luke Passions were used on the less important days of
Holy Week, Tuesday and Wednesday respectively, but this also does not fully explain the change in style.
The reasons for this are explored in Chapter 3.
5
style, since the John setting, composed in 1580, is much closer in style to the Matthew
setting of 1575 than to the Mark or Luke Passions, both written in 1582. This may have
reflected the court has a whole, which presumably was not responding rapidly to the
dukes wishes. In 1581, Wilhelm requested the aid of the Jesuits in reforming the
Catholic liturgy in Bavaria and bringing it closer to the Roman tradition. During a year-
long stay at the court, the Jesuit Walram Tumler made sweeping reforms to all elements
of worship, in particular music. Lassos Passions of 1582 were composed while Tumler
was in Munich and are probably a direct result of the liturgical reforms imposed by him,
as shall be demonstrated here.
14

The importance of the Jesuits and of Wilhelms reforms in shaping Lassos late
compositions has not been entirely neglected by scholars. David Crook and Alexander
Fisher have recently discussed the vast impact the Jesuits had on Lassos sacred music in
the late 1580s.
15
Both studies reveal the influence of the Jesuits and Counter-
Reformation theology on Lassos music after the composers considerable exposure to
liturgical changes and Jesuit writings. I will present a somewhat different picture by
examining Lassos earliest reaction to Jesuit-led reforms. The Passions of 1582 are in the
unique position of being some of the first music composed by Lasso after Tumlers
arrival and are therefore valuable in revealing how he initially responded to new
demands.




14
Tumlers reforms and their direct effect on Lasso are discussed in Chapter 1.
15
David Crook, Orlando di Lassos Imitation Magnificats for Counter-Reformation Munich. (Chicago:
Loyola University Press, 1994); Alexander Fisher, Per mia particolare devotione: Orlando di Lassos
Lagrime di San Pietro and Jesuit Spirituality in Counter-reformation Munich. (paper presented at the
National Meeting of the American Musicological Society, Washington D.C., 30 October 2005).
6
Chapter 1
The Jesuit Influence in Catholic Bavaria

The Jesuits enter Bavaria
In 1540 Pierre Favre, a Jesuit and one of Loyolas first disciples, toured Germany
and determined that the failings of German Catholicism were not due to Protestant
advances, but rather a widespread breakdown of Catholic life, even of the clergy.
16

After this visit, the German lands became of great interest to the Jesuits, who wanted to
develop a strong relationship with the clergy and nobility in order to repair what they saw
as a deteriorating Catholic faith. An association developed between the Jesuits and the
rulers of Bavaria during the later years of the Council of Trent, which ended in 1563,
when debates spread throughout much of Christendom over the issue of the lay chalice.
One of the more hotly contested issues of the Catholic Reformation, the lay chalice
debate centered on the question of whether the congregation was allowed to take wine in
addition to bread as part of Holy Communion. Prior to the Council of Trent, only the
clergy were allowed to take wine. Conservative Catholic clergymen believed that wine
was not necessary for salvation, that bread would suffice for the general congregation,
and that only the clergy were pious enough to receive the chalice. They also believed
that the bread contained the blood of Christ, as well as the body. Many Catholic rulers
supported the lay chalice, however, including Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria, who saw it as

16
William V. Bangert, A History of the Society of Jesus (St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1972), 23.
7
a needed concession to the Protestants, and hoped that by allowing the lay chalice they
could bring the Protestants back to the Catholic Church.
17

This debate intensified in 1554, when the nobility from Austria and Hungary
demanded the use of the lay chalice in their dioceses. The argument raged on for many
years, and in 1561 Maximilian II, soon to be Holy Roman Emperor, demanded the
chalice as part of his coronation as King of Hungary, intensifying the debates near the
end of the Council of Trent.
18
The Jesuits, who were often called on to give advice on
doctrinal issues as well as scriptural interpretation, continued to argue against the use of
the lay chalice.
19
They claimed that the clergy was incompetent to educate the Catholic
population on the significance of the chalice. Many Jesuit leaders believed that if this
demand were allowed, many more concessions would follow, such as wives for priests
and meat on Fridays. The Jesuit leader Peter Canisius maintained, What good ever
came or ever could come from giving way to the multitude in the sphere of religion?
20

In 1563 Cardinal Monroe, Bishop of Modena and Papal Nuncio in Germany, sent
Canisius to meet with Albrecht in an attempt to alter his view on the chalice issue. The
Jesuits feared that even if the decision of the Council of Trent was to ban the use of the
lay chalice, Albrecht would allow it within his court anyway. Canisius met with the duke
to discuss the issue, but for the time being, Albrecht would not back down from
demanding the concession,
21
and in the same year a diet met in Bavaria to approve the
sharing of the chalice with the laity.
22
In 1563 Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand I and his

17
Michael Mullet provides a lengthy discussion of the issue of the lay chalice, as well as the arguments of
the various sides, in the first chapter of The Catholic Reformation (New York: Routledge, 1999).
18
James Brodrick, Saint Peter Canisius (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1962), 496.
19
Bangert, A History of the Society of Jesus, 25.
20
Ibid., 548.
21
Ibid., 560.
22
Mullett, The Catholic Reformation, 57.
8
son Maximilian came to an agreement with Pope Pius IV in which they promised His
Holiness that they would not hinder the Councils coming to a close as long as the lay
chalice was allowed.
23
The Pope agreed and the Council ended, having consented to a
version of the chalice. They did not ban or support it, but instead allowed local bishops
to decide whether to grant the chalice in their own dioceses. This concession allowed the
debate to continue, and the Jesuits persisted in pressuring Albrecht V to withdraw his
support of the lay chalice.
In late 1563, the Protestant Duke Joachim of Ortenburg issued a decree abolishing
Catholicism in his territory and attacked the religion in Bavaria. After a series of military
conflicts, it became clear to Albrecht that the German Lutherans desired to rid Bavaria of
Catholicism.
24
These incidents caused him to reconsider the chalice issue, since his goal
of bringing the Protestants back into the fold now seemed futile. He soon formed a new
opinion on the matter and banned the use of the lay chalice in Bavaria. Heeding the
advice of the Jesuits, he also desired to separate himself from a German style of
Catholicism and strengthen his relationships with the Catholicism of Rome. For this he
required a greater number of priests educated in the Roman style in Bavaria, and in
January of 1564 he wrote to Canisius, who was now the primary Jesuit representative in
German speaking lands, to ask for help. Canisius quickly responded and helped Albrecht
find the necessary clergymen, and the Jesuit soon traveled to Munich to arrange the
affairs of the new priests, thus creating a strong relationship between the Bavarian
monarchy and the Jesuits that would last for many generations.
25



23
Brodrick, Saint Peter Canisius, 602.
24
Brodrick gives an account of the various military engagements on page 604.
25
Ibid., 605.
9
The Jesuits and Wilhelm V
When Albrecht died in 1579, he left the throne to his son Wilhelm V, whom
contemporaries, and later historians, considered to be the more pious of the two leaders.
26

It is certainly true that the duke worked actively to end the spread of Protestantism in
Bavaria, restore a Roman-style Catholicism, and to not leave a vestige of those new
doctrines which, for the last forty years, had been spreading so fast in his kingdom.
27

His association with the Jesuits began during his childhood education in a Jesuit school in
Munich, where he pleased them greatly with his piety and eagerness to learn. Later in his
life, in 1568 the Jesuits staged a drama called Samson as part of Wilhelms wedding
celebration.
28
Before he became duke in 1579, Wilhelm was so esteemed by the Jesuits
that Canisius dedicated his amplified edition of the Catechism, published in 1569 for use
in the schools of Bavaria, to the devout prince.
29

A famous incident of 1577 reveals Wilhelms close relationship with the Jesuits.
Canisius was in Bavaria as Wilhelms personal Lenten preacher, a position the prince had
personally invited Canisius to fill. In his spare time the Jesuit was finishing work on his
Opus Marianum with the aid of a scribe. One day the scribe had to leave the room to
attend to some business, and Wilhelm later walked into the room. Canisius, who had his
eyes closed in deep thought, mistook the prince as his scribe, and began dictating again.
Wilhelm quickly picked up the pen and took dictation for nearly an hour. When the
original scribe returned, and Canisius realized what he had been doing, he threw himself

26
Historian James Brodrick called Wilhelm a Great champion of Catholicism, Ibid., 744.
27
R. W. Thompson, The Footprints of the Jesuits (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1894), 123.
28
The music for this drama was possibly written by Orlando di Lasso. It is unclear to scholars whether or
not Lasso composed anything for the drama, although there does appear to be enough evidence to consider
it quite likely. As far as this author is aware, no in-depth study has been done of this work, or its
composition. For some information see Philip Weller, Lasso, Man of the Theatre, in Orlandus Lassus
and his Time, ed. Ignace Bossuyt, Eugeen Schreurs, and Annelies Wouters (Peer: Alamire, 1995), 89-128.
29
Brodrick, Saint Peter Canisius, 701.
10
at the princes feet and begged forgiveness, to which Wilhelm replied, It was no
blunder, for I wanted very much to be your scribe, especially in this most devout work.
Indeed, I congratulate myself on having had a part in it.
30
Later Canisius said of
Wilhelm, Nowhere in all Germany have I found so much virtue and true piety as in this
Prince.He admonishes the clergy of their duties, tolerates no heretics at his Court, is
devoted to his prayers, and has none of the vices common in princes.How could I but
serve so rare and fair a Prince?
31

Shortly before Wilhelm ascended to the throne, however, his close relationship
with Canisius began to unravel. In 1578 the Prince petitioned for a permanent Jesuit
advisor to the court. Father Dominic Mengin, who had long been Wilhelms personal
confessor, took the position. Perhaps because of his personal feelings for Mengin,
Wilhelm began to spoil his new counselor and encouraged him to live in a more lavish
manner than was the accepted practice of the Jesuits. This greatly upset Canisius, who
attempted to use his position as Wilhelms personal Lenten preacher to convince him to
dismiss Mengin, saying that he had become unsuited for the position of advisor. Wilhelm
and his wife disagreed with Canisius, and this affair distressed many Jesuit leaders who
were wary of upsetting the future duke. Canisius was removed from Bavaria by the
Jesuit leadership at nearly the same time Wilhelm became duke.
32

Upon ascending to the throne in October 1579, Wilhelm quickly began to initiate
liturgical reforms, with the hope of drawing closer to Roman-style Catholicism.
33
He
implemented the use of the new Roman Breviary, and soon adopted measures for the

30
Ibid., 744.
31
Ibid., 756-57.
32
Ibid., 760-64.
33
Daniel Zager, Post-Tridentine liturgical change and functional music, 41-63.
11
destroying all the influences of the Reformation, and putting an end to Protestantism.
34

In 1581 he sought to intensify these reforms with Jesuit aid, and requested that someone
be sent from the Jesuits German College in Rome to Bavaria to take charge of reforming
the liturgy. It is possible that he felt the need to form another strong bond with a Jesuit in
the absence of Canisius. Michele Lauretano, the rector of the school, sent the young
Walram Tumler, who had just finished his studies at the Jesuit College in Rome.
In an unpublished history of the Jesuits German College in Rome written
between 1655 and 1662, Wilhelm Fushban gives a detailed account of the events that
transpired during Tumlers two-year stay in Munich.
35
There have been few studies by
musicologists of these events. As of yet, a complete picture of the early reforms has not
been given, nor has an analysis of music been a central part of the discussion. Daniel
Zager provides a compelling argument for deemphasizing the impact Tumler had on the
Bavarian court by noting a hymn cycle begun by Lasso in 1580 based on the new Roman
Breviary, which indicates that Wilhelm had already begun liturgical reforms before the
Jesuit arrived. Zager does not, however, offer any musical evidence that Lassos
compositional style of liturgical music had already changed as part of these early reforms.
It should also be observed that whatever reforms may have taken hold before Tumler
appeared, they seemed to have fallen well short in the eyes of the Jesuit. Horst
Leuchtmann comments on this in his 1976 biography of Lasso, claiming that Tumler
expected too much from the court and unfairly compared it to the Jesuit schools of

34
Thompson, The Footprints of the Jesuits, 123.
35
This source appears in two different modern editions, with neither giving an entire translation, including:
Thomas D. Culley, Jesuits and Music, I: A Study of the Musicians Connected with the German College in
Rome during the 17
th
Century and of Their Activities in Northern Europe, Sources and Studies for the
History of the Jesuits 2 (Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1970), 90-92, 287-89; Andreas Cardinal
Steinhuber, Geschichte des Collegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 1
st
ed. (Freiburg: Breisgau,
1895), 276-78.
12
Rome.
36
David Crook agrees with this opinion in his exemplary study of Lassos
Magnificats, claiming that Tumler failed to grasp the situation at Munich.
37

This is perhaps a correct assumption; however, it is quite clear that even if
Tumlers outlook was misguided, his reforms had a great influence not only on Munich,
but on all of Bavaria. Only now are studies appearing in which the impact of these
reforms is examined in terms of music. Alex Fisher provides strong evidence that the
Jesuits had a significant impact on some of Lassos last compositions,
38
but the
immediate result of these reforms on Lassos music has not been analyzed in this light.
The Passions occupy a unique place in the composers works, since they are some of the
first liturgical pieces written after Tumlers arrival. It is therefore necessary to examine
these liturgical reforms as a whole, as well as Lassos immediate reaction to the changes,
and to then explore the effects on his compositions. This investigation can explain how
the Bavarian Court viewed liturgical music, and how Lasso responded to pressures on his
compositional style from his employer. For this reason, the following information on the
reforms of both the liturgy and music will be presented, with the hope of providing a
more complete picture than has been offered before.

Walram Tumler Reforms the Liturgy
Tumler arrived in Munich in October 1581, but was forced to wait a month
before being granted an audience with the duke. Upon his arrival, the Jesuit was already
greatly detested by much of the court, including the priests and musicians, since they

36
Horst Leuchtmann, Orlando di Lasso: Sein Leben (Weisbaden: Breitkopf & Hrtel, 1976), 190.
37
David Crook, Orlando di Lassos Imitation Magnificats for Counter-Reformation Munich, 37.
38
Alexander Fisher, Per Mia Particolare Devotione.
13
disliked the idea of an outsider taking charge of the reforms.
39
After threatening to leave,
Tumler was allowed to meet with Wilhelm, and the two quickly became friends. The
duke made Tumler master of ceremonies, giving him a residence and a salary. Tumler
immediately began to scrutinize the state of the liturgy in Munich. Regardless of the
reforms that had perhaps already begun, he was highly displeased with the state of affairs,
especially the manner in which the mass was celebrated. In a letter written to Lauretano,
Tumler makes specific mention of several problems with the clergy, the musicians, and
the sacred vestments and ornaments of the church. It was Tumlers opinion that, despite
the long religious tradition of Bavaria, the observance of the divine rites had almost
ceased in the Bavarian court.
40
He had this to say about the priests in Munich:
The priests, whose office it was to say Mass at court, were so ignorant that, other
than the one Mass known to them, they scarcely knew how to read another, much
less celebrate it. [They were accustomed there] either to omit the prayers of the
Hours (thought to be nonsense), or, in discharging [their obligation] out of
reverence for the duke, they caused anyone listening to laugh, because of their
clumsiness.
41


Tumler also made numerous references to the poor condition in which the sacred vessels
and vestments were kept, noting that they were used irreligiouslyand torn as well as
dirty.
42

Tumlers complaints regarding the musicians involved their appearance and their
manner of singing. The Choir was completely ragged.The high singer read through
the mass in a wicked manner, without the respect owed it.
43
This account, again
appearing in a letter to Lauretano, gives more details:

39
Steinhuber, Geschichte des Collegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 276.
40
Culley, Jesuits and Music, I, 287. English Translation from Culley, 90.
41
Ibid. English Translation from Culley, 90.
42
Ibid.
43
Steinhuber, Geschichte des Collegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 275.
14
The singers were no better than the priests. They omitted what we call
commemorations, [and], having left out the antiphons of the Blessed Virgin,
[thus] shortened Vespers. They raced through the psalms, irreverently, pressed
right around the priest at the altar with his ministers, also goaded anyone working
more slowly, and urged him to hurry. You would have said they were going to
exhale all their devotion from gaping mouths, when from their places [in choir],
they responded Gloria tibi, Domine, Et cum spiritu tuo, or Amen. They prolonged
each of these (with noisy and confused sounds) for such a long time, that you
could [during that time] sing the Gospel or Epistle in the Mass without hurrying.
44


In the margin of the original manuscript there is a comment made by Lauretano in a letter
to Tumler, What more indeeddid you expect from singers chosen from rabble? They
are more interested in eating and drinking than in the liturgy; and they sell their services
to whoever offers more.
45

Tumler brought these complaints to Wilhelm, who listened eagerly to the Jesuits
advice on how the worship service could be reformed. Wilhelm directed Tumler to give
an address to the clergy, nobility, and musicians in order to explain how to reform the
worship service. This assembly was by now largely opposed to Tumler and the changes
he planned to introduce.
46
Nevertheless, work quickly began on the reforms, spurred on
by Tumlers hope of having a Roman-style celebration in December.
47
Fushban gives an
account of how the duke and duchess worked endlessly on the task and enlisted many
skilled craftsmen to work on the sacred items for the church. The duchess occupied
herself with the production of choir-robes, as well as other church clothes in the Roman
tradition. Meanwhile the goldsmiths and carpenters worked under Tumlers guidance to
restore the church building, as well as of the sacred vessels.
48
Tumler also spent much

44
Culley, Jesuits and Music, I, 288. English Translation from Culley, 91.
45
Ibid., 91n,.
46
Steinhuber, Geschichte des Collegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 276.
47
Culley, Jesuits and Music, I, 288.
48
Steinhuber, Geschichte des Collegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 276.
15
time with the clergy, instructing them on the proper way to say canonical prayers and
celebrate mass.
49

The first Roman-style celebration was held in 1581 for Vespers on the Vigil of
Christmas. The Duke was delighted with the celebration and had very high praises for
Tumler. Wilhelm told the Jesuit that he had the authority to take whatever actions were
needed to complete his reforms. On January 15, 1582 Tumler sent to Rome for numerous
items to aid him, including choirbooks; tones for the psalms, the responsories, and the
four Passions; and sacred objects, such as cloths and lamps, in the style of the Popes
personal belongings.
50
Many members of the court did not share Wilhelms enthusiasm
for the reforms, most notably the musicians, and Fushban even points to Lasso as being
particularly stubborn on the issue. The musicians were quite uncomfortable with all of
the new demands that were placed on them. Things came to a head when Tumler insisted
that the choir not wear secular clothes for processions, but rather choir robes. They also
were not allowed to wear their swords during mass, which appears to have greatly upset
them. They were forced to obey, however, and the revisions soon took hold.
51


A Solemn Holy Week Celebration
Shortly after the Christmas Vigil celebration, Wilhelm declared that the reformed
liturgy was to be used not just in Munich, but throughout all of Bavaria, upon punishment
of death if not enacted. Tumler then set his sights on Holy Week of 1582, and in January

49
Culley, Jesuits and Music, I, 288. English Translation from Culley, 91.
50
This list was taken partially from Steinhuber, Geschicte des Collegium Germanikum Hungarikum in Rom
276, and partially from Culley, Jesuits and Music I, 288.
51
Steinhuber, Geschichte des Collegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 276.
16
gave the musicians and clergy instructions to make the celebration especially solemn.
52

While nothing is given in the accounts about Holy Week, we do know that Lassos Mark
and Luke Passions were composed in March of that year and then performed for the first
time in Holy Week in April. It can easily be assumed that these new, much more
restrained Passions were part of the solemn Holy Week celebrations. Lasso would have
been well aware of the demand for solemnity, owing to the frequency of Tumlers formal
speeches explaining the reforms.
It is impossible to know exactly what Tumler said during these discourses, but by
examining contemporary Jesuit sources, what he would have viewed as a solemn Holy
Week celebration begins to become clear. The most important book in the spiritual life
of any Jesuit during the 16
th
century was the Spiritual Exercises by St. Ignatius Loyola.
The Exercises are not a prayer book in the normal sense, but a manual for meditation on
the life of Christ intended to cause a spiritual reawakening among Catholics. The book
was not distributed among the general population, but instead a participant was led in the
meditations by a Jesuit director. The Exercises were typically undertaken as part of a
retreat, during which a leader held the only copy of the book, using it as a guide to
instruct the listeners on topics and the length of each meditation. By the end of the
retreat, the participants were spiritually revived and occasionally even joined the Jesuits.
Many scholars have pointed to the Spiritual Exercises as being vital stimuli to the rapid
growth of the brotherhood. When Pope Paul III confirmed the group in 1540 there were
10 members, by 1600 there were 5,000, and by 1613 over 13,000.
53


52
Ibid.
53
Mullet, The Catholic Reformation, 90.
17
Loyola divided his Exercises into four weeks, each containing directions for
meditation over a set period of time. While ideally the Exercises are to take a month to
complete, there is much flexibility built in to allow for variation. Each week is clearly
outlined with a series of prayers, preludes, and then points for meditation. The first
week consists of an examination of the self, the second focuses on the life of Christ, the
third on the crucifixion, and the last week on the resurrection. By the end of the fourth
week the goal is for the participants to have rid themselves of spiritual weakness and to
acquire spiritual health and strength.
54
The Spiritual Exercises were of central
importance to any Jesuit, who would have participated in them and likely have led them
many times throughout his life. In the words of Jesuit historian William V. Bangert,
The spirit that sprang from the fountains of Loyola and Manresa flowed through the
channels of the Spiritual Exercises of the Society of Jesus into the hearts of thousands
and became incarnate in the lives of the Jesuits.
55

The Spiritual Exercises reveal the importance of the Passion story to the Jesuit
philosophy. The third week centers on contemplation of Christs death, concentrating
upon each incident of the Passion narrative. This section of the book is the climactic
point of the four weeks, and the participant spends much time meditating on how Jesus
suffers all these things for [our] sins.
56
Despite the power of this section, Loyola
presents the Passion story with stark reality, rarely straying from the gospel text. The
first prelude of the third week demonstrates this quality:
Call to mind the history of how Christ our Lord sent two disciples from
Bethany to Jerusalem to prepare the Supper; and then Himself came there with the

54
Loyola, Ignatius. The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius Loyola, trans. from the original Spanish
autograph (New York: Catholic Book Publishing Co., 1948), 7.
55
Bangert, A History of the Society of Jesus, 45.
56
Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius Loyola, 100.
18
other disciples; and how, after having eaten the Paschal Lamb, and supped, He
washed their feet, and gave his most Holy Body and Precious Blood to His
disciples, and made them a discourse, after Judas had gone out to sell his Lord.
57


The following excerpt, from the fourth point for meditation of the third week, could be
considered the most emotional portion of the week, if not of the entire book.
Consider what Christ our Lord suffers in His humanity, or wills to suffer,
according to the passage we are contemplating; and here begin with much
energy to excite myself to sorrow, grief and tears.
58


This blunt and simple style permeates all of Loyolas Exercises, reflecting the
general attitude of Catholicism as revealed by the Council of Trent. During the Council,
the Jesuits acted as authorities on both Scripture and doctrine, always pressing for
simplicity and avoiding all but the necessities in their decisions, and they continued to
spread these ideals after the assembly concluded. While we cannot be sure of the Jesuits
philosophy of musical composition, Michael Mullet has demonstrated how the
unembellished nature of the Spiritual Exercises was manifested in Spanish religious art in
the mid and late 1500s. The guiding principles when depicting Gospel narratives,
particularly of the Passion, were simplicity and realism, largely at the urging of Jesuit
churches in Spain.
59
It is safe to assume that Tumler shared this opinion when desiring to
establish a solemn Holy Week celebration in Munich, and that he possibly instructed
Lasso to compose in such a manner, since, as we shall see, simplicity and realism are the
primary features of Lassos Mark and Luke Passions. It is also certainly possible that
Lasso himself would have been well aware of the Exercises, as has been suggested by
Alex Fisher, but there is no verifiable proof of this.
60


57
Ibid., 98.
58
Ibid., 99.
59
Mullet, The Catholic Reformation, 204.
60
Alex Fischer, Per Mia Particolare Devotione.
19
It could easily be argued that the properties that manifest themselves in the later
Passions, simplicity and realism, could just as easily have come from the Council of
Trents decrees, and not directly from Tumler. This is certainly the case for many
composers, but it does not appear to explain fully Lassos shift in compositional style.
As has already been pointed out, all of Lassos Passions were written at least ten years
after the conclusion of the Council of Trent. He would have been aware of the
proceedings of the Council, since he had been employed by Albrecht V, who had sent
numerous representatives to Trent since 1556. Yet for some reason, Lasso seems to have
ignored the Council when composing his Matthew and John Passions. It now appears
that the composer needed some sort of urging, or possibly even a direct order to alter his
approach in this genre. Walram Tumler could have provided just such a request in early
1582, and have had a direct influence on Lassos Passion music, which will be suggested
here by means of manuscript study followed by a musical analysis of all four Passion
settings.


















20
Chapter 2
The Passions of Orlando di Lasso

The Passion Tradition
When Lasso composed his four settings of the Passion text, there was an
established tradition of polyphonic Passions dating back approximately 150 years. His
settings are best understood within the context of this distinct genre in which separate
Catholic and Protestant traditions were maintained throughout the 16
th
century. During
the Renaissance, Passions did not undergo the same rigorous musical development as
other sacred genres did, but instead remained closely tied with chant well into the 1700s.
Sixteenth-century settings that do not strongly rely upon medieval recitation tones are
rare, and Lassos settings are no exception. It is certainly possible to trace changing
musical techniques through Passion settings, but usually at a pace falling well behind
changes in other sacred genres. Nevertheless, madrigalisms, for example, are present in
Lassos settings, as are the imitative techniques common after Josquins generation.
However, Lasso, like other composers, almost never used his Passions as a place for
experimentation.
Rather than an increase in musical experimentation, the primary impetus for
change in the style of Passion settings was most often liturgical or theological reform. In
the 1570s and 80s there were three basic Passion traditions, all of which derived directly
from religious changes in the 16
th
century. The Catholic Passions of Lassos time were
visibly affected by the Council of Trent and the work of the Jesuits, and are notable for
21
their musical restraint and general lack of emotion.
61
The two Protestant styles of
Passions also resulted from religious reform. The earliest settings, referred to as
Longueval-Passions, combine text from all four Gospels and reflect changing ideas about
the liturgy.
62
The settings of North German Lutherans, often called Walter-Passions, are
even more restrained than contemporary Catholic settings and demonstrate shifting ideas
about music and worship.
63

The Catholic Passion tradition derives from at least the fourth century, when
readings of the Passion text accompanied Holy Week celebrations. Throughout the next
millennium, liturgical usage was standardized, resulting in the Matthew Passion being
read on Palm Sunday, Luke on Tuesday of Holy Week, Mark on Wednesday of Holy
Week, and John on Good Friday.
64
This remained the standard practice during Lassos
lifetime and continues to be followed in todays liturgy. The text originally was read by
just one priest but there is evidence that as early as the 13
th
century there were multiple
readers reciting separate parts of the story.
65
Most often this consisted of one cantor as
the narrator, one as Christ, and one as the turba, all reciting on different pitches to further
distinguish among the various characters. This led to a system of recitation tones that

61
The settings of Tmas Luis de Victoria, for example, which are discussed on page 23.
62
These Passion settings are named after the first known composer to use this technique, Antoine de
Longueval, who was himself a Catholic; however, his setting was not widely used by Catholics and later in
the century a Passion based on all four Gospels was much more widely accepted by Protestants. For an in-
depth discussion of these Passion settings, see Kurt von Fischer, Die Passion von ihren Anfngen bis ins
16. Jahrhundert, in Gattungen der Musik in Einzeldarstellungen. Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade, eds. Wulf
Arlt, Ernst Lichtenhahn, Hans Oesch, and Max Haas (Bern and Munich: Francke, 1973), 601. The manner
in which Longueval combined the four Gospel texts is discussed in pages 25-27 of this study.
63
Named after composer Johann Walters two Passion settings.
64
Fischer, Die Passion von ihren Anfngen bis ins 16. Jahrhundert, 586.
65
For more on Passion narratives recited by one cantor soo Michel Huglo, Lev Livres de Chant Liturgique
(Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1988), 18-21.
22
was still standard in Lassos time, with the words of Christ recited on f, the narrator on c,
and the turba on f.
66

A mid 15
th
-century manuscript from Fssen contains a monophonic setting of
each Passion, as well as instructions for creating polyphonic settings and suggestions
concerning performance practice.
67
The authors of the manuscript used the standard
recitation tones to compose a polyphonic setting of the turba texts in which three voices
enter on f-c-f and cadence on c-c-e for each segment of text, as is shown below in
Figure 1.
68
Although some polyphonic settings of the Passion existed at least as early as
1430, this manuscript formalized polyphonic Passion composition in Germany, where the
genre thrived throughout the 15
th
and 16
th
centuries.

Figure 1. Fssen Manuscript
69


The majority of Catholic Passions, including all four of Lassos compositions, are
responsorial settings, which consist of a polyphonic setting for the turba, with the words
of Christ also occasionally set polyphonically. The evangelists part was not set by the
composer; instead the cantor recited the narration on the predetermined Passion tones.

66
Fischer, Die Passion von ihren Anfngen bis ins 16. Jahrhundert, 589.
67
Harburg, Frstlich Ottingen Wallersteinische Bibliothek, Ms. II.2.2.6.
68
Here, and for the duration of this study, c = middle C.
69
Taken from Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart X (Kassel: Brenreiter-Verlag, 1962), plate 62.1.
23
This part is never found in the manuscripts since they were not needed for the choir.
70

The vast majority of Passions are settings of the Matthew and John gospels. It is
probable that these two were preferred because they were proper to the most important
days of Holy Week; Matthew on Palm Sunday, and John on Good Friday.
The best known post-Tridentine Catholic composer to set the Passion besides
Lasso was Toms Luis de Victoria. His two settings, of Matthew and John, reflect a
compositional restraint that emphasizes text clarity, a common feature of Catholic
responsorial Passions of the late 16
th
century. His works do not rely upon music to
express sentiment or to convey the drama of the crucifixion. Instead, they provide a
detached view of the Passion, devoid of emotion.
71
Both settings are mostly
homorhythmic, although the Matthew Passion contains some florid counterpoint. Every
section incorporates the standard recitation tones. Example 1 shows two sections from
the John setting, composed in 1585, on the text Crucifige, crucifige eum, and Non
hunc, sed Barabbam. The similarity between Victorias Crucifige eum and the setting
of that text in the Fssen manuscript prepared 150 years earlier, shown in Figure 1, is
clear.





70
Basil Smallman provides an in-depth discussion of responsorial Passions in The Background of Passion
Music; J.S. Bach and his Predecessors (New York: Dover Publications, 1970), 132-36.
71
Idid., 63.
24
Example 1. Tmas Luis de Victoria, Passio secundum Johannem
72

a. Non hunc, sed Barabbam

b. Crucifige eum

Even more lacking in emotional expression, the settings of Johann Walter, who
was Martin Luthers primary musical advisor, demonstrate the influence that Protestant
reforms had on Passion composition. In these two settings, again of the gospels
according to Matthew and John, both from ca. 1550, Walter makes a clear departure from
the melismas and complicated polyphony that characterized pre-Tridentine Catholic
compositions. The words come through even more clearly than in the above example
from Victoria, the style is more restrained, and the text is now sung in German. This
manner of Passion setting became widespread in much of Protestant Germany during

72
These examples are taken from Thomae Ludovici Victoria, Opera Omnia, vol. 5, ed. Philippo Pedrell
(Lipsiae, Breitkopf et Hrtel, 1902-13), 171.
25
Lassos lifetime. Example 2 shows Walters settings of Nicht diesen, sondern
Barrabam, and Kreuzige ihn, the same text shown in Example 1. These examples
come even closer to the instructions found in the Fssen manuscript.

Example 2. Johann Walter, Passio secundum Johannem
73

a. Nicht diesen, sondern Barabbam

b. Kreuzige ihn


The one other common Protestant Passion type in Lassos lifetime is rather more
expressive than those composed by Victoria or Walter, but diverges far from a liturgical
function in the Catholic Church. The setting by Antoine de Longueval, presumably

73
These examples are taken from Johann Walter, Smtliche Werke, vol. 4, ed. Otto Schrder (Kassel,
Brenreiter; St. Louis, Concordia Publishing House, 1953), 29-30.
26
written in 1504, was falsely attributed to Obrecht later in the century by German
printers.
74
The Longueval Passion is based mostly on Matthews account; however, the
composer drew material from each Gospel, notably including all seven of Christs last
words, which are scattered among the four accounts. The work is broken into three
sections and set in a motet-like style, relying heavily on imitation and melismas.
Although Longueval was himself a Catholic, his Passion differs from most later Catholic
settings, being continuous and containing polyphonic music for the narrator as well as for
all other characters. A common feature of this work, and one that would certainly not
have been accepted after the Council of Trent, is that characters often interrupt each
other. Most striking are the numerous entrances of the narrator before the words of Jesus
have been completed. The example below begins with Jesus exclaiming Sitio (I
thirst),
75
but before two of the voices have concluded the Evangelist enters with new text,
shown by the marking E in the altus.

Example 3. The Longueval Passion
76



74
Fischer, Die Passion von ihren Anfngen bis ins 16. Jahrhundert, 601.
75
John 19:28
76
This example taken from Jacob Obrecht, Werken van Jacob Obrecht, vol. 7, ed. Johannes Wolf
(Amsterdam; G. Alsbach, 1908), 48.
27
Lassos Passions hold a place between the three examples given above. He does
not restrain himself to the extent of Victoria, nor does he use a vernacular text like
Walter. Concerning the other extreme, Lasso does not follow the Longueval type
Passion,
77
which often places musical interest over a clear telling of the story. There is
still a strict reliance upon the recitation tones in Lassos Passions, and his text setting is
generally clear, but he attempts to make his works noticeably more dramatic and
musically compelling than many of his Catholic counterparts. It is presumably for these
reasons that Lassos works served as a model for Catholic composers well into the 18
th

century, and were still frequently performed as late as the 1740s.
78


The Matthew Passion
Lassos Matthew Passion was his most successful and enduring work in the genre.
Published twice during his lifetime, the composition continued to appear in manuscripts
until 1745. The first printed version is found in the fourth volume of his Patrocinium
Musices, published in 1575;
79
it was then reprinted by Le Roy & Ballard in Paris in
1586. Although the actual date of its composition is not known and Lassos original
manuscript for the Matthew Passion is not extant, Kurt von Fischer and others have
suggested that it was probably written in 1574 or 1575.
80


77
For a discussion of other Passions based on the Longueval text, see Basil Smallman, The Background of
Passion Music, 25-7. One notable setting was written in 1578 at the Wrttemberg court in Stuttgart by
Ludovicus Daser, who was Lassos predecessor as Capellmeister in Munich before leaving the post. This
setting was not examined for this study, and it is not evident that Lasso ever saw Dasers Passion.
78
Jerome Roche, Lassus (London: Oxford University Press, 1982), 46.
79
Orlando di Lasso, Patrocinium Musices IV (Munich: Adamus Berg, 1575). RISM 1575a, L877.
80
Kurt von Fischer, Vorwort, in Lasso, Orlando di, Smtliche Werke. Neue Reihe, vol. 2 (Kassel:
Brenreiter, 1956), vi-vii. Wolfgang Boetticher, Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit, 1532-1594. Repertoire-
Untersuchungen zur Musik der Sptrenaissance (Kassel: Brenreiter Verlag, 1958), 651-2.
28
Included in the Patrocinium Musices is a dedication to Kaspar Fras, the
Benedictine Master Abbot of Weihenstefan, a monastery neighboring Munich. It is
evident that Fras appreciated Lassos music and apparently had a close relationship with
Wilhelm V, then Prince of Bavaria: Figure 2 below presents a facsimile of the original
dedication, a transcription, and an English translation.
81


















81
I would like to thank Bernhold Schmid of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences for providing the image of
this dedication. I would also like to thank Dr. Barbara Haggh-Huglo for the transcription, and Michel
Huglo, Barbara Haggh-Huglo, Leofranc Holford-Strevens, and Bonnie Blackburn for the English
translation.
29
Figure 2. Patrocinium Musices IV, Dedication
82



REVERENDISSIMO IN Christo Patri, Domino Gaspari Fra-/sio, Abbati Monasterij
Vuey-/hensteffan, etc./ Orlandus Lassus,/ S. P. D. [=Salutem plurimam dedit]/

Cum plane mihi constet, quanto amore me, meamq(ue)/ Musicem, Pater Reverendissime,
prosequaris, quan/taq(ue) voluptate inde afficiaris, utpote qui tum in ea oc/cinenda, tum
in iudicando strenuissimi Athletae prae/clarissime munere fungaris, tu unus, cui ob tot,

82
Orlando di Lasso, Patrocinium Musices IV.
30
tanta/que & officia, & merita in me olim in amplissimo illo/ tuo Coenobio saepe ac
saepius effusissime collata plu/rimu(m) debeo: tu inq(uam) unus vere in praesentiaru(m)
mihi dignus visus es, cui quar/tam hanc Partem meae Musices, maioribus formis,
liberalitate Illustrissimi/ Vuillelmi Principis nostri clementissimi impressam, dicarem.
Hoc igitur/ qualecunq(ue) munus, perinde ac summae meae in te observantiae testem
accipi/to, meq(ue) in eorum albo & diario ascribito, qui quam maxime summum tui/
animi candorem, tuamq(ue) egregiam virtutem & colunt & admirantur./ Vale, Monachio
Kalendas Iunij, &c./

To the most Reverend Father in Christ, Dominus Gaspar Frasius, Abbot of the Monastery
of Weihenstefan. Orlandus Lassus gives many greetings.

Since it is plainly evident to me with how much love you accompany me and my music,
most Reverend Father, and with how much pleasure you are affected by it, seeing that
both in singing it and in judging (it) you discharge most resplendently the office of [i.e.
conduct yourself like] a most strenuous soldier of the faith; you, the one man to whom I
owe the most for so many and such great services and benefits conferred on me in the
past, often and more than often, in your most distinguished monastery; you, I say, seemed
to me truly the only man at present worthy for me to dedicate to him the fourth part of my
music, printed in a larger format through the liberality of my most illustrious Prince
William [V]. Please accept therefore this gift, such as it is, as a witness to my complete
devotion to you: inscribe me in the album and diary of those who most highly revere and
admire the purity of your soul and your outstanding virtue. Farewell. From Munich, 1
June [1575].

Sections of the Matthew Passion also appear in manuscripts well after Lassos
lifetime. Two manuscripts prepared between 1707 and 1714, Freising, Dombibliothek,
Ms. 2, and Mus. Ms. 3066 of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, contain only the turbae of
the Passion. Neither manuscript supplies Lassos name, but the music is the same as that
printed in 1575. In 1745, the turbae of the Passion were copied again, this time with an
added basso continuo. Figure 3 below shows the first page of the organ music, which
includes the attribution lOrlandi at the top right. The first words of each section are
written into the score.


31
Figure 3. 1745 manuscript, Organ
83


Lassos Matthew Passion consists of forty-one polyphonic sections with a setting
for every character except the narrator and Christ, whose words were recited by the
cantor. The crowd and the disciples, or turbae, are set with five voices, except at the text
Crucify Him and Surely he was the Son of God, where Lasso adds a sixth voice. The
turba is usually set in a homorhythmic, motet style. The words of individual characters,
Pontius Pilate, Judas, Peter, the High Priest, Peters accusers, and Pilates wife, are set in
two voices, and in a few instances Pilate and Judas receive three voices. The two-voice
and three-voice sections are all in imitative style. Lasso employs superius and altus
voices for Judas, Peter, Pilates wife, and Peters accuser, and tenor and bassus voices for

83
Taken from Orlando di Lasso, Smtliche Werke. Neue Reihe, vol. 2, xxviii.
32
the High Priest and Pontius Pilate. When a third voice is added for Judas, Lasso assigns
it to the tenor, and for Pilate he adds the altus.
Lasso incorporates the traditional Passion recitation tones in almost every setting
of the turba. The most common starting pitches are bassus on f, tenor II on f, tenor I on
c, altus on a, and superius on c. These occur in nine of the nineteen turba sections. In
the other ten the bassus starts on f, and the superius starts on c in every section except
two. The other three voices are set on any pitch of the F major triad. The traditional
Passion recitation tones also dictate the closing pitches of a C major triad, which Lasso
adheres to in all cases but one.
The twenty-two polyphonic sections for individual characters are based on the
same recitation tones. The most common pitches for the two voices are f and c. When
Lasso employs three voices, he most often doubles the f in the highest voice, although
there is one instance in which the three voices start on a triad.
84
The only occurrence of a
voice not beginning with one of the notes of the F major triad is Peters first denial of
Christ, when the two voices enter on b-flat and f.
85
Every single two-voice setting ends
on either unison or octave cs. For the three-voice settings, the most common ending
consists of the lower voice on c, middle voice on e, and highest voice on c.

The John Passion
Verifying Lassos authorship is difficult for the John Passion, because the earliest
known source provides no attribution. The work first appears in Mus. Ms. 2750,

84
Section 34: Pilate I am innocent of this mans blood.
85
This is the only denial set polyphonically, since this is the only time Peter directly responds, as opposed
to the narrator responding for Peter. It is not clear why Lasso chose to alter the starting pitches for this text,
the only occurrence in the Matthew Passion in which he does so.
33
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich and includes only a date, March 1580.
Additionally, the manuscript contains two masses by Lasso and one mass by Francesco
Flori, who also acted as Lassos copyist.

Figure 4. The John Passion, first opening
86


Kurt von Fischer demonstrates that there is more than enough evidence to assume
that Lasso wrote this John Passion, most likely shortly before it was copied in March for
use in the Holy Week celebrations of 1580.
87
The musical style of this setting matches
Lassos style more closely than that of Flori. There is a melodic line used in Lassos
three other settings, for example, that appears frequently in the John Passion.
88
It is also

86
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. Ms. 2750, fols. 3-4.
87
Fischer, Orlando di Lasso, Smtliche Werke. Neue Reihe, vol. 2, vii.
88
This melody will be discussed in Chapter 4.
34
logical that Lasso would have composed a setting according to John before writing the
Mark and Luke Passions, which were comparatively rare in the 16
th
century.
The one other source of this Passion also does not provide attribution, but its
inclusion with two of Lassos other settings also suggests it is his. Mus. Ms. 73, again in
the Bayerishe Staatsbibliothek, holds Lassos Mark, Luke, and John settings together in
the same binding. This manuscript was prepared in 1652 for the House of Saint Gregory,
a Jesuit-led poorhouse in Munich founded by Albrecht V.
89

Lasso set the John Passion in the same style as the Matthew, using polyphony for
all characters except Christ and the narrator. Once again the turba is set in five voices,
although Lasso never adds the sixth voice found in the Matthew setting. The words of
the crowd are again set in a homorhythmic, motet style. The individual characters, which
in the John Passion include Peter and his accusers, Pilate, and the High Priest, are set
most often with two voices in imitation. Lasso again adds the third voice for some
occurrences of Pilate.
The John Passion incorporates the traditional recitation tones, although
transposed. This setting is the only one to begin each section on pitches from the C major
triad, and to conclude each on a G major triad. This is the case for both the turbae and
the individual characters. It was not common to set the John Passion a fourth lower on a
C triad; the vast majority of settings are on F, including the examples given above by
Victoria and Walter. Lassos reason for doing is beyond the scope of this study, and his
motives must remain unclear for the time being.



89
Wolfgang Boetticher, Orlando di Lasso und seine Zeit, 1532-1594, 651-2.
35
The Mark Passion
The earliest known source of the Mark Passion is Mus. Ms. 2749 in the
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. The first opening is shown in Figure 5a. The
setting was anonymous, but Fischer and Boetticher have demonstrated that this setting
was almost certainly composed by Lasso.
90
The manuscript does provide a date on the
last folio, March 3, 1582; see Figure 5b. Fischer has argued that Lasso most likely wrote
this setting shortly before it was copied, for performance on April 10
th
during Holy Week
in 1582. The Mark setting was also copied into Mus. Ms. 73 in 1652, with the attribution
Orlandi.

Figure 5. The Mark Passion
a. first opening
91





90
Ibid., 651. Fischer, Vorwort, in Lasso, Orlando di, Smtliche Werke, vii.
91
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. Ms. 2749, fols. 16-17.
36
b. last opening
92




To bolster his case for Lassos authorship, Fischer cites the note Non dicitur
(not presented), which he identifies as being in Lassos hand (see Figure 5b).
93
Although
no definite reason has been given for Lassos suppression of this section, a reading of the
gospel reveals a possible explanation. The text comes from Mark 15:36:
One man ran, filled a sponge with wine vinegar, put it on a stick, and offered it to
Jesus to drink. Now leave him alone. Let's see if Elijah comes to take him
down, he said.

Mark specifies that this was only said by one person, not the entire crowd. It is possible
that Lasso did not realize this when he originally composed the work, and then went back
to remove this section, since it would be intoned by the narrator.

92
Ibid., 26-7.
93
Fischer, Vorwort, in Lasso, Orlando di, Smtliche Werke, vii.
37
Lasso sets only the turba in this Passion. Including the one that he later removed,
there are fourteen polyphonic sections, all of which are composed for four voices in a
homorhythmic, motet style. There is one instance when he adds a fifth voice for the final
pitch of a section by splitting the bass into two separate notes. This occurs with the text
Crucify Him! and was apparently done to enhance the intensity of the passage. The
Mark setting incorporates the same recitation tones as the Matthew Passion; every section
opens with an F major triad, and the most common starting pitches are f-f-a-c. With
the exception of two sections that will be discussed later, each ends on a C major triad.

The Luke Passion
Lassos Passion according to Luke originally appeared in Mus. Ms. 2749 in the
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich, directly after the Mark setting. There is no
attribution in the manuscript, but owing to its proximity to the Mark Passion and its very
similar musical style, Lassos authorship of the Luke Passion has never been questioned.
Unlike the Mark setting, there is no date given in the manuscript; however, Kurt von
Fischer has demonstrated that the Luke Passion was probably written shortly after the
Mark.
94
According to Von Fischer, the first performance of this setting was likely on
April 11
th
, one day after the Mark, in 1582.





94
Fischer, Vorwort, vii.
38
Figure 6. The Luke Passion, first opening
95


There are fourteen polyphonic sections in the Luke Passion, all set in a
homorhythmic, four-voice motet style. Lassos Luke Passion is very similar to the Mark
in that he sets only the turbae. He also uses the very same model for recitation tones:
almost every section opens with f-f-a-c and closes with c-c-e-c. The one exception
to this rule is the fourth section, Domine si percutimus in gladio.
96
This section opens
Bb-bb-d-f, and is the only section in either the Mark or the Luke settings to open with
something other than the f recitation tone.
Immediately preceding this text is one of the most peculiar sections in all of the
four settings, on the words See, Lord, here are our two swords. The four voices enter

95
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus. Ms. 2749, fols. 27-28.
96
Lord, shall we strike with our swords?
39
in typical fashion, but soon the lower two voices drop out, leaving the superius and altus
alone until the final pitch. These two voices each have a melisma that lasts
approximately fourteen beats.

Example 4. Luke Passion, See, Lord, here are our two swords.
97




This section is unlike anything else in Lassos four Passion settings. Even in the
Matthew and John settings, which are overall much more melismatic in character, there is
nothing of this length. These imitative melismas seem even more out of place in the

97
All modern transcriptions of Lassos Passions used in this chapter are taken from Oralndo di Lasso,
Smtliche Werke, neue Reihe.
40
Luke setting, which contains very few melismas, suggesting that they had particular
significance for Lasso. As was discussed in Chapter 2, Lasso and the other musicians
had been strongly criticized for wearing swords during mass, and it is likely that they
were banned during the solemn Holy Week celebration. Lasso may have been making
a declaration regarding the swords, possibly aimed directly at Walram Tumler, the Jesuit
reformer. There is no doubt that Lasso emphasizes this text more than any other, perhaps
referring defiantly to the fact that even the disciples carried swords. It is unclear if
Tumler allowed this section to be performed during Holy Week, since it seems to go
against most of what the Jesuit prescribed. However, no markings on the heavily-used
manuscript indicate that this section should be abridged or cut. It would therefore appear
that this section was performed as written in 1582. Whether or not Lasso was displeased
with the liturgical reforms thrust upon his musicians is unknown, but he might have been
using this music to make a statement about these reforms.




















41
Chapter 3
Analysis of the Four Passions

Lasso composed the Mark and Luke Passions in a very different religious and
political climate from that surrounding the Matthew and John settings. The command
from his employer and the Jesuit reformers for a solemn Holy Week celebration placed
upon Lasso a set of restrictions and objectives that, as far as is possible to determine,
were not present during the composition of his two earlier Passions. Walram Tumler,
following the Jesuit tradition, demanded from Lasso a realistic portrayal of the Passion.
98

While it is impossible to know exactly what the composer thought about this stipulation,
it is clear that the new condition manifested itself, whether Lasso was willing or not, in
the two settings written during Tumlers stay in Munich.
The primary way that this requirement influenced Lassos Passion settings of
1582 is not simply in the reduction of melismas and text repetitions, although these
qualities do play a large part in the stylistic disparity, but in the composers perception of
the works. Regardless of the numerous circumstantial differences, all four Passions share
the primary liturgical function intended by Lasso, and their relatively similar manner of
composition, is due to the nature of the genre and Lassos personal style of composition.
The differences to be explored in this chapter relate to Lassos understanding of each
setting of the Passion as a work of art, in addition to his foremost concern with its
functional role. Determining this, and whether his conception of the Passion changed

98
See Chapter 2.
42
from one setting to the next, is crucial to understanding how much effect the Jesuits
reforms had on Lassos composition of liturgical music.

Common Musical Characteristics
To isolate individual artistic expression in Lassos Passions, one must first keep in
mind the musical characteristics common to every setting. The feature that is most
noticeable is imitation, which permeates almost every section of each Passion setting. In
two-voice sections, one voice typically enters with an ascending or descending melodic
line, which is then imitated by the other voice at the interval of a fifth, a fourth, or very
rarely, an octave. The imitation occurs most often after the length of a breve of the first
voice, less often after a semibreve, and usually lasts for two or three measures before the
parts diverge for the remainder of the section, although Lasso occasionally returns to
imitation in the middle of a section. In Example 1, section seven from the Matthew
setting, Peter exclaims, Even if all fall away on account of you, I never will.
99
This
setting is quite typical of the two-voice settings in the Matthew and John Passions, and
includes imitation for the first three measures and then again briefly in measure eight,
where Lasso uses the natural pause in speech for the beginning of an additional point of
imitation.





99
Matthew 26:33. This and all other English Bible translations are taken from the New International
Version, Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2002.
43
Example 1. Matthew Passion, no. 7



Imitation is also employed in the four-voice and five-voice settings, although it is
not as extensive or fundamental as in the two-voice sections. In the multi-voice settings,
imitation usually only lasts for two beats. Lasso occasionally adds another point of
imitation, often after a comma in the text, much as in Example 1, in measure eight.
Example 2, section 14 of the Luke setting, employs imitation in three of the voices.

Example 2. Luke Passion, no. 14

44


Another common feature of all the Passions is a cadential figure often placed by
Lasso in the highest voice. This figure, slightly varied, occurs sixteen times in the
Passions, and is found at least once in all four settings, although far more frequently in
the John and Matthew settings than in the Mark and Luke. The reason for the
discrepancy is most likely that the two later settings each have only fourteen sections, as
opposed to Johns thirty-four and Matthews forty-one, which gives far fewer
opportunities to employ the melody. It is also conceivable that Lasso desired to use the
melody less in the later Passions to separate them from his earlier work. Example 3a
gives the end of the second section in Mark, with the cadential ending of the superius in
brackets on the word pauperibus (to the poor). Example 3b is the twenty-fourth section
of Matthew, when Pilate asks Jesus, Are you the King of the Jews? Here the
uppermost voice, the tenor, consists only of the cadential figure. While the melody in
itself is not extremely unique, its usage in all four settings could be seen as evidence of
Lassos authorship.


45
Example 3. Use of the cadential melody
a. Mark Passion, no. 2, mm. 12-17

b. Matthew Passion, no. 24

Lasso occasionally alters this figure to create effective text painting. One such
instance occurs in section twenty-three of the Matthew Passion, shown in Example 4.
Lasso has already used the cadential formula seven times before this section, and he
immediately follows it with a bold statement of the melody shown above in Example 3b.
The text for this section, Non licet eos mittere in corbonam: qui a pretium sanguinis est
(It is against the law to put this into the treasury, since it is blood money) occurs directly
after Judas has returned the bribe money to the chief priests.
100
The word blood is the
penultimate word of the setting, and falls directly with an occurrence of the cadential

100
Matthew 27:6.
46
melody. Lasso alters the melody slightly by lowering the uppermost note from f to e-flat.
The fact that Lasso uses an e-flat is not in itself cause for notice, since he uses the pitch
rather often throughout the four settings, but the fact that it distorts such an important
melody causes it to be more noticeable than it would be otherwise. The note is also
prepared by the e-flats in the first tenor and bass voices. In this way, Lasso intensifies the
effect of the word blood.

Example 4. Matthew Passion, no. 23

47

In another technique that links the Passions, Lasso frequently raises the ending
pitch of sections that end with a question, imitating the natural rise of the voice to
indicate the interrogative construction. In the John, Luke, and Mark Passions this occurs
at every question. In the latter two settings the normal ending pitches are on a C major
triad, but the two questions in Marks account and the five questions in Johns end on
notes of the F major triad. As discussed in the previous chapter, the John setting is based
on a different recitation tone that normally concludes on G. As in the Mark and Luke
settings, Lasso alters the ending pitches for the twelve questions in this setting, changing
from G to C. The example below shows a setting from the John Passion with the normal
recitation tones, in this instance Peter saying, I am not, together with the section
immediately preceding these words, the question You are not one of his disciples, are
you? which ends on pitches from the C major triad.

Example 5. Recitation tones in questions
a. John Passion, no. 4

b. John Passion, no. 3

48
Although Lasso does not alter concluding pitches often in the Matthew account,
there are signs to indicate that he was considering the practice. The most obvious is the
one time Lasso ends a section on pitches different from the normal concluding tones of a
C major triad, and instead closes on F. This occurs in the sixteenth section, on the text
Prophesy to us, Christ. Who hit you? and is one of only two questions asked by the
turba in Matthews account. In addition to this example there are two instances in which
a question is asked in the middle of a section, and both times Lasso pauses on notes from
the F major triad, linking it with the question in section sixteen. Example 6a shows the
first six measures of the second section, in which the disciples ask Jesus, Why this
waste? This perfume could have been sold at a high price and the money given to the
poor. There is a very clear cadence in the fourth measure on the word waste, followed
by a pause before the statement is concluded. The first nine measures of section fourteen
are presented in Example 6b, which includes the High Priests question He has spoken
blasphemy! Why do we need any more witnesses?
101
Here the pause is not quite as
explicit as in the other example, but there is still a cadence on F because of the question.









101
Matthew 26:65.
49
Example 6. Questions in the Matthew Passion
a. no. 2

b. no. 14


Treatment of the Turba
Another feature that the four Passions have in common is the treatment of major
characters. Lasso often goes to great length to differentiate musically separate members
of the turba or individual characters. He achieves this primarily by picking a certain
50
quality of the character and representing it with standard devices, such as melismas for
the pleading of the disciples, or staggered entrances and wide ranges for the anger of the
Jews. Lassos treatment of the different characters that make up the turbae
102
does not
change significantly among the Passions. This indicates that Lasso believed it was
crucial for a realistic telling of the story, as well as for a compelling piece of art, to
portray characters in a way similar to their description in the Gospels. This is a marked
dissimilarity from the methods of some contemporary composers working in German
lands, notably the Protestant Johann Walter, who made no effort to differentiate
characters with particular musical techniques in his Passions.
In the majority of the settings for the disciples, Lasso sets their words in such a
way that their pleading and confusion is easily discernible. This is mostly accomplished
with text repetition and melismas throughout the four Passions. These techniques are by
no means limited to the words of the disciples, but the constant downward motion of their
melismas heightens this effect. The example below contains two settings, from Mark and
Matthew, of the text Num quid ego sum, Domine? (Surely not I, Lord). At this
moment the disciples are vehemently denying to Jesus that they will betray him.
103
In
Lassos setting from the Matthew Passion (see Example 7a), the beseeching nature of the
disciples is made apparent by the repeated overlapping of the words. In Lassos Passions
the text is usually clear, due to the homorhythmic texture; however, on beat one of the
fourth measure, the composer aligns three different syllables to emphasize the disciples
bold proclamation that they would never hand Jesus over to the Jews. This moment is
more chaotic than almost every other turba setting. Example 7b, from the Mark setting,

102
The disciples, Jews, and chief priests.
103
See Mark 14:19, Matthew 26:22, and note that this part of the story does not occur during the part of the
Passion that was typically read during Holy Week in the Luke and John gospels.
51
shows Lassos use of melisma to achieve a similar effect. Instead of each disciple
speaking more frequently, they speak for a longer period of time. A possible reason for
the difference in technique is clarity of the text.

Example 7. Treatment of the disciples
a. Matthew Passion, no. 5

b. Mark Passion, no. 4

The chief priests are also present in all four settings. One might assume that
Lasso would attempt to indicate musically that they are the villains of the story, as Jesus
52
himself proclaims on account of their handing him over to Pilate.
104
The music does not
meet this expectation, however, because the sections involving the chief priests do not
stand out as particularly dramatic and contain few apparent examples of text painting.
Lasso hardly uses any melismas or dramatic text repetition to set their words in any of the
Passions. Whether intentionally or not, he portrays them as cold and spiritually dead,
markedly different from the disciples and Jews, whom he presents as alive and
passionate. By doing this, Lasso offers a very different picture of this group, but one that
is also found in the Gospels. In Matthew 23:27 Jesus says of the chief priests, Woe to
you, teachers of the law and Pharisees, you hypocrites! You are like whitewashed tombs,
which look beautiful on the outside but on the inside are full of dead mens bones and
everything unclean. Lassos portrayal of this quality can be seen in the tenth setting of
the John Passion, shown below, in which the chief priests explain to Pilate, If he were
not a criminal, we would not have handed him over to you.
105
The parts are sung in a
homorhythmic style, and Lasso avoids all of his usual techniques for expressing passion:
text painting, melismas, and text repetitions.








104
John 19:11.
105
John 18:30.
53
Example 8. John Passion, no. 10


The group that makes up the bulk of turba material in the Passion story is the
crowd of Jews demanding Jesus crucifixion. As would be expected, Lasso mostly
presents this group as large, unruly, and at times chaotic. This is best seen when the
crowd shouts, Away with this man! Release Barabbas to us! Prophesy to us, Christ.
Who hit you? and Crucify Him! The only staggered entrances of the Mark Passion
are found when the crowd shouts, Prophetiza
106
at Christ, shown in Example 9a. Lasso
also employs text repetition in the Matthew account to add excitement, and causes the

106
Mark 14:65.
54
illusion of more people shouting, Barabbam!(Example 9b). Each voice sings the word
twice, noticeably the bass, which has an octave jump between repetitions, seemingly
adding another voice to the chaos.

Example 9. Settings of the Jews
a. Mark Passion, no. 6

b. Matthew Passion, no. 29



55
Treatment of Individual Characters
It is in the treatment of individual characters that Lassos early Passions fall
clearly on the side of artistic expression, often at the expense of realism. Of the
significant individual characters,
107
two, Pilate and Peter appear only in the Matthew and
John settings, while the last role, Judas, is found only in the Matthew Passion.
108
These
characters are set most often for two voices, although at times Lasso employs a third
voice for artistic effect. As mentioned above, all of these sections begin with, and
contain, a great deal of imitation. Lasso differentiates among the individual characters in
ways similar to his treatment of the turbae, by means of melismas, range, imitative
character, harmonic structure, and text repetition. Another technique used by Lasso to
distinguish the roles from one another is to use different voices to represent individual
figures. Judas and Peter, for example, are most often set for superius and altus voices,
while Pilate is usually sung by the tenor and bass.
Although Peter appears only three times in the Matthew Passion and twice in the
John, Lassos treatment of the disciple reveals the care he devoted to expressing a
characters development. For Peters first appearance in the Matthew setting, Even if all
fall away on account of you, I never will,
109
Lasso sets the text in such a way that it does
not readily stand out from the rest of the Passion, as seen in Example 10a. There are no
melismas, extreme ranges, or text repetitions in this setting. In the next section, shown in
Example 10b, after being told that he would deny Jesus three times before the rooster
crows, Peter exclaims Even if I have to die with you, I will never disown you. Lasso

107
There are of course other individual characters, such as Pilates Wife and the High Priest, but they do
not play as large a role, and do not receive special treatment in the music.
108
Johns account of the Passion story begins after Jesus was betrayed by Judas; thus he does not appear in
the story.
109
Matthew 26:33.
56
sets this section with greater intensity by adding melismas and repeating the words non
te negabo (I will not deny you), representing Peters protests to Jesus. The disciples
next and last appearance is his denial of Christ, shown in example 10c. Here Lasso
expands Peters melismas and once again employs text repetition to show the characters
agitation.

Example 10. The development of Peter in the Matthew Passion
a. no. 7

b. no. 8

57

c. no. 18

In these three examples the composer delineates Peters development in a way
that goes beyond realism, or at least a purely literal reading of the story. Lasso shows the
disciples growing fear and agitation, reflecting the Gospels description of Peter who,
following his declamation in Example 10c, runs away and weeps bitterly after hearing a
rooster crow the third time.
110
In so doing, however, Lasso uses a procedure that does
not rely upon a strict reading of the text, having Peter repeat words. This is seemingly
insignificant, since it is quite easy to imagine the disciple pleading with his accuser and
repeating that he is not a follower of Jesus, but the fact that this technique is present
signifies that Lassos primary concern was not a liturgical telling of the story. His main
objective with regard to Peter is to show in music the disciples descent.
Determining Lassos treatment of Pilate is more difficult, since he does not treat
the character with consistency throughout his numerous appearances. With the exception
of one setting for Judas, Pilate is the only character Lasso sets for three voices. Between
the Matthew and John Passions, ten out of Pilates twenty-two sections are trios. It is

110
Matthew 26:75.
58
conceivable that Lasso wanted to demonstrate Pilates power by occasionally providing
him with a third voice. However, it is difficult to be certain about the logic behind
Lassos decision. For example, Pilates text, What shall I do, then, with Jesus who is
called Christ? (Matthew 27:22) is set for two voices, while Why? What crime has he
committed? (Matthew 27:23) is set with three. It therefore appears that the primary
reason for the additional voice does not rely upon the text, but is for musical and artistic
reasons.
Further complicating this issue, at least concerning the John Passion, are the wide
variety of voice pairings Lasso uses to represent Pilate. Of the fifteen appearances of
Pilate in the John setting, eight are for tenor and bass, one for soprano and tenor, one for
soprano and alto, two for soprano, alto, and tenor, two for soprano, tenor, and bass, and
one for alto, tenor and bass.
111
This is the only instance in which Lasso changes voice
assignments for a character in any of the Passions. As with the number of singers, there
appears to be no textual reason for changing which voices represent Pilate. This may
indicate that Lassos reasons were purely musical and that he used the voices necessary to
achieve the desired sound, demonstrating once again that Lasso was not as concerned
with a literal telling of the Passion story in the John setting as he was with producing a
work of art.
Lassos treatment of the other significant character, Judas, is similar to that of
Peter in that one can easily trace the development of the fallen disciple throughout the
Matthew Passion. The settings for Judas are notable for their extreme use of melisma, far
more than for any other character. Shortly before the composition of the Matthew

111
This is not the case in the Matthew Passion, in which both two-voice settings are for tenor and bass, and
all five three-voice settings are for alto, tenor, and bass.
59
settings, the Council of Trent had declared that certain musical techniques, such as the
melisma, should be avoided in liturgical music in favor of greater text clarity. Lasso
knowingly uses melismas to represent the most deceptive character in the story.
Obviously, the composer used this tool for other characters, as has already been pointed
out, but the length and excessive melismas for Judas differentiates him from the others.
Two of Judass first sections (Examples 11a and b), demonstrate Lassos use of the
melisma to show the disciples deviousness.

Example 11. The development of Judas in the Matthew Passion
a. no. 6, Surely not I, Rabbi.

b. no. 9, The one I kiss is the man, arrest him.

60

Judass last line is shown in Example 12, and it is here that we see the characters
development through Lassos compositional technique. At this point Judas confesses that
he has betrayed an innocent man, and Lasso greatly alters his approach and attempts to
show Judas seeking redemption. He reduces the length of melismas, and more
importantly adds a third voice. In the case of Pilate, Lasso sought to show the characters
power through the addition of a third voice, but for Judas it would appear to be largely for
musical reasons. By adding the third voice Lasso is able to conclude the section on a
triad (something he never did for Pilate) and is able to use imitation for three voices.

Example 12. Matthew Passion, no. 21

61


Text Repetitions and Melismas
The two areas in which Lassos earlier and later Passions differ most from one
another are in the uses of text repetitions and melismas. There are many instances in
each setting when Lasso uses these techniques in the interest of realism, but the sheer
number of occurrences of both kinds of embellishment and the ways in which they are
used in the Matthew and John settings mark a clear difference in compositional process.
More so than any other characteristic, Lassos use of these techniques reveals the shift
from an artistic portrayal of the Passion to a realistic telling of the story.
In the Matthew setting repetition occurs twenty-one times and in the John Passion
there are twelve such occurrences. The Mark and Luke Passions have noticeably fewer
reiterations, seven and two respectively. Lassos purpose for using text repetition can be
divided into two separate functions. More commonly, he employs repetition for a
realistic effect, and it is used in this way in all four Passions. Examples include
repetitions of the crowd shouting Crucify Him! or Barrabas. The other function of
repetition, for musical reasons, appears only in the Matthew and John settings. Lasso
employs the additional text to lengthen a section in order to extend a melodic line or for a
harmonic resolution.
62
The only section that contains text repetition in each of the four Passions is the
setting of the words Crucify Him. For each instance Lasso adds at least one repetition
of crucifigatur or curcifige. The purpose of employing repeated words in each
instance is to show the size and anger of the crowd of Jews. By using more repetitions,
Lasso is able to suggest that more than four, five, or six voices are present (see Example
13).

Example 13. Crucify Him
a. Matthew Passion, no. 31















63
b. John Passion, no. 22


c. Mark Passion, no. 8


64
d. Luke Passion, no. 12

Of the four settings, the Matthew and John are more dramatic and chaotic,
although in this instance the Luke does not fall far behind. Lasso added a sixth voice, a
second soprano, to the Matthew setting, thus increasing the power of this section. While
he did not include the extra voice in the John setting, he achieves the same effect through
octave leaps and descents in the alto and second tenor voices (measure two). The Mark
setting contains a similar leap in the bass (measure two). This is a technique often
employed by Lasso during hectic sections in all four settings. Noticeably different
among these examples are the staggered entrances present in the Matthew and John
settings that are absent from the Mark and Luke. This technique is rarely used in the later
settings and only occurs during sections in which the Jews are shouting at Jesus.
Other examples of dramatic text repetition also occur during particularly frenzied
sections, usually involving the crowd heckling Jesus, such as the uproar of Prophesy to
us, Christ. Who hit you? Lasso uses no repeated text in the Luke setting, and this text is
not present in Johns account. In the Mark and Matthew settings, Lasso uses repetition,
although in very different ways. Marks gospel has only the word Prophetiza, while
65
the Matthew account contains the full text given above. The repeated text in the Mark
setting is clearly there for dramatic reasons, marked by the octave leap in the soprano and
the only instance of staggered entrances in this Passion. These two features together
reveal Lasso leaning towards realism in depicting the chaos of the crowd shouting at
Christ. The setting of this text in the Matthew Passion is oddly much more restrained
than in the Mark, making this one of the only exceptions to what is expected from his
Passions. Both of these sections are shown in Example 14.

Example 14. Prophesy

a. Mark Passion, no. 6

b. Matthew Passion, no. 16

66


The primary way that different uses of text repetition affect each of Lassos
Passions is in the degree to which they are used to enhance realism in a particular setting.
The Matthew and John settings contain numerous repetitions that are in no way realistic
in terms of the story and are used for musical and artistic reasons. This is most clearly
seen when the text of an individual character is repeated, though there is no scriptural
reason to do so. For instance, in Example 15a from the John setting, Lasso repeats
Pilates words Quid est in the phrase Quid est veritas? (What is truth?) in one of the
voices, whereas it seems clear that Pilate said the line only once before walking away
from Jesus.
112
Musically the text repetition is necessary for the bass to continue its
melodic line, but this demonstrates that Lassos primary concern in this instance is not a
realistic portrayal of the story. A similar occurrence is found in the Matthew Passion, see
Example 16b, when Pilate asks the crowd, Which one do you want me to release to you:
Barabbas, or Jesus who is called Christ? Lasso repeats the text an Jesum, again in the
bass in a setting for three voices.


112
John 18:38
67
Example 15. Musical text repetition
a. John Passion, no. 16

b. Matthew Passion, no. 26


The instances shown in these examples might appear to be insignificant, but the
complete absence of any such repetitions in the Mark or Luke settings reveals a very
different compositional intention. In these two examples Lasso is primarily concerned
either with increasing the dramatic tension or with developing a melodic idea, not solely
with telling the story. The leap in the bass in Example 15a is quite striking and adds to
the drama of the moment when the conversation between Jesus and Pilate comes to a
68
close. In Example 15b the text repetition in the bass allows Lasso to move the harmony
through D towards G in measures 8 and 9, eventually reaching a final cadence on C.
These techniques are obviously not lacking in the Mark and Luke Passions; Lasso uses
the same harmonic progression seen in Example 15b frequently in both Passions. It is
significant, however, that in the later works Lasso does not distort the text in any way to
arrive at the same cadence. Example 16 contains the last six measures of the eighth
section in Luke, in which Lasso follows the same general harmonic plan without
repeating the text.

Example 16. Luke Passion, no. 8

As in Lassos use of text repetition in the Passions, he uses melisma in two
different ways; they can either enhance the realism of the story or be used purely for
musical reasons. As expected, the melismas in the Mark and Luke Passions are almost
all used to heighten the drama of the story.
113
These instances are similar to the one

113
One main exception of this is the very lengthy melisma involving the disciples swords that was
discussed in Chapter 2, pp 37-9.
69
shown in Example 7b, in which Lasso enhances the protests of the disciples with the
lengthy, descending melismas in the superius and bassus.
The Matthew and John Passions contain numerous melismas intended for
dramatic effect, such as Judass Surely not I, Rabbi, shown in Example 11, and Peters
denial of Jesus shown in Example 10, as well as many that were included for musical
reasons. A prime example of a musical melisma is found in the first setting of the John
Passion, in which the Jewish soldiers exclaim that they are searching for Jesus of
Nazareth. Lasso writes a lengthy melisma on the word Nazarenum. This is certainly
a significant moment in the story, since it will eventually lead to Christs crucifixion, but
it does not merit the treatment given it by Lasso from a textual point of view.

Example 17. John Passion, no. 1



70
The Deity of Jesus
The previous example also reveals the most significant feature of Lassos early
settings that is all but absent from the latter Passions. With the exception of the text sung
by the disciples, in which Lasso uses melismas to heighten emotions, almost all of the
melismas in the Matthew and John Passions fall on the words God, Son of God,
Jesus, or King. From numerous examples, a few instances where this occurs are
presented below. In Example 18a the High Priest sings a lengthy melisma on the word,
God, in I charge you under oath by the living God: Tell us if you are the Christ, the
Son of God. This also can be seen in Pilates statement Here is your King. shown in
Example 18b.

Example 18. Spiritual Melismas
a. Matthew Passion, no. 13


71
b. John Passion, no. 28

By constantly emphasizing these words, Lasso proclaims the deity of Jesus, in
contrast to his depiction of the sinful nature of man in the parts sung by Peter and Judas.
Although Lasso might have accomplished this by setting the words of Christ
polyphonically, this would have gone against the tradition of Catholic Passion settings.
Instead, he adds weight to all the texts that speak of Jesus divinity by setting them with
melismas. Lasso perceived his Matthew and John settings as works of art that were
created to magnify the glory of Jesus.
This is not the case in the Mark and Luke Passions from 1582. Other than one
possible exception, the tenth section in the Mark setting, on the words Hail, King of the
Jews!, there are no melismas in either setting used to enhance a text relating to Jesus
divinity. This reveals a shift away from a setting used to glorify Christ in an artistic
manner, to one that centers solely on a realistic telling of the Passion story. The latter
settings are not lacking in artistic quality, but it is apparent that Lassos ideas about the
purpose of a Passion setting changed drastically in the presence of Walram Tumler. The
three examples below, from the Mark and Luke settings, contain text that likely would
have been set with melismas in the earlier works but here are devoid of the technique.
Example 19a is a setting from the Mark Passion of, He saved others, but he cant save
72
himself! Let this Christ, this King of Israel, come down now from the cross, that we may
see and believe,
114
in which Lasso does nothing to emphasize Christus or Rex
Israel. The two following examples, both from the Luke setting, include similar text, If
you are the Christ, tell us,
115
and Are you then the Son of God?,
116
neither of which
contain melismas.

Example 19. Lack of Spiritual Melismas
a. Mark Passion, no. 12



114
Mark 15:31-32
115
Luke 22:67
116
Luke 22:70
73

b. Luke Passion, no. 6

c. Luke Passion, no. 7


74
Lassos Passion settings of 1582 share many of the qualities of his earlier works
in the same genre. His treatment of major characters indicates that there was little change
in his theological understanding of the story. There is also little change in the basic
compositional tools he employed in the four settings. It is the extent to which Lasso used
these tools, however, that reveals that a fundamental shift had occurred between 1580 and
1582. The early works demonstrate a desire on Lassos part to go beyond the setting of a
liturgical Passion to create a work of art that expresses the deeper elements of the story
and displays his own religious faith. While these two features occasionally make an
appearance in the later settings, the drastic reduction in text repetitions and melismas
show that Lasso desired primarily to give a realistic account of the story and to fulfill the
Jesuit demand for a Solemn Holy Week celebration.























75
Conclusion
From Humanism to Realism

Numerous religious and political developments in the latter half of the 16
th

century helped to shape Counter-Reformation Passions, but none had a more direct effect
on Lassos settings than the liturgical reforms of the Jesuit priest Walram Tumler. Prior
to Tumlers arrival in Munich in 1581, Lassos Passions were expressive, often featured
dramatic tone-painting, and were conceived as artistic compositions in addition to their
having a liturgical function. The settings of 1582, written during the height of Catholic
reform in Bavaria, do not share these characteristics. They were largely restrained,
simple works that incorporated realism as an essential compositional element.
This shift, from the humanistic to the realistic, is how the influence of Tumler
most clearly manifested itself in Lassos late Passions. Lasso went to great length in the
early settings to enliven the characters musically and portray their development
throughout the story. The Apostle Peters original confidence in the presence of Jesus,
represented by means of clearly audible text and a homorhythmic style, becomes
deception and remorse, shown through melismas and text repetitions. The growing deceit
of Judas is even more clearly conveyed by Lasso through intensifying melismas that
serve to make his text almost inaudible, especially when he betrays Jesus to the Chief
Priests.
The humanistic element of the early Passions is also seen in Lassos treatment of
certain words, a device which he perhaps used to express his faith. For almost every
occurrence of God, King, or Christ, Lasso enhances the text with melismas that
76
seem to offer praise to God. These embellishments are not realistic representations of the
story, since often the character speaking is mocking Jesus. Lasso changes the meaning of
these texts by causing the characters to honor Christ, and thus he imposes his own beliefs
onto the story and creates a work of personal devotion, as well as a functional
composition.
These two central features of Lassos humanistic Passions, animated characters
and overt worship, are not present in the Mark or Luke settings. These contain
occasional moments in which Lasso adds drama to some roles, such as melismas and text
repetition for the disciples pleading with Jesus, but he does not impose the same rigorous
character development found in the first two Passions. In addition, words such as God
or Christ are set no differently from any other text, reflecting the fact that, in their
context, these words were not meant as praise. This style of blunt realism matches other
Jesuit-influenced art closely; most notably Spanish painting that depicts the suffering and
pain of Christ.
117
The simplicity of the writings of contemporary Jesuits Ignatius Loyola
and Peter Canisius is also mirrored in Lassos latter settings. In these writings, most
notably Loyolas Spiritual Exercises, the reader is confronted with a stark telling of the
Passion story, which contains nothing beyond the account given in the Gospels.
These correlations could change the way we understand the Jesuits influence on
music during the Counter-Reformation. The Jesuits desire for a simple and realistic
compositional style, which derived directly from their theology, could have had greater
influence on Catholic music across Europe than we now realize. The failure to recognize
the Jesuits as an influence, at least with regard to Lassos Passions, probably originated
from the common misconception that the Order was in some way opposed to music. This

117
Michael Mullet, The Catholic Reformation, 204.
77
idea has been refuted by recent scholarship, and we now know that they were not against
music per se, but merely critical of the expressive, florid nature of much mid 16
th
-century
Catholic composition.
118

The goal of a simple and realistic style matches closely the principles set forth by
the Council of Trent, which not coincidentally, were also heavily influenced by the
Jesuits.
119
However, at least with regard to Lassos Passion settings, the Councils
decrees were not enough to alter his compositional style. The Councils decisions needed
to be imposed directly in order to affect the composers methods. This is the area in
which the Jesuits were most effective, and perhaps they can be best understood as
Counter-Reformation enforcers, roaming among Catholic courts, eager to influence
music, art, and theology anywhere and everywhere. Obviously, this idea is not new to
this study or even to musicology, but the role the Jesuits had in directly affecting
Counter-Reformation music has not been fully appreciated.
120

The changes in Lassos Passions can also help us to comprehend the extent to
which religious reforms in German lands affected all elements of culture and worship.
Wilhelm V was intent on differentiating his court from the Lutherans to the north and
drawing closer to Roman-style worship. Lasso was therefore probably encouraged to do
everything as Walram Tumler instructed in order to make Bavaria a haven for Catholics.
It is clear from contemporary sources that Lasso was not entirely pleased with the
restrictions placed upon him and his musicians; however, the urgings of his employer

118
Thomas D. Culley, Jesuits and Music, I. It should also be mentioned that by having Lasso compose
settings of the Mark and Luke Passions, the Jesuits were in fact encouraging composition by expanding the
music for the lesser days of Holy Week.
119
William Bangert, History of the Society of Jesus, 25.
120
Outram Evennett, Spirit of the Counter-Reformation, ed. John Bossy (Cambridge: Cambridge
University, 1968), 44.
78
Wilhelm, who was also his friend, compelled him to meet the requirements of the
Jesuits.
121

What remains to be seen is the extent to which this influence affected Lassos
later sacred compositions. This topic is already under investigation by some scholars,
122

but the composers many sacred compositions from the 1580s have yet to be analyzed in
this light. The most compelling question is, for how long after their departure did the
Jesuits influence on Lassos sacred music continue? If he maintained a relatively simple
style for his functional works, then this could indicate that his own beliefs may have been
affected, or that Wilhelm V continued to pressure Lasso to compose uncomplicated
music. If his style reverted quickly, then this would be a clear example of how reforms
directly affected the two later Passions, but not the composers late works as a whole.
Lassos four Passion settings offer a glimpse into how the intense liturgical
reforms of the Counter-Reformation may have directly affected his compositional style.
These compositions also provide insight into his relationship with, and reaction to, Jesuit-
led reforms. It is only in the context of these reforms, and all the theological and
liturgical concerns that went along with them, that we can fully understand the change of
style Lasso adopted in the course of setting the Passion texts.






121
Andreas Cardinal Steinhuber, Geschichte des Collegium Germanicum Hungaricum in Rom, 276-78. It
should also be pointed out that, despite the extensive correspondence between Lasso and Wilhelm available
today, neither makes any mention of Walram Tumler or the Jesuits reforms. These letters are available in
translation in Horst Leuchtmann, Orlando di Lasso: Briefe (Weisbaden: Breitkopf & Hrtel, 1976).
122
David Crook, Orlando di Lassos Imitation Magnificats for Counter-Reformation Munich.; Alexander
Fisher, Per Mia Particolare Devotione.
79


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