The English Language
The English Language
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*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE ***
* * * * *
* * * * *
THE
ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
BY
LONDON:
1850.
* * * * *
LONDON:
Printed by SAMUEL BENTLEY & Co.,
Bangor House, Shoe Lane.
* * * * *
TO
OF
ROPSLEY, LINCOLNSHIRE,
BY HIS FRIEND,
THE AUTHOR.
LONDON,
_Nov. 4, 1841_.
* * * * *
{v}
PREFACE
TO THE
SECOND EDITION.
* * * * *
The first edition of the present work was laid before the public, with the
intention of representing in a form as systematic as the extent of the
subject would allow, those views concerning the structure and relations of
the English language, which amongst such scholars as had studied them with
the proper means and opportunities, were then generally received; and
which, so being received, might take their stand as established and
recognized facts. With the results of modern criticism, as applied to his
native tongue, it was conceived that an educated Englishman should be
familiar. To this extent the special details of the language were
exhibited; and to this extent the work was strictly a Grammar of the
English Language.
But besides this, it was well known that the current grammarians, and the
critical philologists, had long ceased to write alike upon the English, or
{vi} indeed upon any other, language. For this reason the sphere of the
work became enlarged; so that, on many occasions, general principles had to
be enounced, fresh terms to be defined, and old classifications to be
remodelled. This introduced extraneous elements of criticism, and points of
discussion which, in a more advanced stage of English philology, would have
been superfluous. It also introduced elements which had a tendency to
displace the account of some of the more special and proper details of the
language. There was not room for the exposition of general principles, for
the introduction of the necessary amount of preliminary considerations, and
for the _minutiæ_ of an extreme analysis. Nor is there room for all this at
present. A work that should, at one and the same time, prove its
principles, instead of assuming them, supply the full and necessary
preliminaries in the way of logic, phonetics, and ethnology, and, besides
this, give a history of every variety in the form of every word, although,
perhaps, a work that one man might write, would be a full and perfect
_Thesaurus_ of the English Language, and, would probably extend to many
volumes. For, in the English language, there are many first principles to
be established, and much historical knowledge to be applied. Besides which,
the particular points both of etymology and syntax are far more numerous
than is imagined. Scanty as is the amount of declension and conjugation in
current use, there are to be found in every department of our grammars,
{vii} numerous isolated words which exhibit the fragments of a fuller
inflection, and of a more highly developed etymology. This is well-known to
every scholar who has not only viewed our language as a derivative of the
Anglo-Saxon, and observed that there are similar relations between many
other languages (_e. g._ the Italian and Latin, the German and
Moeso-Gothic, &c.), but who has, also, generalized the phenomena of such
forms of relationship and derivation, and enabled himself to see in the
most uninflected languages of the nineteenth century, the fragments of a
fuller and more systematic inflection, altered by time, but altered in a
uniform and a general manner.
The point, however, upon which, in the prefaces both of the first edition
of the present work and of his English Grammar, the writer has most
urgently insisted is the _disciplinal_ character of grammatical studies in
general, combined with the fact, that the grammatical study of one's own
language is almost _exclusively_ disciplinal. It is undoubtedly true, that
in schools something that is called English Grammar is taught: and it is
taught pretty generally. It is taught so generally that, I believe, here
are only two classes of English boys and girls who escape it--those who are
taught nothing at all in any school whatever, and those who are sent so
early to the great classical schools (where nothing is taught but Latin and
Greek), as to escape altogether the English part of their scholastic
education. But {viii} what is it that is thus generally taught? not the
familiar practice of speaking English--that has been already attained by
the simple fact of the pupil having been born on English soil, and of
English parents. Not the scientific theory of the language--that is an
impossibility with the existing text-books. Neither, then, of these matters
is taught. Nevertheless labour is expended, and time is consumed. What is
taught? Something undoubtedly. The facts, that language is more or less
regular (_i. e._ capable of having its structure exhibited by rules); that
there is such a thing as grammar; and that certain expressions should be
avoided, are all matters worth knowing. And they are all taught even by the
worst method of teaching. But are these the proper objects of _systematic_
teaching? Is the importance of their acquisition equivalent to the time,
the trouble, and the displacement of more valuable subjects, which are
involved in their explanation? I think not. Gross vulgarity of language is
a fault to be prevented; but the proper prevention is to be got from
habit--not rules. The proprieties of the English language are to be
learned, like the proprieties of English manners, by conversation and
intercourse; and the proper school for both, is the best society in which
the learner is placed. If this be good, systematic teaching is superfluous;
if bad, insufficient. There _are_ undoubted points where a young person may
doubt as to the grammatical propriety of a certain expression. In this case
let him ask some one older, and more instructed. Grammar, {ix} as an _art_,
is, undoubtedly, _the art of speaking and writing correctly_--but then, as
an _art_, it is only required for _foreign_ languages. For our _own_ we
have the necessary practice and familiarity.
Now if, over and above the remarks upon the English language, and the
languages allied to it, there occur in the present volume, episodical
discussions of points connected with other languages, especially the Latin
and Greek, it is because a greater portion of the current ideas on
philological subjects {x} is taken from those languages than from our own.
Besides which, a second question still stands over. There is still the
question as to the relative disciplinal merits of the different
_non_-vernacular languages of the world. What is the next best vehicle for
philological philosophy to our mother-tongue, whatever that mother-tongue
maybe? Each Athenian who fought at Salamis considered his own contributions
to that great naval victory the greatest; and he considered them so because
they were _his own_. So it is with the language which we speak, and use,
and have learned as our own. Yet each same Athenian awarded the second
place of honour to Themistocles. The great classical languages of Greece
and Rome are in the position of Themistocles. They are the best when the
question of ourselves and our possessions is excluded. They are the best in
the eyes of an indifferent umpire. More than this; if we take into account
the studies of the learned world, they are second only to the particular
mother-tongue of the particular student, in the way of practical
familiarity. Without either affirming or denying that, on the simple scores
of etymological regularity, etymological variety, and syntactic logic, the
Sanskrit may be their equal, it must still be admitted that this last-named
language has no claims to a high value as a practical philological
discipline upon the grounds of its universality as a point of education;
nor will it have. Older than the Greek, it may (or may not) be; more
multiform than the Latin, it may (or may not) be: but equally rich in the
attractions {xi} of an unsurpassed literature, and equally influential as a
standard of imitation, it neither has been nor can be. We may admit all
that is stated by those who admire its epics, or elucidate its philosophy;
we may admire all this and much more besides, but we shall still miss the
great elements of oratory and history, that connect the ancient languages
of Greece and Italy with the thoughts, and feelings, and admiration of
recent Europe.
The same sort of reasoning applies to the Semitic languages. One element
they have, in their grammatical representation, which gives them a value in
philological philosophy, in the abstract, above all other languages--the
_generality_ of the expression of their structure. This is _symbolic_, and
its advantage is that it exhibits the naturally universal phenomena of
their construction in a universal language. Yet neither this nor their
historical value raises them to the level of the classical languages.
Now, what has just been written has been written with a view towards a
special inference, and as the preliminary to a practical deduction; and it
would not have been written but for some such ulterior application. If
these languages have so high a disciplinal value, how necessary it is that
the expression of their philological phenomena should be accurate,
scientific, and representative of their true growth and form? How essential
that their grammars should exhibit nothing that may hereafter be unlearned?
_Pace grammaticorum dixerim_, this is not the case. Bad {xii} as is Lindley
Murray in English, Busby and Lilly are worse in Greek and Latin. This is
the comparison of the men on the low rounds of the ladder. What do we find
as we ascend? Is the grammatical science of even men like Mathiæ and Zump
_much_ above that of Wallis? Does Buttmann's Greek give so little to be
unlearned as Grimm's German? By any one who has gone far in comparative
philology, the answer will be given in the negative.
In 1840, so little had been done by Englishmen for the English language,
that in acknowledging my great obligations to foreign scholars, I was only
able to speak to what _might be done_ by my own countrymen. Since then,
however, there has been a good {xiii} beginning of what is likely to be
done well. My references to the works of Messrs. Kemble, Garnet, and Guest,
show that my authorities are _now_ as much English as German. And this is
likely to be the case. The details of the syntax, the illustrations drawn
from our provincial dialects, the minute history of individual words, and
the whole system of articulate sounds can, for the English, only be done
safely by an Englishman: or, to speak more generally, can, for any
language, only be dealt with properly by the grammarian whose mother-tongue
is that language. The _Deutsche Grammatik_ of Grimm is the work not of an
age nor of a century, but, like the great history of the Athenian, a
[Greek: ktêma eis aei]. It is the magazine from whence all draw their facts
and illustrations. Yet it is only the proper German portion that pretends
to be exhaustive. The Dutch and Scandinavians have each improved the
exhibition of their own respective languages. Monument as is the _Deutsche
Grammatik_ of learning, industry, comprehensiveness, and arrangement, it is
not a book that should be read to the exclusion of others: nor must it be
considered to exhibit the grammar of the Gothic languages, in a form
unsusceptible of improvement. Like all great works, it is more easily
improved than imitated. One is almost unwilling to recur to the old
comparison between Aristotle, who absorbed the labour of his predecessors,
and the Eastern sultans, who kill-off their younger brothers. But such is
the case with Grimm and his fore-runners in philology. Germany, that, in
{xiv} respect to the Reformation, is content to be told that Erasmus laid
the egg which Luther hatched, must also acknowledge that accurate and
systematic scholars of other countries prepared the way for the _Deutsche
Grammatik_,--Ten Kate in Holland; Dowbrowsky, a Slavonian; and Rask, a
Dane.
Nor are there wanting older works in English that have a value in Gothic
philology. I should be sorry to speak as if, beyond the writers of what may
be called the modern school of philology, there was nothing for the English
grammarian both to read and study. The fragments of Ben Jonson's English
Grammar are worth the entireties of many later writers. The work of Wallis
is eminently logical and precise. The voice of a mere ruler of rules is a
sound to flee from; but the voice of a truly powerful understanding is a
thing to be heard on all matters. It is this which gives to Cobbett and
Priestley, to Horne Tooke as a subtle etymologist, and to Johnson as a
practical lexicographer, a value in literary history, which they never can
have in grammar. It converts unwholesome doctrines into a fertile
discipline of thought.
* * * * *
{xix}
CONTENTS.
PART I.
CHAPTER I.
SECTION PAGE
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
{xxii}
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
PART II.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
{xxiv}
PART III.
CHAPTER I.
CHAPTER II.
CHAPTER III.
CHAPTER IV.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER VI.
ON QUANTITY.
CHAPTER VII.
ON ACCENT.
235. Accent 167
236. How far accent always on the root 168
237. Verbal accent and logical accent 168
238. Effect of accent on orthography 169
239. Accent and quantity _not_ the same 170
CHAPTER VIII.
CHAPTER IX.
CHAPTER X.
PART IV.
ETYMOLOGY.
CHAPTER I.
{xxvii}
CHAPTER II.
ON GENDER.
CHAPTER III.
THE NUMBERS.
CHAPTER IV.
ON THE CASES.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER VI.
{xxviii}
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE RELATIVE, INTERROGATIVE, AND CERTAIN OTHER PRONOUNS.
CHAPTER IX.
CHAPTER X.
CHAPTER XI.
{xxix}
CHAPTER XII.
CHAPTER XIII.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE ARTICLES.
336. _A_, _the_, _no_ 281
CHAPTER XV.
CHAPTER XVI.
GENTILE FORMS.
CHAPTER XVII.
CHAPTER XVIII.
ON DERIVED VERBS.
{xxx}
CHAPTER XIX.
ON THE PERSONS.
CHAPTER XX.
CHAPTER XXI.
ON MOODS.
CHAPTER XXII.
OF TENSES IN GENERAL.
359. General nature of tenses 303
360. Latin preterites 304
361. Moeso-Gothic perfects 304
Reduplication 305
362. Strong and weak verbs 305
CHAPTER XXIII.
CHAPTER XXIV.
CHAPTER XXV.
ON CONJUGATIONS.
CHAPTER XXVI.
{xxxii}
CHAPTER XXVIII.
CHAPTER XXIX.
CHAPTER XXX.
CHAPTER XXXI.
ON COMPOSITION.
CHAPTER XXXII.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
ADVERBS.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
CHAPTER XXXV.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
ON PREPOSITIONS, ETC.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
PART V.
SYNTAX.
CHAPTER I.
ON SYNTAX IN GENERAL.
CHAPTER II.
SYNTAX OF SUBSTANTIVES.
CHAPTER III.
SYNTAX OF ADJECTIVES.
CHAPTER IV.
SYNTAX OF PRONOUNS.
CHAPTER V.
THE TRUE PERSONAL PRONOUNS.
CHAPTER VI.
CHAPTER VII.
CHAPTER VIII.
CHAPTER IX.
CHAPTER X.
{xxxvii}
CHAPTER XII.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE ARTICLES.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE NUMERALS.
CHAPTER XV.
ON VERBS IN GENERAL.
CHAPTER XVI.
CHAPTER XVII.
{xxxviii}
CHAPTER XVIII.
ON THE PARTICIPLES.
CHAPTER XIX.
ON THE MOODS.
CHAPTER XX.
ON THE TENSES.
CHAPTER XXI.
CHAPTER XXII.
CHAPTER XXIII.
CHAPTER XXIV.
CHAPTER XXV.
ON PREPOSITIONS.
{xl}
CHAPTER XXVI.
ON CONJUNCTIONS.
CHAPTER XXVII.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
. . . . . .
PART VI.
PROSODY.
. . . . . .
PART VII.
PRAXIS 581
* * * * *
{1}
AN INTRODUCTION
TO THE STUDY OF
* * * * *
PART I.
--------
CHAPTER I.
§ 2. The next point involves the real origin and the real affinities of the
English Language. Its _real_ origin is on the continent of Europe, and its
_real_ affinities are with certain languages there spoken. To speak more
specifically, the native country of the English Language is _Germany_; and
the _Germanic_ languages are those that are the most closely connected with
our own. In Germany, languages and dialects allied to each other and allied
to the mother-tongue of the English have been spoken from times anterior to
history; and these, for most purposes of philology, may be considered as
the aboriginal languages and dialects of that country.
Respecting the tribes by which they were made, the current opinion was,
that they were chiefly, if not exclusively, those of the Jutes, the Saxons,
and the Angles.
The particular chieftains that headed each descent were also known, as well
as the different localities upon which they descended. These were as
follows:--
§ 11. _The accredited relations of the Jutes, Angles, and Saxons to each
other as Germans._--These are as follows:--
2. That that of Angles, was the present Dutchy of Sleswick; so that they
were the southern neighbours of the Jutes.
3. That that of the Saxons was a small tract north of the Elbe, and some
distinct point--more or less extensive--between the Elbe and Rhine.
§ 12. Assuming, then, the accuracy of our historical facts, the inference
is, that, without expecting to find any very prominent and characteristic
differences between the different inhabitants of England arising out of the
original differences between the Germanic immigrants, we are to look for
what few there are in the following quarters--
2. For those of the Saxons in Sussex, Essex, Hants (Wessex), and Middlesex.
{5}
1. The _differentiæ_ of the people of Kent, part of Sussex, and the Isle of
Wight (if any), are to be explained by the _differentiæ_ of the original
Jute immigrants--
_b._ The nearest contemporary author is Gildas, and _he_ lived at least 100
years after it.
2. _The account of Hengist's and Horsa's landing, has elements which are
fictional rather than historical_--_a._ Thus "when we find Hengist and
Horsa approaching the coasts of Kent in three keels, and Ælli effecting a
landing in Sussex with the same number, we are reminded of the Gothic
tradition which carries a migration of Ostrogoths, Visigoths, and Gepidæ,
also in three vessels, to the mouths of the Vistula."
_c._ Geoffry of Monmouth relates also, how "Hengist obtained from the
Britons as much land as could be enclosed {6} by an ox-hide; then, cutting
the hide into thongs, enclosed a much larger space than the granters
intended, on which he erected Thong Castle--a tale too familiar to need
illustration, and which runs throughout the mythus of many nations. Among
the Old Saxons, the tradition is in reality the same, though recorded with
a slight variety of detail. In their story, a lap-full of earth is
purchased at a dear rate from a Thuringian; the companions of the Saxon
jeer him for his imprudent bargain; but he sows the purchased earth upon a
large space of ground, which he claims, and, by the aid of his comrades,
ultimately wrests it from the Thuringians."
3. _There is direct evidence in favour of there having been German tribes
in England anterior to_ A.D. 447.--_a._ At the close of the Marcomannic
war, Marcus Antoninus transplanted a number of Germans into Britain.--Dio
Cassius, lxxi. lxiii.
_c._ The _Notitia utriusque imperii_, of which the latest date is half a
century earlier than the epoch of Hengist, mentions, as an officer of
State, the _Comes littoris Saxonici per Britannias_; his government
extending along the coast from Portsmouth to the Wash.
"If this be all that we can now recover of events, a great number of which
must have fallen within the lives of those to whom Augustine preached, what
credit shall we give to the inconsistent accounts of earlier actions? How
shall we supply the almost total want of information respecting the first
settlements? What explanation have we to give of the alliance between
Jutes, Angles, and Saxon, which preceded the invasions of England? What
knowledge will these records {9} supply of the real number and quality of
the chieftains, the language and blood of the populations who gradually
spread themselves from the Atlantic to the Frith of Forth; of the remains
of Roman cultivation, or the amount of British power with which they had to
contend? of the vicissitudes of good and evil fortune which visited the
independent principalities before they were swallowed up in the kingdoms of
the heptarchy, or the extent of the influence which they retained after the
event! On all these several points we are left entirely in the dark; and
yet these are facts which it most imports us to know, if we would
comprehend the growth of a society which endured for at least 700 years in
England, and formed the foundation of that in which we live."--_The Saxons
in England._ Vol. I, pp. 28-32.
§ 14. _Inference._--As it is nearly certain, that the year 449 is _not_ the
date of the first introduction of German tribes into Britain, we must
consider that the displacement of the original British began at an earlier
period than the one usually admitted, and, consequently, that it was more
gradual than is usually supposed.
* * * * *
{10}
CHAPTER II.
To criticise the evidence which derives the _English_ in general from the
_Angles_, the particular inhabitants of _Sussex_, _Essex_, _Middlesex_ and
_Wessex_, from the _Saxons_, and the _Anglo-Saxon_ language from the
_Angle_ and _Saxon_ would be superfluous; whilst to doubt the truth of the
main facts which it attests would exhibit an unnecessary and unhealthy
scepticism. That the Angles and Saxons formed at least seven-tenths of the
Germanic invaders may be safely admitted. The _Jute_ element, however,
requires further notice.
§ 16. The _Jutes_.--Were any of the German immigrants _Jutes_? If so, what
were their relations to the other German tribes?
_a._ Were there Jutes in England? That there was a Jute element in England
is to be maintained, not upon the _tradition_ that one of the three ships
of Hengist and Horsa was manned by Jutes, but from the following extract
from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle:--
Still there is a flaw in it; since it is quite possible that the term
_Iútnacynn_ may have been no true denomination of a section of the Germans
of England, but only the synonym of a different word, _Wiht-sætan_. Alfred
writes--comon hi of þrym folcum þam strangestan Germaniæ; þæt of _Seaxum_,
and of _Angle_, and of _Geatum_. Of Geatum fruman sindon Cantware and
_Wiht-sætan_, þæt is seo þeód se Wiht þæt ealond on eardað--_they came of
three folk, the strongest of Germany; that of_ Saxons _and of_ Angles, _and
of_ Geats. _Of_ Geats _originally are_ the Kent people _and_ Wiht-set;
_that is the people which_ Wiht _the Island live on_.
Putting all this together, it becomes possible (nay probable) that the
whole doctrine of a _Jute_ element in the Anglo-Saxon migration may have
arisen out of the fact of there being a portion of the people of Southern
England neighbours of the Saxons, and bearing the name _Wiht_-sætan; a fact
which, taken along with the juxtaposition of the _Vit_-landers
(_Jut_-landers) and Saxons on the Continent, suggested to the writers of a
long later age the doctrine of a Jute migration.
§ 17. As this last objection impugns the evidence rather than the fact, the
following question finds place:-- {12}
What were the Jutes of Germany? At present they are the natives of Jutland,
and their language is Danish rather than German.
Neither is there reason to suppose that during the third and fourth
centuries it was otherwise.
§ 18. This last circumstance detracts from the likelihood of the _fact_;
since in no part of Kent, Sussex, Hants, nor even in the Isle of Wight--a
likely place for a language to remain unchanged--have any traces of the old
Jute been found.
§ 19. On the other hand the fact of Jutes, _even though Danes_, being
members of a Germanic confederation is not only probable, but such was
actually the case; at least for continental wars--_subactis, cum Saxonibus,
Euciis_ (Eutiis), _qui se nobis_ (_i.e._, the Franks), _propriâ voluntate
tradiderunt ... usque in Oceani littoribus dominio nostro
porrigitur_.--Theodebert to the Emperor Justinian.--
§ 21. It has already been stated that concerning the Angles and Saxons, no
reasonable man will put the question which was put in respect to the Jutes,
_viz._, had they any real place among the Germanic invaders of England?
Respecting, however, their relations to each other, and their respective
geographical localities whilst occupants of Germany, anterior to {13} their
immigration into Britain, there is much that requires investigation. What
were the Saxons of Germany--what the Angles?
_a._ _The limited sense of the word Saxon._--This is what we get from
Ptolemy, the first author who names the Saxons, and who gives them a
limited locality at the mouth of the Elbe, bounded by the Sigulones, the
Sabalingi, the Kobandi, the Chali, the Phundusii, the Harudes, and other
tribes of the Cimbric Peninsula, of which the Saxons just occupied the
neck, and three small islands opposite--probably Fohr, Sylt, and Nordstand.
Now a sense of the word _Saxon_ thus limited, would restrict the joint
conquerors of Britain to the small area comprized between the Elbe and
Eyder, of which they do not seem even to have held the whole.
_b._ _The wide sense of the word Saxon._--The reader need scarcely be
reminded that the present kingdom of Saxony is as far inland as the
northern frontier of Bohemia. Laying this, however, out of the question, as
the effect of an extension subsequent to the invasion of Britain, we still
find Saxons in ancient Hanover, ancient Oldenburg, ancient Westphalia, and
(speaking roughly) over the greater part of the country drained by the
Weser, and of the area inclosed by the eastern feeders of the Lower Rhine,
the Elbe, and the range of the Hartz.
Now as it is not likely that the limited Saxon area of Ptolemy should have
supplied the whole of our Saxon population, so on the other hand, it is
certain, that of a considerable portion of the Saxon area in its _wider_
extent tribes other than the Saxons of England, were occupants.
Thus to bring the great Angle population from an area no larger than the
county of Rutland, is an objection--but it is not the chief one.
The chief objection to the Angles of England being derived from the little
district of Anglen, in Sleswick, lies in the fact of there being mention of
_Angli_ in another part of Germany.
These two scenes of facts, give us what may be called our preliminary
_apparatus criticus_.
§ 25. Between the northern limits of the Celtic populations of Gaul and the
southern boundary of the Scandinavians of Jutland, we find the area which
is most likely to have given origin to the Germans of England. This is best
considered under two heads.
_a._ That of the proper _seaboard_, or the _coast_ from the Rhine to the
Eyder.
_b._ That of the _rivers_, _i.e._, the communications between the ocean and
the inland country.
The latter is the more likely, and that for the following reasons--Vestiges
of Frisian dialects are to be found on the Continent, in Oldenburgh, and
also in the island of Heligoland.
§ 30. _Inference._--As the whole coast south of the Elbe seems to have been
occupied by tribes speaking either Frisian or Batavian dialects, and as
neither of these sub-divisions represents the language of the Angles and
Saxons, the original localities of those invaders must be sought for either
north of the Elbe, or inland, along the course of the rivers,
_i.e._--inland.
§ 31. _The Saxons and Nordalbingians._--North of the Elbe, and south of the
Eyder (as stated in § 22), we meet the Saxons of Ptolemy; but that in a
very circumscribed locality.
In the ninth century, the tribes of these parts are divided into three
divisions:--
Besides the names of these three particular divisions the tribes between
the Elbe and Eyder were called by the _general_ name of
_Nordalbingii_=_i.e. people to the north of the Elbe_.
§ 35. This brings us to the other series of preliminary facts, viz.: the
consideration of the more important tribes of the middle and lower courses
of the three great rivers, the Rhine, the Weser, and the Elbe.
§ 36. _The Germans of the Middle Rhine._--Of the Germans of the Lower and
Middle Rhine, it is only necessary to mention one--
_The Franks._--We shall see that, taking the two terms in their widest
sense, the _Franks_ and the _Saxons_ were in contact, a fact which makes it
necessary to notice at least some portion of the Frank area. {18}
_a._ _Salian Franks._--If the element _Sal-_ represent the _-sel_, in the
name of the Dutch river _Y-ssel_, the locality of the Salian Franks was
Overyssel and Guelderland, whilst their ethnological relations were most
probably with the Batavians.
The Bructeri, Sigambri, and Ripuarian Franks bring us to the Franks of the
Middle Rhine, a portion of the division which it is not necessary to
follow.
By the Jutes they were limited on the north, by the Thuringians on the
south-east, and by the Franks on the south-west; the middle portion of the
southern frontier being formed by the Catti between the Franks and
Thuringians. {19}
_a._ The Thuringians, Catti (or Hessians), and Franks, on the southern
boundary of the Saxon area were _Germans_. Hence the line of demarcation
between their language was no broad and definite line, like that between
the English and the Welsh, but rather one representing a difference of
dialect, like that between the Yorkshire and the Lowland Scotch. Hence,
too, we ought not only not to be surprised, if we find dialects
intermediate to the Frank and Saxon, the Saxon and Thuringian, &c., but we
must expect to find them.
_b._ The same is the case with the Batavian and Frisian frontier.--We
really find specimens of language which some writers call Saxon, and others
Dutch (Batavian).
The eastern frontier, however, will be like the frontier between England
and Wales, where the line of demarcation is broad and definite, where there
are no intermediate and transitional dialects, and where the two contiguous
languages belong to different philological classes.--_The languages to the
east of the Saxon area will be allied to the languages of Russia, Poland,
and Bohemia;_ i.e., _they will be not Germanic but Slavonic._
§ 44. The _Lini_--Slavonians on the left bank of the Elbe, and the first
met with on that side of the river. Occupants of Danneburg, Luchow and
Wustrow, in Luneburg. By the {21} writers subsequent to the time of
Charlemagne the _Smeldengi_ (a German designation), and the _Bethenici_ are
mentioned along with the Lini (or Linones). Of this Slavonic a Paternoster
may be seen in the Mithridates representing the dialect of the
neighbourhood in Luchow in A.D. 1691. It is much mixed with the German.
About the middle of the last century this (Cis-Albian Slavonic) dialect
became extinct.--D.N.
_e._ _Mountains._--The watershed of the Weser on the one side, and of the
Ruhr and Lippe on the other, is the chief high land _contained_ within the
Saxon area, and is noticed as being the line most likely to form a
subdivision of the Saxon population, either in the way of dialect or
political relations--_in case such a subdivision exists_, a point which
will be considered in the next chapter.
* * * * *
{23}
CHAPTER III.
OF THE DIALECTS OF THE SAXON AREA, AND OF THE SO-CALLED, OLD SAXON.
§ 52. The area occupied by the Saxons of Germany has been investigated; and
it now remains to ask, how far the language of the occupants was absolutely
identical throughout, or how far it fell into dialects or sub-dialects. In
doing this, it may as well be asked, First, what we expect, _à priori_;
Second, what we really find.
§ 53. To the Saxon area in Germany, there are five philological frontiers,
the Slavonic, the Frisian, the Batavian, the Frank, and the Thuringian, to
which may probably be added the Hessian; in each of which, except the
Slavonic, we may expect that the philological phenomenon of intermixture
and transition will occur. Thus--
_a._ The Saxon of Holstein may be expected to approach the Jute and
Frisian.
_b._ That of South Oldenburg and East Friesland, the Frisian and Batavian.
_d_, e. That of the Hessian and Thuringian frontiers, the Hessian and
Thuringian.
Finally, the Saxon of the centre of the area is expected to be the Saxon of
the most typical character.
§ 54. Such is what we expect. How far it was the fact is not known for want
of _data_. What is known, however, is as follows.--There were at least
_two_ divisions of the Saxon; (1st) the Saxon of which the extant specimens
are of English origin, and (2nd), the Saxon of which the extant specimens
are of continental origin. We will call these at present the Saxon of
England, and the Saxon of the Continent. {24}
§ 55. Respecting the Saxon of England and the Saxon of the Continent, there
is good reason for believing that the first was spoken in the northern, the
second in the southern portion of the Saxon area, _i.e._, the one in
Hanover and the other in Westphalia, the probable boundaries between them
being the line of highlands between Osnaburg and Paderborn.
§ 56. Respecting the Saxon of England and the Saxon of the Continent, there
is good reason for believing that, whilst the former was the mother-tongue
of the Angles and the conquerors of England, the latter was that of the
Cherusci of Arminius, the conquerors and the annihilators of the legions of
Varus.
§ 57. Respecting the Saxon of England and the Saxon of the Continent, it is
a fact that whilst we have a full literature in the former, we have but
fragmentary specimens of the latter--these being chiefly the following: (1)
the Heliand, (2) Hildubrand and Hathubrant, (3) the Carolinian Psalms.
§ 58. The preceding points have been predicated respecting the difference
between the two ascertained Saxon dialects, for the sake of preparing the
reader for the names by which they are known. Supposing the nomenclature to
be based upon any of the preceding facts, we might have the following
nomenclature:--
Of these names the last would be the best for strictly scientific purposes,
or for the purposes of investigation; since the fact upon which it is based
is the most undeniable.
Such is what the nomenclature might be, or, perhaps, ought to be. What it
is _is_ another question.
{25}
§ 60. The Saxon of the Continental _used to_ be called _Dano_-Saxon, and
_is_ called _Old_ Saxon.
§ 61. _Why called _Dano_-Saxon._--When the poem called _Heliand_ was first
discovered (and that in an English library), the difference in language
between it and the common Anglo-Saxon composition was accounted for by the
assumption of a _Danish_ intermixture.
§ 63. The _data_ for the study of the Old Saxon are as follows:--
10. _Heliand_, a Gospel Harmony in alliterative metre, and the chief _Old_
Saxon composition extant. {26}
SPECIMEN.
§ 64. _Heliand_, pp. 12, 13. (_Schmeller's Edition._)
* * * * *
{28}
CHAPTER IV.
§ 65. The last chapter has limited the Anglo-Saxon area to the northern
part of the Saxon area in general. Further details, however, upon this
point, may stand over until the _general_ affinities of the English
language have been considered.
§ 66. Over and above those languages of Germany and Holland which were akin
to the dialects of the Angles and the Saxons, cognate languages were spoken
in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, and the Feroe isles, _i.e._, in
Scandinavia.
SPECIMENS.
_Feroic._
_Swedish._
Och nu var det engång on sommaren, som Sigmund sade till Thorer: "Hvad
månde väl deraf warda, om vi åter gå ut i skogen, som ligger der norr
on gården?" "Det är jag alldeles icke nyfiken att veta," svarade Thor.
"Icke går det så med mig," sade Sigmund, "och ditret mäste jag." "Du
kommer då att råda," sade Thor, "men dermed öfverträda vi vår {30}
Fosterfaders bud." De gingo nu åstad, och Sigmund bade en vedyxa i
handen; de kommo in i skogen, och strat derpå fingo de se en ganska
stor och vildsinnt björn, en dråpelig skogsbjörn, varg-grå till färgen.
De sprungo då tillbaka på samma stig som de hade kommit dit. Stigen var
smal och trång; och Thorer sprang fråmst, men Sigmund efterst. Djuret
lopp nu efter dem på stigen, och stigen blef trång för detsamma, så att
träden sönderbrötos i dess lopp. Sigmund vände då kurtigt retaf från
stigen, och ställde sig mellan träden, samt stod der, tills djuret kom
fram midt för honom. Då fattade han yxan med begge händerna, och högg
midt emellan öronen på djuret, så att yxan gick in, och djuret störtade
framåt, och dog på stället.
_Danish._
_English._
And now is it a time about the summer, that Sigmund spake to Thorir:
"What would become, even if we two go into the wood (shaw), which here
is north from the house?" Thorir answers, "Thereto there is to me no
curiosity," says he. "So is it not with me," says Sigmund, "and thither
shall I go." "Thou mayst counsel," says Thorir, "but we two break the
bidding-word of foster-father mine." Now go they, and Sigmund had a
wood-axe in his hands; they come into the wood, and into a fair place;
and as they had not been there long, they hear a bear, big, fierce, and
grim. It was a wood-bear, big, wolf-grey in hue. They run (leap) now
back (after) to the path, by which they had gone thither. The path was
narrow and strait; and Thorir runs first, and Sigmund after. The beast
runs now after them on the path, and the path becomes strait, and
broken oaks before it. Sigmund turns then short out of the path among
the trees, and bides there till the beast comes even with him. Then
cuts he even in between {31} the ears of the beast with his two hands,
so that the axe sinks, and the beast falls forward, and is dead.
1. The Moeso-Gothic.
This history of this language, and the meaning of the term by which it is
designated, is best explained by the following passages:--
d. _Civitas Nova_ is Nicopolis on the Danube; and the nation thus spoken of
is the Gothic nation in the time of Zeno. At this time they are settled in
the Lower Moesia, or Bulgaria.
How they got here from the _northern_ side of the Danube we find in the
history of the reign of Valens. When pressed by intestine wars, and by the
movements of the Huns, they were assisted by that emperor, and settled in
the parts in question. {32}
Fragments of this translation, chiefly from the Gospels, have come down to
the present time; and the Bible translation of the Arian Bishop Ulphilas,
in the language of the Goths of Moesia, during the reign of Valens,
exhibits the earliest sample of any Gothic tongue.
§ 72. How Gothic tribes reached the Lower Danube is a point upon which
there is a variety of opinion. The following facts, however, may serve as
the basis of our reasoning.
A.D. 249-251--The Goths are found about equidistant from the Euxine Sea,
and the eastern portion of the range of Mount Hæmus, in the Lower Moesia,
and at Marcianopolis. Here they gain a great battle against the Romans, in
which the Emperor Decius is killed.
A.D. 373--In the reign of Valens (as already stated), they were admitted to
settle within the limits of the empire.
§ 73. Now, although all this explains, how a Gothic language was spoken in
Bulgaria, and how remnants of it have been preserved until the nineteenth
century, the manner in which the tribe who spoke it reached Marcianopolis,
so as to conquer the Emperor Decius, in A.D. 249, is unexplained.
_A._ _The Baltic doctrine._ According to this the Goths migrated from the
Baltic to the Mæotis, from the Mæotis to the Euxine, and from the Euxine to
the Danube, along which river they moved from _east to west_. {33}
_B._ _The Getic doctrine._--Here the Goths are made out to be the
aborigines of the Lower Danube, of Dacia, Moesia, and even Thrace; in which
case their movement was, also, from _east to west_.
_C._ _The German doctrine._--Here the migration is from west to east, along
the course of the Danube, from some part of south-eastern Germany, as its
starting-point, to Asia Minor as its extreme point, and to Bulgaria
(_Moesia Inferior_) as its point of settlement.
§ 74. Respecting the first of these views the most that can be said in its
favour is, that it is laid down by Jornandes, who wrote in the fifth
century, and founded his history upon the earlier writings of Ablavius and
Dexippus, Gothic historians, who, in their turn took their account from the
old legends of the Goths themselves--_in priscis eorum carminibus, pæne
historico ritu_. On the other hand, the evidence is, at best, traditional,
the fact improbable, and the likelihood of some such genealogy being
concocted after the relationship between the Goths of the Euxine, and
Germans of the Baltic had been ascertained exceedingly great.
§ 76. The third opinion is the likeliest; and if it were not for a single
difficulty would, probably, never have been demurred to. The fact in
question is the similarity between the words _Getæ_ and _Gothi_.
The fact that a tribe called G-O-T-H-I should, when they first peopled the
Moesogothic country, have hit upon the {34} country of a people with a name
so like their own as G-E-T-Æ, by mere accident, is strange. English or
American colonies might be sent to some thousand places before one would be
found with a name so like that of the mother-country as _Get_ is to _Got_.
The chances, therefore, are that the similarity of name is _not_
accidental, but that there is some historical, ethnological, or
geographical grounds to account for it. Grimm's view has been noticed. He
recognises the difficulty, and accounts for it by making the _Goths_
indigenous to the land of Getæ.
To a writer who (at one and the same time) finds difficulty in believing
that this similarity is accidental and is dissatisfied with Grimm's
reasoning, there seems to be no other alternative but to consider that the
Goths of the Lower Danube had no existence at all in Germany _under that
name_, that they left their country under a different[5] one, and that they
took the one by which they were known to the Romans (and through them to
us), on reaching the land of the _Getæ_--as, in England, the Saxons of
_Essex_ and _Wessex_ did _not_ (since they brought their name with them),
but as the East and West _Kent-ings_[6] did.
This doctrine, of course, falls to the ground directly it can be shown that
the Goths of Moesia were either called _Goths_ in Germany, or any where
else, anterior to their settlement in the _Geta_-land.
SPECIMEN.
LUKE i. 46-56.
Jah quaþ Mariam. Mikileid saivala meina Fan, jah svegneid ahma meins du
Goþa nasjand meinamma. Unte insahu du hnaivenai þiujos seinaizos: {35}
sai allis fram himma nu audagjand mik alla kunja. Unte gatavida mis
mikilein sa mahteiga, jah veih namo is. Jah armahairtei is in aldins
aldê þaim ogandam ina. Gatavida svinthein in arma seinamma; distahida
mikilþuhtans gahugdai hairtins seinis; gadrausida mahteigans af stolam,
jah ushauhida gahnaividans; gredigans gasôþida þiuþe, jah gabignandans
insandida lausans; hleibida Israela þiumagu seinamma, gamundans
armahairteins, sva sve rodida du attam unsaraim Abrahaima jah fraiv is
und aiv.
§ 77. The Old High German, called also Francic and Alemannic, was spoken in
the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, in Suabia, Bavaria, and
Franconia. It is in the Old High German that the Krist of Otfrid, the
Psalms of Notker, the Canticle of Willeram, the Glosses of Kero, the Vita
Annonis, &c., are composed.
SPECIMEN.
{36}
_The Same, in English._
The Middle High German ranges from the thirteenth Century to the
Reformation.
§ 79. _The Frisian and Dutch._--It is a current statement that the Old
Frisian bears the same relation to the Modern Dutch of Holland that the
Anglo-Saxon does to the English.
2. That from the northern of these dialects we have the Modern Frisian of
Friesland.
§ 80. The true Frisian is spoken in few and isolated localities. There is--
§ 81. In respect to its stages, we have the Old Frisian of the Asega-bog,
the Middle Frisian of Gysbert Japicx, and the Modern Frisian of the present
Frieslanders, Westphalians, and Heligolanders.
Thet is thiu thredde liodkest and thes Kynig Kerles ieft, theter allera
monna ek ana sina eyna gode besitte umberavat. Hit ne se thet ma hine
urwinne mith tele and mith rethe and mith riuchta thingate, sa hebbere
alsam sin Asega dema and dele to lioda londriuchte. Ther ne hach nen
Asega nenne dom to delande hit ne se thet hi to fara tha Keysere fon
Rume esweren hebbe and thet hi fon da liodon ekeren se. Sa hoch hi
thenne to demande and to delande tha fiande alsare friounde, thruch des
ethes willa, ther hi to fara tha Keysere fon Rume esweren heth, tho
demande and to delande widuon and weson, waluberon and alle werlosa
liodon, like to helpande and sine threa knilinge. Alsa thi Asega nimth
tha unriuchta mida and tha urlouada panninga, and ma hini urtinga mi
mith twam sine juenethon an thes Kyninges bonne, sa ne hoch hi nenne
dom mar to delande, truch thet thi Asega thi biteknath thene prestere,
hwande hia send siande and hia skilun wesa agon there heliga
Kerstenede, hia skilun helpa alle tham ther hiam seluon nauwet helpa ne
muge.
{38}
§ 83. The points of likeness and difference between two languages belonging
to different branches of the same Gothic stock may be partially collected
from the following comparison between certain Icelandic, Norse or
Scandinavian, and certain Anglo-Saxon or Germanic inflections.
_Saxon._ _Icelandic._
_Neuter._ _Neuter._
_Masculine._ _Masculine._
_Feminine._ _Feminine._
_Saxon._ _Icelandic._
_Neuter._ _Neuter._
_Sing. Nom._ Leáf (_a leaf_). Skip (_a ship_).
_Acc._ Leáf Skip.
_Dat._ Leáfe Skipi.
_Gen._ Leáfes Skips.
_Plur. Nom._ Leáf Skip.
_Acc._ Leáf Skip.
_Dat._ Leáfum Skipum.
_Gen._ Leáfa Skipa.
_Masculine._ _Masculine._
_Feminine._ _Feminine._
_Sing. Nom._ Spr['æ]c (_a speech_). Brúðr (_a bride_).
_Acc._ Spr['æ]ce Brúi.
_Dat._ Spr['æ]ce Brúði.
_Gen._ Spr['æ]ce Brúðar.
_Plur. Nom._ Spr['æ]ca Brúðir.
_Acc._ Spr['æ]ca Brúðir.
_Dat._ Spr['æ]cum Brúðum.
_Gen._ Spr['æ]ca Brúða.
§ 84. The most characteristic difference between the Saxon and Icelandic
lies in the peculiar position of the definite article in the latter
language. In Saxon, the article corresponding with the modern word _the_,
is _þæt_, _se_, _seó_, for the neuter, masculine, and feminine genders
respectively; and these words, regularly declined, are _prefixed_ to the
words with which they agree, just as is the case with the English and with
the majority of languages. In Icelandic, however, the article, instead of
preceding, _follows_ its noun, _with which it coalesces_, having previously
suffered a change in form. The Icelandic article corresponding to _þæt_,
_se_, _seó_, is _hitt_ (N.), _hinn_ (M.), _hin_ (F.): from this the _h_ is
ejected, so that, instead of the regular inflection (_a_), we have the
forms (_b_).
_a._
_Neut._ _Masc._ _Fem._
_b._
Reference will be made to this passage on more occasions than one, to show
how words originally distinct may, in the process of time, take the
appearance of being identical. To apply an expression of Mr. Cobbett's,
_en_=_a_, and _-en_=_the_, are _the same combination of letters, but not
the same word_. {42}
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES.
_Saxon_. _Icelandic_.
_Definite_.[7] _Definite_.[7]
_Singular_. _Singular_.
_Plural_.
_Högu_ is the Plural form for all
_Nom_. Gódan Gódan Gódan. the Cases and all the Genders.
_Acc_. Gódan Gódan Gódan.
_Abl_. Gódum Gódum Gódum.
_Dat_. Gódum Gódum Gódum.
_Gen_. Gódena Gódena Gódena.
_Indefinite_. _Indefinite_.
_Singular_. _Singular_.
_Plural_. _Plural_.
§ 86. Observe in the Icelandic forms the absence of the termination _-an_.
Observe also the neuter termination _-t_, as _hagr_, _hagt_. Throughout the
modern forms of the Icelandic (_viz._ the Swedish, Danish, and Norwegian
languages) this termination is still preserved: e.g., _en god Hest_, a good
horse; _et godt Hjært_, a good heart; _en skön Pige_, a beautiful damsel;
_et skarpt Svoerd_, a sharp sword.
{43}
THE NUMERALS.
_Saxon._ _Icelandic._
1. Án Eitt, einn, ein.
2. Twá Tvö, tveir.
3. Þreó Þrju, þrir.
4. Feower Fjögur, fjórir.
5. Fíf Fimm.
6. Six Sex.
7. Seofon Sjö.
8. Eahta Átta.
9. Nigon Niu.
10. Tyn Tiu.
_Saxon._ _Icelandic._
In the modern Danish and Swedish, the passive is still preserved, but
without the final _t_. In the _older_ stages of Icelandic, on the other
hand, the termination was not _-st_ but _-sc_; which _-sc_ grew out of the
reflective pronoun _sik_. With these phenomena the Scandinavian languages
give us the evolution and development of a passive voice; wherein we have
the following series of changes:--1st. the reflective pronoun coalesces
with the verb, whilst the sense changes from that of a reflective to that
of a middle verb; 2nd. the _c_ changes to _t_, whilst the middle sense
passes into a passive one; 3rd. _t_ is dropped from the end of the word,
and the expression that was once reflective then becomes strictly passive.
Now the Saxons have no passive voice at all. That they should have one
_originating_ like that of the Scandinavians was impossible. Having no
reflective pronoun, they had nothing to evolve it from.
_Saxon._ _Icelandic._
_Indicative. Present._
_Indicative. Past._
_Sing._ 1. W['æ]s Var.
2. W['æ]re Vart.
3. W['æ]s Var.
_Plur._ 1. W['æ]ron Vorum.
2. W['æ]ron Voru.
3. W['æ]ron Voru.
_Subjunctive. Present._
_Sing._ 1. Sý Sé.
2. Sý Sér.
3. Sý Sé.
_Plur._ 1. Sýn Séum.
2. Sýn Seuð.
3. Sýn Séu.
_Subjunctive. Past._
_Sing._ 1. W['æ]re Væri.
2. W['æ]re Værir.
3. W['æ]re Væri.
_Plur._ 1. W['æ]ron Værum.
2. W['æ]ron Væru.
3. W['æ]ron Væruð.
_Infinitive._
Wesan Vera.
_Participle._
Wesende Verandi.
_Neuter._
_Singular._ _Plural._
_Nom._ Áugô (_an eye_) Áugôna.
_Acc._ Áugô Áugôna.
_Dat._ Áugin Áugam.
_Gen._ Áugins Áugônê.
_Masculine._
_Feminine._
{48}
_Neuter._
_Singular._ _Plural._
_Masculine._
_Feminine._
These may be compared with the Saxon declensions; viz. _aúgô_ with _eáge_,
_manna_ with _nama_, _tuggô_ with _tunge_, _vaúrd_ with _leáf_, _fisks_
with _smið_, and _brûþs_ with _spræc_.
_Singular._
_Plural._
{49}
_Singular._
_Plural._
_Indicative._ _Subjunctive._
_Present._ _Present._
_Præt._ _Præt._
_Præt._ _Præt._
_Part._ Visands--(_being_).
(_a_).
_Sing. Nom._ Áre (_an ear_) Campa (_a champion_) Tunge (_a tongue_).
_Acc._ Áre Campa Tunga.
_Dat._ Ára Campa Tunga.
_Gen._ Ára Campa Tunga.
_Plur. Nom._ Ára Campa Tunga.
_Acc._ Ára Campa Tunga.
_Dat._ Áron Campon Tungon.
_Gen._ Árona Campona Tungona.
(_b_).
_Neuter._ _Feminine._
_Saxon._ _Frisian._
(_c_).
(_d_).
_Definite._
(_e_).
_Indicative Mood._
In the inflection of the verbs there is between the Frisian and A. S. this
important difference. In A. S. the infinite ends in _-an_ _macian_, to
make, _læran_, to learn, _bærnan_, to burn; whilst in Frisian it ends in
_-a_, as _maka_, _léra_, _berna_.
(_f_).
_Present._ _Past._
_Sing._ 1. Ik ben 1. Ik }
2. ? 2. Thú } Was.
3. Hi is 3. Hi }
_Plur._ 1. Wi } 1. Wi }
2. I } Send 2. I } Weron.
3. Hja } 3. Hja }
_Subjunctive._
_Present._ _Past._
_Sing._ 1. 2. 3. Se 1. 2. 3. Wére.
_Plur._ 1. 2. 3. Se 1. 2. 3. Wére.
_Infin. Wesa._ _Pr. Part._ Wesande. _Past Part._ E-wesen.
THE ARTICLE.
PRONOUN.
The Saxons draw no such a distinction. With them the article and
demonstrative is declined as follows:--
* * * * *
§ 97. In this Chapter there has been, thus far, an attempt to do two things
at once. Firstly, to exhibit the _general_ likeness between stocks,
branches, &c.; and secondly, to show the _special_ affinities between
certain languages allied to our {56} own, and of the Gothic Stock. What
follows, consists of certain observations upon two or three points of
nomenclature.
4. That since the time of Julius Cæsar, its application has been constant,
_i.e._, it has always meant Gothic tribes, or Gothic languages.
7. That the general power of the word has been, with few exceptions,
limited to the Germans of Germany. We do not find either English or
Scandinavian writers calling their countrymen _Germani_.
8. That the two German tribes most generally meant, when the word _German_
is used in a limited sense, are the Franks and the Alemanni.
9. That by a similar latitude the words _Francic_ and {57} _Alemannic_ have
been occasionally used as synonymous with _Germanic_.
10. That the origin of the word _Germani_, in the Latin language, is a
point upon which there are two hypotheses.
_b._ That it grew out of some such German word as _Herman_, _Irmin_,
_Wehrmann_, or the _Herm-_ in _Hermunduri_, _Hermiones_, &c.
For all the facts concerning the word _Germani_, see the Introduction to
the third edition of the Deutsche Grammar.
The origin of the word has been a subject of much investigation; the
question, however, may be considered to be settled by the remarks of Grimm,
D. G.--_Introduction to the third edition_.
4. So also is the derivation of the modern word _Dutch_, in all its varied
forms:--Old High-German, _Diutisc_; Anglo-Saxon, _Þeódisc_; Latin,
_Theodisca_, _Theudisca_, _Teutisca_; Italian, _Tedesco_; Danish, _Tyske_;
English, _Dutch_; the latter part of the word being the adjectival ending
_-isc_=_ish_. {58}
5. The original meaning being _of, or belonging to, the people_, or _of, or
belonging to, the nation_, secondary meanings grew out of it.
6. Of these the most remarkable are _a_) the power given to the word in
Ulphilas (_heathen_), illustrated by the similarly secondary power of the
Greek [Greek: ethnikos]; _b_) the meaning _vernacular_, _provincial_ or
_vulgar_ given to it as applied to language.
7. This latter power was probably given to it about the ninth century.
8. That it was not given much before, is inferred from negative evidence.
The word _theotisca_ is not found in the Latin writers of the sixth,
seventh, and eighth centuries, although there are plenty of passages where
it might well have been used had it existed. The terms really used are
either _patrius sermo_, _sermo barbaricus_, _sermo vulgaricus_, _lingua
rustica_; or else the names of particular tribes, as _lingua Anglorum_,
_Alamannorum_.
10. That its present national sense is wholly secondary and derivative, and
that originally it was no more the name of a people or a language than the
word _vulgate_ in the expression _the vulgate translation of the
Scriptures_ is the name of a people or a language.
§ 100. _Teutonic._--About the tenth century the Latin writers upon German
affairs began to use not only the words _Theotiscus_ and _Theotiscé_, but
also the words _Teutonicus_ and _Teutonicé_. Upon this, Grimm remarks that
the latter term sounded more learned; since _Teutonicus_ was a classical
word, an adjective derived from the Gentile name of the Teutones conquered
by Manus. Be it so. It then follows that the connexion between _Teutonicus_
and _Theotiscus_ is a mere accident, the origin {59} of the two words being
different. The worthlessness of all evidence concerning the Germanic origin
of the Teutonic tribes conquered by Marius, based upon the connexion
between the word _Teuton_ and Dutch, has been pointed out by the present
writer in the 17th number of the Philological Transactions.[10] All that is
proved is this, _viz._, that out of the confusion between the two words
arose a confusion between the two nations. These last may or may not have
been of the same race.
In favour of this view is the fact that Norway was the mother-country,
Iceland the colony, and that much of what is called Old Icelandic was
composed in Norway.
Suppose that whilst the Latin of Virgil and Cicero in Italy had been
changing into the modern Italian, in some old Roman colony (say Sardinia)
it had remained either wholly {60} unaltered, or else, altered so little as
for the modern _Sardinian_--provided he could read at all--to be able to
read the authors of the Augustan age, just like those of the era of Charles
Albert; no other portion of the old Roman territory--not even Rome
itself--having any tongue more like to that of the Classical writers, than
the most antiquated dialect of the present Italian. Suppose, too, that the
term _Latin_ had become obsolete, would it be imperative upon us to call
the language of the Classics _Old Italian_, _Old Roman_, or at least _Old
Latin_, when no modern native of Rome, Latium, or Italy could read them?
Would it be wrong to call it _Sardinian_ when every Sarde _could_ read
them? I think not. _Mutatis mutandis_, this is the case with Iceland and
Norway.
* * * * *
{61}
CHAPTER V.
§ 104. Each of these requires a special analysis, but that of the second
will be taken first, and will form the contents of the present chapter.
Questions like these require notice, and in a more advanced state of what
may be called _minute ethnographical_ {62} _philology_ will obtain more of
it than has hitherto been their share. At present our facts are few, and
our methods of investigation imperfect.
§ 106. _The Angles; who were they, and what was their relation to the
Saxons?_--The first answer to this question embodies a great fact in the
way of internal evidence, _viz._, that they were the people from whom
_England_ derives the name it bears=_the Angle-land_, i.e., _land of the
Angles_. Our language too is _English_, i.e., _Angle_. Whatever, then, they
may have been on the Continent, they were a leading section of the invaders
here. Why then has their position in our inquiries been hitherto so
subordinate to that of the Saxons? It is because their definitude and
preponderance are not so manifest in Germany as we infer (from the terms
_England_ and _English_) it to have been in Britain. Nay more, their
historical place amongst the nations of Germany, and within the German
area, is both insignificant and doubtful; indeed, it will be seen from the
sequel, that _in and of themselves_ we know next to nothing about them,
knowing them only in their _relations_, _i.e._, to ourselves and to the
Saxons. The following, however, are the chief facts that form the
foundation for our inferences.
§ 107. Although they are the section of the immigration which gave the name
to England, and as such, the preponderating element in the eyes of the
present _English_, they were not so in the eyes of the original British;
who neither knew at the time of the Conquest, nor know now, of any other
name for their German enemies but _Saxon_. And _Saxon_ is the {63} name by
which the present English are known to the Welsh, Armorican, and Gaelic
Celts.
Welsh _Saxon_.
Armorican _Soson_.
Gaelic _Sassenach_.
§ 108. Although they are the section of the immigration which gave the name
to _England_, &c., they were quite as little Angles as Saxons, in the eyes
of foreign cotemporary writers; since the expression _Saxoniæ
trans-marinæ_, occurs as applied to England.
§ 109. Although they are the section of the immigration which gave the name
to _England_, &c., the material notice of them as Germans of Germany, are
limited to the following facts.
_Extract from Ptolemy._--This connects the Angles with {64} the _Suevi_,
and _Langobardi_, and places them on the Middle Elbe.
[Greek: Entos kai mesogeiôn ethnôn megista men esti to, te tôn Souêbôn tôn
Angeilôn, hoi eisin anatolikôteroi tôn Langobardôn, anateinontes pros tas
arktous mechri tôn mesôn tou Albios potamou.]
§ 110. These notices agree in giving the Angles a German locality, and in
connecting them ethnologically, and philologically with the Germans of
Germany. The notices that follow, traverse this view of the question, by
indicating a slightly different area, and Danish rather than German
affinities.
_b._ From Bede; "Porro de Anglis, hoc est illa patria, quæ _Angulus_
dicitur, et ab eo tempore usque hodie, manere desertus inter provincias
Jutarum et Saxonum perhibetur."--Angl. i. 15.
_c._ From Alfred, "And be wæstan eald Seaxum is Albe muða þære ea and
Frisland. And þanon west norð is þæt land, the man _Angle_, hæt and
Sillende, and summe dæl Dena."[12]--Oros. p. 20.
Also, speaking of Other's voyage,[13] "He seglode to þæm porte þe man hæt
Hæþum; se stent betwuhs Winedum and Seaxum, and _Angle_, and hyrð in on
Dene ... and þa {65} twegen dagas ær he to Hædhum come, him wæs on þæt
steorbord Gothland and Sillende and iglanda fela. On þæm landum eardodon
Engle, ær hi hiðer on land comon."[14]--Oros. p. 23.
§ 112. Add to these the Danish expression, that _Dan_ and _Angul_ were
brothers, as the exponent of a recognised relationship between the two
populations, and we have a view of the evidence in favour of the Danish
affinity.
_b._ That the derivation of the _Angles_ of England from the _Anglen_ of
Sleswick is an inference of the same kind with the one respecting the Jutes
(see § 20), made by the same writers, probably on the same principle, and
most likely incorrectly.
_c._ That the Angles of England were the Angli of Tacitus, {66} Ptolemy,
Procopius, and the Leges Anglorum et Werinorum, whatever these were.
§ 114. What were the _Langobardi_, with whom the Angles were connected by
Tacitus? The most important facts to be known concerning them are, (1) that
the general opinion is in favour of their having belonged to the
_High_-German, or Moeso-Gothic division, rather than to the _Low_; (2) that
their original locality either reached or lay beyond the Elbe; a locality,
which, in the tenth century, was _Slavonic_, and which, in the opinion of
the present writer, we have no reason to consider to have been other than
Slavonic during the nine preceding ones.--That they were partially, at
least, on this side of the Elbe, we learn from the following:--"Receptæ
Cauchorum nationes, fracti Langobardi, gens etiam Germanis feritate
ferocior; denique usque ad flumen Albim ... Romanus cum signis perductus
exercitus."[15]--Velleius Paterc. ii. 106.
§ 115. What were the _Suevi_, with whom the Angles were connected by
Tacitus? The most important facts to be known concerning them are, (1) that
the general opinion is in favour of their having belonged to the
_High_-German or Moeso-Gothic, division, rather than to the _Low_; (2) that
their original locality either reached or lay beyond the Elbe; a locality,
which, in the tenth century, was _Slavonic_, and which, in the opinion of
the present writer, we have no reason to consider to have been other than
Slavonic during the nine preceding ones. In other words, what applies to
the Langobardi applies to the Suevi also.
Velleius states that there were Suevi on the west of the Middle Elbe,
Ptolemy, that there were Suevi to the east of it, _i.e._, as far as the
River Suebus (Oder?).--[Greek: Kai to tôn Souêbôn tôn Semnonôn, hoitines
diêkousi meta ton Albin apo tou eirêmenou merous] {67} (the middle Elbe)
[Greek: pros anatolas mechri tou Souêbou potamou].[16]
§ 116. What were the _Werini_, with whom the Angles were connected in the
_Leges Anglorum et Werinorum_? Without having any particular _data_ for
connecting the Werini (Varni, [Greek: Ouarnoi]) with either the
High-German, or the Moeso-Gothic divisions, there are in favour of their
being Slavonic in locality, the same facts as applied to the Suevi and
Langobardi, with the additional one, that the name probably exists at
present in the River _Warnow_, of Mecklenburg Schwerin, at the mouth of
which (Warnemunde) the town of Rostock stands.
§ 117. What were the _Thuringians_, with whom the Angles are connected in
the _Leges Anglorum_, &c.; Germanic in locality, and most probably allied
to the Goths of Moesia in language.
§ 119. The last tribe which will be mentioned, is that of the _Angrarii_,
most probably another form of the _Angrivarii_ of Tacitus, the name of the
occupants of the valley of the Aller, the northern confluent of the Weser.
As this word is compound (-_varii_=_ware_=_inhabitants_), the root remains
_Angr-_, a word which only requires the _r_ to become _l_ in order to make
_Angl-_. As both the locality and the relation to the Saxons, make the
_Angrivarian_ locality one of the best we could assume for the _Angles_,
the only {68} difficulty lies in the change from _r_ to _l_. Unfortunately,
this, in the Saxon-German, is an unlikely one.
§ 120. The last fact connected with the Angles, will be found in a more
expanded form in the Chapter on the Dialects of the English Language. It
relates to the distribution over the conquered parts of Britain. Their
chief area was the Midland and Eastern counties, Norfolk, Suffolk,
Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, Leicestershire, &c., rather than the parts
south of the Thames, which were Saxon, and those north of the Wash, where
Danish influences have been considerable.
§ 121. The reader has now got a general view of the extent to which the
position of the Angles, as a German tribe, is complicated by conflicting
statements; statements which connect them with (probably) _High_-German
Thuringians, Suevi, and Langobardi, and with (probably) _Slavonic_ Varni,
Eudoses, Suardones, &c.; whereas in England, they are scarcely
distinguishable from the _Low_-German Saxons. In the present state of our
knowledge, the only safe fact seems to be, that of the common relation of
both _Angle_ and Saxon, to the present _English_ of England.
This brings the two sections within a very close degree of affinity, and
makes it probable, that just, as at present, descendants of the Saxons are
English (_Angle_) in Britain, so, in the third and fourth centuries,
ancestors of the Angles were Saxons in Germany. Why, however, the one name
preponderated on the Continent, and the other in England is difficult to
ascertain.
§ 122. By considering the Angles as Saxons under another name (or _vice
versâ_), and by treating the statement as to the existence of Jutes in
Hampshire and the Isle of Wight as wholly unhistorical, we get, as a
general expression for the Anglo-Germanic immigration, that it consisted of
the closely allied tribes of the North-Saxon area, an expression that
implies a general uniformity of population. Is there reason to think that
the uniformity was absolute?
§ 123. The following series of facts, when put together, will prepare us
for a fresh train of reasoning concerning the different geographical and
ethnological relations of the {69} immigrants into England, during their
previous habitation in Germany.
1. The termination _-as_ is, like the _-s_ in the modern English, the sign
of the plural number in Anglo-Saxon.
5. Such an ancestor need not be real; indeed, he rarely if ever is so. Like
the _eponymus_ of the classical writers, he is the hypothetical, or
mythological, progenitor of the clan, sept, or tribe, as the case may be;
_i.e._, as Æolus, Dorus, and Ion to the Æolians, Dorians, and Ionians.
1. That where we meet two (or more) households, families, tribes, clans, or
septs of the same name (that name ending in _-ing_), in different parts of
England, we may connect them with each other, either directly or
indirectly; directly when we look on the second as an offset from the
first; indirectly, when we derive both from some third source.
2. That when we find families, tribes, &c., of the same name, both in
Britain and in Germany, we may derive the English ones from the
continental.
4. _Scyldingas._--Ibid.
5. _Scylfingas._--Ibid.
6. _Ardingas._
8. _Helsingas._--Ibid.
9. _Myrgingas._--Ibid.
10. _Hundingas._--Ibid.
11. _Hocingas._--Ibid.
12. _Seringas._--Ibid.
14. _Bleccingas._
15. _Gytingas._
16. _Scydingas._
17. _Dylingas._
§ 125. We will still, for argument's sake, and for the sake {71} of the
illustration of an ethnological method, take these names along with the
observations by which they were preceded, as if they were wholly
unexceptionable; and, having done this, ask how far each is known as
_German_. So doing, we must make two divisions:
_a._ Those which we have no reason to think other than Angle or Saxon.
_b._ Those which indicate elements of the migration other than Angle or
Saxon.
_c._ The Hocings.--This is the German form of the Chauci, and, as such, a
Frisian gentile name.
And why should the reason be other than unexceptionable? Do we not in North
America, believe, that, _as a general rule_, the families with particular
names, coincide with the families so-called in England; that the names of
certain places, _sometimes_, at least, indicate a population originating in
places similarly designated here? that the Smiths and Johnstons {72} are
English in origin, and that O'Connors and O'Neils are Irish? We certainly
believe all this, and, in many cases, we believe it, on the ground of the
identity of name only.
2. The same, or nearly the same, name may not only occur in different parts
of one and the same division of the Germanic areas, but in different ones,
_e.g._, the Dhyrings _may_ denote the Thuringians of Thuringia; but they
may also denote the people of a district, or town, in Belgium, designated
as _Dorringen_.[17]
§ 130. I believe, for my own part, there were portions in the early
Germanic population of Britain, which were not strictly either Angle or
Saxon (Anglo-Saxon); but I do this without thinking that it bore any great
ratio to the remainder, and without even guessing at what that ratio was,
or whereabouts its different component elements were located--the Frisians
and Batavians being the most probable. With this view, there may have been
Jutes as well; notwithstanding what has been said in §§ 16-20; since the
reasoning there is not so against a Jute element _in toto_, as against that
particular Jute element, in which Beda, Alfred, and the later writers
believed and believe.
* * * * *
{74}
CHAPTER VI.
§ 132. The languages of Great Britain at the invasion of Julius Cæsar were
of the Celtic stock.
2. The Gaelic or Erse Branch, represented by the present Irish Gaelic, and
containing, besides, the Gaelic of the Highlands of Scotland and the Manks
of the Isle of Man.
SPECIMENS.
BRITISH.
_Old Cornish._
An Taz, ny es yn nêf, bethens thy hannow ughelles, gwrênz doz thy gulas
ker: bethens thy voth gwrâz yn oar kepare hag yn nêf: ro thyn ny hithow
agan peb dyth bara; gava thyn ny ny agan cam, kepare ha gava ny neb es
cam ma erbyn ny; nyn homfrek ny en antel, mez gwyth ny the worth drok:
rag gans te yn an mighterneth, and creveder, hag an' worryans, byz a
venitha.
_Modern Cornish._
{75}
_Welsh_ (Cambrian).
14. Ac wedi iddo dreulio 'r cwbl, y cododd newyn mawr trwy 'r wlâd
honno; ac yntef a ddechreuodd fod mewn eisiau.
16. Ac efe a chwennychai lenwi ei fol â 'r cibaua fwytai 'r môch; ac ni
roddodd neb iddo.
17. A phan ddaeth arto ei hur, efe addywedodd, Pa sawl gwâs cyflog o 'r
eiddo fy nhâd sydd yn cael eu gwala a 'i gweddill o fara, a minnau yn
marw o newyn!
19. Ac mwyach nid ydwyf deilwng i 'm galw yn fâb i ti: gwna si fel un
o'th weision cyflog.
THE SAME.
13. Hag eunn nébeûd dervésiou goudé, ar mâb iaounka, ô véza dastumet
kémend en doa en em lékéaz enn hent évit mond étrézég eur vrô bell
meûrbeá, hag énô é tispiñaz hé zanvez ô véva gant gadélez.
14. Ha pa en doé dispiñet kémend en doa, é c'hoarvézaz eunn naounégez
vrâz er vrô-ze, hag é teûaz, da ézommékaat.
15. Kuîd éz éaz eta, hag en em lakaad a réaz é gópr gand eunn dén eûz
ar vro. Hag hé man hen kasaz enn eunn ti d'ézhan war ar méaz, évit mesa
ar môc'h.
{76} 18. Sévet a rinn, hag éz inn étrézé va zad, hag é livirinn
d'ezhan: Va zâd, pech 'ed em euz a eneb ann env hag enu da enep.
19. N'ounn két talvoudek pello 'ch da véza galved da vâb: Va zigémer
ével unar euz da c'hôpraerien.
GAELIC.
THE SAME.
12. Agus a dubhairt an ti dob óige aca re _na_ athair, Athair, tabhair
dhamh an chuid roitheas _misi_ dod mhaóin. Agus do roim seision a
mhaoin eatorra.
13. Agus tar éis bheagáin aimsire ag cruinniughadh a choda uile don
mhac dob óige, do chúaidh sé air coigcrigh a dtalamh imchian, agus do
dhiombail se ann sin a mhaóin lé na bheathaidh báoth-chaithfigh.
14. Agus tar éis a choda uile do chaitheamh dho, deirigh gorta romhór
ann sa tír sin; agus do thosaigh seision ar bheith a ríachdanus.
19. Agus ní fiú mé feasda do mhacsa do ghairm dhoim: déana mé mar áon
dod luchd thuarasduil.
THE SAME.
11. Bha aig duine àraidh dithis mhac:
12. Agus thubhairt _mac_ a b'òige dhiubh r' _a athair_, Athair, thoir
dhomhsa chuid-roim a thig _orm_, do _d_ mhaoin. Agus roinn e eatorra a
bheathacahadh.
14. Agus an uair achaith e a _chuid_ uile, dh' éirich gorta ro mhòr san
tír sin; agus thoisich e ri bhi ann an uireasbhuidh.
18. Eiridh me, agus théid omi dh' ionnsuidh m' athar, agus their mi ris
athair, pheaeaich mi 'n aghaidh fhlaitheanais, agus a' d' là thairsa.
19. Agus cha 'n fhiu mi tuilleadh gu 'n goirte do mhacsa dhiom: deon mi
mar aon do d' luchd tuarasdail.
_Manks_ (Gaelic).
THE SAME.
12. As doort y fer saa rish e ayr; Ayr! cur dooys yh ayrn dy chooid ta
my chour. As rheynn eh e chooid orroo.
13. As laghyn ny lurg shen, hymsee yn mac saa ooilley cooidjagh as ghow
eh jurnah gys cheer foddey, as ayns shen hug he jummal er e chooid
liorish baghey rouanagh.
14. As tra va ooilley baarit eihey, dirree genney vooar ayns y cheer
shen; as ren eh toshiaght dy ve ayns feme.
17. As tra v'eh er jeet huggey hene, dooyrt eh, Nagh nhimmey sharvaant
failt t'ee my ayr ta nyn saie arran oe, as fooilliagh, as ta mish goll
mow laecal beaghey!
18. Trog-ym orrym, as hem roym gys my ayr, as jir-ym rish, Ayr! ta mee
er n'yannoo peecah noi niau, as kiongoyrt rhyt's.
19. As cha vel mee ny-sodjey feeu dy ve enmyssit dty vac: dell rhym myr
rish fer jeh dty harvaantyr failt.
§ 133. Taken altogether the Celtic tongues form a very remarkable class. As
compared with those of the Gothic stock they are marked by the following
characteristics--
car-_wn_ = am-_amus_.
car-_ych_ = am-_atis_.
car-_ant_ = am-_ant_.
Now the _-wn_, _-ych_, and _-ant_, of the persons of the verbs are the
personal pronouns, so that the inflection is really a verb and a pronoun in
a state of _agglutination_; _i. e._, in a state where the original separate
existence of the two sorts of words is still manifest. This is probably the
case with languages in general. The Celtic, however, has the peculiarity of
exhibiting it in an unmistakable manner; showing, as it were, an inflexion
in the process of formation, and (as such) exhibiting an early stage of
language.
Câr, _a kinsman_.
Tâd, _a father_.
Pen, _a head_.
Gwâs, _a servant_.
Duw, _a god_.
Bara, _bread_.
Lhaw, _a hand_.
Mam, _a mother_.
Rhwyd, _a net_.
1. _form_, Súil.
2. A húil, _his eye_.
Sláinte, _health_.
§ 136. When we have seen that one of the great characteristics of the
Celtic tongues is to express inflection by initial changes, we may ask how
far the principle of such change is common to the two branches--British or
Gaelic; this and a few other details being quite sufficient to show the
affinity between them.
1. From the sharp lenes to the corresponding flats; as _p_ to _b_, _t_ to
_d_, _c_ to _g_. The changes in Irish are the same.
Now the Welsh grammarians deal with the changes from sharp to flat, and
from lene to aspirate, alike; since, in respect to the grammar of their
language, they are enabled to state that they take place under the same
circumstances. {80} Taken collectively they are called light: and words
wherein _p_ is changed to _b_, and those wherein _b_ is changed to _v_, are
equally said to assume the light sound. This the Welsh express in spelling,
and write _ben_ for _pen_, and _vraint_ for _braint_, &c. In Irish the
arrangement is different. When a so-called aspirate is substituted for a
lene, the word is said to take an aspiration, and _bheul_ is written
_beul_. If, however, the sharp be made flat, the original sound is said to
be eclipsed. In spelling, however, it is preserved; so that _teine_, with
the _t_ changed, is written _dteine_, and pronounced _deine_. With this
view we can now ask how far the change from _p_ to _b_, _t_ to _d_, _c_ to
_g_, _b_ to _v_, _c_ to _ç_, takes place in Irish and Welsh under similar
circumstances.
In _Irish_--after the possessive pronouns _my_, _thy_, and _his_. Here the
change is of the first sort only, or an aspiration; as _mo vàs_ (_bàs_)=_my
death_; _do ços_ (_cos_)=_thy foot_; _çeann_ (_ceann_)=_his head_. _N. B._
Although the same word (_a_) means _her_, _his_, and _its_, it induces the
aspirate only when it is either masculine or neuter.
_Masc._ _Fem._
Such the changes from sharp to flat, and from lene to aspirate. The second
order of changes is remarkable, _viz._ from the mutes to their
corresponding liquids, and, in the case of series _k_, to _ng_. This, in
Welsh, is as follows:--
_Sharp._ _Flat._
_e.g._, _nheyrnas_ for _teyrnas_, _ngherð_ for _cerð_, _nuw_ for _duw_, &c.
{82}
In Irish the combinations _m_ + _h_, _n_ + _h_, _ng_ + _h_ are wanting:
_t_, however, under certain conditions, becomes _h_, as _mo high_
(_tigh_)=_my house_. With the unaspirated liquids the change, however,
coincides with that of the Welsh--_ar maile_ (spelt _mbaile_)=_our town_;
_ar nia_ (spelt _ndia_)=_our God_; _ar ngearran_=_our complaint_. These
words come respectively from _baile_, _dia_, _gearran_. To show that this
change takes place in Irish and Welsh under similar circumstances is more
than can be expected; since _ð_ being wanting in Irish, leaves _d_ to be
changed into _n_.
_Welsh._ _Irish._
In each language there is, in respect to both case and {83} gender, an
equal paucity of inflections. The Irish, however, preserves the
Indo-European dative plural in _b_; as _ços-aiv_=ped-_ibus_.
Of the personal terminations it may be said, that those of both the Irish
and Welsh are those of the other European tongues, and that they coincide
and differ in the same way with those of the Gothic stock: the form in _m_
being the one more constant. For the theory of the personal terminations,
the reader is referred to the Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, by Dr.
Prichard.
The present notices being indicative of grammatical affinities only, the
glossarial points of likeness between the Welsh and Irish are omitted.
§ 137. The Celtic tongues have lately received especial illustration from
the researches of Mr. Garnett. Amongst other, the two following points are
particularly investigated by him:-- {84}
_c._ _Candetum_=a measure of 100 feet, from the Welsh _cant_=100. The
Gaelic for _a hundred_ is _cead_, and the Gaelic compound would have been
different.
_e._ The evidence from the names of geographical localities in Gaul, both
ancient and modern, goes the same way: _Nantuates_, _Nantouin_, _Nanteuil_,
are derived from the Welsh _nant_=_a valley_, a word unknown in Gaelic.
_f._ The evidence of certain French provincial words, which are Welsh and
Armorican rather than Erse or Gaelic.
_a._ When St. Columba preached, whose mother-tongue was Irish Gaelic, he
used an interpreter--_Adamnanus apud {85} Colgarum_, 1, 11, c.32. This is a
point of external evidence, and shows the _difference_ between the Pict and
Gaelic. What follows are points of internal evidence, and show the affinity
between the Pict and Welsh.
_c._ The only Pictish common name extant is the well-known compound _pen
val_, which is in the oldest MS. of Bede _peann fahel_. This means _caput
valli_, and is the name for the eastern termination of the Vallum of
Antoninus. Herein _pen_ is unequivocally Welsh, meaning _head_. It is an
impossible form in Gaelic. _Fal_, on the other hand, is apparently Gaelic,
the Welsh for a _rampart_ being _gwall_. _Fal_, however, occurs in Welsh
also, and means _inclosure_.
d. The name of the _Ochil Hills_ in Perthshire is better explained from the
Pict _uchel_=_high_, than from the Gaelic _uasal_.
* * * * *
{86}
CHAPTER VII.
§ 140. The languages of Greece and Rome belong to one and the same stock.
The Greek and its dialects, both ancient and modern, constitute the Greek
or Hellenic branch of the Classical stock.
The Latin in all its dialects, the old Italian languages allied to it, and
the modern tongues derived from the Roman, constitute the Latin or Ausonian
branch of the Classical stock.
The Latin language overspread the greater part of the Roman empire. It
supplanted a multiplicity of aboriginal languages; just as the English of
North America _has_ supplanted the aboriginal tongues of the native
Indians, and just as the Russian _is_ supplanting those of Siberia and
Kamskatcha.
Sometimes the war that the Romans carried on against the old inhabitants
was a war of extermination. In this case the original language was
superseded _at once_. In other cases their influence was introduced
gradually. In this case the influence of the original language was greater
and more permanent. {87}
Just as in the United States the English came in contact with an American,
whilst in New Holland it comes in contact with an Australian language, so
was the Latin language of Rome engrafted, sometimes on a Celtic, sometimes
on a Gothic, and sometimes on some other stock. The nature of the original
language must always be borne in mind.
From Italy, its original seat, the Latin was extended in the following
chronological order:--
From (1stly,) the original Latin of Italy, and from the imported Latin, of
(2ndly,) the Spanish Peninsula, (3rdly,) Gaul, (4thly,) Dacia and Pannonia,
we have (amongst others) the following modern languages--1st Italian, 2nd
Spanish and Portuguese, 3rd French, 4th Wallachian. How far these languages
differ from each other is currently known. _One_ essential cause of this
difference is the difference of the original language upon which the Latin
was engrafted.
§ 142. I am not doing too much for the sake of system if I classify the
languages, of which the Italian, French, &c., are the representatives, as
the languages of Germany were classified, _viz._, into divisions.
II. The second division is the Transalpine. This comprises the languages of
Gaul, _viz._, the Modern French, the {88} Anglo-Norman, and the Provençal.
It also includes a language not yet mentioned, the Romanese (_Rumonsch_),
or the language of the Grisons, or Graubünten, of Switzerland.
_Specimen of the Romanese_.
12. Ad ilg juven da quels schet alg Bab, "Bab mi dai la Part de la
Rauba c' aud' à mi:" ad el parchè or ad els la Rauba.
13. A bucca bears Gis suenter, cur ilg Filg juven vet tut mess ansemel,
scha tilà 'l navent en ünna Terra dalunsch: a lou sfiget el tut sia
Rauba cun viver senza spargn.
14. A cur el vet tut sfaig, scha vangit ei en quella Terra ün grond
Fumaz: ad el antschavet a ver basengs.
16. Ad el grigiava dad amplanir sieu Venter cun las Criscas ch' ils
Porcs malgiavan; mo nagin lgi deva.
18. "Jou vi lavar si, ad ir tier mieu Bab, e vi gir a lgi: 'Bab, jou
hai faig puccau ancunter ilg Tschiel ad avont tei;
19. "'A sunt bucca pli vangonts da vangir numnaus tieu Filg: fai mei
esser sco ün da tes Fumelgs.'"
In the _Jahrbücher der Literatur_, June, 1829, specimens are given of two
of its dialects: 1, the Daco-Wallachian, north of the Danube; 2, the
Macedono-Wallachian, south of the Danube. The present specimen varies from
both. It is taken from the New Testament, printed at Smyrna, 1838. The
Dacian division is marked by placing the article after the noun, as
_homul_=_the man_=_homo ille_.
12. Shi a zis c´el ma[)i] tinr din e[)i] tatlu[)i] su: tat, dm[)i]
partea c´e mi se kade de avucie: shi de a imprcit lor avuciea.
13. Shi nu dup multe zile, adunint toate fec orul c´el ma[)i] tinr, s'a
dus intr 'o car departe, shi akolo a rsipit toat avuciea ca, viecuind
intr dezm[)i]erdr[)i].
{89} 14. Shi keltuind el toate, c'a fkut foamete mare intr' ac´ea car:
shi el a inc´eput a se lipsi.
15. Shi mergina c'a lipit de unul din lkuitori[)i] cri[)i] ac´eia: si
'l a trimis pre el la carinide sale c pask porc´i[)i].
17. Iar viind intru sine, a zis: kic[)i] argac[)i] a[)i] tatlu[)i]
mie[)u] sint indestulac[)i] de pi[)i]ne, iar e[)u] p[)i]ei[)u] de
foame.
18. Skula-m-vio[)u], shi m' voi[)u] duc´e la tata mic[)u], shi vio[)u]
zic´e lui:
19. Tat, greshit-am la c´er shi inaintea ta, shi nu mai sint vrednik a
m kema fiul t[)u]; fm ka pre unul din argaci[)i] t[)i].
§ 143. Such is the _general_ view of the languages derived from the Latin,
_i.e._, of the languages of the Latin branch of the Classical stock.
Between the provincial French of the north and the provincial French of the
south, there is a difference, at the present day, at least of dialect, and
perhaps of language. This is shown by the following specimens: the first
from the canton of Arras, on the confines of Flanders; the second, from the
department of Var, in Provence. The date of each is A.D. 1807.
I.
12. L'pus jone dit a sain père, "Main père, baillé m'chou qui doüo me
'r'v'nir ed vous bien," et leu père leu partit sain bien.
13. Ain n'sais yur, tro, quate, chéon jours après l'pus tiò d'cnés
déeux éféans oyant r'cuéllé tout s'n' héritt'main, s'ot' ainvoye dains
nâin pahis gramain loüon, dû qu'il échilla tout s'n' argint ain fageant
l'braingand dains chés cabarets.
14. Abord qu'il o eu tout bu, tout mié et tout drélé, il o v'nu adonc
dains ch' pahis lo ainn' famaine cruüelle, et i c'mainchouait d'avoir
fon-ye d' pon-ye (_i.e_. faim de pain).
II.
THE SAME.
12. Lou plus pichoun diguét a son päiré, "Moun päiré, dounas mi ce què
{90} mi reven de vouastré ben;" lou päiré faguet lou partagé de tout ce
que poussédavo.
13. Paou de jours après, lou pichoun vendét tout se què soun päiré li
avié desamparat, et s'en anét dins un päis fourço luench, ounté
dissipét tout soun ben en debaucho.
14. Quand aguét ton aecaba, uno grosso famino arribet dins aqueou päis
et, leou, si veguét reduech à la derniero misèro.
Practically speaking, although in the central parts of France the northern
and southern dialects melt each into the other, the Loire may be considered
as a line of demarcation between two languages; the term language being
employed because, in the Middle Ages, whatever may be their real
difference, the northern tongue and the southern tongue were dealt with not
as separate dialects, but as distinct languages--the southern being called
Provençal, the northern Norman-French.
Of these two languages (for so they will in the following pages be called,
for the sake of convenience) the southern or Provençal approaches the
dialects of Spain; the Valencian of Spain and the Catalonian of Spain being
Provençal rather than standard Spanish or Castilian.
The southern French is sometimes called the Langue d'Oc, and sometimes the
Limousin.
Pro Deo amur et pro Xristian poblo et nostro commun salvament, d'ist di
en avant, in quant Deus savir et podir me dunat, si salvarai eo cist
meon fradre Karlo, et in ajudha et in cadhuna cosa, si cum om per dreit
son fradra salvar dist, in o quid il mi altresi fazet: et ab Ludher nul
plaid nunquam prindrai qui, meon vol, cist meon fradre Karle in damno
sit.
* * * * *
1. It was of later origin; the southern parts of Gaul having been colonized
at an early period by the Romans.
2. It was in geographical contact, not with the allied languages of Spain,
but with the Gothic tongues of Germany and Holland.
It is the Norman-French that most especially bears upon the history of the
English language.
SPECIMEN.
In the northern French we must recognise not only a Celtic and a Classical,
but also a Gothic element: since Clovis and Charlemagne were no Frenchmen,
but Germans; their language being _High_-Germanic. The High-Germanic
element in French has still to be determined.
1. That a Norse dialect was spoken in Normandy at Bayeux, some time after
the battle of Hastings.
3. That the names Jersey, Guernsey, and Alderney are as truly Norse names
as Orkney and Shetland.
* * * * *
{93}
CHAPTER VIII.
Furthermore, in each stock there has been some particular language that
especially illustrates the English.
In the Gothic stock there has been the Anglo-Saxon; in the Celtic the
Welsh; and in the Classical the Anglo-Norman.
§ 146. Over and above the Gothic, Celtic, and Classical languages, there
are others that illustrate the English; and some of our commonest
grammatical inflections can be but half understood unless we go beyond the
groups already enumerated.
The Gothic, Celtic (?),[20] and Classical stocks are but subordinate
divisions of a wider class. Each has a sufficient amount of mutual
affinities to be illustrative of each other, and each is contained, along
with two other groups of equal value, under a higher denomination in
philology.
What other philological groups are connected with each other, and with the
languages already noticed, by the same affinities which connect the Gothic,
Celtic (?), and Classical stocks? Whatever these languages may be, it is
nearly certain that they will be necessary, on some point or other, for the
full illustration of the English.
* * * * *
He believes, however, that the Celtic can only be brought in the same group
with the Gothic, Slavonic, &c., by _extending_ the value of the class.
"Ever since then the Celtic has been considered to be Indo-European. Indeed
its position in the same group with the Iranian, Classical,
Slavono-Lithuanic, and Gothic tongues, supplied the reason for substituting
the term Indo-_European_ for the previous one Indo-_Germanic_.
"On the other hand, it seems necessary to admit that _languages are allied
just in proportion as they were separated from the mother-tongue in the
same stage of its development_.
"If so, the Celtic became detached anterior _to the evolution of the
declension of nouns_, whereas the Gothic, Slavonic, Classical and Iranian
languages all separated _subsequent to that stage_."[21]
This, along with other reasons indicated elsewhere,[22] induces the present
writer to admit an affinity between the Celtic and the other so-called
Indo-European tongues, but to deny that it is the same affinity which
connects the Iranian, Classical, Gothic and Slavonic groups.
* * * * *
{97}
PART II.
--------
CHAPTER I.
§ 149. The Celtic elements of the present English fall into five classes.
1. Those that are of late introduction, and cannot be called original and
constituent parts of the language. Such are (amongst others) the words
_flannel_, _crowd_ (a fiddle), from the Cambrian; and _kerne_ (an Irish
foot-soldier), _galore_ (enough), _tartan_, _plaid_, &c., from the Gaelic
branch.
2. Those that are common to both the Celtic and Gothic stocks, and are
Indo-European rather than either Welsh, or Gaelic, or Saxon. Such (amongst
others) are _brother_, _mother_, in Celtic _brathair_, _mathair_; the
numerals, &c.
3. Those that have come to us from the Celtic, but have come to us through
the medium of another language. Such are _druid_ and _bard_, whose
_immediate_ source is, not the Celtic but, the Latin.
5. Those that have been retained from the original Celtic of the island,
and which form genuine constituents of our language. These fall into three
subdivisions.
_b._ Common names retained in the provincial dialects of England, but not
retained in the current language; as _gwethall_=_household stuff_, and
_gwlanen_=_flannel_ in Herefordshire.
_Welsh_. _English_.
Basgawd _Basket_.
Berfa _Barrow_.
Botwm _Button_.
Bràn _Bran_.
Clwt _Clout_, _Rag_.
Crochan _Crock_, _Crockery_.
Crog _Crook_, _Hook_.
Cwch _Cock_, in _Cock-boat_.
Cwysed _Gusset_.
Cyl, Cyln _Kiln_ (_Kill_, provinc.).
Dantaeth _Dainty_.
Darn _Darn_.
Deentur _Tenter_, in _Tenterhook_.
Fflaim _Fleam_, _Cattle-lancet_.
Fflaw _Flaw_.
Ffynnell (air-hole) _Funnel_.
Gefyn (fetter) _Gyve_.
Greidell _Grid_, in _Gridiron_.
Grual _Gruel_.
Gwald (hem, border) _Welt_.
Gwiced (little door) _Wicket_.
Gwn _Gown_.
Gwyfr _Wire_.
Masg (stitch in netting) _Mesh_.
Mattog _Mattock_.
Mop _Mop_.
Rhail (fence) _Rail_.
Rhasg (slice) _Rasher_.
Rhuwch _Rug_.
Sawduriaw _Solder_.
Syth (glue) _Size_.
Tacl _Tackle_.
§ 150. _Latin of the first period._--Of the Latin introduced by Cæsar and
his successors, the few words remaining are those that relate to military
affairs; _viz._ _street_ (_strata_); _coln_ (as in _Lincoln_=_Lindi
colonia_); _cest_ (as in _Gloucester_=_glevæ castra_) from _castra_. The
Latin words introduced between the time of Cæsar and Hengist may be called
the _Latin of the first period_, or the _Latin of the Celtic period_.
§ 151. _The Anglo-Saxon._--This is not noticed here, because from being the
staple of the present language it is more or less the subject of the book
throughout.
§ 152. _The Danish, or Norse._--The pirates that pillaged Britain, under
the name of Danes, were not exclusively the inhabitants of Denmark. Of the
three Scandinavian nations, the Swedes took the least share, the Norwegians
the greatest {99} in these invasions. Not that the Swedes were less
piratical, but that they robbed elsewhere,--in Russia, for instance, and in
Finland.
The language of the three nations was the same; the differences being
differences of dialect. It was that which is now spoken in Iceland, having
been once common to Scandinavia and Denmark. Whether this was aboriginal in
_Denmark_, is uncertain. In _Scandinavia_ it was imported; the tongue that
it supplanted having been, in all probability, the mother-tongue of the
present Laplandic.
The Danish that became incorporated with our language, under the reign of
Canute and his sons, may be called the direct Danish (Norse or
Scandinavian) element, in contradistinction to the indirect Danish of §§
144, 155.
_Ulf_ het aræran cyrice _for hanum_ and for Gunthara saula.
"Ulf bid rear the church for him and for the soul of Gunthar."
5. The use of _at_ for _to_ as the sign of the infinitive mood {100} is
Norse, not Saxon. It is the regular prefix in Icelandic, Danish, Swedish,
and Feroic. It is also found in the northern dialects of the Old English,
and in the particular dialect of Westmoreland at the present day.
6. The use of _sum_ for _as_; _e.g._--_swa sum_ we forgive oure detturs.
7. Isolated words in the northern dialects are Norse rather than Saxon.
§ 153. _Roman of the Second Period._--Of the Latin introduced under the
Christianised Saxon sovereigns, many words are extant. They relate chiefly
to ecclesiastical matters, just as the Latin of the Celtic period bore upon
military affairs.--_Mynster_, a minster, _monasterium_; _portic_, a porch,
_porticus_; _cluster_, a cloister, _claustrum_; _munuc_, a monk,
_monachus_; _bisceop_, a bishop, _episcopus_; _arcebisceop_, archbishop,
_archiepiscopus_; _sanct_, a saint, _sanctus_; _profost_, a provost,
_propositus_; _pall_, a pall, _pallium_; _calic_, a chalice, _calix_;
_candel_, a candle, _candela_; _psalter_, a psalter, _psalterium_; _mæsse_,
a mass, _missa_; _pistel_, an epistle, _epistola_; _prædic-ian_, to preach,
_prædicare_; _prof-ian_, to prove, _probare_.
The above-given list is from Guest's English Rhythms (B. iii. c. 3). It
constitutes that portion of the elements of our language which may be
called the Latin of the second, or Saxon period.
2. Ethelred II. married Emma, daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy, and the
two children were sent to Normandy for education.
6. The French article _la_, in the term _la Drove_, occurs in a deed of
A.D. 975.--See Ranouard, _Journal des Savans_, 1830.
The chief Anglo-Norman elements of our language are the terms connected
with the feudal system, the terms relating to war and chivalry, and a great
portion of the law terms--_duke_, _count_, _baron_, _villain_, _service_,
_chivalry_, _warrant_, _esquire_, _challenge_, _domain_, &c.
§ 155. The Norwegian, Danish, Norse, or Scandinavian element of the
Anglo-Norman (as in the proper names _Guernsey_, _Jersey_, _Alderney_, and
perhaps others) constitutes the _indirect_ Scandinavian element of the
English.
§ 156. _Latin of the Third Period._--This means the Latin which was
introduced between the battle of Hastings and the revival of literature. It
chiefly originated with the monks, in the universities, and, to a certain
extent, in the courts of law. It must be distinguished from the _indirect_
Latin introduced as part and parcel of the Anglo-Norman. It has yet to be
accurately analyzed. {102}
_Latin of the Fourth Period._--This means the Latin which has been
introduced between the revival of literature and the present time. It has
originated in the writings of learned men in general, and is distinguished
from that of the previous periods by--
3. Relating to objects and ideas for which the increase of the range of
science in general has required a nomenclature.
§ 157. _Greek._--Words derived _directly_ from the Greek are in the same
predicament as the Latin of the third period--_phænomenon_, _phænomena_;
_criterion_, _criteria_, &c.; words which are only _indirectly_ of Greek
origin, being considered to belong to the language from which they were
immediately introduced into the English. Such are _deacon_, _priest_, &c.,
introduced through the Latin; thus a word like _church_ proves no more in
regard to a Greek element in English, than the word _abbot_ proves in
respect to a Syrian one.
§ 158. The Latin of the fourth period and the Greek agree in retaining, in
many cases, the Latin or Greek inflexions rather than adopting the English
ones; in other words, they agree in being but _imperfectly incorporated_.
The phænomenon of imperfect incorporation (an important one) is reducible
to the following rules:--
1. That it has a direct ratio to the date of the introduction, _i.e._, the
more recent the word the more likely it is to retain its original
inflexion.
3. That it occurs with substantives only, and that only in the expression
of number. Thus, although the plural of substantives like _axis_ and
_genius_ are Latin, the possessive cases are English. So also are the
degrees of comparison, for {103} adjectives like _circular_, and the
tenses, &c. for verbs, like perambulate.
_Words wherein the Latin Plural is the same as the Latin Singular._
SECOND CLASS.
_Words wherein the Latin Plural is formed from the Latin Singular by
changing the last Syllable._
THIRD CLASS.
_Words wherein the Plural is formed by inserting _-e_ between the last two
sounds of the singular, so that the former number always contains a
syllable more than the latter_:--
_Sing_. _Plur_.
In all these words the _c_ of the singular number is sounded as _k_, of the
plural as _s_.
FIRST CLASS.
_Words where the singular termination _-on_ is changed in the plural into
_-a__:--
_Sing._ _Plur._
Apheli_on_ apheli_a_
Periheli_on_ periheli_a_
Automat_on_ automat_a_
Criteri_on_ criteri_a_
Ephemer_on_ ephemer_a_
Phænomen_on_ phænomen_a_.
{105}
SECOND CLASS.
_Words where the plural is formed from the original root by adding either
_-es_ or _-a_, but where the singular rejects the last letter of the
original root._
_Plurals in _-es__:--
_Hebrew._--The Hebrew words, _cherub_ and _seraph_ do the same; the form
_cherub-im_, and _seraph-im_, being not only plurals but Hebrew plurals.
Beyond the words derived from these five languages, none form their plurals
other than after the English method, _i.e._, in _-s_: as _waltzes_, from
the German word _waltz_.
§ 162. The extent to which a language, which like the English, at one and
the same time requires names for many objects, comes in contact with the
tongues of half the world, {106} and has, moreover, a great power of
incorporating foreign elements, derives fresh words from varied sources,
may be seen from the following incomplete notice of the languages which
have, in different degrees, supplied it with new terms.
_Polynesian._--Taboo, tattoo.--_Ditto._
_Caribbean._--Hammock.
_Ancient Carian._--Mausoleum.
Thus a word borrowed into the English from the French, might have been
borrowed into the French from the Latin, into the Latin from the Greek,
into the Greek from the Persian, &c., and so _ad infinitum_.
The ultimate known origin of many common words sometimes goes back to a
great date, and points to extinct languages--
§ 164. Again, a word from a given language may be introduced by more lines
than one; or it may be introduced twice over; once at an earlier, and again
at a later period. In such a case its form will, most probably, vary; and,
what is more, its meaning as well. Words of this sort may be called
_di-morphic_, their _di-morphism_, having originated in one of two
reasons--a difference of channel, or a difference of date. Instances of the
first are, _syrup_, _sherbet_, and _shrub_, all originally from the
_Arabic_, _srb_; but introduced differently, viz., the first through the
Latin, the second through the Persian, and the third through the Hindoo.
Instances of the second are words like _minster_, introduced in the
Anglo-Saxon, as contrasted with _monastery_, introduced during the
Anglo-Norman period. By the proper application of these processes, we
account for words so different in present form, yet so identical in origin,
as _priest_ and _presbyter_, _episcopal_ and _bishop_, &c.
_Liquorice_=_glycyrrhiza_.
§ 168. Sometimes, where the form of a word in respect to its _sound_ is not
affected, a false spirit of accommodation introduces an unetymological
_spelling_; as _frontispiece_[28] from _frontispecium_, _sover_eig_n_, from
_sovrano_, _colle_a_gue_ from _collega_, _lant_h_orn_ (old orthography)
from _lanterna_.
The value of forms like these consists in their showing that language is
affected by false etymologies as well as by true ones.
* * * * *
§ 169. In _lambkin_ and _lancet_, the final syllables (_-kin_ and _-et_)
have the same power. They both express the idea of smallness or
diminutiveness. These words are but two out of a multitude, the one
(_lamb_) being of Saxon, the other (_lance_) of Norman origin. The same is
the case with the superadded syllables: _-kin_ is Saxon; _-et_ Norman. Now
to add a Saxon termination to a Norman word, or _vice versâ_, is to corrupt
the English language.
{110}
It must not, however, be concealed that several well established words are
hybrid; and that, even in the writings of the classical Roman authors,
there is hybridism between the Latin and the Greek.
The etymological view of every word of foreign origin is, not that it is
put together in England, but that it is brought whole from the language to
which it is vernacular. Now no derived word can be brought whole from a
language unless, in that language, all its parts exist. The word
_penetrability_ is not derived from the English word _penetrable_, by the
addition of _-ty_. It is the Latin word _penetrabilitas_ imported.
_In derived words all the parts must belong to one and the same language_,
or, changing the expression, _every derived word must have a possible form
in the language from which it is taken_. Such is the rule against
Hybridism.
Now all this is what actually takes place in words like _hæmo-ptysis_
(_spitting of blood_), _sema-phore_ (_a sort of telegraph_). The Greek
imparisyllabics eject a part of the root in the nominative case; the
radical forms being _hæmat-_ and _sæmat-_, not _hæm-_ and _sæm-_. {111}
* * * * *
§ 173. The preceding chapters have paved the way for a distinction between
the _historical_ analysis of a language, and the _logical_ analysis of one.
Let the present language of England (for illustration's sake only) consist
of 40,000 words. Of these let 30,000 be Anglo-Saxon, 5,000 Anglo-Norman,
100 Celtic, 10 Latin of the first, 20 Latin of the second, and 30 Latin of
the third period, 50 Scandinavian, and the rest miscellaneous. In this case
the language is considered according to the historical origin of the words
that compose it, and the analysis (or, if the process be reversed, the
synthesis) is an historical analysis.
But it is very evident that the English, or any other language, is capable
of being contemplated in another view, and that the same number of words
may be very differently classified. Instead of arranging them according to
the languages whence they are derived, let them be disposed according to
the meanings that they convey. Let it be said, for instance, that out of
40,000 words, 10,000 are the names of natural objects, that 1000 denote
abstract ideas, that 1000 relate to warfare, 1000 to church matters, 500 to
points of chivalry, 1000 to agriculture, and so on through the whole. In
this case the analysis (or, if the process be reversed, the synthesis) is
not historical but logical; the words being classed not according to their
origin, but according to their meaning.
* * * * *
{112}
CHAPTER II.
THE RELATION OF THE ENGLISH TO THE ANGLO-SAXON, AND THE STAGES OF THE
ENGLISH LANGUAGE.
Let the word _smiðum_ illustrate this. _Smiðum_, the dative plural of
_smið_, is equivalent in meaning to the English _to smiths_, or to the
Latin _fabris_. _Smiðum_ however, is a single Anglo-Saxon word (a
substantive, and nothing more); whilst its English equivalent is two words
_i.e._, a substantive with the addition of a preposition). The letter _s_,
in _smiths_ shows that the word is plural. The _-um_, in _smiðum_, does
this and something more. It is the sign of the _dative case_ plural. The
_-um_ in _smiðum_, is the part of a word. The preposition to is a separate
word with an independent existence. _Smiðum_ is the radical syllable
_smið_, _plus_ the subordinate inflectional syllable _-um_, the sign of the
dative case. _To smiths_ is the substantive _smiths_, _plus_ the
preposition _to_, equivalent in power to the sign of a dative case, but
different from it in form. As far, then, as the word just quoted is
concerned, the Anglo-Saxon differs from the English thus. It expresses a
given idea by a modification of the form of the root, whereas the modern
English denotes the same idea by the addition of a preposition. The Saxon
inflection is superseded by a combination of words.
The part that is played by the preposition with nouns, is played by the
auxiliaries (_have_, _be_, &c.) with verbs.
The sentences in italics are mere variations of the same general statement.
(1.) _The earlier the stage of a given {113} language the greater the
amount of its inflectional forms, and the later the stage of a given
language, the smaller the amount of them._ (2.) _As languages become modern
they substitute prepositions and auxiliary verbs for cases and tenses._
(3.) _The amount of inflection is in the inverse proportion to the amount
of prepositions and auxiliary verbs._ (4.) _In the course of time languages
drop their inflection and substitute in its stead circumlocutions by means
of prepositions, &c. The reverse never takes place._ (5.) _Given two modes
of expression, the one inflectional _(smiðum)_, the other circumlocutional
_(to smiths)_, we can state that the first belongs to an early, the second
to a late, stage of language._
The present chapter, then, showing the relation of the English to the
Anglo-Saxon, shows something more. It exhibits the general relation of a
modern to an ancient language. As the English is to the Anglo-Saxon, so are
the Danish, Swedish, and Norwegian, to the old Norse; so also the Modern
High German to the Moeso-Gothic; so the Modern Dutch of Holland to the Old
Frisian; so, moreover, amongst the languages of a different stock, are the
French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Romanese and Wallachian to the Latin,
and the Romaic to the Ancient Greek.
§ 175. Contrasted with the English, but contrasted with it only in those
points where the ancient tongue is compared with the modern one, the
Anglo-Saxon has the following differences.
NOUNS.
_Of Gender._--In Anglo-Saxon there are three genders, the masculine, the
feminine, and the neuter. With _adjectives_ each gender has its peculiar
declension; with _substantives_ there are also appropriate terminations,
but only to a certain degree; _e.g._, of words ending in _-a_ (_nama_, a
name; _cuma_, a guest), it may be stated that they are always masculine; of
words in _-u_ (_sunu_, a son; _gifu_, a gift), that they are never neuter;
in other words, that they are either mas. or fem.
The definite article varies with the gender of its substantive; _þæt eage_,
the eye; _se steorra_, the star; _seo tunge_, the tongue. {114}
_Of Number._--The plural form in _-en_ (as in _oxen_), rare in English, was
common in Anglo-Saxon. It was the regular termination of a whole
declension; _e.g._, _eágan_, eyes; _steorran_, stars; _tungan_, tongues.
Besides this, the Anglo-Saxons had forms in _-u_ and _-a_, as _ricu_,
kingdoms; _gifa_, gifts. The termination _-s_, current in the present
English was confined to a single gender and to a single declension, as
_endas_, ends; _dagas_, days; _smiðas_, smiths.
_Of Case._--Of these the Saxons had, for their substantives, at least
three; viz. the nominative, dative, genitive. With the pronouns and
adjectives there was a true accusative form; and with a few especial words
an ablative or instrumental one. _Smið_, a smith; _smiðe_, to a smith;
_smiðes_, of a smith. Plural, _smiðas_, smiths; _smiðum_, to smiths;
_smiða_, of smiths: _he_, he; _hine_, him; _him_, to him; _his_, his; _se_,
the; _þa_, the; _þy_, with the; _þam_, to the; _þæs_, of the.
Of the dative in _-um_, the word _whilom_ (_at times_, _at whiles_) is a
still extant and an almost isolated specimen.
_Participle._ _Substantive._
Wegferende=_Wayfaring_. Wegferend=_Wayfarer_.
VERBS.
_Indicative Mood._
_Subjunctive Mood._
The Saxon infinitive ended in _-an_ (_lufian_), and besides this there was
a so-called gerundial form, to _lufigenne_. {116}
Such are the chief points in the declension of nouns and the conjugation of
verbs that give a difference of character between the ancient Anglo-Saxon
and the modern English: and it has already been stated that the difference
between the New and the Old German, the Dutch and the Frisian, the Italian,
&c., and the Latin, the Romaic and the Greek, &c., are precisely similar.
How far two languages pass with equal rapidity from their ancient to their
modern, from their inflected to their uninflected state (in other words,
how far all languages alter at the same rate), is a question that will be
noticed elsewhere. At present, it is sufficient to say, that (just as we
should expect _à priori_) languages do _not_ alter at the same rate.
Akin to the last question is a second one: viz.: how far the rate of change
in a given language can be accelerated by external circumstances. This
second question bears immediately upon the history of the English language.
The grammar of the current idiom compared with the grammar of the
Anglo-Saxon is simplified. How far was this simplification of the grammar
promoted by the Norman Conquest. The current views exaggerate the influence
of the Norman Conquest and of French connexions. The remark of Mr. Price in
his Preface to Warton, acceded to by Mr. Hallam in his Introduction to the
Literature of Europe, is, that every one of the {117} other Low Germanic
languages (affected by nothing corresponding to the Norman Conquest)
displays the same simplification of grammar as the Anglo-Saxon (affected by
the Norman Conquest) displays. Confirmatory of this remark, it may be
added, that compared with the Icelandic, the Danish and Swedish do the
same. Derogatory to it is the comparatively complex grammar of the _new_
German, compared, not only with the Old High German, but with the
Moeso-Gothic. An extract from Mr. Hallam shall close the present section
and introduce the next.
§ 176. At a given period, then, the Anglo-Saxon of the standard, and (if
the expression may be used) classical authors, such as Cædmon, Alfred,
Ælfric, &c., had undergone such a change as to induce the scholars of the
present age to denominate it, not Saxon, but _Semi_-Saxon. It had ceased to
be genuine Saxon, but had not yet become English. In certain parts of the
kingdom, where the mode of speech {118} changed more rapidly than
elsewhere, the Semi-Saxon stage of our language came earlier. It was, as it
were, precipitated.
The History of King Leir and his Daughters is found in two forms. Between
these there is a difference either of dialect or of date, and possibly of
both. Each, however, is Semi-Saxon. The extracts are made from Thorpe's
Analecta Anglo-Saxonica, p. 143.
The Grave, a poetical fragment, the latter part of the Saxon Chronicle, a
Homily for St. Edmund's Day (given in the Analecta), and above all the
printed extracts of the poem of Layamon, are the more accessible specimens
of the Semi-Saxon. The Ormulum, although in many points English rather than
Saxon, retains the dual number of the Anglo-Saxon pronouns. However, lest
too much stress be laid upon this circumstance, the epistolary character of
the Ormulum must be borne in mind.
It is very evident that if, even in the present day, there were spoken in
some remote district the language of Alfred and Ælfric, such a mode of
speech would be called, not Modern English, but Anglo-Saxon. This teaches
us that the stage of language is to be measured, not by its date, but by
its structure. Hence, Saxon ends and Semi-Saxon begins, not at a given
year, A.D., but at that time {119} (whenever it be) when certain
grammatical inflections disappear, and certain characters of a more
advanced stage are introduced.
2. The ejection or shortening of final vowels, _þæt ylc_ for _þæt ylce_;
_sone_ for _sunu_; _name_ for _nama_; _dages_ for _dagas_.
3. The substitution of -_n_ for -_m_ in the dative case, _hwilon_ for
_hwilum_.
4. The ejection of the -_n_ of the infinitive mood, _cumme_ for _cuman_
(_to come_), _nemne_ for _nemnen_ (_to name_).
7. The substitution of -_en_ for -_að_ in the persons plural of verbs; _hi
clepen_ (_they call_) for _hi clypiað_, &c.
The preponderance (not the occasional occurrence) of forms like those above
constitute Semi-Saxon in contradistinction to standard Saxon, classical
Saxon, or Anglo-Saxon proper.
The preponderance of the forms above (and not their occasional occurrence)
constitutes old English in contradistinction to Semi-Saxon.
The following extract from Henry's history (vol. viii. append. iv.) is the
proclamation of Henry III. to the people of Huntingdonshire, A.D. 1258. It
currently passes for the earliest specimen of English.
"That witen ge well alle, thæt we willen & unnen (grant) thæt ure
rædesmen alle other, the moare del of heom, thæt beoth ichosen thurg us
and thurg thæt loandes-folk on ure Kuneriche, habbith idon, and
schullen don, in the worthnes of God, and ure threowthe, for the freme
of the loande, thurg the besigte of than toforen iseide rædesmen, beo
stedfæst and ilestinde in alle thinge abutan ænde, and we heaten alle
ure treowe, in the treowthe thæt heo us ogen, thet heo stede-feslliche
healden & weren to healden & to swerien the isetnesses thet beon makede
and beo to makien, thurg than toforen iseide rædesmen, other thurg the
moare del of heom alswo, also hit is before iseide. And thet æheother
helpe thet for to done bitham ilche other, aganes alle men in alle thet
heo ogt for to done, and to foangen. And noan ne of mine loande, ne of
egetewhere, thurg this besigte, muge beon ilet other iwersed on
oniewise. And gif oni ether onie cumen her ongenes, we willen & heaten,
thæt alle ure treowe heom healden deadlichistan. And for thæt we willen
thæt this beo stædfast and lestinde, we senden gew this writ open,
iseined with ure seel, to halden amanges gew ine hord. Witnes us-selven
æt Lundæn, thæne egetetenthe day on the monthe of Octobr, in the two
and fowertigthe geare of ure crunning."
§ 178. The songs amongst the political verses printed by the Camden
Society, the romance of Havelok the Dane, {121} William and the Werwolf,
the Gestes of Alisaundre, King Horn, Ipomedon, and the King of Tars; and,
amongst the longer works, Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle, and the poems
of Robert of Bourn (Brunn), are (amongst others) Old English. Broadly
speaking, the _Old_ English may be said to begin with the reign of Henry
III., and to end with that of Edward III.
5. A more frequent use of _min_ and _thin_, for _my_ and _thy_;--in
contradistinction to middle and modern English.
8. The use of the strong preterits (_see_ the chapter on the tenses of
verbs), where in the present English the weak form is found; _wex_, _wop_,
_dalf_, for _waxed_, _wept_, _delved_.
9. The omission not only of the gerundial termination _-enne_, but also of
the infinitive sign _-en_ after _to_; _to honte_, _to speke_;--in
contradistinction to Semi-Saxon.
10. The substitution of _-en_ for _-eþ_ or _-eð_ in the first and second
persons plural of verbs; _we wollen_, we will: _heo schullen_, they
should;--_ditto_.
11. The comparative absence of the articles _se_ and _seo_;--_ditto_. {122}
12. The substitution of _ben_ and _beeth_, for _synd_ and _syndon_=_we_,
_ye_, _they are_;--in contradistinction to Semi-Saxon.
§ 179. The degree to which the Anglo-Saxon was actually influenced by the
Anglo-Norman has been noticed. The degree wherein the two languages came in
contact is, plainly, another consideration. The first is the question, How
far one of two languages influenced the other? The second asks, How far one
of two languages had the opportunity of influencing the other? Concerning
the extent to which the Anglo-Norman was used, I retail the following
statements and quotations.
4. "In Grammar Schools, boys were made to construe their Latin into
French,"--_Ibid._ "_Pueri in scholis, contra morem cæterarum nationum,
et Normannorum adventu, derelicto proprio vulgari, construere Gallice
compelluntur. Item quod filii nobilium ab ipsis cunabulorum crepundiis
ad Gallicum idioma informantur. Quibus profecto rurales homines
assimulari volentes, ut per hoc spectabiliores videantur, Francigenari
satagunt omni nisu._"--_Higden_ (_Ed. Gale_, p. 210).
That there was French in England before the battle of Hastings appears on
the authority of Camden:--
§ 180. In Chaucer and Mandeville, and perhaps in all the writers of the
reign of Edward III., we have a transition {123} from the Old to the Middle
English. The last characteristic of a grammar different from that of the
present English, is the plural form in _-en_; _we tellen_, _ye tellen_,
_they tellen_. As this disappears, which it does in the reign of Queen
Elizabeth (Spenser has it continually), the Middle English may be said to
pass into the New or Modern English.
2. The distinction (as far as it goes) between the participle passive and
the past tense is likely to pass away. We verify this by the tendency to
say _it is broke_, and _he is smote_, for _it is broken_, and _he is
smitten_.
3. Of the double forms, _sung_ and _sang_, _drank_ and _drunk_, &c. one
only will be the permanent.
As stated above, these tendencies are a few out of a number, and have been
adduced in order to indicate the subject rather than to exhaust it.
§ 182. What the present language of England would have been had the Norman
Conquest never taken place, the analogy of Holland, Denmark, and of many
other countries enables us to determine. It would have been much as it is
at present. What it would have been had the _Saxon_ conquest never taken
place, is a question wherein there is far more speculation. Of France, of
Italy, of Wallachia, and of the Spanish Peninsula, the analogies all point
the same way. They indicate that the original Celtic would have been
superseded by the Latin of the conquerors, and consequently that our
language in its later stages would have been neither British nor Gaelic,
but Roman. Upon these analogies, however, we may refine. Italy, was from
the beginning, Roman; the Spanish Peninsula was invaded full early; no
ocean divided Gaul from Rome; and the war against the ancestors of the
Wallachians was a war of extermination.
* * * * *
{124}
CHAPTER III.
Reasons for considering the Scotch and English as _dialects_ of one and the
same language lie in the fact of their being (except in the case of the
more extreme forms of each) mutually intelligible.
Reasons for calling one a dialect of the other depend upon causes other
than philological, _e.g._, political preponderance, literary development,
and the like.
§ 185. This limitation leaves us fully sufficient room for the notice of
the question as to its _origin_; a notice all the more necessary from the
fact of its having created controversy.
What is the _primâ facie_ view of the relations between the English of
England, and the mutually intelligible language (Scotch or English, as we
choose to call it) of Scotland? One of three:--
§ 186. A view, however, different from these, and one disconnecting the
Lowland Scotch from the English and Anglo-Saxon equally, is what may be
called the _Pict_ doctrine. Herein it is maintained that the Lowland
_Scotch is derived from the Pict, and that the Picts were of Gothic_
origin. The reasoning upon these matters is to be found in the Dissertation
upon the Origin of the Scottish Language prefixed to Jamieson's
Etymological Dictionary: two extracts from which explain the view which the
author undertakes to combat:--
_a._ "It is an opinion which, after many others, has been pretty generally
received, and, perhaps, almost taken for granted, that the language spoken
in the Lowlands of {126} Scotland is merely a corrupt dialect of the
English, or at least of the Anglo-Saxon."
_b._ "It has generally been supposed that the Saxon language was introduced
into Scotland in the reign of Malcolm Canmore by his good queen and her
retinue; or partly by means of the intercourse which prevailed between the
inhabitants of Scotland and those of Cumberland, Northumberland,
Westmoreland, and Durham, which were held by the Kings of Scotland as fiefs
of the crown of England. An English writer, not less distinguished for his
amiable disposition and candour than for the cultivation of his mind, has
objected to this hypothesis with great force of argument."
§ 187. Now, as against any such notion as that involved in the preceding
extracts, the reasoning of the learned author of the Scottish Dictionary
may, perhaps, be valid. No such view, however, is held, at the present
moment, by any competent judge; and it is doubtful whether, in the extreme
way in which it is put forward by the opponent of it, it was ever
maintained at all.
Again--
For the non-Gothic character of the Picts see the researches of Mr.
Garnett, as given in § 139, as well as a paper--believed to be from the
same author--in the Quarterly Review for 1834. {127}
§ 188. That what is true concerning the Orkneys (viz. that they were
Scandinavian) is _not_ true for the south and eastern parts of Scotland, is
to be collected from the peculiar distribution of the Scottish Gaelic;
which indicates a distinction between the Scandinavian of the north of
Scotland and the Scandinavian of the east of England. The Lowland Scotch
recedes as we go northward. Notwithstanding this, it is _not_ the extreme
north that is most Gaelic. In Caithness the geographical names are Norse.
_Sutherland_, the most northern county of Scotland, takes its name from
being _south_; that is, of Norway. The Orkneys and Shetland are in name,
manners, and language, Norse or Scandinavian. The Hebrides are Gaelic mixed
with Scandinavian. The Isle of Man is the same. The word _Sodor_ (in Sodor
and Man) is Norse, with the same meaning as it has in _Sutherland_. All
this indicates a more preponderating, and an earlier infusion of Norse
along the coast of Scotland, than that which took place under the Danes
upon the coasts of England, in the days of Alfred and under the reign of
Canute. The first may, moreover, have this additional peculiarity, _viz._
of being Norwegian rather than Danish. Hence I infer that the Scandinavians
settled in the northern parts of Scotland at an early period, but that it
was a late period when they ravaged the southern ones; so that, though the
language of Orkney may be Norse, that of the Lothians may be Saxon.
Between the English and Lowland Scotch we must account for the likeness as
well as the difference. The Scandinavian theory accounts for the difference
only.
§ 189. Of the following specimens of the Lowland Scotch, the first is from
The Bruce, a poem written by Barbour, Archdeacon of Aberdeen, between the
years 1360 and 1375; the second from Wyntoun; the third from Blind Harry's
poem, Wallace, 1460; and the fourth from Gawin Douglas's translation of the
Æneid, A.D. 1513. {128}
{130}
The ejection of the _n_ before _t_, or an allied sound, and the lengthening
of the preceding vowel, by way of compensation, as in _begouth_ for
_beginneth_, seems truly Scotch. It is the same change that in Greek turns
the radical syllable [Greek: odont] into [Greek: odous].
The formation of the plural of verbs in _-s_, rather than in _-th_ (the
Anglo-Saxon form), is Northern English as well as Scotch:--Scotch,
_slepys_, _lovys_; Northern English, _slepis_, _lovis_; Old English,
_slepen_, _loven_; Anglo-Saxon _slepiað_, _lufiað_.
The formation of the plural number of the genitive case by the addition of
the syllable _-is_ (_blastis_, _birdis_, _bloomis_), instead of the letter
_-s_ (_blasts_, _birds_, _blooms_), carries with it a metrical advantage,
inasmuch as it gives a greater number of double rhymes.
The same may be said of the participial forms, _affrayit_, _assurit_, for
_affrayd_, _assured_.
* * * * *
{132}
CHAPTER IV.
OF CERTAIN UNDETERMINED AND FICTITIOUS LANGUAGES OF GREAT BRITAIN.
§ 191. The languages mentioned in the present chapter claim their place on
one ground only,--_they have been the subject of controversy_. The notice
of them will be brief. The current texts upon which the controversies have
turned will be quoted; whilst the opinion of the present writer is left to
be collected from the title of the chapter.
_The Belgæ._--By some these are considered a Germanic rather than a Celtic
tribe; the view being supported by the following extracts from
Cæsar:--"_Gallia est omnis divisa in tres partes; quarum unam incolunt
Belgæ, aliam Aquitani, tertiam, qui ipsorum lingua Celtæ, nostra Galli,
appellantur. Hi omnes lingua, institutis, legibus inter se differunt.
Gallos--a Belgis Matrona et Sequana dividit._"--B. G. i. "_Belgæ ab
extremis Galliæ finibus oriuntur._"--B. G. ii. "_Quum ab his quæreret, quæ
civitates, quantæque in armis essent, et quid in bello possent, sic
reperiebat: plerosque Belgas esse ortos a Germanis, Rhenumque antiquitùs
transductos, propter loci fertilitatem ibi consedisse; Gallosque, qui ea
loca incolerent, expulisse; solosque esse qui patrum nostrorum memoria,
omni Gallia vexata Teutones Cimbrosque intra fines suos ingredi
prohibuerunt._"--B. G. ii. 4. "_Britanniæ pars interior ab iis incolitur
quos natos in insulâ ipsâ memoriâ proditum dicunt: maritima pars ab iis,
qui prædæ ac belli inferendi causa ex Belgio transierant._"--B. G. v. 12.
§ 192. The possibly Germanic origin of the Belgæ, and the Belgic element of
the British population, are matters which bear upon the question indicated
in § 10, or that of the Germanic influences anterior to A.D. 449. {133}
They have a still more important bearing, the historian over and above
identifying the Belgæ with the Germans, affirms _that what applies to the
Belgæ applies to the Picts_ also.
Now this is one of the arguments in favour of the doctrine exhibited (and
objected to) in pp. 124-127, and the extent of questions upon which it
bears, may be collected from the following quotation:--"A variety of other
considerations might be mentioned, which, although they do not singly
amount to proof, yet merit attention, as viewed in connexion with what has
been already stated.
"As so great a part of the eastern coast of what is now called England was
so early peopled by the Belgæ, it is hardly conceivable that neither so
enterprising a people, nor any of their kindred tribes, should ever think
of extending their descents a little farther eastward. For that the Belgæ
and the inhabitants of the countries bordering on the Baltic, had a common
origin, there seems to be little reason to doubt. The Dutch assert that
their progenitors were Scandinavians, who, about a century before the
common era, left Jutland and the neighbouring territories, in quest of new
habitations.[29] The Saxons must be viewed as a branch from the same stock;
for they also proceeded from modern Jutland and its vicinity. Now, there is
nothing repugnant to reason in supposing that some of these tribes should
pass over directly to the coast of Scotland opposite to them, even before
the Christian era. For Mr. Whitaker admits that the Saxons, whom he
strangely makes a Gaulic people, in the second century applied themselves
to navigation, and soon became formidable to the Romans.[30] Before they
could become formidable to so powerful a people, they must have been at
least so well acquainted with navigation as to account it no great
enterprise to cross from the shores of the Baltic over to Scotland,
especially if they took the islands of Shetland and Orkney in their way.
"As we have seen that, according to Ptolemy, there were, in his time,
different tribes of Belgæ, settled on the northern {134} extremity of our
country: the most natural idea undoubtedly is, that they came directly from
the Continent. For had these Belgæ crossed the English Channel, according
to the common progress of barbarous nations, it is scarcely supposable that
this island would have been settled to its utmost extremity so early as the
age of Agricola.
It is doubtful, however, whether Cæsar meant to say more than that over
above certain differences which distinguished the Belgæ from the other
inhabitants of the common country _Gallia_, there was an intermixture of
Germans.
{135}
The import of a possibly Germanic origin for the Belgæ gives us the import
of a possibly Germanic origin for--
The continuation of the passage quoted in § 193 has induced the notion that
there have been in Britain Spanish, Iberic, or Basque tribes:--"_Silurum
colorati vultus, et torti plerumque crines, et posita contra Hispania,
Iberos veteres trajecisse, easque sedes occupâsse fidem
faciunt._"--Agricola, xi.
§ 194. As early as the year A.D. 1676, an opinion was advanced by[32]
Aylett Sammes, in a work entitled Britannia Antiqua Illustrata, that the
first colonisers of Ireland were the merchants of Tyre and Sidon. In
confirmation of this opinion the existence of several Eastern customs in
Ireland was adduced by subsequent antiquarians. Further marks of an Eastern
origin of the Irish were soon found in the Gaelic dialect of that country.
Finally, the matter (in the eyes at least of the national writers) was
satisfactorily settled by the famous discovery, attributed to General
Vallancey, of the true meaning of the Carthaginian lines in Plautus.
That the Punic language of Carthage should closely {136} resemble that of
the mother-city Tyre, which was Phoenician; and that the Phoenician of Tyre
should be allied to the language of Palestine and Syria, was soon remarked
by the classical commentators of the time. Joseph Scaliger asserted that
the Punic of the Poenulus _differed but little from pure Hebrew_--"_Ab
Hebraismi puritate parum abesse._"
The following lines of Plautus have, by all commentators, {137} been viewed
in the same light, _viz._ as the Latin version of the speech of the
Carthaginian.
1. Deos deasque veneror, qui hanc urbem colunt,
2. Ut, quod de mea re huc veni, rite venerim.
3. Measque hic ut gnatas, et mei fratris filium
4. Reperire me siritis: Di, vostram fidem!
5. Quæ mihi surruptæ sunt, et fratris filium:
6. Sed hic mihi antehac hospes Antidamas fuit.
7. Eum fecisse aiunt, sibi quod faciendum fuit.
8. Ejus filium hic esse prædicant Agorastoclem:
9. Deum hospitalem et tesseram mecum fero:
10. In hisce habitare monstratum est regionibus.
11. Hos percunctabor, qui huc egrediuntur foras.
1. I ask the gods and goddesses that preside over this city,
2. That my plans may be fulfilled.--May my business prosper under their
guidance!
3. The release of my son and my daughters from the hands of a robber.
4. May the gods grant this, through the mighty spirit that is in them and
by their providence!
5. Before his death, Antidamarchus used to sojourn with me.
6. A man intimate with me: but he has joined the ranks of those whose
dwelling is in darkness (the dead).
7. There is a general report that his son has here taken his abode;
_viz._ Agorastocles.
8. The token (tally) of my claim to hospitality is a carven tablet, the
sculpture whereof is my god. This I carry.
9. A witness has informed me that he lives in this neighbourhood.
10. Somebody comes this way through the gate: behold him: I'll ask him
whether he knows the name.
_In English._
From the quotations already given, the general reader may see that both the
text and the translation of Plautus are least violated in the reading and
rendering of Bochart, a reading and rendering which no _Gothic_ or
_Semitic_ scholar has ever set aside.
Arndt, I believe, was the first who argued that if the so-called
Indo-European nations were as closely connected with each other as they are
generally considered, their separation from the common stock must have been
subsequent to the occupation of Europe by some portion or other of the
human species--in other words, that this earlier population must have been
spread over those areas of which the Indo-Europeans took possession only at
a later period.
If so, all Europe (the British Isles included) might have had as its
aborigines a family older than the oldest members of the Indo-European
stock; a family of which every member may now be extinct, or a family of
which remains may still survive.
What are the chief parts coming under the first of these conditions?
_b._ The countries beyond the Indo-Europeans of the Iranian stock, _i.e._
the Dekkan, or the country of those natives of India (whatever they may be)
whose languages are not derived from the Sanscrit.
_a._ The Basque districts of the Pyrenees, where the language represents
that of the aborigines of Spain anterior to the conquest of the Roman.
This view, which on its _philological_ side has been taken up by Rask,
Kayser, and the chief Scandinavian scholars, and which, whether right or
wrong, is the idea of a bold and comprehensive mind, as well as a powerful
instrument of criticism in the way of a provisional theory, has also been
adopted on its _physiological_ side by the chief Scandinavian anatomists
and palæontologists--Retzius, Eschricht, Niilson, and others. Skulls
differing in shape from the Celtic skulls of Gaul, and from the Gothic
skulls of Germany and Scandinavia, have been found in considerable numbers;
and generally in burial-places of an apparently greater antiquity than
those which contain typical Celtic, or typical Gothic crania. Hence there
is some _anatomical_ as well as philological evidence: whether there is
enough is another question.
* * * * *
{141}
PART III.
--------
CHAPTER I.
The syllables _ka_ and _ga_ are similar syllables. The vowel is in each the
same, and the consonant is but slightly different. Now the words _ka_ and
_ga_ are more allied to each other than the words _ka_ and _ba_, _ka_ and
_ta_, &c., because the consonantal sounds of _k_ and _g_ are more allied
than the consonantal sounds of _k_ and _b_, _k_ and _t_.
Comparing the syllables _ga_ and _ka_, we see the affinity between the
sounds, and we see it at the first glance. It lies on the surface, and
strikes the ear at once.
It is, however, very evident that ways might be devised, or might arise
from accident, of concealing the likeness between the two sounds, or, at
any rate, of making it less palpable. One of such ways would be a faulty
mode of spelling. If instead of _ga_ we wrote _gha_ the following would be
the effect: the syllable would appear less simple than it really was; it
would look as if it consisted of three parts instead of two, and
consequently its affinity to _ka_ would seem less than it really was. It is
perfectly true that a little consideration would tell us that, as long as
the sound remained the same, the relation {142} of the two syllables
remained the same; and that, if the contrary appeared to be the case, the
ear was misled by the eye. Still a little consideration would be required.
Now in the English language we have, amongst others, the following modes of
spelling that have a tendency to mislead:--
The sounds of _ph_ and of _f_, in _Philip_ and _fillip_, differ to the eye,
but to the ear are identical. Here a difference is simulated.
The sounds of _th_ in _thin_, and of _th_ in _thine_, differ to the ear,
but to the eye seem the same. Here a difference is concealed.
These last sounds appear to the eye to be double or compound. This is not
the case; they are simple single sounds, and not the sounds of _t_ followed
by _h_, as the spelling leads us to imagine.
The sounds _fa_ and _va_ are allied. The names _eff_ and _vee_ conceal this
alliance.
The sounds _sa_ and _za_ are allied. The names _ess_ and _zed_ conceal the
alliance.
§ 197. Let any of the _vowels_ (for instance, the _a_ in _father_) be
sounded. The lips, the tongue, and the parts within the throat remain in
the same position: and as long as these remain in the same position the
sound is that of the vowel under consideration. Let, however, a change take
place in the position of the organs of sound; let, for instance, the lips
be closed, or the tongue be applied to the front part of the mouth: in that
case the vowel sound is cut short. It undergoes a change. It terminates in
a sound that is different, according to the state of those organs whereof
the position has been changed. If, on the vowel in question, the lips be
closed, there then arises an imperfect sound of _b_ or _p_. If, on the
other hand, the tongue be applied to the front teeth, or to the fore part
of the palate, the sound is one (more or less imperfect) of _t_ or d. This
fact illustrates the difference between the vowels and the consonants. It
may be verified by pronouncing the _a_ in _fate_, _ee_ in _feet_, _oo_ in
_book_, _o_ in _note_, &c.
§ 198. The primary division of our articulate sounds is into vowels and
consonants. The latter are again divided into liquids (_l_, _m_, _n_, _r_)
and mutes (_p_, _b_, _f_, _v_, _t_, _d_, _g_, _s_, _z_, &c.) _Definitions_
for the different sorts of articulate sounds have still to be laid down. In
place of these, we have general assertions concerning the properties and
qualities of the respective classes. Concerning the consonants as a class,
we may predicate one thing concerning the liquids, and concerning the
mutes, another. What the nature of these assertions is, will be seen after
the explanation of certain terms.
§ 199. _Sharp and flat._--Take the sounds of _p_, _f_, _t_, _k_, _s_;
isolate them from their vowels, and pronounce them. The sound is the sound
of a whisper. {144}
Let _b_, _v_, _d_, _g_, _z_, be similarly treated. The sound is no whisper,
but one at the natural tone of our voice.
Now _p_, _f_, _t_, _k_, _s_ (with some others that will be brought forward
anon) are _sharp_, whilst _b_, _v_, &c. are _flat_. Instead of _sharp_,
some say _hard_, and instead of _flat_, some say _soft_. The Sanskrit terms
_sonant_ and _surd_ are, in a scientific point of view, the least
exceptionable. They have, however, the disadvantage of being pedantic. The
_tenues_ of the classics (as far as they go) are sharp, the _mediæ_ flat.
_Continuous and explosive._--Isolate the sounds of _b_, _p_, _t_, _d_, _k_,
_g_. Pronounce them. You have no power of prolonging the sounds, or of
resting upon them. They escape with the breath, and they escape at once.
It is not so with _f_, _v_, _sh_, _zh_. Here the breath is transmitted by
degrees, and the sound can be drawn out and prolonged for an indefinite
space of time. Now _b_, _p_, _t_, &c. are explosive _f_, _v_, &c.
continuous.
§ 200. Concerning the vowels, we may predicate _a_) that they are all
continuous, _b_) that they are all flat.
Concerning the liquids, we may predicate _a_) that they are all continuous,
_b_) that they are all flat.
Concerning the mutes, we may predicate _a_) that one half of them is flat,
and the other half sharp, and _b_) that some are continuous, and that
others are explosive.
* * * * *
{145}
CHAPTER II.
2. _u_ of the French, _ü_ of the Germans, _y_ of the Danes.--This sound is
intermediate to the _ee_ in _feet_, and the _oo_ in _book_.
For these sounds we have the following sequences: _a_ in _fate_, _é fermé_,
_ee_ in _feet_, _ü_ in _übel_ (German), _oo_ in _book_, _o chiuso_, _o_ in
_note_. And this is the true order of alliance among the vowels; _a_ in
_fate_, and _o_ in _note_, being the extremes; the other sounds being
transitional or intermediate. As the English orthography is at once
singular and faulty, it exhibits the relationship but imperfectly.
1. that the _th_ in _thin_ is a simple single sound, different from the
_th_ in _thine_, and that it may be expressed by the sign þ.
2. That the _th_ in _thine_ is a simple single sound, different from the
_th_ in _thin_, and that it may be expressed by the sign ð.
3. That the _sh_ in _shine_ is a simple single sound, and that it may be
expressed by the sign [sigma] (Greek [Greek: sigma]).
4. That the _z_ in _azure_, _glazier_ (French _j_), is a simple single
sound, and that it may be expressed by the sign [zeta] (Greek [Greek:
zêta]). {146}
5. That in the Laplandic, and possibly in many other languages, there are
two peculiar sounds, different from any in English, German, and French,
&c., and that they may respectively be expressed by the sign _[kappa]_ and
the sign _[gamma]_ (Greek [Greek: kappa] and [Greek: gamma]).
With these preliminary notices we may exhibit the system of the sixteen
mutes; having previously determined the meaning of two fresh terms, and
bearing in mind what was said concerning the words sharp and flat,
continuous and explosive.
_Lene and aspirate._--From the sound of _p_ in _pat_, the sound of _f_ in
_fat_ differs in a certain degree. This difference is not owing to a
difference in their sharpness or flatness. Each is sharp. Neither is it
owing to a difference in their continuity or explosiveness; although, at
the first glance, such might appear to be the case. _F_ is continuous,
whilst _p_ is explosive. _S_, however, is continuous, and _s_, in respect
to the difference under consideration, is classed not with _f_ the
continuous sound but with _p_ the explosive one. I am unable to account for
the difference between _p_ and _f_. It exists: it is visible. It has been
expressed by a term. _P_ is called _lene_, _f_ is called _aspirate_.
Hence _p_, _b_, _t_, _d_, _k_, _g_, _s_, _z_, are _lene_; _f_, _v_, _þ_,
_ð_, _[kappa]_, _[gamma]_, _[sigma]_, _[zeta]_, are _aspirate_. Also _p_,
_f_, _t_, _þ_, _k_, _[kappa]_, _s_, _[sigma]_, are _sharp_, whilst _b_,
_v_, _d_, _ð_, _g_, _[gamma]_, _z_, _[zeta]_, are _flat_; so that there is
a double series of relationship capable of being expressed as follows:--
_Lene_. _Aspirate_.
_Sharp_. _Flat_. _Sharp_. _Flat_.
_p_ _b_ _f_ _v_
_t_ _d_ _þ_ _ð_
_k_ _g_ _[kappa]_ _[gamma]_
_s_ _z_ _[sigma]_ _[zeta]_
_Sharp_. _Flat_.
_Lene_. _Aspirate_. _Lene_. _Aspirate_
_p_ _f_ _b_ _v_
_t_ _þ_ _d_ _ð_
_k_ _[kappa]_ _g_ _[gamma]_
_s_ _[sigma]_ _z_ _[zeta]_
{147}
I am not familiar enough with the early grammarians to know when the terms
_lene_ and _aspirate_ were first used. They were the Latin equivalents to
the Greek words [Greek: psilon] (_psilon_) and [Greek: dasu] (_dasy_)
respectively. The Greek terms are preferable. _They_ convey no determinate
idea, whereas the Latin terms convey a false one. The origin of the word
aspirate I imagine to be as follows. The Latin language, wanting both the
sound of the Greek _theta_, and the sign to express it (_[theta]_) rendered
it by _th_. This orthography engenders the false notion that _[theta]_
differed from _[tau]_ by the addition of the aspirate _h_. To guard against
similar false notions, I rarely hereafter use the word aspirate without
qualifying it by the addition of the adjective _so-called_.
All the so-called aspirates are continuous; and, with the exception of _s_
and _z_, all the lenes are explosive.
§ 204. It has been seen that the sixteen mutes are reducible to four
series. Of these series, _p_, _t_, _k_, _s_, may respectively be taken as
the types. Of the liquids it may be predicated as follows:--
3. That _l_ is allied to the series _k_.--The evidence of this lies deep in
comparative philology.
The series _p_ and _k_ have this peculiarity.--They are connected with the
vowels through _w_ and _u_ (_oo_), and through _y_ and _i_ (_ee_)
respectively.
§ 205. The French word _roi_ and the English words _oil_, {148} _house_,
are specimens of a fresh class of articulations; _viz._, of compound vowel
sounds or _diphthongs_. The diphthong _oi_ is the vowel _o_ modified, plus
the _semi_vowel _y_ (not the _vowel_ _i_) modified. The diphthongal sound
in _roi_ is the vowel _o_ modified, _plus_ the semivowel _w_ (not the vowel
_u_ or _oo_) modified. In _roi_ the semivowel element precedes, in _oil_ it
follows. In _roi_ it is the semivowel allied to series _p_; in _oil_ it is
the semivowel allied to series _k_. _The nature of the modification that
the component parts of a diphthong undergo has yet to be determined_;
although it is certain there is one. If it were not so, the articulations
would be _double_, not _compound_.
Compared with _a_ in _fate_, and the _o_ in _note_, _a_ in _father_, {149}
and the _aw_ in _bawl_, are _broad_, the vowels of _note_ and _fate_ being
_slender_.
1. That the words _independent_ and _dependent_ correspond with the terms
_perfect_ and _imperfect_ of the Hebrew grammarians.
2. That the Hebrew grammars give us the truest notions respecting these
particular properties of vowels.
The following sentences are copied from Lee's Hebrew Grammar, Art. 33,
34:--"By _perfect vowels_ is meant, vowels which, being preceded by a
consonant" (_or without being so preceded_), "will constitute a complete
syllable, as [Hebrew: BA] _b[=a]_. By _imperfect vowels_ is meant those
vowels which are not generally" (_never_) "found to constitute syllables
without either the addition of a consonant or of an accent. Such syllables,
therefore, must be either like [Hebrew: BDA] _bad_, or [Hebrew: BA]
_b[=a]_, _i.e._, followed by a consonant, or accompanied by an accent." For
further remarks on this subject, see the chapter on accent.
§ 210. Before _i_, _e_, and _y_ of the English alphabet, and before _ü_ and
_ö_ German, the letters _c_ and _g_ have the tendency to assume the sound
and power of _s_ or _z_, of _sh_ or _zh_, of _ch_ or _j_; {150} in other
words, of becoming either _s_ or some sound allied to _s_. Compared with
_a_, _o_, and _u_ (as in _gat_, _got_, _gun_), which are _full_, _i_, _e_,
_y_, are _small_ vowels.
_Broad._ | _Slender._
| |
_Independent._ |_Independent._ | _Dependent._
| |
_a_, in _father_ |_a_, in _fate_ |_a_, in _fat_.
|_e fermé_, _long_ |_e fermé_, _short_.
_e_, in _meine_, Germ.| |_e_, in _bed_.
|_ee_, in _feet_ |_i_, in _pit_.
|_ü_, of the German, _long_ |the same, _short_.
|_oo_, in _book_ |_ou_, in _could_.
|_o chiuso_ |the same, _short_.
_aw_, in _bawl_ |_o_, in _note_ |_o_, in _note_.
From these, the semivowels _w_ and _y_ make a transition to the consonants
_v_ and the so-called aspirate of _g_ ([gamma], not being in English),
respectively.
That the letters most closely allied in phonetics should be most frequently
interchanged in grammar, is what, on _à priori_ grounds, we most naturally
are led to expect. And that such is _often_ the case, the study of
languages tells us. That, however, it is always so, would be a hasty and an
erroneous assertion. The Greek language changes _p_ into _f_. Here the
connexion in phonetics and the connexion in language closely coincide. The
Welsh language changes _p_ into _m_. Here the connexion in phonetics and
the connexion in language do _not_ closely coincide.
* * * * *
{152}
CHAPTER III.
For determining which of the two letters shall be changed, in other words,
whether it shall be the first that accommodates itself to the second, or
the second that accommodates itself to the first, there are no general
rules. This is settled by the particular habit of the language in
consideration.
The word _mutes_ in the second sentence of this section must be dwelt on.
It is only with the _mutes_ that there is an impossibility of pronouncing
the heterogeneous combinations above mentioned. The liquids and the vowels
are flat; but the liquids and vowels, although flat, may be followed by a
sharp consonant. If this were not the case, the combinations _ap_, _at_,
_alp_, _alt_, &c. would be unpronounceable.
The law exhibited above may be called the law of accommodation. {153}
§ 217. _Effect of the semivowel _y_ on certain letters when they precede
it._--Taken by itself the semivowel _y_, followed by a vowel (_ya_, _yee_,
_yo_, _you_, &c.), forms a stable combination. Not so, however, if it be
preceded by a consonant, of the series _t_, _k_, or _s_, as _tya_, _tyo_;
_dya_, _dyo_; _kya_, _kyo_; _sya_, _syo_. There then arises an unstable
combination. _Sya_ and _syo_ we pronounce as _sha_ and _sho_; _tya_ and
_tyo_ we pronounce as _cha_ and _ja_ (_i.e._ _tsh_, _dzh_.). This we may
verify from our pronunciation of words like _sure_, _picture_, _verdure_
(_shoor_, _pictshoor_, _verdzhoor_), having previously remarked that the
_u_ in those words is not sounded as _oo_ but as _yoo_. The effect of the
semivowel _y_, taken with instability of the combination _ew_, accounts for
the tendency to pronounce _dew_ as if written _jew_.
§ 218. _The evolution of new sounds._--To an English ear the sound of the
German _ch_ falls strange. To an English organ it is at first difficult to
pronounce. The same is the case with the German vowels _ö_ and _ü_ and with
the French sounds _u_, _eu_, &c.
The reason of this lies in the fact of the respective sounds being absent
in the German, French, and English languages; since sounds are easy or hard
to pronounce just in proportion as we have been familiarised with them.
Let there be a language wherein there are no such sounds as _sh_, _ch_
(_tsh_), or _j_ (_dzh_); but where there are the sounds of _s_, _t_, _d_,
and _y_.
Let a change affect the unstable combinations _sy_, _ty_, _dy_. From this
will arise the evolved sounds of _sh_, _ch_, and _j_.
In a given language let there be the absence of the sound _z_, the other
conditions being those noted in the case of the words _stag_, _slab_,
_stud_, &c. Let the intermediate vowel be ejected. Then, instead of the _s_
being changed into an evolved _z_, let the other alternative take place; so
that the words become _staks_, _slaps_, _stuts_. In this latter case we
have an alteration of the original word, brought about by the insufficiency
of the system of articulate sounds.
In the following words, all of which are compounds, we have true specimens
of the doubled consonant.
In our own language the _true_ aspirates, like the true duplications, are
found only in compound words; and there they are often slurred in the
pronunciation.
* * * * *
{157}
CHAPTER IV.
§ 224. 1. Let there be two syllables, of which the one ends in _m_, and the
other begins with _r_, as we have in the syllables _num-_ and _-rus_ of the
Latin word _numerus_.
In English, the form which the Latin word _numerus_ takes is _num_b_er_; in
Spanish, _nom_b_re_. The _b_ makes no part of the original word, but has
been inserted for the sake of euphony; or, to speak more properly, by a
euphonic process. The word euphony is derived from [Greek: eu] (_well_),
and [Greek: phônê] (_fônæ_, a voice). The province of euphony has not been
very accurately determined.
§ 225. In the word _number_, _nombre_, the letter inserted was _b_; and for
_b_ being the particular letter employed, there is a reason derived from
the _system_ of articulate sounds.
5. That of the _b_ series, it should be _b_ or _v_ (flat) rather than _p_
or _f_ (sharp), we infer from the fact of _m_ and _r_ both being flat.
6. Of _v_ and _b_, the latter alone gives a stable combination, so that we
have the Spanish form _nom_b_re_, and not _nom_v_re_.
§ 226. The affinity of _m_ for the series _b_, of _n_ for the series _t_,
gives occasion to further euphonic changes. The combinations _mt_, _md_,
_mþ_, _mð_, are unstable. The syllables _emt_, _emd_, are liable to one of
two modifications. Either _p_ or _b_ will be inserted, and so make them
_empt_ (as in _tempt_), _embd_ (as in _Embden_), or else the _m_ will
become _n_, forming the syllable _ent_, _end_, _enþ_, _enð_.
§ 228. The Irish Gaelic, above most other languages, illustrates a euphonic
principle that modifies the vowels of a word. The vowels _a_, _o_, _u_, are
full, whilst _i_, _e_, _y_, are small. Now if to a syllable containing a
small vowel, as _buil_, there be added {159} a syllable containing a broad
one, as _-am_, a change takes place. Either the first syllable is
accommodated to the second, or the second to the first; so that the vowels
respectively contained in them are either both full or both small. Hence
arises, in respect to the word quoted, either the form _bu_a_l_a_m_, or
else the form _bu_i_l_i_m_.
§ 229. In the words _give_ and _gave_ we have a change of tense expressed
by a change of vowel. In the words _price_ and _prize_ a change of meaning
is expressed by a change of consonant. In _clothe_ and _clad_ there is a
change both of a vowel and of a consonant. In the words _to use_ and _a
use_ there is a similar change, although it is not expressed by the
spelling. To the ear the verb _to use_ ends in _z_, although not to the
eye. The following are instances of the permutation of letters.
_Permutation of Vowels._
{160}
_Permutation of Consonants._
_Permutation of Combinations._
It must be noticed that the list above is far from being an exhaustive one.
The expression too of the changes undergone has been rendered difficult on
account of the imperfection of our orthography. The whole section has been
written in illustration of the meaning of the word _permutation_, rather
than for any specific object in grammar.
§ 230. In all the words above the change of sound has been brought about by
the grammatical inflection of the word wherein it occurs. This is the case
with the words _life_ and _live_, and with all the rest. With the German
word _leben_, compared with the corresponding word _live_, in English, the
change is similar. It is brought about, however, not by a grammatical
inflection, but by a difference of time, and by a difference of place. This
indicates the distinction between the permutation of letters and the
transition of letters. In dealing with permutations, we compare different
parts of speech; in dealing with transitions, we compare different
languages, or different stages of a single language.
* * * * *
{161}
CHAPTER V.
In the first place, the case is capable of being viewed in two points of
view--an etymological and a phonetic one.
That the _c_ and _r_ in _become_, _berhymed_, &c. belong to the second
syllable, we determine at once by taking the words to pieces; whereby we
get the words _come_ and _rhymed_ in an isolated independent form. But this
fact, although it settles the point in etymology, leaves it as it was in
phonetics; since it in nowise follows, that, because the _c_ in the
_simple_ word _come_ is exclusively attached to the letter that follows it,
it is, in the _compound_ word _become_, exclusively attached to it also.
The _p_ in _[=a]p_ is a _final_ sound. With initial sounds the case is
different. Let the lips be _closed_, and let an attempt be made to form the
syllable _pa_ by suddenly opening them. The sound appears incomplete; but
its incompleteness is at the _beginning_ of the sound, and not at the end
of it. In the natural course of things there would have been a current of
breath _preceding_, and this current would have given a vibration, now
wanting. All the sound that is formed here is formed, not by the _arrest_
of breath, but by the _escape_ of it.
I feel that this account of the mechanism of the apparently simple sound
_p_, labours under all the difficulties that attend the _description_ of a
sound; and for this reason I again request the reader to satisfy himself
either of its truth or its inaccuracy, before he proceeds to the
conclusions that will be drawn from it.
1. That formed by the current of air and the closure of the lips, as in
_[=a]p_. This may be called the sound of breath _arrested_.
2. That formed by the current of air and the opening of the lips, as in
_p[=a]_. This may be called the sound of breath _escaping_.
Now what may be said of _p_ may be said of all the other consonants, the
words _tongue_, _teeth_, &c. being used instead of _lips_, according to the
case. {163}
Let the sound of breath arrested be expressed by [pi], and that of breath
escaping be expressed by [varpi], the two together form the current natural
sound _p_ ([pi]+[varpi]=_p_).
Thus _[=a]p_ (as quoted above) is _p_ - [varpi], or [pi]; whilst _pa_
(sounded similarly) is _p_ - [pi], or [varpi].
* * * * *
{164}
CHAPTER VI.
ON QUANTITY.
§ 232. The dependent vowels, as the _a_ in _fat_, _i_ in _fit_, _u_ in
_but_, _o_ in _not_, have this character; _viz._ they are all uttered with
rapidity, and pass quickly in the enunciation, the voice not resting on
them. This rapidity of utterance becomes more evident when we contrast with
them the prolonged sounds of the _a_ in _fate_, _ee_ in _feet_, _oo_ in
_book_, _o_ in _note_; wherein the utterance is retarded, and wherein the
voice rests, delays, or is prolonged. The _f_ and _t_ of _fate_ are
separated by a longer interval than the _f_ and _t_ of _fat_; and the same
is the case with _fit_, _feet_, &c.
Let the _n_ and the _t_ of _not_ be each as 1, the _o_ also being as 1:
then each letter, consonant or vowel, shall constitute 1/3 of the whole
word.
Let, however, the _n_ and _t_ of _note_ be each as 1, the _o_ being as 2.
Then, instead of each consonant constituting 1/3 of the whole word, it
shall constitute but ¼.
Upon the comparative extent to which the voice is prolonged, the division
of vowels and syllables into _long_ and _short_ has been established: the
_o_ in _note_ being long, the _o_ in _not_ being short. And the longness or
shortness of a vowel or syllable is said to be its quantity.
§ 233. The division of _vowels_ into long and short coincides _nearly_ with
the division of them into independent and dependent. Mark the word
_vowels_, and mark the word _nearly_. In the length and shortness of vowels
there are degrees. This is especially the case with the broad vowels. The
_a_ in _father_ is capable of being pronounced either very quickly, or very
slowly. It may be attend most rapidly and yet preserve its broad character,
_i.e._, become neither the _a_ in _fat_, nor the _a_ in _fate_. {165}
Subject to the views laid down in the next section, the vowel _ee_ in
_seeing_ is long, and it is certainly independent. Whether the _syllable
see-_ be long is another question.
1. All long vowels are independent, but all independent vowels are not
long.
2. All dependent vowels are short, but all short vowels are not dependent.
Clear notions upon these matters are necessary for determining the
structure of the English and classical metres.
§ 234. The qualified manner in which it was stated that the _vowel_ in the
word _seeing_ was long, and the attention directed to the word _vowels_ in
the preceding section, arose from a distinction, that is now about to be
drawn, between the length of _vowels_ and the length of _syllables_.
The independent vowel in the syllable _see-_ is long; and long it remains,
whether it stand as it is, or be followed by a consonant, as in _seen_, or
by a vowel, as in _see-ing_.
The dependent vowel in the word _sit_ is short. If followed by a vowel it
becomes unpronounceable, except as the _ea_ in _seat_ or the _i_ in
_sight_. By a consonant, however, it may be followed, and still retain its
dependent character and also its shortness. Such is the power it has in the
word quoted, _sit_. Followed by a _second_ consonant, it still retains its
shortness, _e.g._, _sits_. Whatever the comparative length of the
_syllables_, _see_ and _seen_, _sit_ and _sits_, may be, the length of
their respective _vowels_ is the same.
But it is well known that this view is not the view commonly taken of the
syllables _see_ (in _seeing_) and _sits_. It is well known, that, in the
eyes of a classical scholar, the _see_ (in _seeing_) is short, and that in
the word _sits_ the _i_ is long. The classic differs from the Englishman
thus,--_He measures his {166} quantity, not by the length of the vowel but,
by the length of the syllable taken altogether._ The perception of this
distinction enables us to comprehend the following statements.
I. That vowels long by nature may _appear_ to become short by position, and
_vice versâ_.
II. That, by a laxity of language, the _vowel_ may be said to have changed
its quantity, whilst it is the _syllable_ alone that has been altered.
III. That, if one person measures his quantities by the vowels, and another
by the syllables, what is short to the one, shall be long to the other, and
_vice versâ_. The same is the case with nations.
IV. That one of the most essential differences between the English and the
classical languages is that the quantities (as far as they go) of the first
are measured by the vowel, those of the latter by the syllable. To a Roman
the word _monument_ consists of two short syllables and one long one; to an
Englishman it contains three short syllables.
* * * * *
{167}
CHAPTER VII.
ON ACCENT.
§ 235. In the word _tyrant_ there is an emphasis, or stress, upon the first
syllable. In the word _presume_ there is an emphasis, or stress, on the
second syllable. This emphasis, or stress, is called _Accent_. The
circumstance of a syllable bearing an accent is sometimes expressed by a
mark (´); in which case the word is said to be accentuated, _i.e._, to have
the accent signified in writing.
An _áttribute_. To _attríbute_.
The month _Aúgust_. An _augúst_ person.
A _com´pact_. _Compáct_ (close).
To _con´jure_ (magically). _Conjúre_ (enjoin).
_Des´ert_, wilderness. _Desért_, merit.
_Inválid_, not valid. _Invalíd_, a sickly person.
_Mínute_, 60 seconds. _Minúte_, small.
_Súpine_, part of speech. _Supíne_, careless, &c.
{168}
That class of words that by a change of accent are converted from nouns
into verbs (_súrvey_, _survéy_, _cóntrast_, _contrást_, &c.) will be
noticed more at large in the Chapter on Derivation.
To assert as a universal rule that the _accent is always on the root, and
never on the subordinate part of a word_, is too much. Although in the
_English_ language such an assertion (with one exception) is found true; by
the French and other languages it is invalidated.
The German word _lében_ (to _live_) illustrates the foregoing sentence.
_Léb-_ is the root, _léb-end_=_living_, from whence _lebéndig_=_lively_
(with the accent on an inflectional syllable), although this last word
might without inconvenience have been accented on the first syllable; that
being only the third from the end.
Confusion between the radical and inflectional syllables of a word, arising
from the situation of the accent, may work the deterioration of a language.
§ 237. In _týrant_ and _presúme_, we deal with single words; and in each
_word_ we determine which _syllable_ is accented. {169} Contrasted with the
sort of accent that follows, this may be called a _verbal_ accent.
In the line,
The _u_ in the word _monument_ is what a classic would call _short_.
If, however, the syllable _-nu_ take an accent; that is, if the place of
the accent be removed from the first to the second syllable, the vowel _u_
still being kept short, we have a word which we spell thus, _monumment_.
Now the _u_ in _monumment_ is not only short, but dependent. It is upon
this effect of an accent that the quotation from Lee's Hebrew Grammar, p.
149, especially bears.
And now two questions arise:--1. How is it that the accent has the effect
of rendering such a syllable as the _u_ in _monumment_ dependent? 2. Why do
we in spelling such a syllable double the consonant?
§ 239. Accent and quantity, as may have been collected from pp. 164-167, do
_not_ coincide. Nothing shows this more {171} clearly than words like the
adjective _augúst_, and the substantive _Aúgust_ (the month), where the
quantity remains the same, although the accent is different. The following
quotation from Mr. Guest's English Rhythms is made for the sake of four
things:--
"It is astonishing how widely this notion has misled men, whose
judgment, in most other matters of criticism, it would be very unsafe
to question. Our earlier writers, almost to a man, confound accent with
quantity."--B. i. C. iv.
* * * * *
{172}
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 240. The present chapter is one, not upon the details of the
pronunciation of the English language, but upon the principles of orthoepy.
For the details of pronunciation the reader is referred to Nares' Orthoepy,
and to the common pronouncing dictionaries, with the preliminary
recommendation to use them with caution. _Orthoepy_, a word derived from
the Greek _orthon_ (_upright_), and _epos_ (_a word_), signifies the right
utterance of words. Orthoepy differs from orthography by determining how
words are spoken, whereas orthography decides how they are spelt. The one
is a question of speech, the other a question of spelling. Orthography
presupposes orthoepy.
§ 241. Of pronunciation there are two kinds, the colloquial and the
rhetorical. In common conversation we pronounce the _i_ in _wind_, like the
_i_ in _bit_; in rehearsing, or in declamation, however, we pronounce it
like the _i_ in _bite_; that is, we give it a diphthongal sound. In reading
the Scriptures we say _blesséd_; in current speech we say _blest_. It is
the same with many words occurring in poetry.
{174}
BION.
II. _The usage of educated bodies, such as the bar, the pulpit, the senate,
_&c.__--These are recommended by two circumstances: 1. The chance that each
member of them is sufficiently a scholar in foreign tongues to determine
the original pronunciation of derived words, and sufficiently a critic in
his own language to be aware of the analogies that are in operation. 2. The
quantity of imitators that, irrespective of the worth of his pronunciation,
each individual can carry with him. On this latter ground the stage is a
sort of standard.
V. These, amongst others, the standards that have been appealed to, are
adduced not for the sake of exhausting the subject, but to show the
unsatisfactory nature of authority in matters of speech.
We may now judge of the relative value of the three lines of criticism
exhibited above. Other things being equal, the language should have the
advantage of the doubt, and the utility of a given pronunciation should
prevail over its theoretical propriety. Where, however, the tendencies are
overwhelming, we can only choose whether, in doubtful words, we shall speak
like our ancestors, or like our posterity.[35]
* * * * *
{178}
CHAPTER IX.
The sound of the _c_, in _city_, is the sound that we naturally spell with
the letter _s_, and if the expression of this sound was the _only_ object
of our orthographists, the word would be spelt accordingly (_sity_). The
following facts, however, traverse {181} this simple view of the matter.
The word is a derived word; it is transplanted into our own language from
the Latin, where it is spelt with a _c_ (_civitas_); and to change this _c_
into _s_ conceals the origin and history of the word. For this reason the
_c_ is retained, although, as far as the mere expression of sounds (the
primary object in orthography) is concerned, the letter is a superfluity.
In cases like the one adduced the orthography is bent to a secondary end,
and is traversed by the etymology.
§ 250. _Difference between the change of a sound and the original false
expression of a sound._--The letter _u_ is a simple single sign. The sound
of _ow_, in _town_, is a diphthongal, or a double, sound. Now, in
Anglo-Saxon, the modern word _town_ is spelt _tún_. In this case one of two
things must have taken place: either the word must have changed its sound,
or the Anglo-Saxons must have expressed it falsely and improperly.
§ 251. From the foregoing sections we arrive at the theory of a full and
perfect alphabet and orthography, of which a few (amongst many others) of
the chief conditions are as follow:--
With these principles in our mind we may measure the imperfections of our
own and of other alphabets.
This last sound being most incorrectly expressed by the single letter _i_.
The consonantal sounds are, 1. the two semivowels; 2. the four liquids; 3.
fourteen out of the sixteen mutes; 4. _ch_ in _chest_, and _j_ in _jest_,
compound sibilants; 5. _ng_, as in _king_; 6. the aspirate _h_. In all,
twenty-four.
Some writers would add to these the additional sound of the _é fermé_ of
the French; believing that the vowel in words like _their_ and _vein_ has a
different sound from the vowel in words like _there_ and _vain_. For my own
part I cannot detect such a difference either in my own speech or that of
my neighbours; although I am far from denying that in certain _dialects_ of
our language such may have been the case. The following is an extract from
the Danish grammar for Englishmen, by Professor Rask, whose eye, in the
matter in question, seems to have misled his ear: "The _é fermé_, or _close
é_, is very frequent in Danish, but scarcely perceptible in English; unless
in such words as, _their_, _vein_, _veil_, which appear to sound a little
different from _there_, _vain_, _vale_."
The vowels being twelve, the diphthongs four, and the consonantal sounds
twenty-four, we have altogether as many as forty sounds, some being so
closely allied to each other as to be mere modifications, and others being
combinations rather than simple sounds; all, however, agreeing in requiring
to be expressed by letters or by combinations of letters, and to be
distinguished from each other.
The compound sibilants may also be expressed not by single signs, but by
the combinations _tsh_ and _dzh_; although, for certain reasons, such a
mode of spelling is inconvenient. With these views we may appreciate,
II. _Its inconsistency._--The _f_ in _fan_, and the _v_ in _van_ sounds in
a certain degree of relationship to _p_ and _b_, are expressed by signs as
unlike as _f_ is unlike _p_, and as _v_ is unlike b. The sound of the _th_
in _thin_, the _th_ in _thine_, the _sh_ in _shine_, similarly related to
_t_, _d_, and _s_, are expressed by signs as like _t_, _d_, and _s_,
respectively, as _th_ and _sh_.
The compound sibilant sound of _j_ in _jest_ is spelt with the single sign
_j_, whilst the compound sibilant sound in _chest_ is spelt with the
combination _ch_.
The _i_ in _bite_ is considered as the long (independent) sound of the _i_
in _pit_; whereas it is a diphthongal sound.
The _ou_ in _house_ and the _oi_ in _oil_ are looked upon as the compounds
of _o_ and _i_ and of _o_ and _u_ respectively; whereas the latter element
of them is not _i_ and _u_, but _y_ and _w_.
The _th_ in _thin_ and the _th_ in _thine_ are dealt with as one {185} and
the same sound; whereas they are sounds specifically distinct.
The _ch_ in _chest_ is dealt with as a modification of _c_ (either with the
power of _k_ or of _s_); whereas its elements are _t_ and _sh_.
The diphthongal forms _æ_ and _oe_, as in _Æneas_ and _Croesus_, except in
the way of etymology, are superfluous and redundant.
In the foregoing examples a single sign has a double power; in the words
_Philip_ and _filip_, &c., a single sound has a double sign.
The defects noticed in the preceding sections are _absolute_ defects, and
would exist, as they do at present, were there no language in the world
except the English. This is not the case with those that are now about to
be noticed; for them, indeed, the word _defect_ is somewhat too strong a
term. They may more properly be termed inconveniences.
Compared with the languages of the rest of the world the use of many
letters in the English alphabet is _singular_. The letter _i_ (when long or
independent) is, with the exception of England, generally sounded as _ee_.
With Englishmen it has a diphthongal power. The inconvenience of this is
the necessity that it imposes upon us, in studying foreign languages, of
{186} unlearning the sound which we give it in our own, and of learning the
sound which it bears in the language studied. So it is (amongst many
others) with the letter _j_. In English this has the sound of _dzh_, in
French of _zh_, and in German of _y_. From singularity in the use of
letters arises inconvenience in the study of foreign tongues.
The sound given to the _e_, long (or independent), is singular. Other
nations sound it either as _a_ in _fate_, or as _é fermé_.
The sound given to the _i_ in _bite_ is singular. Other nations sound it as
_ee_ in _feet_.
The sound given to the _oo_ in _fool_ is singular. Other nations sound it
as the _o_ in _note_, or as the _ó chiuso_.
The sound given to the _u_ in _duck_ is singular. Other nations sound it as
the _u_ in _bull_.
The sound given to the _ou_ in _house_ is singular. Other nations, more
correctly, represent it by _au_ or _aw_.
The sound given to the _w_ in _wet_ is somewhat singular, but is also
correct and convenient. With many nations it is not found at all, whilst
with those where it occurs it has the sound (there or thereabouts) of _v_.
The sound given to _z_ is not the sound which it has in German and Italian;
but its power in English is convenient and correct.
The use of _c_ for _k_ in words derived from the Greek, as _mechanical_,
_ascetic_, &c., is historically incorrect. The form _c_ is the
representative of [gamma] and [sigma] and not of the Greek _kappa_.
Let the sign (-) denote that the vowel over which it stands is long, or
independent, whilst the sign (U) indicates shortness, or dependence. In
such a case, instead of writing _not_ and _n[omega]t_, like the Greeks, we
may write _n[)o]t_ and _n[=o]t_, the sign serving for a fresh letter.
Herein the expression of the nature of the sound is natural, because the
natural use of (-) and (U) is to express length or shortness, dependence or
independence. Now, supposing the broad sound of _o_ {188} to be already
represented, it is very evident that, of the other two sounds of _o_, the
one must be long (independent), and the other short (dependent); and as it
is only necessary to express one of these conditions, we may, if we choose,
use the sign (-) alone; its presence denoting length, and its absence
shortness (independence or dependence).
As signs of this kind, one mark is as good as another; and instead of (-)
we may, if we choose, substitute such a mark as (´) (and write
_nót_=_n[=o]t_=_n[omega]t_=_n[=o]te)_; provided only that the sign (´)
expresses no other condition or affection of a sound. This use of the mark
(´), _viz._ as a sign that the vowel over which it is placed is long
(independent), is common in many languages. But is this use of (´) natural?
For a reason that the reader has anticipated, it is not natural, but
conventional. It is used elsewhere not as the sign of _quantity_, but as
the sign of _accent_; consequently, being placed over a letter, and being
interpreted according to its natural meaning, it gives the idea, not that
the syllable is long, but that it is emphatic or accented. Its use as a
sign of quantity is an orthographical expedient, or a conventional mode of
spelling.
The English language abounds in orthographical expedients; the mode of
expressing the quantity of the vowels being particularly numerous. To begin
with these:
The reduplication of a vowel where there is but one syllable (as in _feet_,
_cool_), is an orthographical expedient. It merely means that the syllable
is long (or independent).
The juxta-position of two different vowels, where there is but one syllable
(as in _plain_, _moan_), is an orthographical expedient. It generally means
the same as the reduplication of a vowel, _i.e._, that the syllable is long
(independent).
The addition of the _e_ mute, as in _plane_, _whale_ (whatever may have
been its origin), is, at present, but an orthographical expedient. It
denotes the lengthening of the syllable.
The use of _th_ for the simple sound of the first consonant in _thin_ and
_thine_, is an orthographical expedient. The combination must be dealt with
as a single letter.
_X_, however, and _q_ are not orthographical expedients. They are
orthographical compendiums.
The change from _a_ to _o_ takes place most especially before the liquid
_l_, _wall_, _call_, _fall_. When the liquid _l_ is followed by another
consonant, it (_viz._ _l_) is generally sunk in pronunciation, _falcon_,
_salmon_, &c., pronounced _faucon_, _sammon_, or _saumon_. The reason of
this lies in the following fact, _viz._, _that syllables wherein there are,
at the same time, two final consonants and a long vowel, have a tendency to
become shortened by one of two processes, viz., either by ejecting one of
the consonants, or by shortening the vowel_. That the _l_ in _falcon_ is
affected not by the change of _a_ to _o_, but by the change of a short
vowel to a long, or of a slender one to a broad one, is shown in the
tendency which the common people have to say _hode_ for _hold_, as well as
by the Scotch form _gowd_ for _gold_. This fact bears upon the difficult
problem in the Greek (and in other languages), _viz._, whether the
_lengthening_ of the vowel in words like _[Greek: odous]_ (compared with
_[Greek: odontos]_), is the cause or the effect of the rejection of the
consonant.
For the power of _e_ in _since_ and _once_, see the remarks on _s_.
For the power of _e_ in _hedge_ and _oblige_, see the remarks on _g_.
The power of _e_ mute in words like _cane_, _bane_, _tune_, _robe_, _pope_,
_fire_, _cure_, _tube_, has already been noticed. It serves to denote the
length of the preceding vowel. For this purpose it is retained; but it was
not for this purpose that it was invented. Originally it expressed a sound,
and it is only by a change of language that it has come, as it were by
accident, to be an orthographical expedient.
Let a word consist of two syllables. Let the latter end in a vowel. Let
there be between the vowel of the first and the vowel of the second
syllable, one consonant and no more, _e. g._, _namæ_. Let the consonant
belong to the root of the word; and let the first syllable of the word be
the essential and the radical part of it. Let this same syllable (as the
essential and radical part of it) have an accent. The chances are that,
under such circumstances, the vowel of the first syllable will be long
(independent), just as the chances are that a vowel followed by two
consonants will be short. Let a change in language affect the _final_
vowel, so that a word which was originally pronounced _nama_, should
become, first, _namë_, and afterwards _n[=a]m_, _naim_, or _næm_; the vowel
being sounded as the _a_ in _fate_. Let the final _e_, although lost in
pronunciation, be retained in the spelling. The chances are that, the above
conditions being given, such an _e_ (final and mute) shall, whenever it
occurs, occur at the end of a long syllable. The next process is for a
succeeding generation to mistake a coincidence for a sign, and to imagine
that an _e_ mute expresses the length of syllable.
I consider this to be the key to the use of the _e_ mute in all words where
it is preceded by one consonant only.
From the circumstance that the French and the English are the only nations
wherein the _e_ mute is part and parcel of the orthography, it has been
hastily imagined that the employment of it is to be attributed to the
Norman Conquest. The truth, however, is, that we find it equally in words
of Saxon and of Norman origin.
The fact that, in certain words, an _e_ mute is preceded by {192} two
consonants and by a short vowel, does not militate against the view given
above.
For the sound of _u_ in _guest_, _prorogue_, _guard_, see the remarks on
_g_.
The _b_ in _debtor_, _subtile_, _doubt_, agrees with the _b_ in _lamb_,
_limb_, _dumb_, _thumb_, _womb_, in being mute. It differs, however, in
another respect. The words _debtor_, _subtle_, _doubt_, are of classical,
the words _lamb_, _limb_, _dumb_, &c., are of Saxon, origin. In _debtor_,
&c., the _b_ was, undoubtedly, at one time, pronounced, since it belonged
to a different syllable; _debitor_, _subtilis_, _dubito_, being the
original forms. I am far from being certain that with the other words,
_lamb_, &c., this was the case. With them the _b_ belonged (if it belonged
to the word at all) to the same syllable as the _m_. I think, {193}
however, that instead of this being the case, the _b_, in _speech_, never
made a part of the word at all; that it belongs now, and that it always
belonged, to the _written_ language only; and that it was inserted in the
spelling upon what may be called the principle of imitation. For a further
illustration of this, see the remarks on the word _could_.
Before _a_, _o_, _u_ (that is, before a full vowel), _c_ is sounded as _k_;
before _e_, _i_, and _y_ (that is, before a small vowel), it has the power
of _s_. This change of sound according to the nature of the vowel
following, is so far from being the peculiarity of the English, that it is
common in all languages; except that sometimes _c_, instead of becoming
_s_, becomes _ts_, _tsh_, _ksh_, in other words, some other sibilant; _but
always a sibilant_. A reference to p. 153 will explain this change. At a
certain time, _k_ (written _c_, as is the case in Latin) becomes changed by
the vowel following into _ksh_, and from thence into _s_, _ts_, or _tsh_.
That the syllables _cit_, _cyt_, _cet_, were at one time pronounced _kit_,
_kyt_, _ket_, we believe: 1. from the circumstance that if it were not so,
they would have been spelt with an _s_; 2. from the comparison of the Greek
and Latin languages, where the words _cete_, _circus_, _cystis_, Latin, are
[Greek: kêtê, kirkos], [Greek: kustis], Greek.
In the words _mechanical_, _choler_, &c., derived from the Greek, it must
not be imagined that the _c_ represents the Greek _kappa_ or [kappa]. The
combination _c_ + _h_ is to be dealt with as a single letter. Thus it was
that the Romans, who had in their language neither the sound of [chi], nor
the sign [kappa], rendered the Greek _chi_ ([chi]), just as by _th_ they
rendered [theta], and by _ph_, [phi].
The faulty representation of the Greek [chi] has given rise to a faulty
representation of the Greek [kappa], as in _ascetic_, from [Greek:
askêtikos].
Now the reason against _c_ ending a word seems this. From what has been
remarked above, _c_ seems, in and of itself, to have no power at all.
Whether it shall be sounded as _k_ or as _s_ seems undetermined, except by
the nature of the vowel following. If the vowel following be small,
_c_=_s_, if full, _c_=_k_. But _c_ followed by nothing is equivocal and
ambiguous. Now _c_ final is _c_ followed by nothing; and therefore _c_
equivocal, ambiguous, indefinite, undetermined. This is the reason why _c_
is never final. Let there be such words as _sticke_ and _blocke_. Let the
_k_ be taken away. The words remain _stice_, _bloce_. The _k_ being taken
away, there is a danger of calling them _stise_, _blose_.
A verbal exception being taken, the statement of Dr. Johnson, that in words
like _stick_ and _block_ the _c_ is mute, is objectionable. The mute letter
is not so much the _c_ as the _k_.
Before _a_, _o_, _u_ (full vowels), _g_ has the sound, as in _gay_, _go_,
_gun_: before _e_, _i_, _y_, that of _gem_, _giant_.
Let there be the word _r[)o]g_. Let the vowel be lengthened. Let this
lengthening be expressed by the addition of _e_ mute, _roge_. There is now
a risk of the word being called _roje_. This is avoided by inserting _u_,
as in _prorogue_. Why, however, is it that the _u_ runs no chance of being
pronounced, and the word of being sounded _prorogwé_? The reason for this
lies in three facts. 1. The affinities between the sounds of _ga_ and _ka_.
2. The fact that _qu_ is merely _kw_. 3. The fact that in _qu_, followed by
another vowel, as in _quoit_ (pronounced _koyt_), _antique_, &c., the _u_
is altogether omitted in pronunciation. In other words, the analogy of _qu_
is extended to _gu_.
"_J_, consonant, sounds uniformly like the soft _g_ (_i.e._, as in _gem_),
and is, therefore, a letter useless, except in etymology, as _ejaculation_,
_jester_, _jocund_, _juice_."--_Johnson._ It may be added that it never
occurs in words of Saxon origin, and that in the single word _Allelujah_ it
has the sound of _y_, as in the German.
_K_ never comes before _a_, _o_, _u_, or before a consonant. It is used
before _e_, _i_, _y_, where _c_ would, according to the English analogy, be
liable to be sounded as _s_; as in _kept_, _king_, _skirt_. These words, if
written _cept_, _cing_, _scirt_, would run the risk of being sounded
_sept_, _sing_, _sirt_. Broadly speaking, _k_ is never {196} used except
where _c_ would be inconvenient. The reason of this lies in the fact of
there being no such letter as _k_ in the Latin language. Hence arose in the
eyes of the etymologist the propriety of retaining, in all words derived
from the Latin (_crown_, _concave_, _concupiscence_, &c.), the letter _c_,
to the exclusion of _k_. Besides this, the Anglo-Saxon alphabet, being
taken from the Roman, excluded _k_, so that _c_ was written even before the
small vowels, _a_, _e_, _i_, _y_; as _cyning_, or _cining_, _a king_. _C_
then supplants _k_ upon etymological grounds only. In the languages derived
from the Latin this dislike to the use of _k_ leads to several
orthographical inconveniences. As the tendency of _c_, before _e_, _i_,
_y_, to be sounded as _s_ (or as a sound allied to _s_), is the same in
those languages as in others; and as in those languages, as in others,
there frequently occur such sounds as _kit_, _ket_, _kin_, &c., a
difficulty arises as to the spelling. If spelt _cit_, _cet_, &c., there is
the risk of their being sounded _sit_, _set_. To remedy this, an _h_ is
interposed--_chit_, _chet_, &c. This, however, only substitutes one
difficulty for another, since _ch_ is, in all probability, already used
with a different sound, _e.g._, that of _sh_, as in French, or that of _k_
guttural, as in German. The Spanish orthography is thus hampered. Unwilling
to spell the word _chimera_ (pronounced _kimera_) with a _k_; unable to
spell it with either _c_ or _ch_, it writes the word _quimæra_. This
distaste for _k_ is an orthographical prejudice. Even in the way of
etymology it is but partially advantageous, since in the other Gothic
languages, where the alphabet is less rigidly Latin, the words that in
English are spelt with a _c_, are there written with _k_,--_kam_, German;
_komme_, Danish; _skrapa_, Swedish;=_came_, _come_, _scrape_.
The use of _k_ final, as in _stick_, &c., has been noticed in p. 194.
"_K_ is never doubled, but _c_ is used before it to shorten the vowel by a
double consonant, as _c[)o]ckle_, _p[)i]ckle_."--_Johnson._ {197} This is
referable to the statement that _k_ is never used where _c_ is admissible.
"_K_ is used before _n_, _knell_, _knot_, but totally loses its
sound."--_Johnson._ This, however, is not the ease in the allied languages;
in German and Danish, in words like _knecht_, _knive_, the _k_ is sounded.
This teaches us that such was once the case in English. Hence we learn that
in the words _knife_, _knight_ (and also in _gnaw_, _gnash_), we have an
antiquated or obsolete orthography.
For the ejection of the sound of _l_ in _calf_, _salmon_, _falcon_, &c. see
under a. For the _l_ in _could_, see that word.
The reader is referred to p. 152. There he is told that, when a word ends
in a flat consonant, _b_, _v_, _d_, _g_, the plural termination is not the
sound of _s_, but that of _z_ (_stagz_, _dogz_); although _s_ be the letter
_written_. Such also is the case with words ending in the vowels or the
liquids (_peaz_, _beanz_, _hillz_, not _peace_, _beance_, _hillce_). This
fact influences our orthography. The majority of words ending in _s_ are
found to be plural numbers, or else (what is the same thing in respect to
form) either genitive cases, or verbs of the third person singular; whilst
in the majority of these the _s_ is sounded as _z_. Hence, the inference
from analogy that _s_ single, at the end of words, is sounded as _z_. Now
this fact hampers the orthography of those words wherein _s_ final retains
its natural sound, as _since_, _once_, _mass_, _mace_; for let these be
{198} written _sins_, _ons_, _mas_, the chances are that they will be
pronounced _sinz_, _onz_, _maz_. To remedy this, the _s_ may be doubled, as
in _mass_. This, however, can be done in a few cases only. It cannot be
done conveniently where the vowel is long, the effect of a double consonant
being to denote that the preceding vowel is short. Neither can it be done
conveniently after a consonant, such combinations as _sinss_, &c., being
unsightly. This throws the grammarian upon the use of _c_, which, as stated
above, has, in certain situations, the power of _s_. To write, however,
simply _sinc_, or _onc_, would induce the risk of the words being sounded
_sink_, _onk_. To obviate this, _e_ is added, which has the double effect
of not requiring to be sounded (being mute), and of showing that the _c_
has the sound of _s_ (being small).
"It is the peculiar quality of _s_ that it may be sounded before all
consonants, except _x_ and _z_, in which _s_ is comprised, _x_ being only
_ks_, and _z_ only a hard [flat] or gross _s_. This _s_ is therefore
termed by grammarians _suæ potestatis litera_, the reason of which the
learned Dr. Clarke erroneously supposed to be, that in some words it might
be doubled at pleasure."--_Johnson._ A reference to the current Greek
Grammars will indicate another reason for [sigma] being called _suæ
potestatis litera_. It will there be seen that, whilst [pi], [beta],
[phi]--[kappa], [gamma], [chi]--[tau], [delta], [theta]--are grouped
together, as _tenues_, _mediæ_, and _aspiratæ_, and as _inter se cognatæ_,
[sigma] stands by itself; [zeta] its media (flat sound) being treated as a
double letter, and _sh_, its so-called aspirate, being non-existent in the
Greek language.
"_Th_ has two sounds; the one soft [flat], as _thus_, _whether_; the other
hard [sharp], as _thing_, _think_. The sound is soft [flat] in all words
between two vowels, as _father_, _whether_; and between _r_ and a vowel, as
_burthen_."--_Johnson._ The reason of the latter statement lies in the fact
of both the vowels and _r_ being _flat_ (see p. 152), and so exerting a
flattening influence upon the sounds in contact with them.
The sounds of the _s_ in _sure_, of the _t_ in _picture_ (when pronounced
_pictshure_), and of the _z_ in _azure_ and _glazier_, are explained in p.
153.
The present chapter is intended not to exhaust the list, but to illustrate
the character of those orthographical expedients which insufficient
alphabets, changes in language, and the influences of etymology engender
both in the English and in other tongues.
* * * * *
{200}
CHAPTER X.
§ 256. The preceding chapter has exhibited the theory of a full and perfect
alphabet; it has shown how far the English alphabet falls short of such a
standard; and, above all, it has exhibited the various conventional modes
of spelling which the insufficiency of alphabets, combined with other
causes, has engendered. The present chapter gives a _history_ of our
alphabet, whereby many of its defects are _accounted for_. These defects,
it may be said, once for all, the English alphabet shares with those of the
rest of the world; although, with the doubtful exception of the French, it
possesses them in a higher degree than any.
With few, if any, exceptions, all the modes of writing in the world
originate, directly or indirectly, from the Phoenician, Hebrew, or Semitic
alphabet. This is easily accounted for when we call to mind,--1. The fact
that the Greek, the Latin, and the Arabian alphabets, are all founded upon
this; and, 2. The great influence of the nations speaking those three
languages. The present sketch, however, is given only for the sake of
accounting for defects.
The chances are, that, let a language possess as few elementary articulate
sounds as possible, an alphabet of only twenty-two letters will be
insufficient. Now, in the particular case of the languages in point, the
number of elementary sounds, as we infer from the present Arabic, was above
the average. {201} It may safely be asserted, that the original Semitic
alphabet was _insufficient_ for even the Semitic languages.
The Greeks had, in all probability, sounds which were wanting in Palestine
and Phoenicia. In Palestine and Phoenicia it is certain that there were
sounds wanting in Greece.
Of the twenty-two Phoenician letters the Greeks took but twenty-one. The
eighteenth letter, _tsadi_, [Hebrew: TS], was never imported into Europe.
§ 258. _Greek Period._--Compared with the Semitic, the _Old_ Greek alphabet
ran thus:--
Such the order and form of the Greek and Hebrew letters. Here it may be
remarked, that, of each alphabet, it is only the modern forms that are
compared; the likeness in the _shape_ of the letters may be seen by
comparing them in their {202} older stages. Of these the exhibition, in a
work like the present, is inconvenient. They may, however, be studied in
the work already referred to in the _Phoenicia_ of Gesenius. The _names_ of
the letters are as follows:--
1. Letters for which there was no use were left behind. This was the case,
as seen above, with the eighteenth letter, _tsadi_.
4. For such simple single elementary articulate sounds as there was no sign
or letter representant, new signs, or letters, were invented. This
principle gave to the Greek alphabet the new signs [phi], [chi], [upsilon],
[omega].
5. The new signs were not mere modifications of the older {203} ones (as
was the case with [Hebrew: P], [Hebrew: P], [Hebrew: B], [Hebrew: B], &c.
in Hebrew), but new, distinct, and independent letters.
In all this there was an improvement. The faults of the newer Greek
alphabet consisted in the admission of the compendium [psi]=_ps_, and the
retention of the fifteenth letter (_samech_, _xi_), with the power of _ks_,
it being also a compendium.
§ 260. _The Italian or old Latin period._--That it was either from the
original Phoenician, or from the _old_ Greek, that the Italian alphabets
were imported, we learn from the existence in them of the letters _f_ and
_q_, corresponding respectively to the sixth and nineteenth letters; these
having, in the second stage of the Greek alphabet, been ejected.
§ 261. The first alphabet imported into Italy was the Etruscan. In this the
[beta], [delta], and [omicron] were ejected, their sounds (as it is stated)
not being found in the Etruscan language. Be it observed, that the sounds
both of [beta] and [delta] are _flat_. Just as in the Devonshire dialect
the flat sounds (_z_, _v_, &c.) have the preponderance, so, in the
Etruscan, does there seem to have been a preponderating quantity of the
sharp sounds. This prepares us for a change, the effects whereof exist in
almost all the alphabets of Europe. In Greek and Hebrew the third letter
(_gimel_, _gamma_) had the power of the flat mute _g_, as in _gun_. In the
Etruscan it had the power of _k_. In this use of the third letter the
Romans followed the Etruscans: but, as they had also in their language the
sound of _g_ (as in _gun_), they used, up to the Second Punic War, the
third letter (_viz._ _c_), to denote both sounds. In the Duillian column we
have MACESTRATOS, CARTHACINIENSES.[36] Afterwards, however, the separate
sign (or letter) _g_ was invented, being originally a mere modification of
c. The _place_ of _g_ in the alphabet is involved in the history of _z_.
§ 262. The Roman alphabet had a double origin. For the first two centuries
after the foundation of the city the alphabet used was the Etruscan,
derived directly from the Greek, and from the _old_ Greek. This accounts
for the presence of _f_ and _q_.
{204}
I. The ejection of such letters as were not wanted. Thus it was that the
seventh letter (_zayn_, _zæta_) was thrown out of the alphabet, and the new
letter, _g_, put in its place. Subsequently, _z_ was restored for the sake
of spelling Greek words, but was placed at the end of the alphabet. Thus
also it was, that _thæta_, _kappa_ (_c_ being equivalent to _k_), and the
fifteenth letter, were ejected, while [psi] and [chi] were never admitted.
In after-times the fifteenth letter (now _xi_) was restored, for the same
reason that _z_ was restored, and, like _z_, was placed at the end of the
alphabet.
II. The use of the imported letters with a new power. Hence the sixth
letter took the sound, not of _v_ or _w_, but of _f_; and the eighth of
_h_.
Beyond this the Romans made but slight alterations. In ejecting _kappa_,
_thæta_ and _chi_, they did mischief. The same in changing the power of c.
The representation of [phi] by _ph_, and of [theta] by _th_ was highly
erroneous. The retention of _x_ and _q_ was unnecessary. _V_ and _j_, two
letters whereby the alphabet was really enriched, were mere modifications
of _u_ and _i_ respectively. _Y_ also seems a modification of _v_.
Neither the Latin, Greek, nor Hebrew orthographies were much warped to
etymological purposes.
It should be observed, that in the Latin the letters have no longer any
names (like _beth_, _bæta_), except such as are derived from their powers
(_be_, _ce_).
It may now be seen that with a language containing such sounds as the _th_
in _thin_ and _thine_, and the _ch_ in the German _auch_, it is to their
advantage to derive their alphabet from the Greek; whilst, with a language
containing such sounds as _h_ and _v_, it is to their advantage to derive
it from the Latin.
It may also be seen, that, without due alterations and {205} additions, the
alphabet of one country will not serve as the alphabet of another.
1. In the sound of the third letter being not that of [kappa] (_c_), but of
the _g_ in _gun_.
With the Latin they agree, 1. in possessing letters equivalent to _f_, _g_,
_h_, _q_, _y_.
3. The _ch_ in the German _auch_.--A sign in Greek ([chi]), but none in
Latin.
4. The flat sound of the same, or the probable sound of the _h_ in _þurh_,
_leoht_, _&c_., Anglo-Saxon.--A sign neither in Greek nor Latin. {206}
8. The _j_ in _jest_.--A sign neither in Greek nor Latin, unless we admit
the same supposition in respect to _g_, that has been indicated in respect
to c.
10. The English sound of _w_.--A sign neither in Latin nor Greek.
11. The sound of the German _ü_, Danish _y_.--No sign in Latin; probably
one in Greek, _viz._, [upsilon].
12. Signs for distinguishing the long and short vowels, as [epsilon] and
[eta], [omicron] and [omega].--Wanting in Latin, but existing in Greek.
In all these points the classical alphabets (one or both) were deficient.
To make up for their insufficiency one of two things was necessary, either
to coin new letters, or to use conventional combinations of the old.
In the Anglo-Saxon alphabet (derived from the Latin) we have the following
features:--
2. The absence of the letter _j_, either with the power of _y_, as in
German, of _zh_, as in French, or of _dzh_, as in English.
3. The absence of _q_; a useful omission, _cw_ serving instead.
4. The absence of _v_; _u_, either single or double, being used instead.
9. The presence of the simple single signs _þ_ and _ð_, for the _th_ in
_thin_, and the _th_ in _thine_.
The preceding sketch, as has been said more than once before, has been
given with one view only, _viz._, that of accounting for defective modes of
spelling. The history of almost all alphabets is the same. Originally
either insufficient, erroneous, or inconsistent, they are transplanted from
one language to a different, due alterations and additions rarely being
made.
{209}
And tatt he loke wel þatt he
_An boc-staff write twiggess_,[37]
Eggwhær þær itt uppo þiss boc
Iss writenn o þatt wise:
Loke he well þatt hett write swa,
Forr he ne magg noht elless,
On Englissh writenn rihht te word,
Þatt wite he wel to soþe.
§ 267. "I cannot trace the influence of the Moeso-Gothic alphabet, except,
perhaps, in the case of the Anglo-Saxon letters _þ_ and _[wynn]_, upon any
other alphabet; _nor does it seem to have been itself acted upon by any
earlier Gothic alphabet_." (See p. 205.) The reason for the remark in
Italics was as follows: In the Icelandic language the word _run_ signifies
a _letter_, and the word _runa_ a _furrow_, or _line_. It has also some
secondary meanings, which it is unnecessary to give in detail. Upon a vast
number of inscriptions, some upon rocks, some upon stones of a defined
shape, we find an alphabet different (at least, apparently so) from that of
the Greeks, Latins, and Hebrews, and also unlike that of any modern nation.
In this alphabet there is a marked deficiency of curved or rounded lines,
and an exclusive preponderance of straight ones. As it was engraved rather
than written, this is what we naturally expect. These letters are called
Runes, and the alphabet which they constitute is called the Runic alphabet.
Sometimes, by an extension of meaning, the Old Norse language, wherein they
most frequently occur, is called the Runic language. This is as incorrect
as to call a language an alphabetic language. To say, however, the Runic
stage of a language is neither inaccurate nor inconvenient. The Runic
alphabet, whether borrowed or invented by the early Goths, is of greater
antiquity {210} than either the oldest Teutonic or the Moeso-Gothic
alphabets. The forms, names, and order of the letters may be seen in
Hickes' Thesaurus, in Olai Wormii Literatura Runica, in Rask's Icelandic
Grammar, and in W. Grimm's Deutsche Runer.
The original number of the Runic letters is sixteen; expressing the sounds
of _f_, _u_, _þ_, _o_, _r_, _k_, _h_, _n_, _a_, _i_, _s_, _t_, _b_, _l_,
_m_, _y_. To these are added four spurious Runes, denoting _c_, _x_, _æ_,
_ö_, and eight pointed Runes after the fashion of the pointed letters in
Hebrew. In all this we see the influence of the imported alphabet upon the
original Runes, rather than that of the original Runes upon the imported
alphabet. It should, however, be remarked, that in the Runic alphabet the
sound of _th_ in _thin_ is expressed by a simple sign, and that by a sign
not unlike the Anglo-Saxon þ.
_Name._ _Sound._
Let _beth_, _vaw_, and _pe_ (_b_, _v_, _p_) constitute a series called
series P. Let _gimel_, _kheth_, and _koph_ (_g_, _kh_, _k`_) constitute a
series called series K. Let _daleth_, _teth_, and _tau_ (_d_, _t`_, _t_)
constitute a series called series T. Let _aleph_, _he_, and _ayn_
constitute a series called the vowel series. Let the first four letters be
taken in their order.
Herein the consonant of series B comes next to the letter of the vowel
series; that of series K follows; and, in the last place, comes the letter
of series D. After this the order changes: _daleth_ being followed by _he_
of the vowel series.
In this second sequence the _relative_ positions of _v_, _kh_, and _t`_ are
the same in respect to each other, and the same in respect to the vowel
series. The sequence itself is broken by the letter _zayn_, but it is
remarkable that the principle of the sequence is the same. Series P follows
the vowel, and series T is farthest from it. After this the system becomes
but fragmentary. Still, even now, _pe_, of series P, follows _ayn_; _tau_,
of {212} series D, is farthest from it; and _koph_, of series K, is
intermediate. I am satisfied that we have in the Hebrew alphabet, and in
all alphabets derived from it (consequently in the English), if not a
system, the rudiments of a system, and that the system is of the sort
indicated above; in other words, that the order of the alphabet is a
_circulating order_.
In Mr. Donaldson's hands this view is not only a fact, but an instrument of
criticism:--"The fact is, in our opinion, the original Semitic alphabet
contained only sixteen letters. This appears from the organic arrangement
of their characters. The remaining sixteen letters appear in the following
order:--_aleph_, _beth_, _gimel_, _daleth_, _he_, _vaw_, _kheth_, _teth_,
_lamed_, _mem_, _nun_, _samech_, _ayn_, _pe_, _koph_, _tau_. If we examine
this order more minutely, we shall see that it is not arbitrary or
accidental, but strictly organic, according to the Semitic articulation. We
have four classes, each consisting of four letters: the first and second
classes consist each of three mutes, preceded by a breathing; the third of
the three liquids and the sibilant, which, perhaps, closed the oldest
alphabet of all; and the fourth contains the three supernumerary mutes,
preceded by a breathing. We place the characters first vertically:--
In this we see, that, while the horizontal lines give us the arrangement of
the mutes according to the breathings, the vertical columns exhibit them
arranged according to the organ by which they are produced. Such a
classification is obviously artificial."
* * * * *
{214}
PART IV.
ETYMOLOGY.
--------
CHAPTER I.
§ 270. The word etymology, derived from the Greek, in the current language
of scholars and grammarians, has a double meaning. At times it is used in a
wide, and at times in a restricted, sense. What follows is an exhibition of
the province or department of etymology.
Compared with the form _fathers_, the word _father_ is the older form of
the two. The word _father_ is a word current in this the nineteenth
century. The same word was current in {215} the first century, although
under a different form, and in a different language. Thus, in the Latin
language, the form was _pater_; and earlier still, there is the Sanskrit
form _pitr_. Now, just as the word _father_, compared with _fathers_, is
original and primitive, so is _pater_, compared with _father_, original and
primitive. The difference is, that in respect to _father_ and _fathers_,
the change that takes place, takes place within the same language, whilst
the change that takes place between _pater_ and _father_ takes place within
different languages. Of changes of this latter kind it is the province of
etymology to take cognizance.
The first of these sorts may be called etymology in the limited sense of
the word, or the etymology of the grammarian. In this case it is opposed to
orthoepy, orthography, syntax, and the other parts of grammar. This is the
etymology of the ensuing pages.
The second may be called etymology in the wide sense of the word,
historical etymology, or comparative etymology.
It must be again repeated that the two sorts of etymology agree in one
point, viz., in taking cognizance of the _changes of form that words
undergo_. Whether the change arise from grammatical reasons, as _father_,
_fathers_, or from a change of language taking place in the lapse of time,
as _pater_, _father_, is a matter of indifference.
In the Latin _pater_, and in the English _father_, we have one of two
things, either two words descended or derived from each other, or two words
descended or derived from a common original source.
"1. _The descent or derivation of a word from its original; the deduction
of formations from the radical word; the analysis of compounds into
primitives._
"2. _The part of grammar which delivers the inflections of nouns and
verbs._"
* * * * *
{217}
CHAPTER II.
ON GENDER.
How far is there such a thing as gender in the English language? This
depends upon the meaning that we attach to the word gender.
In the Latin language, where there are confessedly genders, we have the
words _taurus_, meaning a _bull_, and _vacca_, meaning a _cow_. Here the
natural distinction of sex is expressed by _wholly_ different words. With
this we have corresponding modes of expression in English: _e.g._,
The syllables in italics are the signs of the cases and numbers. Now these
signs are the same in each word, the difference of meaning (or sex) not
affecting them.
§ 274. Contrast, however, with the words _genitor_ and _genitrix_ the words
_domina_=_a mistress_, and _dominus_=_a master_.
{219}
Here the letters in italics, or the signs of the cases and numbers, are
different, the difference being brought about by the difference of gender.
Now it is very evident that, if _genitrix_ be a specimen of gender,
_domina_ is something more.
§ 275. The second element in the notion of gender, although I will not
venture to call it an essential one, is the following:--In the words
_domina_ and _dominus_, _mistress_ and _master_, there is a _natural_
distinction of sex; the one being masculine, or male, the other feminine,
or female. In the words _sword_ and _lance_ there is _no natural_
distinction of sex. Notwithstanding this, the word _hasta_, in Latin, is as
much a feminine gender as _domina_, whilst _gladius_=_a sword_ is, like
_dominus_, a masculine noun. From this we see that, in languages wherein
there are true genders, a fictitious or conventional sex is attributed even
to inanimate objects. Sex is a natural distinction, gender a grammatical
one.
The pronoun _him_, from the Anglo-Saxon and English _he_, as compared with
the pronoun _her_, from the Anglo-Saxon _heò_, is affected in its
declension by the difference of sex, and is a true, though fragmentary,
specimen of gender: for be it observed, that as both words are in the same
case and number, the difference in form must be referred to a difference of
sex expressed by gender. The same is the case with the form _his_ as
compared with _her_.
The forms _it_ (for _hit_) and _he_ are as much genders as _hic_ and _hæc_,
and the forms _hic_ and _hæc_ are as much genders as _dominus_ and
_domina_.
§ 277. The formation of the neuter gender by the addition of _-t_, in words
like _wha-t_, _i-t_, and _tha-t_, occurs in other Indo-European languages.
The _-t_ in _tha-t_ is the _-d_ in _istu-d_, Latin, and the _-t_ in _ta-t_,
Sanskrit. Except, however, in the Gothic tongues, the inflection _-t_ is
confined to the _pronouns_. In the Gothic this is not the case. Throughout
all those languages where there is a neuter form for _adjectives_ at all,
that form is either _-t_, or a sound derived from it:--Moeso-Gothic,
_blind-ata_; Old High German, _plint-ez_; Icelandic, _blind-t_; German,
_blind-es_=_blind_, _cæc-um_.--See Bopp's Comparative Grammar, Eastwick and
Wilson's translation, p. 171.
_Which_, as seen below, is _not_ the neuter of _who_.
Now, although Mr. Cobbett's statements may account for a sailor calling his
ship _she_, they will not account for the custom of giving to the sun a
masculine, and to the moon a {221} feminine, pronoun, as is done in the
expressions quoted at the head of this section; still less will it account
for the circumstance of the Germans reversing the gender, and making the
_sun_ feminine, and the _moon_ masculine.
Let there be a period in the history of a nation wherein the sun and moon
are dealt with, not as inanimate masses of matter, but as animated
divinities. Let there, in other words, be a period in the history of a
nation wherein dead things are personified, and wherein there is a
mythology. Let an object like the _sun_ be deemed a male, and an object
like the _moon_ a female, deity.
The Germans say the _sun in _her_ glory_; the _moon in _his_ wane_. This
difference between the usage of the two languages, like so many others, is
explained by the influence of the classical languages upon the
English.--"_Mundilfori had two children; a son, Mâni (Moon), and a
daughter, Sôl (Sun)._"--Such is an extract (taken second-hand from Grimm,
vol. iii. p. 349) out of an Icelandic mythological work, _viz._, the prose
Edda. In the classical languages, however, _Phoebus_ and _Sol_ are
masculine, and _Luna_ and _Diana_ feminine. Hence it is that, although in
Anglo-Saxon and Old-Saxon the _sun_ is _feminine_, it is in English
masculine.
Upon phrases like _Cock Robin_, _Robin Redbreast_, _Jenny Wren_, expressive
of sex, much information may be collected from Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik,
vol. iii. p. 359.
BURNS.
12. Observe, the form _gänserich_ has a masculine termination. The word
_täuberich_, in provincial New German, has the same form and the same
power. It denotes a _male dove_; _taube_, in German, signifying a _dove_.
In _gänserich_ and _täuberich_, we find preserved the termination _-rich_
(or _-rik_), with a masculine power. Of this termination we have a remnant,
in English, preserved in the curious word _drake_. To _duck_ the word
_drake_ has no etymological relation whatsoever. It is derived from a word
with which it has but one letter in common; _viz._ the Latin _anas_=_a
duck_. Of this the root is _anat-_, as seen in the genitive case _anatis_.
In Old High German we find the form _anetrekho_=_a drake_; in provincial
New High German there is _enterich_ and _äntrecht_, from whence come the
English and Low German form _drake_. (Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, iii. p.
341.)
* * * * *
{225}
CHAPTER III.
THE NUMBERS.
§ 280. In the Greek language the word _patær_ signifies a father, speaking
of _one_, whilst _patere_ signifies _two fathers_, speaking of a pair, and
thirdly, _pateres_ signifies _fathers_, speaking of any number beyond two.
The three words, _patær_, _patere_, and _pateres_, are said to be in
different numbers, the difference of meaning being expressed by a
difference of form. These numbers have names. The number that speaks of
_one_ is the singular, the number that speaks of _two_ is the _dual_ (from
the Latin word _duo_=_two_), and the number that speaks of _more than two_
is the _plural_.
All languages have numbers, but all languages have not them to the same
extent. The Hebrew has a dual, but it is restricted to nouns only (in Greek
being extended to verbs). It has, moreover, this peculiarity; it applies,
for the most part, only to things which are naturally double, as _the two
eyes_, _the two hands_, &c. The Latin has no dual number at all, except the
natural dual in the words _ambo_ and _duo_.
There is no dual in the present English. It has been seen, however, that in
the Anglo-Saxon there _was_ a dual. But the Anglo-Saxon dual, being
restricted to the personal pronouns (_wit_=_we two_; _git_=_ye two_), was
not co-extensive with the Greek dual.
There is no dual in the present German. In the ancient German there was
one.
In the present Danish and Swedish there is no dual. In the Old Norse and in
the present Icelandic a dual number is to be found.
From this we learn that the dual number is one of those inflections that
languages drop as they become modern.
The numbers, then, in the present English are two, the singular and the
plural. Over what extent of language have we a plural? The Latins say,
_bonus pater_=_a good father_; _boni patres_=_good fathers_. In the Latin,
the adjective _bonus_ changes its form with the change of number of the
substantive that it accompanies. In English it is only the substantive that
is changed. Hence we see that in the Latin language the numbers were
extended to adjectives, whereas in English they are confined to the
substantives and pronouns. Compared with the Anglo-Saxon, the present
English is in the same relation as it is with the Latin. In the Anglo-Saxon
there were plural forms for the adjectives.
For the forms _selves_ and _others_, see the Syntax. For the present, it is
sufficient to foreshadow a remark which will be made on the word _self_,
_viz._ that whether it be a pronoun, a substantive, or an adjective, is a
disputed point.
Words like _wheat_, _pitch_, _gold_, &c., where the idea is naturally
singular; words like _bellows_, _scissors_, _lungs_, &c., where the idea is
naturally plural; and words like _deer_, _sheep_, where the same form
serves for the singular and plural, inasmuch as there takes place no change
of form, are not under the province of etymology.
§ 282. The current rule is, that the plural number is formed from the
singular by adding _s_, as _father_, _fathers_. {227} However, if the
reader will revert to the Section upon the sharp and flat Mutes, where it
is stated that mutes of different degrees of sharpness and flatness cannot
come together in the same syllable, he will find occasion to take to the
current rule a verbal exception. The letter added to the word _father_,
making it _fathers_, is _s_ to the eye only. To the ear it is _z_. The word
sounds _fatherz_. If the _s_ retained its sound, the spelling would be
_fatherce_. In _stags_, _lads_, &c., the sound is _stagz_, _ladz_. The
rule, then, for the formation of the English plurals, rigorously expressed,
is as follows.--_The plural is formed from the singular, by adding to words
ending in a vowel, a liquid or flat mute, the flat lene sibilant (z); and
to words ending in a sharp mute, the sharp lene sibilant (s): e.g._ (the
_sound_ of the word being expressed), _pea_, _peaz_; _tree_, _treez_;
_day_, _dayz_; _hill_, _hillz_; _hen_, _henz_; _gig_, _gigz_; _trap_,
_traps_; _pit_, _pits_; _stack_, _stacks_. Upon the formation of the
English plural some further remarks are necessary.
I. In the case of words ending in _b_, _v_, _d_, the _th_ in _thine_=ð, or
_g_, a change either of the final flat consonant, or of the sharp _s_
affixed, was not a matter of choice, but of necessity; the combinations
_abs_, _avs_, _ads_, _aðs_, _ags_, being unpronounceable. See the Section
on the Law of Accommodation.
II. Whether the first of the two mutes should be accommodated to the second
(_aps_, _afs_, _ats_, _aþs_, _asks_), or the second to the first (_abz_,
_avz_, _aðz_, _agz_), is determined by the habit of the particular language
in question; and, with a few apparent exceptions (mark the word
_apparent_), it is the rule of the English language to accommodate the
second sound to the first, and not _vice versâ_.
III. Such combinations as _peas_, _trees_, _hills_, _hens_, &c. (the _s_
preserving its original power, and being sounded as if written _peace_,
_treece_, _hillce_, _hence_), being pronounceable, the change from _s_ to
_z_, in words so ending, is _not_ a matter determined by the necessity of
the case, but by the habit of the English language.
IV. Although the vast majority of our plurals ends, not in _s_, but in _z_,
the original addition was not _z_, but _s_. This we {228} infer from three
facts: 1. From the spelling; 2. from the fact of the sound of _z_ being
either rare or non-existent in Anglo-Saxon; 3. from the sufficiency of the
causes to bring about the change.
It may now be seen that some slight variations in the form of our plurals
are either mere points of orthography, or else capable of being explained
on very simple euphonic principles.
_Monarchs, heresiarchs._--Here the _ch_ equals not _tsh_, but _k_, so that
there is no need of being told that they do not follow the analogy of
_church_, &c.
_Beauty, beauties; key, keys._--Like the word _cargoes_, &c., these forms
are points, not of etymology, but of orthography.
_Dice._--In respect to its form, peculiar for the reason that _pence_ is
peculiar. We find the sound of _s_ after a vowel, where that of _z_ is
expected. This distinguishes _dice_ for play, from _dies_ (_diez_) for
coining. _Dice_, perhaps, like _pence_, is collective rather than plural.
_Alms._--This is no true plural form. The _s_ belongs to the original word,
Anglo-Saxon, _ælmesse_; Greek, [Greek: eleêmosunê]; just as the _s_ in
_goose_ does. How far the word, although a true singular in its form, may
have a collective signification, and require its verb to be plural, is a
point not of etymology, but of syntax. The same is the case with the word
_riches_, from the French _richesse_. In _riches_ the last syllable being
sounded as _ez_, increases its liability to pass for a plural.
In what number these words, having a collective sense, require their verbs
to be, is a point of syntax.
In the first place it is a double plural: the _-en_ being the _-en_ in
_oxen_, whilst the simpler form _child-er_ occurs in the old English, and
in certain provincial dialects.
and others, the peculiarity of which is the fact of their all being _of the
neuter gender_. The particular Gothic dialect wherein they occur most
frequently is the Dutch of Holland.
Now, the theory respecting the form so propounded by Grimm (D. G. iii. p.
270) is as follows:--
To these views Bopp adds, that the termination in question is the Sanskrit
_-as_, a neuter affix; as in _têj-as_=_splendour_, _strength_, from
_tij_=to _sharpen_.--V. G. pp. 141-259, Eastwick's and Wilson's
translation.
To these doctrines of Grimm and Bopp, it should be added, that the reason
why a singular derivational affix should become the sign of the plural
number, lies, most probably, in the _collective_ nature of the words in
which it occurs: _Husir_=_a collection of houses_, _eigir_=_a collection of
eggs, eggery _or_ eyry_. For further observations on the power of _-r_, and
for reasons for believing it to be the same as in the words _Jew-r-y_,
_yeoman-r-y_, see a paper of Mr. Guest's, Philol. Trans., May 26, 1843.
There we find the remarkable form _lamb-r-en_, from Wicliffe, Joh. xxi.
_Lamb-r-en_ : _lamb_ :: _child-r-en_ : _child_. {232}
§ 287. _Men, feet, teeth, mice, lice, geese._--In these we have some of the
oldest words in the language. If these were, to a certainty, true plurals,
we should have an appearance somewhat corresponding to the weak and strong
tenses of verbs; _viz._, one series of plurals formed by a change of the
vowel, and another by the addition of the sibilant. The word _kye_, used in
Scotland for _cows_, is of the same class. The list in Anglo-Saxon of words
of this kind is different from that of the present English.
_Sing._ _Plur._
Freónd Frýnd _Friends._
Feónd Fynd _Foes._
Niht Niht _Nights._
Bóc Béc _Books._
Burh Byrig _Burghs._
Bróc Bréc _Breeches._
Turf Týrf _Turves._
_Pullen_=poultry.
_Vendice._--I have known those who have been five-and-fifty, and all
about _pullen_ and pigs.--_Revenger's Tragedy_, iv. 1.
{233}
If this were a plural form, it would be a very anomalous one. The _-en_,
however, is no more a sign of the plural than is the _-es_ in _rich-es_
(_richesse_). The proper form is in _-ain_ or _-eyn_.
A false theefe,
That came like a false fox, my _pullain_ to kill and mischeefe.
* * * * *
{234}
CHAPTER IV.
ON THE CASES.
§ 289. The extent to which there are, in the English language, cases,
depends on the meaning which we attach to the word case. In the sentence _a
house of a father_, the idea expressed by the words _of a father_, is an
idea of relation between them and the word _house_. This idea is an idea of
property or possession. The relation between the words _father_ and _house_
may be called the possessive relation. This relation, or connexion, between
the two words is expressed by the preposition _of_.
In _a fathers house_ the idea is, there or thereabouts, the same; the
relation or connexion between the two words being the same. The expression,
however, differs. In _a father's house_ the relation, or connexion, is
expressed, not by a preposition, but by a change of form, _father_ becoming
_father's_.
_He gave the house to a father._--Here the words _father_ and _house_ stand
in another sort of relationship; the relationship being expressed by the
preposition _to_. The idea _to a father_ differs from the idea _of a
father_, in being expressed in one way only; _viz._, by the preposition.
There is no second mode of expressing it by a change of form, as was done
with _father's_.
Now if the relation alone between two words constitutes a case, the words
or sentences, _child_; _to a father_; _of a father_; and _father's_, are
all equally cases; of which one may be {235} called the accusative, another
the dative, a third the genitive, and so on.
_Latin._ _English._
_Sing. Nom._ _Pater_ _a father._
_Gen._ _Patris_ _a father's._
_Dat._ _Patri_ _to a father._
_Acc._ _Patrem_ _a father._
_Abl._ _Patre_ _from a father._
Here, since in the Latin language there are five changes of form, whilst in
English there are but _two_, there are (as far, at least, as the word
_pater_ and _father_ are concerned) three more cases in Latin than in
English. It does not, however, follow that because in _father_ we have but
two cases, there may not be other words wherein there are more than two.
In the language of the Anglo-Saxons the genitive cases of the words _smith_
(_smið_), _end_ (_ende_), and _day_ (_dæg_), were, respectively, _smithes_
(_smiðes_), _endes_, and _dayes_ (_dæges_); whilst the nominative plurals
were, respectively, _smithas_ (_smiðas_), _endas_, and _dayas_ (_dægas_). A
process of change took place, by which the vowel of the last syllable in
each {237} word was ejected. The result was, that the forms of the genitive
singular and the nominative plural, originally different, became one and
the same; so that the identity of the two cases is an accident.
This fact relieves the English grammarian from a difficulty. The nominative
plural and the genitive singular are, in the present language of England,
identical; the apostrophe in _father's_ being a mere matter of orthography.
However, there was _once_ a difference. This modifies the previous
statement, which may now stand thus:--_for a change of case there must be a
change of form existing or presumed_.
§ 291. _The number of our cases and the extent of language over which they
spread._--In the English language there is undoubtedly a _nominative_ case.
This occurs in substantives, adjectives, and pronouns (_father_, _good_,
_he_) equally. It is found in both numbers.
They are accusative thus far: 1. They are not derived from any other case.
2. They are distinguished from the forms _I_, _my_, &c. 3. Their meaning is
accusative. Nevertheless, they are only imperfect accusatives. They have no
sign of case, and are distinguished by negative characters only.
_Note._--The words _him_ and _them_ are true accusatives in even a less
degree than _thee_, _me_, _us_, and _you_. The Anglo-Saxon equivalents to
the Latin words _eos_ and _illos_ were _hi_ (or _hig_) and _þá_ (or
_þæge_); in other words, the sign of the accusative was other than the
sound of _-m_. The case which _really_ ended in _-m_ was the so-called
dative; so that the Anglo-Saxon forms _him_ (or _heom_) and _þám_=the Latin
_iis_ and _illis_.
This fact explains the meaning of the words, _whatever they may have been
originally_, in a preceding sentence. It also indicates a fresh element in
the criticism and nomenclature of the grammarian; _viz._, the extent to
which the _history_ of a form regulates its position as an inflection.
"The demonstrative pronouns are _þæt_, _se_, _seó_ (_id_, _is_, _ea_),
which are also used for the article; and _þis_, _þes_, _þeós_ (_hoc_,
_hic_, _hæc_). They are thus declined:-- {239}
"The indeclinable _þe_ is often used instead of _þæt_, _se_, _seo_, in all
cases, but especially with a relative signification, and, in later times,
as an article. Hence the English article _the_.
Hence the _the_ that has originated out of the Anglo-Saxon _þý_ is one
word; the _the_ that has originated out of the Anglo-Saxon _þe_, another.
The latter is the common article: the former the _the_ in expressions like
_all the more_, _all the better_=_more by all that_, _better by all that_,
and the Latin phrases _eo majus_, _eo melius_.
That _why_ is in the same case with the instrumental _the_ (=_þy_) may be
seen from the following Anglo-Saxon inflection of the interrogative
pronoun:--
_Neut._ _Masc._
_N._ Hwæt Hwá.
_A._ Hwæt Hwone (hwæne).
\------\/------/
_Abl._ _Hwi_
_D._ Hwám (hwæ'm)
_G._ Hwæs.
Hence, then, in _the_ and _why_ we have instrumental ablatives, or, simply,
_instrumentals_.
§ 292. _The determination of cases._--How do we determine cases? In other
words, why do we call _him_ and _them_ {240} accusatives rather than
datives or genitives? By one of two means; _viz._, either by the sense or
the form.
Suppose that in the English language there were ten thousand dative cases
and as many accusatives. Suppose, also, that all the dative cases ended in
_-m_, and all the accusatives in some other letter. It is very evident
that, whatever might be the meaning of the words _him_ and _them_ their
form would be dative. In this case the meaning being accusative, and the
form dative, we should doubt which test to take.
_My_, an accusative form (_meh_, _me_, _mec_), has now a genitive sense.
The same may be said of _thy_.
_Me_, originally an accusative form (both _me_ and _my_ can grow out of
_mec_ and _meh_), had, even with the Anglo-Saxons, a dative sense. _Give it
me_ is correct English. The same may be said of _thee_.
_Her._--For this word, as well as for further details on _me_ and _my_, see
the Chapters on the Personal and Demonstrative Pronouns. {241}
§ 293. When all traces of the original dative signification are effaced,
and when all the dative cases in a language are similarly affected, an
accusative case may be said to have originated out of a dative.
§ 294. Thus far the question has been concerning the immediate origin of
cases: their remote origin is a different matter.
The word _um_ occurs in Icelandic. In Danish and Swedish it is _om_; in the
Germanic languages _omme_, _umbi_, _umpi_, _ymbe_, and also _um_. Its
meaning is _at_, _on_, _about_. The word _whilom_ is the substantive
_while_=_a time_ or _pause_ (Dan. _hvile_=_to rest_), with the addition of
the preposition _om_. That the particular dative form in _om_ has arisen
out of the noun _plus_ the preposition is a safe assertion. I am not
prepared, however, to account for the formation of all the cases in this
manner.
§ 296. _The true nature of the genitive form in s._--It is a common notion
that the genitive form _father's_ is contracted from _father his_. The
expression in our liturgy, _for Jesus Christ his sake_, which is merely a
pleonastic one, is the only foundation for this assertion. As the idea,
however, is not only one of the commonest, but also one of the greatest
errors in etymology, the following three statements are given for the sake
of contradiction to it.
2. In the form _his_ itself, the _s_ has precisely the power that it has in
_father's_, &c. Now _his_ cannot be said to arise out of _he_ + _his_.
3. In all the languages of the vast Indo-European tribe, except the Celtic,
the genitive ends in _s_, just as it does in {242} English; so that even if
the words _father his_ would account for the English word _father's_, it
would not account for the Sanskrit genitive _pad-as_, of a foot; the Zend
_dughdhar-s_, of a daughter; the Lithuanic _dugter-s_; the Greek [Greek:
odont-os]; the Latin _dent-is_, &c.
For further remarks upon the English genitive, see the Cambridge
Philological Museum, vol. ii. p. 246.
* * * * *
{243}
CHAPTER V.
§ 297. _I, we, us, me, thou, ye._--These constitute the true personal
pronouns. From _he_, _she_, and _it_, they differ in being destitute of
gender.
These latter words are demonstrative rather than personal, so that there
are in English true personal pronouns for the first two persons only.
_I_, in German _ich_, Icelandic _ek_, corresponds with [Greek: egô], and
_ego_ of the classical languages; _ego_ and [Greek: egô] being, like _I_,
defective in the oblique cases.
_My_, as stated above, is a form originally accusative, but now used in a
genitive sense.
_Me._--In Anglo-Saxon this was called a dative form. The fact seems to be
that both _my_ and _me_ grow out of an accusative form, _meh_, _mec_.
That the sound of _k_ originally belonged to the pronouns _me_ and _thee_,
we learn not only from the Anglo-Saxons _mec_, _þec_, _meh_, _þeh_, but
from the Icelandic _mik_, _þik_, and the German _mich_, _dich_. This
accounts for the form _my_; since _y_=_ey_, and the sounds of _y_ and _g_
are allied. That both _me_ and _my_ can be evolved from _mik_, we see in
the present Scandinavian languages, where, very often even in the same
district, _mig_ is pronounced both _mey_ and _mee_. {244}
_We_ and _our_.--These words are not in the condition of _I_ and _me_.
Although the fact be obscured, they are really in an etymological relation
to each other. This we infer from the alliance between the sounds of _w_
and _ou_, and from the Danish forms _vi_ (_we_), _vor_ (_our_). It may be
doubted, however, whether _our_ be a true genitive rather than an
adjectival form. In the form _ours_ we find it playing the part, not of a
case, but of an independent word. Upon this, however, too much stress
cannot be laid. In Danish it takes a neuter form: _vor_=_noster_;
_vort_=_nostrum_. From this I conceive that it agrees, not with the Latin
genitive _nostrûm_, but with the adjective _noster_.
From these preliminary notices we have the changes in form of the true
personal pronouns, as follows:--
1ST PERSON
2ND PERSON.
§ 298. _We_ and _me_ have been dealt with as distinct words. But it is only
for practical purposes that they can be considered to be thus separate;
since the sounds of _m_ and _w_ are allied, and in Sanskrit the singular
form _ma_=_I_ is looked upon as part of the same word with _vayam_=_we_.
The same is the case with the Greek [Greek: me] (_me_), and the plural form
[Greek: hêmeis] (_hæmeis_)=_we_.
_Me._--Carrying out the views just laid down, and admitting _you_ to be a
nominative, or _quasi_-nominative case, we may extend the reasoning to the
word _me_, and call it also a secondary nominative; inasmuch as such
phrases as _it is me_=_it is I_ are common.
Again: the reasons which allow the form _you_ to be {246} considered as a
nominative plural, on the strength of its being used for _ye_, will not
allow it to be considered a nominative singular on the strength of its
being used for _thou_. It is submitted to the reader, that in phrases like
_you are speaking_, &c., even when applied to a single individual, the idea
is really plural; in other words, that the courtesy consists in treating
_one_ person as _more than one_, and addressing him as such, rather than in
using a plural form in a singular sense. It is certain that, grammatically
considered, _you_=_thou_ is a plural, since the verb with which it agrees
is plural:--_you are speaking_, not _you art speaking_.
* * * * *
{247}
CHAPTER VI.
ON THE TRUE REFLECTIVE PRONOUN IN THE GOTHIC LANGUAGES, AND ON ITS ABSENCE
IN ENGLISH.
At the first view, this last sentence seems unnecessary. It might seem
superfluous to state, that, if there were no such primitive form as _se_
(or its equivalent), there could be no such secondary form as _suus_ (or
its equivalent).
Such, however, is not the case. _Suus_ might exist in the language, and yet
_se_ be absent; in other words, the derivative form might have continued
whilst the original one had become extinct.
Such is really the case with the _Old_ Frisian. The reflective personal
form, the equivalent to _se_, is lost, whilst the reflective possessive
form, the equivalent to _suus_, is found. In the _Modern_ Frisian, however,
both forms are lost; as they also are in the present English.
_In Old High German._--The dative form lost; there being no such word as
_sir_=_sis_=_sibi_. Besides this, the genitive {248} or possessive form
_sin_ is used only in the masculine and neuter genders.
_In Old Saxon._--The equivalent to _se_, _sibi_, and _sui_ very rare. The
equivalent to _suus_ not common, but commoner than in Anglo-Saxon.
In the Dutch, Danish, and Swedish, the true reflectives, both personal and
possessive, occur; so that the modern Frisian and English stand alone in
respect to the entire absence of them.--Deutsche Grammatik, iv. 321-348.
1. It renders the use of the word _self_ much more necessary than it would
be otherwise.
* * * * *
{249}
CHAPTER VII.
_He_, _she_, and _it_, generally looked on as personal, are here treated as
demonstrative pronouns, for the following reasons.
3. The plural forms _they_, _them_, in the present English, are the plural
forms of the root of _that_, a true demonstrative pronoun; so that even if
_he_, _she_, and _it_ could be treated as personal pronouns, it could only
be in their so-called singular number.
4. The word _she_ has grown out of the Anglo-Saxon _seó_. Now _seó_ was in
Anglo-Saxon the feminine form of the definite article; the definite article
being a demonstrative pronoun.
_Him._--A true dative form, which has replaced the Anglo-Saxon _hine_. When
used as a dative, it was neuter as well as masculine.
_It._--Changed from the Anglo-Saxon _hit_, by the ejection of _h_. The _t_
is no part of the original word, but a sign of the neuter gender, forming
it regularly from _he_. The same neuter sign is preserved in the Latin _id_
and _illud_.
_Its._--In the course of time the nature of the neuter sign _t_, in _it_,
the form being found in but a few words, became misunderstood. Instead of
being looked on as an affix, it passed for part of the original word. Hence
was formed from _it_ the anomalous genitive _its_, superseding the Saxon
_his_. The same was the case with--
_Hers._--The _r_ is no part of the original word, but the sign of the
dative case. These formations are of value in the history of cases.
_They_, _their_, _them_.--When _hit_ had been changed into _it_, when _heó_
had been replaced by _she_, and when the single form _the_, as an article,
had come to serve for all the cases of all the genders, two circumstances
took place: 1. The forms _þám_ and _þára_ as definite articles became
superfluous; and, 2. The connexion between the plural forms _hí_, _heom_,
_heora_, and the singular forms _he_ and _it_, grew indistinct. These were
conditions favourable to the use of the forms _they_, _them_, and _their_,
instead of _hí_, _heom_, _heora_.
_Theirs._--In the same predicament with _hers_ and _its_; either the case
of an adjective, or a case formed from a case. {251}
I.
Se, _seó_.
Of this word we meet two forms only, both of the singular number, and both
in the nominative case; _viz._ masc. _se_; fem. _seó_ (the). The neuter
gender and the other cases of the article were taken from the pronoun _þæt_
(that).
II.
III.
IV.
1st. That the _s_ is no inflection, but a radical part of the word, like
the _s_ in _geese_.
These facts create difficulties in respect to the word _these_. Mr. Guest's
view is, perhaps, the best; _viz._ that the plural element of the word is
the letter _e_, and that this _-e_ is the old English and Anglo-Saxon
adjective plural; so that _thes-e_ is formed from _thes_, as _gode_
(=_boni_) is formed from _god_ (=_bonus_).
_Singular._ _Plural._
_M._ _F._ _N._ _M._ _F._ _N._
_God_, _god_, _god_, _gode_.
In Old English MSS. this plural in _-e_ is general. It occurs not only in
adjectives and pronouns as a regular inflection, but even as a plural of
the genitive _his_, that word being treated as a nominative singular; so
that _hise_ is formed from _his_, as _sui_ from _suus_, or as _eji_ might
have been formed from _ejus_; provided that in the Latin language this last
word had been mistaken for a nominative singular. The following examples
are Mr. Guest's.
_Wicliffe_, Jon. v.
_Chau._, Prol.
3. And _al_ the cuntre of Judee wente out to him, and _alle_ men of
Jerusalem.--_Wiclif_, Mark i.
4. He ghyueth lif to _alle_ men, and brething, and _alle_ thingis; and
made of von _al_ kynde of men to inhabit on _al_ the face of the
erthe.--_Wicliffe_, Dedis of Apostlis, xvii.
{253}
6. And _alle_ we that ben in this aray
And maken _all_ this lamentation,
We losten _alle_ our husbondes at that toun.
8. So every _good_ tree maketh _gode_ fruytis, but an yvel tree maketh
yvel fruytes. A _good_ tree may not mak yvel fruytis, neither an yvel
tree may make _gode_ fruytis. Every tree that maketh not _good_ fruyt
schal be cut down.--_Wicliffe_, Matt. vii.
9. Men loveden more darknessis than light for her werkes weren _yvele_,
for ech man that doeth _yvel_, hateth the light.--_Wicliffe_, Jon. iii.
10. And _othere_ seedis felden among thornes wexen up and strangliden
hem, and _othere_ seedis felden into good lond and gaven fruyt, sum an
hundred fold, _another_ sixty fold, an _other_ thritty fold,
&c.--_Wicliffe_, Matt. xiii.
11. Yet the while he spake to the puple lo _his_ mother and _hise_
brethren stonden withoute forth.--_Wicliffe_, Matt. xii.
12. And _hise_ disciplis camen and token _his_ body.--_Wicliffe_, Matt.
xiv.
13. Whan _thise_ Bretons tuo were fled out of _this_ lond
Ine toke his feaute of alle, &c.
_Rob. Brunne_, p. 3.
15. Seye to us in what powers thou doist _these_ thingis, and who is he
that gaf to thee _this_ power.--_Wicliffe_, Luke xx.
§ 302. _Those._--Perhaps the Anglo-Saxon _þá_ with _s_ added. Perhaps the
_þás_ from _þis_ with its power altered. Rask, in his Anglo-Saxon Grammar,
writes "from þis we find, in the plural, þæs for þás. From which
afterwards, with a distinction in signification, _these_ and _those_." The
English form _they_ is illustrated by the Anglo-Saxon form _ðage_=_þá_. The
whole doctrine of the forms in question has yet to assume a satisfactory
shape.
_The_--Undeclined.
{254}
II.
III.
_He_.
IV.
_That._
V.
VI.
_Those_.
* * * * *
{255}
CHAPTER VIII.
The two sounds in the Danish words _hvi_, _hvad_, &c., and the two sounds
in the English, _what_, _when_ (Anglo-Saxon, _hwæt_, _hwæne_), account for
the forms _why_ and _how_. In the first the _w_ alone, in the second the
_h_ alone, is sounded. The Danish for why is _hvi_, pronounced _vi_; in
Swedish the word is _hu_.
§ 305. The following remarks (some of them not strictly etymological) apply
to a few of the remaining pronouns. For further details, see Grimm, D. G.
iii. 4.
2. The Middle High German phrases, _mîn lîp_, _dîn lîp_, _my body_, _thy
body_, equivalent in sense to _myself_, _thyself_.
4. The fact that many persons actually say _hisself_ and _theirselves_.
_One._--As in the phrase _one does so and so_. From the French _on_.
Observe that this is from the Latin _homo_, in Old French _hom_, _om_. In
the Germanic tongues _man_ is used in the same sense: _man sagt_=_one
says_=_on dit_. _One_, like _self_ and _other_, is so far a substantive,
that it is inflected. Gen. sing, _one's own self_: plural, _my wife and
little ones are well_.
A. _First_, it may be stated of them that the idea which they express is
not that _of one out of many_, but that of _one out of two_.
1. In Sanskrit there are two forms, ^a) _kataras_, the same word as
_whether_, meaning _which out of two_; ^b) _katamas_, _which out of many_.
So also _êkateras_, _one out of two_; _êkatamas_, _one out of many_. In
Greek, the Ionic form [Greek: koteros] ([Greek: poteros]); in Latin,
_uter_, _neuter_, _alter_; and in Moeso-Gothic, _hvathar_, have the same
form and the same meaning.
Hence _other_ and _whether_ (to which may be added _either_ and _neither_)
are pronouns with the comparative form.
* * * * *
{260}
CHAPTER IX.
3. Certain adjectives, with the form of the comparative, but the power of
the positive degree; as _upp-er_, _und-er_, _inn-er_, _out-er_, _hind-er_.
Now what is the idea common to all these words, expressed by the sign
_-er_, and connecting the four divisions into one class? It is not the mere
idea of comparison; although it is the comparative degree, to the
expression of which the affix in question is more particularly applied.
Bopp, who has best generalised the view of these forms, considers the
fundamental idea to be that of _duality_. In the comparative degree we have
a relation between one object and _some_ other object like it, or a
relation between two single elements of comparison: _A is wiser than B_. In
the superlative degree we have a relation between one object and _all_
others like it, or a relation between one single and one complex element of
comparison: _A is wiser than B, C, D_, &c.
3. Precisely as the words _guabba_ and _guttemush_ are formed, so also are
the regular degrees of adjectives. {262}
* * * * *
{263}
CHAPTER X.
In the Sanskrit language the signs of the comparative degree are two:--1.
_-tara_, as _punya_=_pure_; _punya-tara_=_purer_; 2. _-îyas_, as
_k['s]ipra_=_swift_; _k['s]êpîyas_=_swifter_. Of these the first is the
most in use.
Thus we collect, that, expressive of the comparative degree, there are two
parallel forms; _viz._, the form in _tr_, and the form in _s_; of which one
is the most in use in one language, and the other in another.
§ 312. Now, of the two parallel forms, the Gothic one was the form _s_; the
words _other_ and _whether_ only preserving the form _tr_. And here comes
the application of the remarks that have just gone before. The vast
majority of our comparatives end in _r_, and so seem to come from _tr_
rather than from _s_. This, however, is not the case. The _r_ in words like
_sweeter_ is derived, not from _tar_--_t_, but from _s_, changed into _r_.
In Moeso-Gothic the comparative ended in _s_ (_z_); in Old High German the
_s_ has become _r_: Moeso-Gothic _aldiza_, _batiza_, _sutiza_; Old High
German, _altiro_, _betsiro_, _suatsiro_; English, _older_, _better_,
_sweeter_.
_The sun shines to-day brighter than it did yesterday, and to-morrow it
will shine brightest._--Here also the sense is adverbial; from whence we
get the fact, that adverbs take degrees of comparison.
Now let the root _mag-_, as in _magnus_, [Greek: megas], and _mikil_
(Norse), give the idea of greatness. In the Latin language we have from it
two comparative forms: 1. the adjectival comparative _major_=_greater_; 2.
the adverbial comparative _magis_=_more_ (_plus_). The same takes place in
Moeso-Gothic: _maiza_ means _greater_, and is adjectival; _mais_ means
_more_, and is adverbial. The Anglo-Saxon forms are more instructive still;
_e.g._, _þäs þe mâ_=_all the more_, _þäs þe bet_=_all the better_, have a
comparative sense, but not a comparative form, the sign _r_ being absent.
Now, compared with _major_, and subject to the remarks that have gone
before, the Latin _magis_ is the older form. With _mâ_ and _bet_, compared
with _more_ and _better_, this may or may not be the case. _Mâ_ and _bet_
may each be one of two forms; 1. a positive used in a comparative sense; 2.
a true comparative, which has lost {265} its termination. The present
section has been written not for the sake of exhausting the subject, but to
show that in the comparative degree there were often two forms; of which
one, the adverbial, was either more antiquated, or more imperfect than the
other: a fact bearing upon some of the forthcoming trains of etymological
reasoning.
§ 315. The previous section has stated that in Anglo-Saxon there were two
forms for the comparative and superlative degrees, one in _-re_ and
_-este_, the other in _-or_ and _-ost_, respectively. Now the first of
these was the form taken by adjectives; as _se scearpre sweord_=_the
sharper sword_, and _se scearpeste sweord_=_the sharpest sword_. The
second, on the other hand, was the form taken by adverbs; as, _se sweord
scyrð scearpor_=_the sword cuts sharper_, and _se sweord scyrð
scearpost_=_the sword cuts sharpest_.
The adjectival form has, as seen above, a tendency to make the vowel of the
preceding syllable small: _old_, _elder_. {266}
The adverbial form has a tendency to make the vowel of the preceding
syllable full.
Of this effect on the part of the adverbial form the adverbial comparative
_rather_ is a specimen. We pronounce the _a_ as in _father_, or full.
Nevertheless, the positive form is small, the _a_ being pronounced as the
_a_ in _fate_.
The word _rather_ means _quick_, _easy_=the classical root [Greek: rhad-]
in [Greek: rhadios]. What we do _quickly_ and _willingly_ we do
_preferably_. Now if the word _rather_ were an adjective, the vowel of the
comparative would be sounded as the _a_ in _fate_. As it is, however, it is
adverbial, and as such is properly sounded as the _a_ in _father_.
The difference between the action of the small vowel in _-re_, and of the
full in _-or_, effects this difference.
The forms (or words) _thou_, _thy_, _thee_, are forms or words {267}
between which there is a formal or an etymological connexion. A train of
such words may be called a sequence, and such a sequence may be called an
etymological one.
The ideas of _I_, _my_, and _me_ are also in a logical sequence: but the
forms _I_, _my_, and _me_ are not altogether in an etymological one.
In the case of _I_, _my_, _me_, the etymological sequence does _not_ tally
(or tallies imperfectly) with the logical one.
This is only another way of saying that between the words _I_ and _me_
there is no connexion in etymology.
It is also only another way of saying, that, in the oblique cases, _I_,
and, in the nominative case, _me_, are defective.
Now the same is the case with _good_, _better_, _bad_, _worse_, &c. _Good_
and _bad_ are defective in the comparative and superlative degrees;
_better_ and _worse_ are defective in the positive; whilst between _good_
and _better_, _bad_ and _worse_, there is a sequence in logic, but no
sequence in etymology.
If the form _worse_ be taken without respect to the rest, the view of the
matter is simply that in the termination _s_ we have a remnant of the
Moeso-Gothic forms, like _sutiza_, &c., in other words, the old comparative
in _s_.
_Wirser_ and _vairsiza_ traverse this view. They indicate the likelihood of
the _s_ being no sign of the degree, but a part of the original word.
Otherwise the _r_ in _wirser_, and the _z_ in _vairsiza_, denote an excess
of expression.
The analogy of _mâ_ and _bet_ show that _worse_ may possibly be a positive
form.
The word _vërri_ indicates the belief that the _s_ is no part of the root.
With the exception of _worse_ and _less_, all the English comparatives end
in _r_: yet no superlative ends in _rt_, the form being, not _wise_,
_wiser_, _wisert_, but _wise_, _wiser_, _wisest_. This fact, without
invalidating the notion just laid down, gives additional importance to the
comparative forms in _s_; since it is from these, before they have changed
to _r_, that we must suppose the superlatives to have been derived. The
theory being admitted, we can, by approximation, determine the comparative
antiquity of the superlative degree. It was introduced into the
Indo-European tongues after the establishment of the comparative, and
before the change of _-s_ into _-r_. I give no opinion as to the truth of
this theory.
* * * * *
{271}
CHAPTER XI.
§ 326. The history of the superlative form, accurately parallel with what
has been stated of the comparative, is as follows:--
In Sanskrit there is, 1. the form _tama_, 2. the form _ishta_; the first
being the commonest. The same is the case in the Zend.
Each of these appears again in the Greek. The first, as [Greek: tat]
(_tat_), in [Greek: leptotatos] (_leptotatos_); the second, as [Greek: ist]
(_ist_), in [Greek: oiktistos] (_oiktistos_). For certain reasons, Grimm
thinks that the tat stands for _tamt_, or _tant_.
Just as in _inferus_ and _nuperus_, there was the ejection of the _t_ in
the comparative _ter_, so in _infimus_, _nigerrimus_, &c., is there the
ejection of the same letter in the superlative _tim_.
This gives us, as signs of the superlative, 1. _tm_; 2. _st_; 3. _m_, _t_
being lost; 4. _t_, _m_ being lost.
Of the first and last of these, there are amongst the _true_ superlatives,
in English, no specimens.
Add to this, with an excess of expression, the letters _st_. This accounts
for the whole form, as _mid-m-ost_, _in-m-ost_, &c. Such is Grimm's view.
§ 327. The combination _st_ occurs in other words besides those of the
superlative degree; amongst others, in certain adverbs and prepositions, as
_among_, _amongst_; _while_, _whilst_; _between_, _betwixt_.--Its power
here has not been well explained.
* * * * *
{273}
CHAPTER XII.
In another sense they are strictly etymological. They are the basis of the
ordinals, which are formed from them by derivation. Furthermore, some of
them either have, or are supposed to have, certain peculiarities of form
which can be accounted for only by considering them derivatives, and that
of a very peculiar kind.
The word _pair_ also=2; but not absolutely, not unequivocally, and only in
a secondary manner. {274}
When languages separate from a common stock before the use of certain words
is fixed as _absolute_, there is room for considerable latitude in the
choice of numerals; _e.g._, whilst with one tribe the word _pair_=_two_,
another tribe may use the word _couple_, a third _brace_, and so on. In
this case dialects that agree in other respects may differ in respect to
their numerals.
When, on the other hand, languages separate from a common stock after the
meaning of such a word as _two_ has been fixed absolutely, there is no room
for latitude; and the numerals agree where the remainder of the language
differs.
[beta]. [Greek: Pisures], Æolic. Illustrates the change between [tau]- and
[pi]- (allied to _f-_), within the pale of the classical languages.
[beta]. _Pump_, Welsh. These account for the change from the _n_ + _t_ in
[Greek: pente] to _m_ + _p_.
The change from the [pi]- of [Greek: pente] to the _qu-_ of _quinque_ is
the change so often quoted by Latin and Celtic scholars between _p_ and
_k_: [Greek: hippos], [Greek: hikkos], _equus_.
[gamma]. The _-n_ has not been well accounted for. It is peculiar to the
Low Germanic dialects.--Deutsche Grammatik, ii. 946.
12. _Twelve_=the root _two_ + the root _laib_=_two over_ (_ten_). _Tvalif_,
Moeso-Gothic; _zuelif_, Old High German; _toll_, Swedish. The same doubts
that apply to the doctrine of the _-lv-_ in _eleven_ representing the root
_-laib_, apply to the _-lv-_ in _twelve_.--Deutsche Grammatik, ii. 946.
30. _Thirty_=3 × 10, or three decads. This difference in the decimal power
of the syllables _-teen_ and _-ty_ is illustrated by--
"This is the form of the inflection in the best and oldest MSS. A little
later was adopted the _indeclinable_ form _tigi_, which was used
adjectivally."--Det Oldnorske Sprogs Grammatik, af P. A. Munch, og C. B.
Unger, Christiania, 1847.
§ 330. Generally speaking, the greater part of the numerals are undeclined,
even in inflected languages. As far as _number_ goes, this is necessary.
As to the inflection of gender and cases, there is no reason why all the
numerals should not be as fully inflected as the Latin _unus_, _una_,
_unum_, _unius_.
* * * * *
{277}
CHAPTER XIII.
§ 331. The remarks at the close of the last chapter but one indicated the
fact that superlative forms were found beyond the superlative degree. The
present chapter shows that they are certainly found in some, and possibly
in all of the ordinal numbers.
Between the words _one_ and _first_ there is no etymological relation. This
is the case in most languages. _Unus_, _primus_, [Greek: heis], [Greek:
prôtos], &c.
Old High German, _andar_; Old Saxon, _othar_; Old Frisian, _other_; Middle
Dutch, _ander_. In all these words we have the comparative form _-ter_; and
considering that, _compared with the word first_, the word _second_ is a
sort of {278} comparative, there is nothing in the circumstance to surprise
us. The Greek forms [Greek: deuteros] and [Greek: heteros], the Latin
_alter_, and the Lithuanic _antras_, are the same.
2. Arguing from the nature of the first two ordinals, namely, the words
_first_ and _second_, of which one has been called a superlative and the
other a comparative, it may seem a simple matter to associate, in regard to
the rest, the idea of ordinalism with the idea of comparison. A plain
distinction, however, will show that the case of the first two ordinals is
peculiar. _First_ is a superlative, not as compared with its cardinal,
_one_, but as compared with the other numerals. _Second_, or _other_, is a
comparative, not as compared with its cardinal, _two_, but as compared with
the numeral _one_. Now it is very evident, that, if the other ordinals be
either comparatives or superlatives, they must be so, not as compared with
one another, but as compared with their respective cardinals. _Sixth_, to
be anything like a superlative, must be so when compared with _six_.
§ 334. Now there are, in etymology, two ways of determining the affinity of
ideas. The first is the metaphysical, the second the empirical, method.
_This is better than that_, is a sentence which the pure metaphysician may
deal with. He may first determine that there is in it the idea of
comparison; and next that the comparison is the comparison between _two_
objects, and no more than two. This idea he may compare with others. He may
determine, that, with a sentence like _this is one and that is the other_,
it has something in common; since both assert something concerning _one out
of two objects_. Upon this connexion in sense he is at liberty to reason.
He is at liberty to conceive that in certain languages words expressive
{279} of allied ideas may also be allied in form. Whether such be really
the case, he leaves to etymologists to decide.
At times the two methods coincide, and ideas evidently allied are expressed
by forms evidently allied.
At times the connexion between the ideas is evident; but the connexion
between the forms obscure: and _vice versâ_. Oftener, however, the case is
as it is with the subjects of the present chapter. Are the ideas of
ordinalism in number, and of superlativeness in degree, allied? The
metaphysical view, taken by itself, gives us but unsatisfactory evidence;
whilst the empirical view, taken by itself, does the same. The two views,
however, taken together, give us evidence of the kind called cumulative,
which is weak or strong according to its degree.
Compared with _three_, _four_, &c., all the ordinals are formed by the
addition of _th_, or _t_; and _th_, _ð_, _t_, or _d_, is the ordinal sign,
not only in English, but in the other Gothic languages. But, as stated
before, this is not the whole of the question.
The following forms indicate a fresh train of reasoning. {280} The Greek
[Greek: hepta] (_hepta_), and Icelandic _sjau_, have been compared with the
Latin _septem_ and the Anglo-Saxon _seofon_. In the Greek and Icelandic
there is the absence, in the Latin and Anglo-Saxon the presence, of a final
liquid (_m_ or _n_).
Again, the Greek forms [Greek: ennea] (_ennea_), and the Icelandic
_níu_=_nine_, have been compared with the Latin _novem_ and the Gothic
_nigun_.
Thirdly, the Greek [Greek: deka] (_deka_), and the Icelandic _tíu_, have
been compared with the Latin _decem_ and the Gothic _tihun_=_ten_.
These three examples indicate the same circumstance; _viz._ that the _m_ or
_n_, in _seven_, _nine_, and _ten_, is no part of the original word.
§ 335. The following hypotheses account for these phenomena; _viz._ that
the termination of the ordinals is the superlative termination _-tam_: that
in some words, like the Latin _septimus,_ the whole form is preserved; that
in some, as in [Greek: tetartos]=_fourth_, the _t_ only remains; and that
in others, as in _decimus_, the _m_ alone remains. Finally, that in
_seven_, _nine_, and _ten_, the final liquid, although now belonging to the
cardinal, was once the characteristic of the ordinal number. For a fuller
exhibition of these views, see Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, iii. 640.
* * * * *
{281}
CHAPTER XIV.
THE ARTICLES.
§ 336. In the generality of grammars the definite article _the_, and the
indefinite article _an_, are the very first parts of speech that are
considered. This is exceptionable. So far are they from being essential to
language, that, in many dialects, they are wholly wanting. In Greek there
is no indefinite, in Latin there is neither an indefinite nor a definite
article. In the former language they say [Greek: anêr tis]=_a certain man_:
in the Latin the words _filius patris_ mean equally _the son of the
father_, _a son of a father_, _a son of the father_, or _the son of a
father_. In Moeso-Gothic and in Old Norse, there is an equal absence of the
indefinite article; or, at any rate, if there be one at all, it is a
different word from what occurs in English. In these the Greek [Greek: tis]
is expressed by the Gothic root _sum_.
The same reasoning applies to the word _the_. Compared with _a man_, the
words _the man_ are very definite. Compared, however, with the words _that
man_, they are the contrary. Now, just as _an_ and _a_ have arisen out of
the numeral _one_, so has _the_ arisen out of the demonstrative pronoun
_þæt_, or at least from some common root. It will be remembered that in
Anglo-Saxon there was a form _þe_, undeclined, and common to all the cases
of all the numbers.
The origin of the articles seems uniform. In German _ein_, in Danish _en_,
stand to _one_ in the same relation that _an_ does. The French _un_,
Italian and Spanish _uno_, are similarly related to _unus_=_one_.
And as, in English _the_, in German _der_, in Danish _den_, come from the
demonstrative pronouns, so in the classical languages are the French _le_,
the Italian _il_ and _lo_, and the Spanish _el_, derived from the Latin
demonstrative, _ille_.
In his Outlines of Logic, the present writer has given reasons for
considering the word _no_ (as in _no man_) an article.
That _the_, in expressions like _all the more_, _all the better_, &c., is
no article, has already been shown.
* * * * *
{283}
CHAPTER XV.
§ 337. Compared with the words _lamb_, _man_, and _hill_, the words
_lambkin_, _mannikin_, and _hillock_ convey the idea of comparative
smallness or diminution. Now, as the word _hillock_=_a little hill_ differs
in form from _hill_ we have in English a series of diminutive forms, or
diminutives.
The Greek word [Greek: meiôsis] (_meiôsis_) means diminution; the Greek
word [Greek: hupokorisma] means an endearing expression. Hence we get names
for the two kinds of diminutives; _viz._, the term _meiotic_ for the true
diminutives, and the term _hypocoristic_ for the diminutives of
endearment.--Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, iii. 664. {284}
_Ock._--_Bullock_, _hillock_.
_Soare_=a deer in its third year. _Sor-rel_=a deer in its second year.--See
_Love's Labour Lost_, with the note.
_Tiercel_=a small sort of hawk, one-third less (_tierce_) than the common
kind.
In the words in point we must assume an earlier form, _cocker_ and _piker_,
to which the diminutive form _-el_ is affixed. If this be true, we have, in
English, representatives of the diminutive form _-l_, so common in the High
Germanic dialects. _Wolfer_=_a wolf_, _hunker_=_a haunch_, _flitcher_=_a
flitch_, _teamer_=_a team_, _fresher_=_a frog_,--these are north country
forms of the present English.[43]
The termination _-rd_, taken from the Gothic, appears in {286} the modern
languages of classical origin: French, _vieillard_; Spanish, _codardo_.
From these we get at, second-hand, the word _coward_.--Deutsche Grammatik,
iii. 707.
* * * * *
{288}
CHAPTER XVI.
GENTILE FORMS.
§ 341. These have been illustrated by Mr. Guest in the Transactions of the
Philological Society.
The only word in the present English that requires explanation is the name
of the principality _Wales_.
1. The form is plural, however much the meaning may be singular; so that
the _-s_ in _Wale-s_ is the _-s_ in _fathers_, &c.
{289}
CHAPTER XVII.
ON THE CONNEXION BETWEEN THE NOUN AND VERB, AND ON THE INFLECTION OF THE
INFINITIVE MOOD.
In the way of logic, the difference between a noun and a verb is less
marked than it is in the way of grammar.
The idea of number is the only one that, on a superficial view, is common
to these two important parts of speech.
[Greek: to phthonein]=_invidia_.
[Greek: tou phthonein]=_invidiæ_.
[Greek: en tôi phthonein]=_in invidia_.
oftener than the Romans. The fact of there being an article in Greek may
account for this.
[alpha]. The name of any action may be used without any mention of the
agent. Thus, we may speak of the simple fact of _walking_ or _moving_,
independently of any specification of the _walker_ or _mover_.
[beta]. That, when actions are spoken of thus indefinitely, the idea of
either person or number has no place in the conception; from which it
follows that the so-called infinitive mood must be at once impersonal, and
without the distinction of singular, dual, and plural.
[gamma]. That, nevertheless, the ideas of time and relation in space _have_
place in the conception. We can think of a person being _in the act of
striking a blow_, of his _having been in the act of striking a blow_, or of
his _being about to be in the act of striking a blow_. We can also think of
a person being _in the act of doing a good action_, or of his being _from
the act of doing a good action_.
This has been written to show that verbs of languages in general are as
naturally declinable as nouns. What follows will show that the verbs of the
Gothic languages in particular were actually declined, and that fragments
of this declension remain in the present English.
§ 345. The inflection of the verb in its impersonal (or {291} infinitive
form) consisted, in full, of three cases, a nominative (or accusative), a
dative, and a genitive. The genitive is put last, because its occurrence in
the Gothic language is the least constant.
In Anglo-Saxon the dative of the infinitive verb ended in _-nne_, and was
(as a matter of syntax) generally, perhaps always, preceded by the
preposition _to_.
The genitive, ending in _-es_, occurs only in Old High German and Modern
High German, _plâsannes_, _weinnenes_.
§ 346. With these preliminaries we can take a clear view of the English
infinitives. They exist under two forms, and are referable to a double
origin.
are very remarkable. They exhibit the phenomena of a nominative case having
grown not only out of a dative but out of a dative _plus_ its governing
preposition.
* * * * *
{292}
CHAPTER XVIII.
ON DERIVED VERBS.
In Anglo-Saxon these words were more numerous than they are at present. The
following list is taken from the Cambridge Philological Museum, ii. 386.
III. Verbs derived from nouns by a change of accent; as _to survéy_, from a
_súrvey_. For a fuller list see the Chapter on Derivation. Walker
attributes the change of accent to the influence of the participial
termination _-ing_. All words thus affected are of foreign origin.
IV. Verbs formed from nouns by changing a final sharp consonant into its
corresponding flat one; as,
* * * * *
{294}
CHAPTER XIX.
ON THE PERSONS.
§ 348. Compared with the Latin, the Greek, the Moeso-Gothic, and almost all
the ancient languages, there is, in English, in respect to the persons of
the verbs, but a very slight amount of inflection. This may be seen by
comparing the English word _call_ with the Latin _voco._
Here the Latins have different forms for each different person, whilst the
English have forms for two only; and even of these one (_callest_) is
becoming obsolete. With the forms of _voco_ marked in italics there is, in
the current English, nothing correspondent.
In the word _am_, as compared with _are_ and _art_, we find a sign of the
first person singular.
In the old forms _tellen_, _weren_, &c., we have a sign of the plural
number.
In the Modern English, the Old English, and the Anglo-Saxon, the
peculiarities of our personal inflections are very great. This may be seen
from the following tables of comparison:--
{295}
_Old High German._
_Singular._ Prennu. Prennîs. Prennit--_burn._
_Plural._ Prennames. Prennat. Prennant.
_Icelandic._
_Singular._ Kalla. Kallar. Kallar--_call._
_Plural._ Köllum. Kalliþ. Kalla.
_Old Saxon._
_Singular._ Sôkju. Sôkîs. Sôkîd--_seek._
_Plural._ Sôkjad. Sôkjad. Sôkjad.
_Anglo-Saxon._
_Singular._ Lufige. Lufast. Lufað.
_Plural._ Lufiað. Lufiað. Lufiað.
_Old English._
_Singular._ Love. Lovest. Loveth.
_Plural._ Loven. Loven. Loven.
_Modern English._
_Singular._ Love. Lovest. Loveth (or Loves).
_Plural._ Love. Love. Love.
1. The full form _prennames_ in the newer Old High German, as compared with
_sókjam_ in the _old_ Moeso-Gothic.
3. The difference between the Old Saxon and the Anglo-Saxon in the second
person singular; the final _t_ being absent in Old Saxon.
§ 349. _First person singular._--That the original sign of this person was
M we learn from the following forms: _dadâmi_, Sanskrit; _dadhâmi_, Zend;
_[Greek: didômi]_, Greek; _dumi_, Lithuanic; _damy_, Slavonic=_I give_. The
Latin language preserves it in _sum_ and _inquam_, and in the first persons
of tenses, like _legam_, _legebam_, _legerem_, _legissem_. The form _im_=_I
am_ occurs in Moeso-Gothic; and the words _stom_=_I stand_, _lirnem_=_I
shall learn_, in Old High German. The word _am_ is a fragmentary specimen
of it in our own language.
_Plural._--The original sign MES. _Dadmas_, Sanskrit; _[Greek: didomes]_,
afterwards _[Greek: didomen]_, Greek; _damus_, Latin=_we give_. The current
form in Old High German.
These forms in M may or may not be derived from the pronoun of the first
person; _mâ_, Sanskrit; _me_, Latin, English, &c.
These forms in T and S may or may not be derived from the pronoun of the
second person; _tva_, Sanskrit; [Greek: su], Greek; _thou_, English.
The preceding examples are from Grimm and Bopp. To them add the Welsh form
_carant_=_they love_, and the Persian _budend_=_they are_. {297}
The forms in T and NT may or may not be derived from the demonstrative
pronoun _ta_, Saxon; [Greek: to], Greek; _that_, English, &c.
The only person of the plural number originally ending in ð is the second;
as _sókeiþ_, _prennat_, _kalliþ_, _lufiað_; the original ending of the
first person being _-mes_, or _-m_, as _prennames_, _sôkjam_, _köllum_.
Now, in Anglo-Saxon, the _first_ person ends in ð, as _lufiað_. Has _-m_,
or _-mes_, changed to ð, or has the second person superseded the first? The
latter alternative seems the likelier.
_I call_, first person singular.--The word _call_ is not one person more
than another. It is the simple verb, wholly uninflected. It is very
probable that the first person was the {298} one where the characteristic
termination was first lost. In the Modern Norse language it is replaced by
the second: _Jeg taler_=_I speak_, Danish.
_Loven_, Old English.--For all the persons of the plural. This form may be
accounted for in three ways: 1. The _-m_ of the Moeso-Gothic and High Old
German became _-n_; as it is in the Middle and Modern German, where all
traces of the original _-m_ are lost. In this case the first person has
replaced the other two. 2. The _-nd_ may have become _-n_; in which case it
is the third person that replaces the others. 3. The indicative form
_loven_ may have arisen out of a subjunctive one; since there was in
Anglo-Saxon the form _lufion_, or _lufian_, subjunctive. In the Modern
Norse languages the third person replaces the other two: _Vi tale_, _I
tale_, _de tale_=_we talk_, _ye talk_, _they talk_.
§ 352. _The person in_ -T.--_Art_, _wast_, _wert_, _shalt_, _wilt_. Here
the second person singular ends, not in _-st_, but in _-t_. A reason for
this (though not wholly satisfactory) we find in the Moeso-Gothic and the
Icelandic.
In those languages the form of the person changes with the tense, and the
second singular of the præterite tense of one conjugation is, not _-s_, but
_-t_; as Moeso-Gothic, _svôr_=_I swore_, _svôrt_=_thou swarest_, _gráip_=_I
griped_, _gráipt_=_thou gripedst_; Icelandic, _brannt_=_thou burnest_,
_gaft_=_thou_ {299} _gavest_. In the same languages ten verbs are
conjugated like præterites. Of these, in each language, _skal_ is one.
_Moeso-Gothic._
_Singular._ _Plural._
1. Skall. Skulum.
2. Skalt. Skuluð.
3. Skal. Skulu.
* * * * *
{300}
CHAPTER XX.
§ 355. The inflection of the present tense, not only in Anglo-Saxon, but in
several other languages as well, has been given in the preceding chapter.
As compared with the present plural forms, _we love_, _ye love_, _they
love_, both the Anglo-Saxon _we lufiað_, _ge lufiað_, _hi lufiað_, and the
Old English _we loven_, _ye loven_, _they loven_, have a peculiar
termination for the plural number which the present language wants. In
other words, the Anglo-Saxon and the Old English have a plural _personal_
characteristic, whilst the Modern English has nothing to correspond with
it.
_Moeso-Gothic._
{301}
_Anglo-Saxon._
In all the Anglo-Saxon words, it may be remarked that the change is from
_a_ to _u_, and that both the vowels are short, or dependent. Also, that
the vowel of the present tense is _i_ short; as _swim_, _sing_, &c. The
Anglo-Saxon form of _run_ is _yrnan_.
In the following words the change is from the Anglo-Saxon _á_ to the
Anglo-Saxon _[=i]_. In English, the regularity of the change is obscured by
a change of pronunciation.
From these examples the reader has himself drawn his inference; _viz._ that
words like
_Began, begun._
_Ran, run._
_Span, spun._
_Sang, sung._
[46]_Swang, swung._
_Sprang, sprung._
_Sank, sunk._
_Swam, swum._
_Rang, rung._
[46]_Bat, bit._
_Smote, smit._
_Drank, drunk, &c.,_
generally called double forms of the past tense, were originally different
numbers of the same tense, the forms in _u_, as _swum_, and the forms in
_i_, _bit_, being plural.
* * * * *
{302}
CHAPTER XXI.
ON MOODS.
§ 357. Between the second plural imperative, and the second plural
indicative, _speak ye_ and _ye speak_, there is no difference of form.
Between the second singular imperative _speak_, and the second singular
indicative, _speakest_, there is a difference in form. Still, as the
imperative form _speak_ is distinguished from the indicative form
_speakest_ by the negation of a character rather than by the possession of
one, it cannot be said that there is in English any imperative mood.
_Indicative._ | _Subjunctive._
_Singular._ _Plural._ | _Singular._ _Plural._
1. I was. We were. | If I were. If we were.
2. Thou wast. Ye were. | If thou wert. If ye were.
3. He was. They were. | If he were. If they were.
* * * * *
{303}
CHAPTER XXII.
ON TENSES IN GENERAL.
These two notions of present and of past time, being expressed by a change
of form, are true tenses. They are however, the only true tenses in our
language. In _I was beating_, _I have beaten_, _I had beaten_, and _I shall
beat_, a difference of time is expressed; but as it is expressed by a
combination of words, and not by a change of form, no true tenses are
constituted.
In Greek the case is different. [Greek: Tuptô] (_typtô_)=_I beat_; [Greek:
etupton] (_etypton_)=_I was beating_; [Greek: tupsô] (_typsô_)=_I shall
beat_; [Greek: etupsa] (_etypsa_)=_I beat_; [Greek: tetupha] (_tetyfa_)=_I
have beaten_; [Greek: etetuphein] (_etetyfein_)=_I had beaten_. In these
words we have, of the same mood, the same voice, and the same conjugation,
six different tenses;[47] whereas, in English, there are but two. The forms
[Greek: tetupha] and [Greek: etupsa] are so strongly marked, that we
recognise them wheresoever they occur. The first is formed by a
reduplication of the initial [tau], and, consequently, may be called the
reduplicate form. As a tense it is called the perfect. In the form [Greek:
etupsa] an [epsilon] is prefixed, and an [sigma] is added. In the allied
language of Italy {304} the [epsilon] disappears, whilst the [sigma] (_s_)
remains. [Greek: Etupsa] is said to be an aorist tense. _Scripsi_ :
_scribo_ :: [Greek: etupsa] : [Greek: tuptô].
§ 360. Now in the Latin language a confusion takes place between these two
tenses. Both forms exist. They are used, however, indiscriminately. The
aorist form has, besides its own, the sense of the perfect. The perfect
has, besides its own, the sense of the aorist. In the following pair of
quotations, _vixi_, the aorist form, is translated _I have lived_, while
_tetigit_, the perfect form, is translated _he touched_.
In Moeso-Gothic, as in Latin, few (if any) words are found in both forms.
The reduplicate form, in other words, the perfect tense, is current in none
of the Gothic languages except the Moeso-Gothic. A trace of it is found in
the Anglo-Saxon of the seventh century in the word _heht_, which is
considered to be _hê-ht_, the Moeso-Gothic _háiháit_, _vocavi_. This
statement is taken from the Cambridge Philological Museum, ii. 378. _Did_
from _do_ is also considered to be a reduplicate form.
§ 362. In the English language the tense corresponding with the Greek
aorist and the Latin forms like _vixi_, is formed after two modes; 1, as in
_fell_, _sang_, and _took_, from _fall_, _sing_, and _take_, by changing
the vowel of the present: 2, as in _moved_ and _wept_, from _move_ and
_weep_, by the addition of _d_ or _t_; the _d_ or _t_ not being found in
the original word, but being a fresh element added to it. In forms, on the
contrary, like _sang_ and _fell_, no addition being made, no new element
appears. The {306} vowel, indeed, is changed, but nothing is added. Verbs,
then, of the first sort, may be said to form their præterites out of
themselves; whilst verbs of the second sort require something from without.
To speak in a metaphor, words like _sang_ and _fell_ are comparatively
independent. Be this as it may, the German grammarians call the tenses
formed by a change of vowel the strong tenses, the strong verbs, the strong
conjugation, or the strong order; and those formed by the addition of _d_
or _t_, the weak tenses, the weak verbs, the weak conjugation, or the weak
order. _Bound_, _spoke_, _gave_, _lay_, &c., are strong; _moved_,
_favoured_, _instructed_, &c., are weak. For the proof that the division of
verbs into weak and strong is a natural division, see the Chapter on
Conjugation.
* * * * *
{307}
CHAPTER XXIII.
§ 363. The strong præterites are formed from the present by changing the
vowel, as _sing_, _sang_, _speak_, _spoke_.
The first point in the history of these tenses that the reader is required
to be aware of, is stated in the Chapter upon the Numbers, viz., that, in
Anglo-Saxon, several præterites change, in their plural, the vowel of their
singular; as
Ic sang, _I sang_. We sungon, _we sung_.
Þu sunge, _thou sungest_. Ge sungon, _ye sung_.
He sang, _he sang_. Hi sungon, _they sung_.
As a general rule, the second singular has the same vowel with the plural
persons, as _burne_, _thou burntest_, plural _burnon_, _we burnt_.
The bearing of this fact upon the præterites has been indicated in p. 300.
In a great number of words we have a double form, as _ran_ and _run_,
_sang_ and _sung_, _drank_ and _drunk_, &c. One of these forms is derived
from the singular, and the other from the plural. I cannot say at what
period the difference of form ceased to denote a difference of sense.
In cases where but one form is preserved, that form is not necessarily the
singular one. For instance, Ic f_a_nd, _I found_, we f_u_ndon, _we found_,
are the Anglo-Saxon forms. Now the present word _found_ comes, not from the
singular _fand_, but from the plural _fund_; although in the Lowland Scotch
dialect and in the old writers, the singular form occurs.
Even in the present English it will be found convenient to {308} call the
forms like _sang_ and _drank_ the singular, and those like _sung_ and
_bound_ the plural forms.
Be it observed, that, though this fact accounts for most of our double
forms, it will not account for all. In the Anglo-Saxon, Ic spr['æ]c, _I
spake_, we spr['æ]con, _we spake_. There is no change of number to account
for the two forms _spake_ and _spoke_.
_First Class._
§ 364. Contains the two words _fall_ and _fell_, _hold_ and _held_, where
the sound of _o_ is changed into that of _[)e]_. Here must be noticed the
natural tendency of _a_ to become _o_; since the forms in Anglo-Saxon are,
_Ic fealle_, I fall; _Ic feoll_, I fell; _Ic healde_, I hold; _Ic heold_, I
held.
_Second Class._
§ 365. Here the præterite ends in _-ew_. Words of this class are
distinguished from those of the third Class by the different form of the
present tense.
_Present._ _Præterite._
Draw Drew.
Slay Slew.
Fly Flew.
In these words the _w_ has grown out of a _g_, as may be seen from the
Anglo-Saxon forms. The word _see_ (_saw_) belongs to this class: since, in
Anglo-Saxon, we find the forms _geseáh_ and _gesegen_, and in the Swedish
the præterite form is _saag_.
_Third Class._
§ 366. Here an _o_ before _w_, in the present, becomes _e_ before _w_ in
the præterite; as
_Present._ _Præterite._
Blow. Blew.
Crow. Crew.
Throw. Threw.
Know. Knew.
Grow. Grew.
_Fourth Class._
§ 367. Contains the single word _let_, where a short _e_ in the {309}
present remains unchanged in the præterite. In the Anglo-Saxon the present
form was _Ic læte_, the præterite _Ic lét_.
_Fifth Class._
§ 368. Contains the single word _beat_, where a long _e_ remains unchanged.
In Anglo-Saxon the forms were _Ic beate_, _Ic beot_.
_Sixth Class._
_Seventh Class._
§ 370. In this class we have the sounds of the _ee_, in _feet_, and of the
_a_ in _fate_ (spelt _ea_ or _a_), changed into _o_ or _oo_. As several
words in this class have a second form in _a_, the præterite in _o_ or _oo_
will be called the primary, the præterite in _a_ the secondary form.
Heave [48]Hove --
Cleave Clove [48]Clave.
Weave Wove --
Freeze Froze --
Steal Stole [48]Stale.
Speak Spoke Spake.
Swear Swore Sware.
Bear Bore Bare.
Tear Tore [48]Tare.
Shear [48]Shore --
Wear Wore [48]Ware.
Break Broke Brake.
Shake Shook --
Take Took --
Forsake Forsook --
Stand Stood --
-- Quoth --
Get Got [48]Gat.
The præterite of _stand_ was originally long. This we collect {310} from
the spelling, and from the Anglo-Saxon form _stód_. The process that ejects
the _nd_ is the same process that, in Greek, converts [Greek: odont-os]
into [Greek: odous].
All the words with secondary forms will appear again in the eighth class.
_Eighth Class._
§ 371. In this class the sound of the _ee_ in _feet_, and the _a_ in _fate_
(spelt _ea_), is changed into a. Several words of this class have secondary
forms. Further details may be seen in the remarks that come after the
following list of verbs.
Here observe,--1. That in _speak_, _cleave_, _steal_, the _ea_ has the same
power with the _ee_ in _freeze_ and _seethe_; so that it may be dealt with
as the long (or independent) sound of the _i_ in _bid_, _sit_, _give_.
2. That the same view may be taken of the _ea_ in _break_, although the
word by some persons is pronounced _brake_. _Gabrika_, _gabrak_,
Moeso-Gothic; _briku_, _brak_, Old Saxon; _brece_, _brac_, Anglo-Saxon.
Also of _bear_, _tear_, _swear_, _wear_. In the provincial dialects these
words are even now pronounced _beer_, _teer_, _sweer_. The forms in the
allied languages are, in {311} respect to these last-mentioned words, less
confirmatory; Moeso-Gothic, _svara_, _báira_; Old High German, _sverju_,
_piru_.
_Ninth Class._
§ 372. _A_, as in _fate_, is changed either into the _o_ in _note_, or the
_oo_ in _book_. Here it should be noticed that, unlike _break_ and _swear_,
&c., there is no tendency to sound the _a_ of the present as _ee_, neither
is there, as was the case with _clove_ and _spoke_, any tendency to
secondary forms in a. A partial reason for this lies in the original nature
of the vowel. The original vowel in _speak_ was e. If this was the _é
fermé_ of the French, it was a sound from which the _a_ in _fate_ and the
_ee_ in _feet_ might equally have been evolved. The vowel sound of the
verbs of the present class was that of _a_ for the present and that of _ó_
for the præterite forms; as _wace_, _wóc_, _grafe_, _gróf_. Now of these
two sounds it may be said that the _a_ has no tendency to become the _ee_
in _feet_, and that the _ó_ has no tendency to become the _a_ in _fate_.
The sounds that are evolved from the accentuated _ó_, are the _o_ in _note_
and the _oo_ in _book_.
_Present._ _Præterite._
Awake Awoke.
Wake Woke.
Lade [50]Lode.
Grave [50]Grove.
Take Took.
Shake Shook.
Forsake Forsook.
Shape [50]Shope.
_Tenth Class._
_Eleventh Class._
§ 374. In this class we first find the secondary forms accounted for by the
difference of form between the singular and plural numbers. The change is
from the _i_ in _bite_ to the _o_ in _note_, and the _i_ in _pit_.
Sometimes it is from the _i_ in _bit_ to the _a_ in _bat_. The Anglo-Saxon
conjugation (A) may be compared with the present English (B).
A.
B.
{313}
1. That, with the exception of the word _slit_, the _i_ is sounded as a
diphthong.
2. That, with the exception of _bat_ and _slat_, it is changed into _o_ in
the singular and into _[)i]_ in the plural forms.
3. That, with the exception of _shone_, the _o_ is always long (or
independent).
4. That, even with the word _shone_, the _o_ was originally long. This is
known from the final _-e_ mute, and from the Anglo-Saxon form _scéan_;
Moeso-Gothic, _skáin_; Old Norse, _skein_.
6. That the statement last made shows that even _bat_ and _slat_ were once
in the same condition with _arose_ and _smote_, the Anglo-Saxon forms being
_arás_, _smát_, _bát_, _slát_.
_Twelfth Class._
§ 375. In this class _i_ is generally short; originally it was always so.
In the singular form it becomes _[)a]_, in the plural, _[)u]_.
1. That, with the exceptions of _bind_, _find_, _grind_, and _wind_, the
vowels are short (or dependent) throughout.
2. That, with the exception of _run_ and _burst_, the vowel of the present
tense is either the _i_ or e.
3. That _i_ short changes into _a_ for the singular, and into _u_ for the
plural forms.
4. That _e_ changes into _o_ in the singular forms; these being the only
ones preserved.
5. That the _i_ in _bind_, &c., changes into _ou_ in the plural forms; the
only ones current.
6. That the vowel before _m_ or _n_ is, with the single exception of _run_,
always _i_.
7. That the vowel before _l_ and _r_ is, with the single exception of
_burst_, always e.
From these observations, even on the English forms only, we find thus much
regularity; and from these observations, even on the English forms only, we
may lay down a rule like the following: _viz._ that _i_ or _u_, short,
before the consonants _m_, _n_, {315} or _ck_, is changed into _a_ for the
singular, and into _u_ for the plural forms; that _i_ long, or diphthongal,
becomes _ou_; that _e_ before _l_ becomes _o_; and that _u_ before _r_
remains unchanged.
This statement, however, is nothing like so general as the one that, after
a comparison of the older forms and the allied languages, we are enabled to
make. Here we are taught,
1. That, in the words _bind_, &c., the _i_ was once pronounced as in
_till_, _fill_; in other words, that it was the simple short vowel, and not
the diphthong _ey_; or at least that it was treated as such.
_Moeso-Gothic._
Binda Band Bundum Bundans.
Bivinda Bivand Bivundum Bivundums.
Finþa Fanþ Funþum Funþans.
_Anglo-Saxon._
Bind Band Bundon Bunden.
Finde Fand Fundon Funden.
Grinde Grand Grundon Grunden.
Winde Wand Wundon Wunden.
_Old Norse._
Finn Fann Funðum Funninn.
Bind Batt Bundum Bundinn.
Vind Vatt Undum Undinn.
When the vowel _[)i]_ of the present took the sound of the _i_ in _bite_,
the _[)u]_ in the præterite became the _ou_ in _mouse_. From this we see
that the words _bind_, &c., are naturally subject to the same changes with
_spin_, &c., and that, _mutatis mutandis_, they are so still.
2. That the _e_ in _swell_, &c., was once _[)i]_. This we collect from the
following forms:--_hilpa_, Moeso-Gothic; _hilfu_, Old High German; _hilpu_,
Old Saxon; _hilpe_, Middle High German; _hilpe_, Old Frisian.
_Suillu_=_swell_, Old High German. _Tilfu_=_delve_, Old High German;
_dilbu_, Old Saxon. _Smilzu_, Old High German=_smelt_ or _melt_. This shows
that originally the vowel _i_ ran throughout, but that before _l_ and _r_
it was changed into e. This change took place at different periods in
different dialects. The Old Saxon preserved the {316} _i_ longer than the
Anglo-Saxon. It is found even in the _middle_ High German; in the _new_ it
has become _e_; as _schwelle_, _schmelze_. In one word _milk_, the original
_i_ is still preserved; although in Anglo-Saxon it was _e_; as _melce_,
_mealc_=_milked_, _mulcon_. In the Norse the change from _i_ to _e_ took
place full soon, as _svëll_=_swells_. The Norse language is in this respect
important.
4. That a change between _a_ and _o_ took place by times. The Anglo-Saxon
præterite of _swelle_ is _sweoll_; whilst _ongon_, _bond_, _song_,
_gelomp_, are found in the same language for _ongan_, _band_, _sang_,
_gelamp_.--Rask's Anglo-Saxon Grammar, p. 90.
5. That _run_ is only an apparent exception, the older form being _rinn_.
_Thirteenth Class._
* * * * *
{317}
CHAPTER XXIV.
§ 377. The præterite tense of the weak verbs is formed by the addition of
_-d_ or _-t_. If necessary, the syllable _-ed_ is substituted for _-d_.
The current statement that the syllable _-ed_, rather than the letter _-d_,
is the sign of the præterite tense, is true only in regard to the written
language. In _stabbed_, _moved_, _bragged_, _whizzed_, _judged_, _filled_,
_slurred_, _slammed_, _shunned_, _barred_, _strewed_, the _e_ is a point of
spelling only. In _language_, except in declamation, there is no second
vowel sound. The _-d_ comes in immediate contact with the final letter of
the original word, and the number of syllables remains the same as it was
before.
Whether the addition be _-d_ or _-t_ depends upon the flatness or sharpness
of the preceding letter.
After _b_, _v_, _th_ (as in _clothe_), _g_, or _z_, the addition is _-d_.
This is a matter of necessity. We say _stabd_, _môvd_, _clôthd_, _braggd_,
_whizzd_, because _stabt_, _môvt_, _clotht_, _braggt_, _whizzt_, are
unpronounceable.
After _l_, _m_, _n_, _r_, _w_, _y_, or a vowel, the addition is also _-d_.
This is the habit of the English language. _Filt_, _slurt_, _strayt_, &c.,
are as pronounceable as _filld_, _slurrd_, _strayd_, &c. It is the habit,
however, of the English language to prefer the latter forms. All this, as
the reader has probably observed, is merely the reasoning concerning the
_s_, in words like {318} _father's_, &c., applied to another letter and to
another part of speech.
For some historical notices respecting the use of _-d_, _-t_, and _-ed_, in
the spelling of the English præterites and participles, the reader is
referred to the Cambridge Philological Museum, vol. i. p. 655.
§ 378. The verbs of the weak conjugation fall into three classes. In the
first there is the simple addition of _-d_, _-t_, or _-ed_.
Serve, served.
Cry, cried.
Betray, betrayed.
Expel, expelled.
Accuse, accused.
Instruct, instructed.
Invite, invited.
Waste, wasted.
To this class belong the greater part of the weak verbs and all verbs of
foreign origin.
§ 379. In the second class, besides the addition of _-t_ or _-d_, the vowel
is _shortened_. It also contains those words which end in _-d_ or _-t_, and
at the same time have a short vowel in the præterite. Such, amongst others,
are _cut_, _cost_, &c., where the two tenses are alike, and _bend_, _rend_,
&c., where the præterite is formed from the present by changing _-d_ into
_-t_, as _bent_, _rent_, &c.
In the following list, the words ending in _-p_ are remarkable; since, in
Anglo-Saxon, each of them had, instead of a weak, a strong præterite.
Leave, left.
Cleave, cleft.
Bereave, bereft.
Deal, de[)a]l_t_.
Feel, fel_t_.
Dream, dre[)a]m_t_.
Lean, le[)a]n_t_.
Learn, learn_t_.
Creep, crept.
Sleep, slept.
Leap, lept.
Keep, kept.
Weep, wept.
Sweep, swept.
Lose, lost.
Flee, fled.
In this class we sometimes find _-t_ where the _-d_ is expected; the forms
being _left_ and _dealt_, instead of _leaved_ and _dealed_. {319}
§ 380. Third class.--In the second class the vowel of the present tense was
_shortened_ in the præterite. In the third class it is _changed_.
Tell, told.
Will, would.
Sell, sold.
Shall, should.
Byegan, bóhte.
Sècan, sóhte.
Wyrcan, wórhte.
Bringan, bróhte.
Þencan, þóhte.
§ 381. Out of the three classes into which the weak verbs in Anglo-Saxon
are divided, only one takes a vowel before the _d_ or _t_. The other two
add the syllables _-te_, or _-de_, to the last letter of the original word.
The vowel that, in one out of the three Anglo-Saxon classes, precedes _d_
is _o_. Thus we have _lufian_, _lufode_; _clypian_, _clypode_. In the other
two classes the forms are respectively _bærnan_, _bærnde_; and _tellan_,
_tealde_, no vowel being found. The participle, however, as stated above,
ended, not in _-de_ or _-te_, but in _-d_ or _-t_; and in two out of the
three classes it was preceded by a vowel, _gelufod_, _bærned_, _geteald_.
Now in those conjugations where no vowel preceded the _d_ of the præterite,
and where the original word ended in _-d_ or _-t_, a difficulty, which has
already been indicated, arose. To add the sign of the præterite to a word
like _eard-ian_ (_to dwell_) was an easy matter, inasmuch as {320}
_eard__ian_ was a word belonging to the first class, and in the first class
the præterite was formed in _-ode_. Here the vowel _o_ kept the two d's
from coming in contact. With words, however, like _métan_ and _sendan_,
this was not the case. Here no vowel intervened; so that the natural
præterite forms were _met-te_, _send-de_, combinations wherein one of the
letters ran every chance of being dropped in the pronunciation. Hence, with
the exception of the verbs in the first class, words ending in _-d_ or _-t_
in the root admitted no additional _d_ or _t_ in the præterite. This
difficulty, existing in the present English as it existed in the
Anglo-Saxon, modifies the præterites of most words ending in _-t_ or _-d_.
A. In several words the final _-d_ is changed into _-t_, as _bend_, _bent_;
_rend_, _rent_; _send_, _sent_; _gild_, _gilt_; _build_, _built_; _spend_,
_spent_, &c.
_a._ _By the form of the participle._--The _-en_ in _beaten_ shows that the
word _beat_ is strong.
_b._ _By the nature of the vowel._--The weak form of _to beat_ would be
_bet_, or _be[)a]t_, after the analogy of _feed_ and _r[=e]ad_. By some
persons the word is pronounced _bet_, and with those who do so the word is
weak.
In all this we see a series of expedients for separating the præterite form
from the present, when the root ends with the same sound with which the
affix begins.
The addition of the vowel takes place only in verbs of the first class.
The change from a long vowel to a short one, as in _feed_, _fed_, &c., can
only take place where there is a long vowel to be changed.
Where the vowels are short, and, at the same time, the word ends in _-d_,
the _-d_ of the present may become _-t_ in the præterite. Such is the case
with _bend_, _bent_.
When there is no long vowel to shorten, and no _-d_ to change into _-t_,
the two tenses, of necessity, remain alike; such is the case with _cut_,
_cost_, &c.
Words like _planted_, _heeded_, &c., belong to the first class. Words like
_feed_, _lead_, to the second class. _Bend_ and _cut_ belong also to the
second class; they belong to it, however, by what may be termed an
etymological fiction. The vowel would be changed if it could.
§ 382. _Made, had._--In these words there is nothing remarkable but the
ejection of a consonant. The Anglo-Saxon forms are _macode_ and _hæfde_,
respectively. The words, however, in regard to the amount of change, are
not upon a par. The _f_ in _hæfde_ was probably sounded as _v_. Now _v_
{322} is a letter excessively liable to be ejected, which _k_ is not. _K_,
before it is ejected, is generally changed into either _g_ or _y_.
The readiest mode of accounting for the form in question is to suppose that
the second singular has been extended over all the other persons. This
view, however, is traversed by the absence of the _-s_ in the Moeso-Gothic
present. The form there (real or presumed) is not _darst_, but _dart_. Of
this latter form, however, it must be remarked that its existence is
hypothetical.
_Must._--A form common to all persons, numbers, and tenses. That neither
the _-s_ nor the _-t_ are part of the original root, is indicated by the
Scandinavian form _maae_ (Danish), pronounced _moh_; præterite _maatte_.
The readiest mode of accounting for the _-s_ in _must_, is to presume that
it belongs to the second singular, extended to the other persons,
_mo-est_=_must_. Irrespective, however, of other objections, this view is
traversed by the forms _môtan_, Moeso-Gothic (an infinitive), and _mót_,
Moeso-Gothic, Old Saxon, and Anglo-Saxon (a first person present). These
neutralise the evidence given by the Danish form _maae_, and indicate that
the _-t_ is truly a part of the original root.
Now, the _-t_ being considered as part of the root, the _-s_ cannot be
derived from the second singular; inasmuch as it precedes, instead of
following the _-t_.
At one time, for want of a better theory, I conceived, that in the word in
point (and also in _durst_ and a few others), we had traces of the
Scandinavian passive. This notion I have, for evident reasons, abandoned.
The euphonic reason for the _-s_, in _must_, is sufficient to show that it
is in a different predicament from _durst_.
_Do._--In the phrase _this will do_=_this will answer the purpose_, the
word _do_ is wholly different from the word _do_, meaning _to act_. In the
first case it is equivalent to the Latin _valere_; in the second to the
Latin _facere_. Of the first the Anglo-Saxon inflection is _deáh_, _dugon_,
_dohte_, _dohtest_, &c. Of the second it is _dó_, _dóð_, _dyde_, &c. I
doubt whether the præterite did_,_ as equivalent to _valebat_=_was good
for_, is correct. In the phrase _it did for him_=_it finished him_, either
meaning may be allowed.
In the present Danish they write _duger_, but say _duer_: as _duger et
noget?_=_Is it worth anything?_ pronounced _dooer deh note?_ This accounts
for the ejection of the _g_. The Anglo-Saxon form _deah_ does the same.
Is the word weak?--This is the view that arises from the form _did_. The
participle _done_ traverses this view.
The true nature of the form _did_ has yet to be exhibited.--See Deutsche
Grammatik, i. 1041.
_Mind--mind and do so and so._--In this sentence the word _mind_ is wholly
different from the noun _mind_. The Anglo-Saxon forms are _geman_,
_gemanst_, _gemunon_, without the _-d_; this letter occurring only in the
præterite tense (_gemunde_, {326} _gemundon_), of which it is the sign.
_Mind_ is, then, a præterite form with a present sense; whilst _minded_ (as
in _he minded his business_) is an instance of excess of inflection; in
other words, it is a præterite formed from a præterite.
In like manner the present form _mind_ is not a genuine present, but a
præterite with a present sense; _its form being taken as the test_.
Presents of this sort may be called transformed præterites.
It is very evident that the præterites most likely to become present are
those of the strong class. In the first place, the fact of their being
præterite is less marked. The word _tell_ carries with it fewer marks of
its tense than the word _moved_. In the second place they can more
conveniently give rise to secondary præterites. A weak præterite already
ends in _-d_ or _-t_. If this be used as a present, a second _-d_ or _-t_
must be appended.
Hence it is that all the transposed præterites in the Gothic tongues were,
before they took the present sense, not weak, but strong. The word in
question, _mind_ (from whence _minded_), is only an apparent exception to
this statement.
Now the words _shall_, _can_, _owe_ (whence _aught_), _dare_, _may_, _man_
(of the Anglo-Saxon _geman_, the origin of _mind_), are, (irrespective of
their other peculiarities), for certain etymological reasons, looked upon
as præterite forms with a present sense.
And the words _should_, _could_, _aught_, _dared_ (or _durst_), _must_,
_wist_, _might_, _mind_, are, for certain etymological reasons, looked upon
as secondary præterites.
This fact alters our view of the form _minded_. Instead of being a
secondary præterite, it is a tertiary one. _Geman_ (the apparent present)
being dealt with as a strong præterite with a present sense, _mind_ (from
the Anglo-Saxon _gemunde_) is the secondary præterite, and _minded_ (from
the English _mind_) is a tertiary præterite. To analyse the word, the {327}
præterite is first formed by the vowel _a_, then by the addition of _-d_,
and, thirdly, by the termination _-ed_; _man_, _mind_, _minded_.
Besides this, in Anglo-Saxon, the plural forms are those of the strong
præterites. See Rask, p. 79.
* * * * *
{328}
CHAPTER XXV.
ON CONJUGATION.
§ 383. The current statement respecting verbs like _sing_ and _fall_, &c.,
is that they are irregular. How far this is the case may be seen from a
review of the twelve classes in Moeso-Gothic, where the change of the vowel
is subject to fewer irregularities than elsewhere. In the first six
conjugations the præterite is replaced by a perfect tense. Consequently,
there is a reduplication. Of these the fifth and sixth superadd to the
reduplication a change of the vowel.
For a full and perfect coincidence three things are necessary:--1. the
coincidence of form; 2. the coincidence of distribution; 3. the coincidence
of order.
Coincidence in the order of the classes is violated when a class which was
(for instance) the third in one language becomes, in another language the
fourth, &c. In Moeso-Gothic the class containing the words _smeita_,
_smáit_, _smitum_, _smitans_, is the eighth. This is a natural place for
it. In the class preceding it, the vowel is the same in both numbers. In
the classes that follow it, the vowel is changed in the plural. The number
of classes that in Moeso-Gothic change the vowel is five; _viz._, the
eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth. Of these the eighth is the
first. The classes where the change in question takes place form a natural
subdivision, of which the eighth class stands at the head. Now in
Anglo-Saxon the vowel is not changed so much as in the Moeso-Gothic. In
words like _choose_, _give_, and _steal_, the vowel remains unaltered in
the plural. In Moeso-Gothic, however, these words are, respectively, of the
ninth, tenth, and eleventh classes. It is not till we get to the eleventh
that the Anglo-Saxon plurals take a fresh vowel. As the presence or absence
of a change of vowel naturally regulates the order of the classes, the
eighth class in Moeso-Gothic becomes the eleventh in Anglo-Saxon. If it
were not so, the classes where a change took place in the plural would be
separated from each other.
The later the stage of the language, the less complete the coincidence in
the classes.
Of the present arrangement, the twelfth class coincides most throughout the
Gothic languages.
In the word _climb_, a reason was given for its having changed from the
twelfth class to the eleventh class. This, in the present state of our
knowledge, cannot always be done.
These statements are made lest the reader should expect to find between the
English and the Anglo-Saxon classification anything more than a partial
coincidence. A detailed exhibition of the English conjugations would form a
work of {332} itself. Moreover, the present classes of the strong verbs
must, to a great degree, be considered as provisional.
Observe, that it is the _classes_ of the strong verbs that are provisional.
With the great divisions into weak and strong, the case is far otherwise.
The general assertions which will be made in p. 333, respecting the strong
conjugation, show most cogently that the division is a natural one.
_Præterites._
_English._ | _Anglo-Saxon._
|
_Present._ _Præterite._ | _Present._ _Præterite._
Wreak Wreaked. | Wrece Wr['æ]c.
Fret Fretted. | Frete Fr['æ]t.
Mete Meted. | Mete M['æ]t.
Shear Sheared. | Scere Scear.
Braid Braided. | Brede Br['æ]d.
Knead Kneaded. | Cnede Cn['æ]d.
Dread Dreaded. | Dr['æ]de Dred.
Sleep Slept. | Slápe Slep.
Fold Folded. | Fealde Feold.
Wield Wielded. | Wealde Weold.
Wax Waxed. | Weaxe Weox.
Leap Leapt. | Hleápe Hleop.
Sweep Swept. | Swápe Sweop.
Weep Wept. | Wepe Weop.
Sow Sowed. | Sáwe Seow.
Bake Baked. | Bace Bók.
Gnaw Gnawed. | Gnage Gnóh.
Laugh Laughed. | Hlihhe Hlóh.
Wade Waded. | Wade Wód.
Lade Laded. | Hlade Hlód.
Grave Graved. | Grafe Gróf.
Shave Shaved. | Scafe Scóf.
Step Stepped. | Steppe Stóp.
Wash Washed. | Wacse Wócs.
Bellow Bellowed. | Belge Bealh.
{333}
Swallow Swallowed. | Swelge Swealh.
Mourn Mourned. | Murne Mearn.
Spurn Spurned. | Spurne Spearn.
Carve Carved. | Ceorfe Cearf.
Starve Starved. | Steorfe Stærf.
Thresh Threshed. | Þersce Þærse.
Hew Hewed. | Heawe Heow.
Flow Flowed. | Flówe Fleow.
Row Rowed. | Rówe Reow.
Creep Crept. | Creópe Creáp.
Dive Dived. | Deófe Deáf.
Shove Shoved. | Scéofe Sceáf.
Chew Chewed. | Ceówe Ceáw.
Brew Brewed. | Breówe Breáw.
Lock Locked. | Lûce Leác.
Suck Sucked. | Sûce Seác.
Reek Reeked. | Reóce Reác.
Smoke Smoked. | Smeóce Smeác.
Bow Bowed. | Beóge Beáh.
Lie Lied. | Leóge Leáh.
Gripe Griped. | Grípe Gráp.
Span Spanned. | Spanne Spén.
Eke Eked. | Eáce Eóc.
Fare Fared. | Fare Fôr.
§ 386. The first of the general statements made concerning strong verbs,
with a view of proving that the order is _natural_, shall be the one
arising out of the preceding list of præterites.
I. Many strong verbs become weak; whilst no weak verb ever becomes strong.
II. All the strong verbs are of Saxon origin. None are classical.
III. The greater number of them are strong throughout the Gothic tongues.
IV. No new word is ever, upon its importation, inflected according to the
strong conjugation. It is always weak. As early as A.D. 1085, the French
word _adouber_=_to dubb_, was introduced into English. Its præterite was
_dubbade_.[56]
{334}
V. All derived words are inflected weak. The intransitive forms _drink_ and
_lie_, are strong; the transitive forms _drench_ and _lay_, are weak.
The fourth statement will again be recurred to. The present object is to
show that the division into strong and weak is natural.
§ 388. _Double Forms._--In _lep_ and _mew_ we have two forms, of which one
only is current. In _swoll_ and _swelled_, in _clomb_ and _climbed_, and in
_hung_ and _hanged_, we have two forms, of which both are current. These
latter are true double forms. Of double forms there are two kinds.
1. Those like _swoll_ and _swelled_; where there is the same tense, but a
different conjugation.
2. Those like _spoke_ and _spake_; where the tense is the same and the
conjugation the same, but where the form is different.
The bearings of these double forms (which, however, are points of general
rather than of English grammar) are as follows. Their number in a given
language may be very great, and the grammarian of a given language may call
them, not double forms of the same tense, but different tenses. Let the
number of words like _swoll_ and _swelled_ be multiplied by 1000. The
chances are, that, in the present state of etymology, they would be called
first præterites and second præterites. The bearing of this remark upon the
so-called aorists and futures of the Greek language is evident. I think
that a writer in the Cambridge Philological Museum[57] indicates the true
nature of those tenses. They are the same tense in a different conjugation,
and differ from _swoll_ and _swelled_ only in the frequency of their
occurrence.
* * * * *
{335}
CHAPTER XXVI.
The words that have hitherto served as illustrations are the personal
pronouns _I_ and _me_, and the adjectives _good_, _better_, and _best_. See
the sections referred to above.
The view of these words was as follows: _viz._, that none of them were
irregular, but that they were all defective. _Me_ wanted the nominative,
_I_ the oblique cases. _Good_ was without a comparative, _better_ and
_best_ had no positive degree.
Now _me_ and _better_ may be said to make good the defectiveness of _I_ and
_good_; and _I_ and _good_ may be said to replace the forms wanting in _me_
and _better_. This gives us the principle of compensation. To introduce a
new term, _I_ and _me_, _good_ and _better_, may be said to be
complementary to each other.
What applies to nouns applies to verbs also. _Go_ and _went_ are not
irregularities. _Go_ is (at least in the present stage of our language)
defective in the past tense. _Went_ (at least in its current sense) is
without a present. The two words, however, compensate their mutual
deficiencies, and are to each other complementary.
The distinction between defectiveness and irregularity, is the first
instrument of criticism for coming to true views concerning the proportion
of the regular and irregular verbs.
The explanation of some fresh terms will lead us towards (but not to) the
definition of the word irregular.
For the sake of illustration, let a new word be introduced into the
language. Let a præterite tense of it be formed. This præterite would be
formed, not by changing the vowel, but by adding _-d_. No new verb ever
takes a strong præterite. The like takes place with nouns. No new
substantive would form its plural, like _oxen_ or _geese_, by adding _-en_,
or by changing the vowel. It would rather, like _fathers_ and _horses_, add
the lene sibilant.
Now, the processes that change _fall_, _ox_, and _goose_ into _fell_,
_oxen_, and _geese_, inasmuch as they cease to operate on the language in
its present stage, are obsolete processes; whilst those that change _move_
into _moved_, and _horse_ into _horses_, operating on the language in its
present stage, are vital processes.
The very fact of so natural a class as that of the strong verbs being
reduced to the condition of irregulars, invalidates such a definition as
this.
Reference is now made to words of a different sort. The nature of the word
_worse_ is explained in p. 267, and the reader is referred to the section.
There the form is accounted for in two ways, of which only one can be the
true one. Of the two processes, each might equally have brought about the
present form. Which of the two it was, we are unable to say. Here the
process is ambiguous.
With extraordinary processes we know nothing about the word. With ambiguous
processes we are unable to make a choice. With processes of confusion we
see the analogy, but, at the same time, see that it is a false one.
§ 390. _Could._--With all persons who pronounce the _l_ this word is truly
irregular. The Anglo-Saxon form is _cuðe_. The _-l_ is inserted by a
process of confusion.
That the mere ejection of the _-n_ in _can_, and that the mere lengthening
of the vowel, are not irregularities, we learn from a knowledge of the
processes that convert the Greek [Greek: odontos] (_odontos_) into [Greek:
odous] (_odows_).
§ 391. The verb _quoth_ is truly defective. It is found in only one tense,
one number, and one person. It is the third person singular of the
præterite tense. It has the further peculiarity of preceding its pronoun.
Instead of saying _he quoth_, we say _quoth he_. In Anglo-Saxon, however,
it was not defective. It was found in the other tenses, in the other
number, and in other moods. _Ic cweðe_, _þu cwyst_, _he cwyð_. _Ic cwæð_,
_þú cwæðe_, _he cwæð_, _we cwædon_, _ge cwædon_, _hi cwædon_. Imperative,
_cweð_. Participle, _gecweden_. In the Scandinavian it is current in all
its forms. There, however, it means, not _to speak_ but to _sing_. As far
as its conjugation goes, it is strong. As far as its class goes, it follows
the form of _speak_, _spoke_. Like speak, its Anglo-Saxon form is in _æ_,
as _cwæð_. Like one of the forms of _speak_, its English form is in o, as
_quoth_, _spoke_.
* * * * *
{342}
CHAPTER XXVII.
MILTON.
These three are the only true impersonal verbs in the English language.
They form a class by themselves, because no pronoun accompanies them, as is
the case with the equivalent expressions _it appears_, _it pleases_, and
with all the other verbs in the language.
{343}
Me mete.--CHAUCER.
In the following lines the construction is, _it shall please your Majesty_.
Strictly speaking, the impersonal verbs are a part of syntax rather than of
etymology.
* * * * *
{344}
CHAPTER XXVIII.
In the older stages of the Gothic languages the word has both a full
conjugation and a regular one. In Anglo-Saxon it has an infinitive, a
participle present, and a participle past. In Moeso-Gothic it is inflected
throughout with _-s_; as _visa_, _vas_, _vêsum_, _visans_. In that language
it has the power of the Latin _maneo_ = _to remain_. The _-r_ first appears
in the Old High German; _wisu_, _was_, _wârumês_, _wësaner_. In Norse the
_s_ entirely disappears, and the word is inflected with _r_ throughout;
_vera_, _var_, _vorum_, &c.
_Present._
The line in Milton beginning _If thou beest he_--(P. L. b. ii.), leads to
the notion that the antiquated form _beest_ is not indicative, but
conjunctive. Such, however, is not the case: _býst_ in Anglo-Saxon is
indicative, the conjunctive form being _beó_.--_And every thing that pretty
bin_ (Cymbeline).--Here the word _bin_ is the conjunctive plural, in
Anglo-Saxon _béon_; so that the words _every thing_ are to be considered
equivalent to the plural form _all things_. The phrase in Latin would stand
thus, _quotquot pulcra sint_; in Greek thus, [Greek: ha an kala êi]. The
_indicative_ plural is, in Anglo-Saxon, not _beón_, but _beóð_ and _beó_.
§ 399. If we consider the word _beón_ like the word _weorðan_ (see below)
to mean not so much _to be_ as to _become_, we get an element of the idea
of futurity. Things which are _becoming anything_ have yet something
further to either do or suffer. Again, from the idea of futurity we get the
idea of contingency, and this explains the subjunctive power of _be_. In
English we often say _may_ for _shall_, and the same was done in
Anglo-Saxon.--"_Ic ðe secge, heò is be ðam húse ðe Fegor hátte, and nán man
nis ðe hig wíte_ (_shall, may know_) _ær ðám myclan dóme_."--Ælfric's
Homilies, 44.
§ 400. _Am._--Of this form it should be stated, that the letter _-m_ is no
part of the original word. It is the sign of the first person, just as it
is in all the Indo-European languages.
It should also be stated, that, although the fact be obscured, and although
the changes be insufficiently accounted for, the forms _am_, _art_, _are_,
and _is_, are not, like _am_ and _was_, parts of different words, but forms
of one and the same word; in other terms, that, although between _am_ and
_be_ there is no etymological connexion, there is one between _am_ and
_is_. This we collect from the comparison of the Indo-European languages.
1. 2. 3.
* * * * *
{348}
CHAPTER XXIX.
§ 401. The present participle, called also the active participle and the
participle in _-ing_, is formed from the original word by adding _-ing_;
as, _move_, _moving_. In the older languages the termination was more
marked, being _-nd_. Like the Latin participle in _-ns_, it was originally
declined. The Moeso-Gothic and Old High German forms are _habands_ and
_hapêntêr_=_having_, respectively. The _-s_ in the one language, and the
_-êr_ in the other, are the signs of the case and gender. In the Old Saxon
and Anglo-Saxon the forms are _-and_ and _-ande_; as _bindand_,
_bindande_=_binding_. In all the Norse languages, ancient and modern, the
_-d_ is preserved. So it is in the Old Lowland Scotch, and in many of the
modern provincial dialects of England, where _strikand_, _goand_, is said
for _striking_, _going_. In Staffordshire, where the _-ing_ is pronounced
_-ingg_, there is a fuller sound than that of the current English. In Old
English the form in _-nd_ is predominant, in Middle English, the use
fluctuates, and in New English the termination _-ing_ is universal. In the
Scotch of the modern writers we find the form _-in_.
§ 402. It has often been remarked that the participle is used in many
languages as a substantive. This is true in Greek,
§ 403. But it is also stated, that, in the English language, the participle
is used as a substantive in a greater degree than elsewhere, and that it is
used in several cases and in both numbers, _e.g._,
Now, whatever may be the theory of the origin of the termination _-ing_ in
old phrases like _rising early is healthy_, it cannot apply to expressions
of recent introduction. Here the direct origin in _-ung_ is out of the
question. {350}
The view, then, that remains to be taken of the forms in question is this:
2. That the latter ones are participial, and have been formed on a false
analogy.
* * * * *
{351}
CHAPTER XXX.
§ 405. _Drank, drunk, drunken._--With all words wherein the vowel of the
plural differs from that of the singular, the participle takes the plural
form. To say _I have drunk_, is to use an ambiguous expression; since
_drunk_ may be either a participle _minus_ its termination, or a præterite
with a participial sense. To say _I have drank_, is to use a præterite for
a participle. To say _I have drunken_, is to use an unexceptionable form.
In all words with a double form, as _spake_ and _spoke_, _brake_ and
_broke_, _clave_ and _clove_, the participle follows the form in _o_, as
_spoken_, _broken_, _cloven_. _Spaken_, _braken_, _claven_, are impossible
forms. There are degrees in laxity of language, and to say _the spear is
broke_ is better than to say _the spear is brake_.
These two statements bear upon the future history of the præterite. That of
the two forms _sang_ and _sung_, one will, in the course of language,
become obsolete is nearly certain; and, as the plural form is also that of
the participle, it is the plural form which is most likely to be the
surviving one. {352}
§ 406. As a general rule, we find the participle in _-en_ wherever the
præterite is strong; indeed, the participle in _-en_ may be called the
strong participle, or the participle of the strong conjugation. Still the
two forms do not always coincide. In _mow_, _mowed_, _mown_; _sow_,
_sowed_, _sown_; and several other words, we find the participle strong,
and the præterite weak. I remember no instances of the converse. This is
only another way of saying that the præterite has a greater tendency to
pass from strong to weak than the participle.
§ 407. In the Latin language the change from _s_ to _r_, and _vice versâ_,
is very common. We have the double forms _arbor_ and _arbos_, _honor_ and
_honos_, &c. Of this change we have a few specimens in English. The words
_rear_ and _raise_, as compared with each other, are examples. In
Anglo-Saxon a few words undergo a similar change in the plural number of
the strong præterites.
This accounts for the participial form _forlorn_, or _lost_, in New High
German _verloren_. In Milton's lines,
As the ejection of the _e_ reduces words like _bærned_ and _bærnde_ to the
same form, it is easy to account for the present {353} identity of form
between the weak præterites and the participles in _-d_: _e. g._, _I
moved_, _I have moved_, &c.
§ 409. In the older writers, and in works written, like Thomson's Castle of
Indolence, in imitation of them, we find prefixed to the præterite
participle the letter _y-_, as _yclept_=_called_: _yclad_=_clothed_:
_ydrad_=_dreaded_.
The following are the chief facts and the current opinion concerning this
prefix:--
1. It has grown out of the fuller forms _ge-_: Anglo-Saxon, _ge-_: Old
Saxon, _gi-_: Moeso-Gothic, _ga-_: Old High German, _ka-_, _cha-_, _ga-_,
_ki-_, _gi-_.
2. It occurs in each and all of the Germanic languages of the Gothic stock.
3. It occurs, with a few fragmentary exceptions, in none of the
Scandinavian languages of the Gothic stock.
This power is also a collective, since every quality is associated with the
object that possesses it: _a sea with waves_=_a wavy sea_. {354}
* * * * *
{355}
CHAPTER XXXI.
COMPOSITION.
§ 410. In the following words, amongst many others, we have palpable and
indubitable specimens of composition. _Day-star_, _vine-yard_, _sun-beam_,
_apple-tree_, _ship-load_, _silver-smith_, &c. The words _palpable_ and
_indubitable_ have been used, because, in many cases, as will be seen
hereafter, it is difficult to determine whether a word be a true compound
or not.
Now, in each of the compounds quoted above, it may be seen that it is the
second word which is qualified, or defined, by the first, and that it is
not the first which is qualified or defined, by the second. Of _yards_,
_beams_, _trees_, _loads_, _smiths_, there may be many sorts, and, in order
to determine what _particular_ sort of _yard_, _beam_, _tree_, _load_, or
_smith_, may be meant, the words _vine_, _sun_, _apple_, _ship_, and
_silver_, are prefixed. In compound words it is the _first_ term that
defines or particularises the second.
§ 411. That the idea given by the word _apple-tree_ is not referable to the
words _apple_ and _tree_, irrespective of the order in which they occur,
may be seen by reversing the position of them. The word _tree-apple_,
although not existing in the language, is as correct a word as
_thorn-apple_. In _tree-apple_, the particular sort of _apple_ meant is
denoted by the word _tree_, and if there were in our gardens various sorts
of plants called _apples_, of which some grew along the ground and others
upon trees, such a word as _tree-apple_ would be required in order to be
opposed to _earth-apple_, or _ground-apple_, or some word of the kind.
§ 412. At times this rule seems to be violated. The words _spitfire_ and
_daredevil_ seem exceptions to it. At the first glance it seems, in the
case of a _spitfire_, that what he (or she) _spits_ is _fire_; and that, in
the case of a _daredevil_, what he (or she) _dares_ is the _devil_. In this
case the initial words _spit_ and _dare_, are particularised by the final
ones _fire_ and _devil_. The true idea, however, confirms the original
rule. A _spitfire_ voids his fire by spitting. A _daredevil_, in meeting
the fiend, would not shrink from him, but would defy him. A _spitfire_ is
not one who spits fire, but one whose fire is _spit_. A _daredevil_ is not
one who dares even the devil, but one by whom the devil is even dared.
§ 413. Of the two elements of a compound word, which is the most important?
In one sense the latter, in another sense the former. The latter word is
the most _essential_; since the general idea of _trees_ must exist before
it can be defined or particularised; so becoming the idea which we have in
_apple-tree_, _rose-tree_, &c. The former word, however, is the most
_influential_. It is by this that the original idea is qualified. The
latter word is the staple original element: the former is the superadded
influencing element. Compared with each {357} other, the former element is
active, the latter passive. Etymologically speaking, the former element, in
English compounds, is the most important.
§ 414. Most numerous are the observations that bear upon the composition of
words; _e.g._, how nouns combine with nouns, as in _sunbeam_; nouns with
verbs, as in _daredevil_, &c. It is thought sufficient in the present work
to be content with, 1. defining the meaning of the term composition; 2.
explaining the nature of some obscure compounds.
_Different._--In Old High German we find the form _sëlp-sëlpo_. Here there
is the junction of two words, but not the junction of two _different_ ones.
This distinguishes composition from gemination.--Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik,
iii. 405.
§ 415. The attention of the reader is drawn to the following line, slightly
altered, from Churchill:--
Now, if in the place of _and_, there was some other word, a word not so
much accented as _spare_, but still more accented than _and_, this
disparity would be diminished, and the accents of the two words might be
said to be at _par_, or nearly so. As said before, the line was slightly
altered from Churchill, the real reading being
Good illustrations of the parity and disparity of accent may be drawn from
certain names of places. Let there be such a sentence as the following:
_the lime house near the bridge north of the new port._ Compare the parity
of accent on the separate words _lime_ and _house_, _bridge_ and _north_,
_new_ and _port_, with the disparity of accent in the compound words
_Límehouse_, _Brídgenorth_, and _Néwport_. The separate words _beef steak_,
where the accent is nearly at _par_, compared with the compound word
_sweépstakes_, where there is a great disparity of accent, are further
illustrations of the same difference.
§ 416. The difference between a compound word and two words is greatest
where the first is an adjective. This we see in comparing such terms as the
following: _bláck bírd_, meaning a _bird that is black_, with
_bláckbird_=the Latin _merula_; or _blúe béll_, meaning a _bell that is
blue_, with _blúebell_, the flower. {359} Expressions like _a shárp edgéd
instrument_, meaning _an instrument that is sharp and has edges_, as
opposed to a _shárp-edged instrument_, meaning _an instrument with sharp
edges_, further exemplify this difference.
The reader is now informed, that unless, in what has gone before, he has
taken an exception to either a statement or an inference, he has either
seen beyond what has been already laid down by the author, or else has read
him with insufficient attention. This may be shown by drawing a distinction
between a compound form and a compound idea.
In the words _a red house_, each word preserves its natural and original
meaning, and the statement is _that a house is red_. By a parity of
reasoning _a mad house_ should mean a _house that is mad_; and, provided
that each word retain its natural meaning and its natural accent, such is
the fact. Let a _house_ mean, as it often does, a _family_. Then the
phrase, _a mad house_, means that the _house_, _or family_, _is mad_, just
as a _red house_ means that the _house is red_. Such, however, is not the
current meaning of the word. Every one knows that _a mad house_ means _a
house for mad men_; in which case it is treated as a compound word, and has
a marked accent on the first syllable, just as _Límehouse_ has. Now,
compared with the word _red house_, meaning a house of a _red colour_, and
compared with the words _mad house_, meaning a _deranged family_, the word
_mádhouse_, in its common sense, expresses a compound idea; as opposed to
two ideas, or a double idea. The word _beef steak_ is evidently a compound
idea; but, as there is no disparity of accent, it is not a compound word.
Its sense is compound; its form is not compound, but double. This indicates
the objection anticipated, which is this: _viz._, that a definition, which
would exclude such a word as _beef steak_ from the list of compounds, is,
for that very reason, exceptionable. I answer to this, that the term in
question is a compound idea, and not a compound form; in other words, that
it is a compound in logic, but not a compound in etymology. {360} Now
etymology, taking cognisance of forms only, has nothing to do with ideas,
except so far as they influence forms.
The word _trée-rose_ is often pronounced _trée róse_; that is, with the
accent at _par_. It is compound in the one case; it is two words in the
other.
The words _mountain ash_ and _mountain height_ are generally (perhaps
always) pronounced with an equal accent on the syllables _mount-_ and
_ash_, _mount-_ and _height_, respectively. In this case the word
_mountain_ must be dealt with as an adjective, and the words considered as
two. The word _moúntain wave_ is often pronounced with a visible diminution
of accent on the last syllable. In this case there is a disparity of
accent, and the word is compound.
1.
ALLAN CUNNINGHAM.
2.
THOMAS CAMPBELL.
To speak first of the word (or words) _gallant mast_. If _gallant_ mean
_brave_, there are _two words_. If the words be two, there {361} is a
stronger accent on _mast_. If the accent on _mast_ be stronger, the rhyme
with _fast_ is more complete; in other words, the metre favours the notion
of the words being considered as _two_. _Gallant-mast_, however, is a
compound word, with an especial nautical meaning. In this case the accent
is stronger on _gal-_ and weaker on _-mast_. This, however, is not the
state of things that the metre favours. The same applies to _mountain
wave_. The same person who in prose would throw a stronger accent on
_mount-_ and a weaker one on _wave_ (so dealing with the word as a
compound), might, in poetry, make the words _two_, by giving to the last
syllable a parity of accent.
The following quotation from Ben Jonson may be read in two ways; and the
accent may vary with the reading.
1.
_Cynthia's Revels._
§ 418. _On certain words wherein the fact of their being compound is
obscured._--Composition is the addition of a word to a word, derivation is
the addition of letters or syllables to a word. In a compound form each
element has a separate and independent existence; in a derived form, only
one of the elements has such. Now it is very possible that in an older
stage of a language two words may exist, may be put together, and may so
form a compound; at the time in point each word having a separate and
independent existence: whilst, in a later stage of language, only one of
these words may have a separate and independent existence, the other having
become obsolete. In this case a compound word would take the appearance of
a derived one, since but one of its elements could be exhibited as a
separate and independent word. Such is the case with, amongst others, the
word _bishopric_. In the present language the word _ric_ has no separate
and independent existence. For all this, the word {362} is a true compound,
since, in Anglo-Saxon, we have the noun _ríce_ as a separate, independent
word, signifying _kingdom_ or domain.
Again, without becoming obsolete, a word may alter its form. This is the
case with most of our adjectives in _-ly_. At present they appear
derivative; their termination _-ly_ having no separate and independent
existence. The older language, however, shows that they are compounds;
since _-ly_ is nothing else than _-lic_, Anglo-Saxon; _-lih_, Old High
German; _-leiks_, Moeso-Gothic;=_like_, or _similis_, and equally with it
an independent separate word.
For the following words a separate independent root is presumed rather than
shown. It is presumed, however, on grounds that satisfy the etymologist.
For the further details, which are very numerous, see the Deutsche
Grammatik, vol. iii.
§ 419. "Subject to four classes of exceptions, it may be laid down that
_there is no true composition unless there is either a change of form or a
change of accent_."--Such is the statement made in p. 359. The first class
of exceptions consists {363} of those words where the natural tendency to
disparity of accent is traversed by some rule of euphony. For example, let
two words be put together, which at their point of contact form a
combination of sounds foreign to our habits of pronunciation. The rarity of
the combination will cause an effort in utterance. The effort in utterance
will cause an accent to be laid on the latter half of the compound. This
will equalize the accent, and abolish the disparity. The word _monkshood_,
the name of a flower (_aconitum napellus_), where, to my ear at least,
there is quite as much accent on the _-hood_ as on the _monks-_, may serve
in the way of illustration. Monks is one word, hood another. When joined
together, the _h-_ of the _-hood_ is put in immediate opposition with the
_-s_ of the _monks-_. Hence the combination _monkshood_. At the letters _s_
and _h_ is the point of contact. Now the sound of _s_ followed immediately
by the sound of _h_ is a true aspirate. But true aspirates are rare in the
English language. Being of rare occurrence, the pronunciation of them is a
matter of attention and effort; and this attention and effort creates an
accent which otherwise would be absent. Hence words like _monkshóod_,
_well-héad_, and some others.
The second class of exceptions contains those words wherein between the
first element and the second there is so great a disparity, either in the
length of the vowel, or the length of the syllable _en masse_, as to
counteract the natural tendency of the first element to become accented.
One of the few specimens of this class (which after all may consist of
double words) is the term _upstánding_. Here it should be remembered, that
words like _hapházard_, _foolhárdy_, _uphólder_, and _withhóld_ come under
the first class of the exceptions.
§ 420. For a remark on the words _peacock_, _peahen_, see the Chapter upon
Gender.--If these words be rendered masculine or feminine by the addition
of the elements _-cock_ and _-hen_, the statements made in the beginning of
the present chapter are invalidated. Since, if the word _pea-_ be
particularized, qualified, or defined by the words _-cock_ and _-hen_, the
second term defines or particularises the first, which is contrary to the
rule of p. 355. The truth, however, is, that the words _-cock_ and _-hen_
are defined by the prefix _pea-_. Preparatory to the exhibition of this,
let us remember that the word _pea_ (although now found in composition
only) is a true and independent substantive, the name of a species of fowl,
like _pheasant_, _partridge_, or any other appellation. It is the Latin
_pavo_, German _pfau_. Now, if the word _peacock_ mean a _pea_ (_pfau_ or
_pavo_) that is a male, then do _wood-cock_, _black-cock_, and
_bantam-cock_, mean _woods_, _blacks_, and _bantams_ that are male. Or if
the word _peahen_ mean a _pea_ (_pfau_ or _pavo_) that is female, then do
_moorhen_ and _guineahen_ mean _moors_ and _guineas_ that are female.
Again, if a _peahen_ mean a _pea_ (_pfau_ or _pavo_) that is female, then
does the compound _pheasant-hen_ mean the same as _hen-pheasant_; which is
not the case. The fact is that _peacock_ means a _cock that is a pea_
(_pfau_ or _pavo_); {365} _peahen_ means a _hen that is a pea_ (_pfau_ or
_pavo_); and, finally, _peafowl_ means a _fowl that is a pea_ (_pfau_ or
_pavo_). In the same way _moorfowl_ means, not a _moor that is connected
with a fowl_, but a _fowl that is connected with a moor_.
§ 421. It must be clear, _ex vi termini_, that in every compound word there
are two parts; _i. e._, the whole or part of the original, and the whole or
part of the superadded word. In the most perfect forms of inflection there
is a third element, _viz._, a vowel, consonant, or syllable that joins the
first word with the second.
In the older forms of all the Gothic languages the presence of this third
element was the rule rather than the exception. In the present English it
exists in but few words.
In the Modern German languages the genitive case of feminine nouns ends
otherwise than in _-s_. Nevertheless, the sound of _-s-_ occurs in
composition equally, whether the noun it follows be masculine or feminine.
This fact, as far as it goes, makes it convenient to consider the sound in
question as a connective rather than a case. Probably, it is neither one
nor the other exactly, but the effect of a false analogy.
In the first edition the sentence ran "_two or more_" words; being so
written to account for compounds like _mid-ship-man_, {366}
_gentle-man-like_, &c., where the number of verbal elements seems to amount
to three.
§ 424. The present chapter closes with the notice of two classes of words.
They are mentioned now, not because they are compounds, but because they
can be treated of here more conveniently than elsewhere.
There are a number of words which are never found by themselves; or, if so
found, have never the same sense that they have in combination. Mark the
word combination. The terms in question are points of combination, not of
composition: since they form not the parts of words, but the parts of
phrases. Such are the expressions _time and tide_--_might and main_--_rede
me my riddle_--_pay your shot_--_rhyme and reason_, &c. These words are
evidently of the same class, though not of the same species with
_bishopric_, _colewort_, _spillikin_, _gossip_, _mainswearer_, and the
words quoted in p. 362. These last-mentioned terms give us obsolete words
preserved in composition. The former give us obsolete words preserved in
combination.
The other words are etymological curiosities. They may occur in any
language. The English, however, from the extent of its classical element,
is particularly abundant in them. It is a mere accident that they are all
compound words.
* * * * *
{367}
CHAPTER XXXII.
In the use of the word, even in its limited sense, there is considerable
laxity and uncertainty.
Derivation proper, the subject of the present chapter, comprises all the
changes that words undergo, which are not referable to some of the
preceding heads. As such, it is, in its details, a wider field than even
composition. The details, however, are not entered into.
B. _Fowl, hail, nail, sail, tail, soul; _in Anglo-Saxon_, fugel, hægel,
nægel, segel, tægel, sawel._ --These words are by the best grammarians
considered as derivatives. Now, with these words I can not do what was done
with the word _strength_, I can not take from them the part which I look
upon as the derivational addition, and after that leave an independent
word. _Strength_ - _th_ is a true word; _fowl_ or _fugel_ - _l_ is no true
word. If I believe these latter words to be derivations at all, I do it
because I find in words like _handle_, &c., the _-l_ as a derivational
addition. Yet, as the fact of a word being sometimes used as a derivational
addition does not preclude it from being at other times a part of the root,
the evidence that the words in question are not simple, but derived, is not
cogent. In other words, it is evidence of the second degree.
_Nouns._ _Verbs._
Ábsent absént.
Ábstract abstráct.
Áccent accént.
Áffix affíx.
Aúgment augmént.
Cólleague colléague.
Cómpact compáct.
Cómpound compóund.
Cómpress compréss.
Cóncert concért.
Cóncrete concréte.
Cónduct condúct.
Cónfine confíne.
Cónflict conflíct.
Cónserve consérve.
Cónsort consórt.
Cóntract contráct.
Cóntrast contrást.
Cónverse convérse.
Cónvert convért.
Désert desért.
Déscant descánt.
Dígest digést.
Éssay essáy.
Éxtract extráct.
Férment fermént.
Fréquent freqúent.
Ímport impórt.
Íncense incénse.
Ínsult insúlt.
Óbject objéct.
Pérfume perfúme.
Pérmit permít.
Préfix prefíx.
Prémise premíse.
Présage preságe.
Présent presént.
Próduce prodúce.
Próject projéct.
Prótest protést.
Rébel rebél.
Récord recórd.
{370}
Réfuse refúse.
Súbject subjéct.
Súrvey survéy.
Tórment tormént.
Tránsfer transfér.
Tránsport. transpórt.
§ 429. Forms like _tip_, from _top_, _price_ and _prize_, &c., are of
importance in general etymology. Let it be received as a theory (as with
some philologists is really the case) that fragmentary sounds like the
_-en_ in _whiten_, the _-th_ in _strength_, &c., were once _words_; or,
changing the expression, let it be considered that all derivation was once
composition. Let this view be opposed. The first words that are brought to
militate against it are those like _tip_ and _prize_, where, instead of any
_addition_, there is only _a change_; and, consequently, no vestiges of an
older _word_. This argument, good as far as it goes, is rebutted in the
following manner. Let the word _top_ have attached to it a second word, in
which second word there is a small vowel. Let this small vowel act upon the
full one in _top_, changing it to _tip_. After this, let the second word be
ejected. We then get the form _tip_ by the law of accommodation, and not as
an immediate sign of derivation. The _i_ in _chick_ (from _cock_) may be
thus accounted for, the _-en_ in _chicken_ being supposed to have exerted,
first, an influence of accommodation, and afterwards to have fallen off.
The _i_ in _chick_ may, however, be accounted for by simple processes.
§ 430. In words like _bishopric_, and many others mentioned in the last
chapter, we had compound words under the appearance of derived ones; in
words like _upmost_, and many others, we have derivation under the
appearance of composition.
* * * * *
{371}
CHAPTER XXXIII.
ADVERBS.
Words like _better_ and _worse_ are adjectives or adverbs as they are
joined to nouns or verbs.
Adverbs differ from nouns and verbs in being susceptible of one sort of
inflection only, _viz._, that of degree.
Secondly, adverbs may be divided according to their form and origin. This
is truly an etymological classification.
§ 432. The adverbs of deflection (of the chief importance in etymology) may
be arranged after a variety of principles. I. According to the part of
speech from whence they originate. This is often an adjective, often a
substantive, at times a pronoun, occasionally a preposition, rarely a verb.
II. According to the part of the inflection from whence they originate.
This is often an ablative case, often a neuter accusative, often a dative,
occasionally a genitive.
It is highly probable that not only the adverbs of derivation, but that
also the absolute adverbs, may eventually be reduced to adverbs of
deflection. For _now_, see Deutsche Grammatik, iii. 249.
* * * * *
{374}
CHAPTER XXXIV.
§ 437. This may be seen in the following table, illustrative of the forms
_here_, _hither_, _hence_, and taken from the Deutsche Grammatik, iii. 199.
* * * * *
{377}
CHAPTER XXXV.
* * * * *
{378}
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The absolute prepositions, in the English language, are _in_, _on_, _of_,
_at_, _up_, _by_, _to_, _for_, _from_, _till_, _with_, _through_.
The absolute conjunctions in the English language are _and_, _or_, _but_,
_if_.
* * * * *
{380}
CHAPTER XXXVII.
1. _Of case._--In our own language the words _my_ and _thy_, although at
present possessives, were previously datives, and, earlier still,
accusatives. Again, the accusative _you_ replaces the nominative _ye_, and
_vice versâ_.
2. _Of number._--The words _thou_ and _thee_ are, except in the mouths of
Quakers, obsolete. The plural forms, _ye_ and _you_, have replaced them.
3. _Of person._--Laying aside the habit of the Germans and other nations,
of using the third person plural for the second singular (as in expressions
like _wie befinden sie sich_ = _how do they find themselves?_ instead of
_how do you find yourself?_) the Greek language gives us examples of
interchange in the way of persons in the promiscuous use of [Greek: nin,
min, sphe], and [Greek: heautou]; whilst _sich_ and _sik_ are used with a
similar latitude in the Middle High German and Scandinavian.
These statements are made for the sake of illustrating, not of exhausting,
the subject. It follows, however, as an inference from them, that the
classification of pronouns is complicated. Even if we knew the original
power and derivation of every form of every pronoun in a language, it would
be far from an easy matter to determine therefrom the paradigm that they
should take in grammar. To place a word according to its power in a late
stage of language might confuse the study of an early stage. To say that
because a word was once in a given class, it should always be so, would be
to deny that in the present English _they_, _these_, and _she_ are personal
pronouns at all.
The two tests, then, of the grammatical place of a pronoun, its _present
power_ and its _original power_, are often conflicting.
Now, if we take up the common grammars of the English language _as it is_,
we find, that, whilst _my_ and _thy_ are dealt with as genitive cases,
_mine_ and _thine_ are considered adjectives. In the Anglo-Saxon grammars,
however, _min_ and _þin_, the older forms of _mine_ and _thine_, are
treated as genitives; of which _my_ and _thy_ have been dealt with as
abbreviated forms, and that by respectable scholars.
Now, to prove from the syntax of the older English that in many cases the
two forms were convertible, and to answer that the words in question are
_either_ genitive cases or adjectives, is lax philology; since the real
question is, _which of the two is the primary, and which the secondary
meaning?_
§ 447. The _à priori_ view of the likelihood of words like _mine_ and
_thine_ being genitive cases, must be determined by the comparison of three
series of facts.
Again, if both the ideas of possession and partition may, and in many cases
must be, reduced to the more general idea of relation, this is a point of
grammatical phraseology by no means affecting the practical and special
bearings of the present division.
_The ideas of partition and possession merge into one another._--_A man's
spade is the_ possession _of a man; a man's hand is the_ part _of a man._
Nevertheless, when a man uses his hand as the instrument of his will, the
idea which arises from the fact of its being _part_ of his body is merged
in the idea of the possessorship which arises from the feeling of ownership
or mastery which is evinced in its subservience and application. Without
following the refinements to which the further investigation of these
questions would lead us, it is sufficient to suggest that the preponderance
of the two allied ideas of partition and possession is often determined by
the {383} personality or the non-personality of the subject, and that, when
the subject is a person, the idea is chiefly possessive; when a thing,
partitive--_caput fluvii_=_the head, which is a part, of a river_; _caput
Toli_=_the head, which is the possession, of Tolus_.
But as persons may be degraded to the rank of things, and as things may, by
personification, be elevated to the level of persons, this distinction,
although real, may become apparently invalid. In phrases like a _tributary
to the Tiber_--_the criminal lost his eye_--_this field belongs to that
parish_--the ideas of possessorship and partition, as allied ideas
subordinate to the idea of relationship in general, verify the interchange.
§ 450. These observations should bring us to the fact that there are two
ideas which, more than any other, determine the evolution of a genitive
case--the idea of partition and the idea of possession; _and that genitive
cases are likely to be evolved just in proportion as there is a necessity
for the expression of these two ideas_.--Let this be applied to the
question of the à priori probability of the evolution of a genitive case to
the pronouns of the first and second persons of the singular number.
This last statement proves something more than appears at first sight. It
proves that no argument in favour of the so-called _singular_ genitives,
like _mine_ and _thine_, can be drawn from the admission (if made) of the
existence of the true plural genitives _ou-r_, _you-r_, _thei-r_. The two
ideas are not in the same predicament. We can say, _one of ten_, or _ten of
twenty_; but we cannot say _one of one_--_Wæs hira Matheus sum_=_Matthew
was one of them_; Andreas--_Your noither_=_neither of you_; Amis and
Ameloun--from Mr. Guest: _Her eyder_=_either of them_; Octavian.--Besides
this, the form of the two numbers are neither identical, nor equally
genitival; as may be seen by contrasting _mi-n_ and _thi-n_ with _ou-r_ and
_you-r_.
§ 453. Such are the chief _à priori_ arguments against the genitival
character of words like _mine_ and _thine_.
It has not been sufficiently considered that the _primâ facie_ evidence is
against them. They have not the form of a genitive case--indeed, they have
a different one; and whoever assumes a second form for a given case has the
burden of proof on his side.
§ 454. Against this circumstance of the _-n_ in _mine_ and _thine_ being
the sign of anything rather than of a genitive case, and against the _primâ
facie_ evidence afforded by it, the {385} following facts may, or have
been, adduced as reasons on the other side. The appreciation of their
value, either taken singly or in the way of cumulative evidence, is
submitted to the reader. It will be seen that none of them are
unexceptionable.
§ 455. _The fact, that, if the words _mine_ and _thine_ are not genitive
cases, there is not a genitive case at all._--It is not necessary that
there should be one. Particular reasons in favour of the probability of
personal pronouns of the singular number being destitute of such a case
have been already adduced. _It is more likely that a word should be
defective than that it should have a separate form._
§ 456. _The analogy of the forms _mei_ and _[Greek: emou]_ in Latin and
Greek._--It cannot be denied that this has some value. Nevertheless, the
argument deducible from it is anything but conclusive.
1. It is by no means an indubitable fact that _mei_ and [Greek: emou] are
really cases of the pronoun. The _extension_ of a principle acknowledged in
the Greek language might make them the genitive cases of adjectives used
pronominally. Thus,
Assume the omission of the article and the extension of the Greek principle
to the Latin language, and [Greek: emou] and _mei_ may be cases, not of
[Greek: eme] and _me_, but of [Greek: emos] and _meus_.
This is a reason for the evolution of a genitive power. Few such forms
exist in the Gothic; _part my_ is not English, nor was _dæl min_
Anglo-Saxon,=_part of me_, or _pars mei_.
§ 457. The following differences of form, are found in the different Gothic
languages, between the equivalents of _mei_ and _tui_, the so-called
genitives of _ego_ and _tu_, and the equivalents of _meus_ and _tuus_, the
so-called possessive adjectives. {386}
In this list, those languages where the two forms are alike are not
exhibited. This is the case with the Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon.
In the above-noticed differences of form lie the best reasons for the
assumption of a genitive case, as the origin of an adjectival form; and,
undoubtedly, in those languages, where both forms occur, it is convenient
to consider one as a case and one as an adjective.
§ 458. But this is not the present question. In Anglo-Saxon there is but
one form, _min_ and _þin_=_mei_ and _meus_, _tui_ and _tuus_,
indifferently. Is this form an oblique case or an adjective?
The reason why the forms like _mîner_ seem derived is because they are
longer and more complex than the others. Nevertheless, it is by no means an
absolute rule in philology that the least compound form is the oldest. A
word may be {387} adapted to a secondary meaning by a change in its parts
in the way of omission, as well as by a change in the way of addition. Such
is the general statement. Reasons for believing that in the particular
cases of the words in question such is the fact, will be found hereafter.
1. The words _min_ or _þin_, with a power anything rather than possessive,
would not for that reason be proved (on the strength of their meaning) to
be genitive cases rather than possessive pronouns; since such latitude in
the power of the possessive pronoun is borne out by the comparison of
languages--[Greek: pater hêmôn] (not [Greek: hêmeteros]) in Greek is _pater
noster_ (not _nostrum_) in Latin.
§ 461. Again--as _min_ and _þin_ are declined like adjectives, even as
_meus_ and _tuus_ are so declined, we have means of ascertaining their
nature from the form they take in certain constructions; thus,
_min_ra=_me_orum, and _min_re=_me_æ, are the genitive plural and the dative
singular respectively. Thus, too, the Anglo-Saxon for _of thy eyes_ should
be _eagena þinra_, and the Anglo-Saxon for _to my widow_, should be
_wuduwan minre_; just as in Latin, they would be _oculorum tuorum_, and
_viduæ meæ_.
Such instances have yet to be quoted; whilst even if quoted, they would not
be conclusive.
_Old High German._--Here the nominatives, both masculine and feminine, lose
the inflection, whilst the neuter retains it--_thin dohter_, _sîn quenâ_,
_min dohter_, _sinaz lîb_. In a few cases, when the pronoun comes after,
even the _oblique_ cases drop the inflection.--Deutsche Grammatik, 474-478.
To suppose _two_ adjectival forms, one inflected (_min_, _minre_, &c.), and
one uninflected, or common to all genders and both numbers (_min_), is to
suppose no more than is the case with the uninflected _þe_, as compared
with the inflected _þæt_.--See pp. 251-253.
* * * * *
{390}
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
§ 464. The remote origin of the weak præterite in _-d_ or _-t_, has been
considered by Grimm, in the Deutsche Grammatik. He maintains that it is the
_d_ in _d-d_, the reduplicate præterite of _do_. In all the Gothic
languages the termination of the past tense is either _-da_, _-ta_, _-de_,
_-ði_, _-d_, _-t_, or _-ed_, for the singular, and _-don_, _-ton_,
_-tûmês_, or _-ðum_, for the plural; in other words, _d_, or an allied
sound, appears once, if not oftener. In the plural præterite of the
Moeso-Gothic we have something more, _viz._ the termination _-dêdum_; as
_nas-idêdum_, _nas-idêduþ_, _nas-idêdum_, from _nas-ja_; _sôk-idêdum_,
_sôk-idêduþ_, _sôk-idêdum_ from _sôk-ja_; _salb-ôdêdum_, _salb-ôdêduþ_,
_sâlb-ôdêdun_, from _salbô_. Here there is a second d. The same takes place
with the dual form _salb-ôdêduts_; and with the subjunctive forms,
_salb-ôdêdjan_, _salb-ôdêduts_, _salb-ôdêdi_, _salb-ôdêdeits_,
_salb-ôdêdeima_, _salb-ôdêdeiþ_, _salb-ôdêdeina_. The English phrase, _we
did salve_, as compared with _salb-ôdêdum_, is confirmatory of
this.--Deutsche Grammatik, i. 1042.
§ 466. The following extract exhibits Dr. Trithen's remarks on the Slavonic
verb:--
"In the Old Slavish, or the language of the church, there are three
methods of expressing the past tense: one of them consists in the union
of the verb substantive with the participle; as,
"In the corresponding tense of the Slavonic dialect we have the verb
substantive placed before the participle:
_Czytalem_ _czytalismy_
_Czytales_ _czytaliscie_
_Czytal_ _czytalie_.
"The ending _ao_, of _igrao_ and _imao_, stands for the Russian _al_,
as in some English dialects _a'_ is used for _all_."
* * * * *
{392}
PART V.
SYNTAX.
--------
CHAPTER I.
ON SYNTAX IN GENERAL.
§ 467. The word _syntax_ is derived from the Greek _syn_ (_with_ or
_together_), and _taxis_ (_arrangement_). It relates to the arrangement, or
putting together of words. Two or more words must be used before there can
be any application of studied syntax.
Much of the criticism on the use of _will_ and _shall_ is faulty in this
respect. _Will_ expresses one idea of futurity, _shall_ another. The syntax
of the two words is very nearly that of any other two. That one of the
words is oftenest used with a first person, and the other with a second, is
a fact, as will be seen hereafter, connected with the nature of _things_,
not of words.
§ 469. The following question now occurs. If the history of forms of speech
be one thing, and the history of idioms another; if this question be a part
of logic, and that question a part of rhetoric; and if such truly
grammatical facts as government and concord are, as matters of common
sense, to be left uninvestigated and unexplained, what remains as syntax?
This is answered by the following distinction. There are two sorts of
syntax; theoretical and practical, scientific and historical, pure and
mixed. Of these, the first consists in the analysis and proof of those
rules which common practice applies without investigation, and common sense
appreciates, in a rough and gross manner, from an appreciation of the
results. This is the syntax of government and concord, or of those points
which find no place in the present work, for the following reason--_they
are either too easy or too hard for it_. If explained scientifically they
are matters of close and minute reasoning; if exhibited empirically they
are mere rules for the memory. Besides this they are universal facts of
languages in general, and not the particular facts of any one language.
Like other universal facts they are capable of being expressed
symbolically. That the verb (A) agrees with its pronoun (B) is an immutable
fact: or, changing the mode of expression, we may say that language can
only fulfil its great primary object of intelligibility when A = B. And so
on throughout. A formal syntax thus exhibited, and even devised _à priori_,
is a philological possibility. And it is also the measure of philological
anomalies. {395}
§ 470. _Pure syntax._--So much for one sort of syntax; _viz._, that portion
of grammar which bears the same relation to the practice of language, that
the investigation of the syllogism bears to the practice of reasoning. The
positions concerning it are by no means invalidated by such phrases as _I
speaks_ (for _I speak_), &c. In cases like these there is no contradiction;
since the peculiarity of the expression consists not in joining two
incompatible persons, but in mistaking a third person for a first--_and as
far as the speaker is concerned, actually making it so_. I must here
anticipate some objections that may be raised to these views, by stating
that I am perfectly aware that they lead to a conclusion which to most
readers must appear startling and to some monstrous, _viz._, to the
conclusion that _there is no such thing as bad grammar at all_; _that
everything is what the speaker chooses to make it_; _that a speaker may
choose to make any expression whatever, provided it answer the purpose of
language, and be intelligible_; _that, in short, whatever is is right_.
Notwithstanding this view of the consequence I still am satisfied with the
truth of the premises. I may also add that the terms _pure_ and _mixed_,
themselves suggestive of much thought on the subject which they express,
are not mine but Professor Sylvester's.
The fact of the word _he_ neither qualifying nor explaining the word
_king_, distinguishes pleonasm from apposition.
The double negative, allowed in Greek and Anglo-Saxon, but not admissible
in English, is pleonastic.
Besides this, _make_ is similarly used in Old English.--_But men make draw
the branch thereof, and beren him to be graffed at Babyloyne._--Sir J.
Mandeville.
§ 478. _My paternal home was made desolate, and he himself was
sacrificed._--The sense of this is plain; _he_ means _my father_. Yet no
such substantive as _father_ has gone before. It is supplied, however, from
the word _paternal_. The sense indicated by _paternal_ gives us a subject
to which _he_ can refer. In other words, the word _he_ is understood,
according to what is indicated, rather than according to what is expressed.
This figure in Greek is called _pros to semainomenon_ (_according to the
thing indicated_). {398}
Now the words _Roman emperor_ are said to be in apposition to _Cæsar_. They
constitute, not an additional idea, but an explanation of the original one.
They are, as it were, _laid alongside_ (_appositi_) _of_ the word _Cæsar_.
Cases of doubtful number, wherein two substantives precede a verb, and
wherein it is uncertain whether the verb should be singular or plural, are
decided by determining whether the substantives be in apposition or the
contrary. No matter how many nouns there may be, as long as it can be shown
that they are in apposition, the verb is in the singular number.
_Sand and salt and a mass of iron is easier to bear than a man without
understanding._--Let _sand and salt and a mass of iron_ be dealt with as a
series of things the aggregate of which forms a mixture, and the expression
is allowable.
_The king and the lords and commons_ forms _an excellent frame of
government_.--Here the expression is doubtful. Substitute _with_ for the
first _and_, and there is no doubt as to the propriety of the singular form
_is_. {399}
The same reasoning applies to phrases like _the two king Williams_. If we
say _the two kings William_, we must account for the phrase by apposition.
§ 482. _True notion of the part of speech in use._--In _he is gone_, the
word _gone_ must be considered as equivalent to _absent_; that is, as an
adjective. Otherwise the expression is as incorrect as the expression _she
is eloped_. Strong participles are adjectival oftener than weak ones; their
form being common to many adjectives.
_True notion of the original form._--In the phrase _I must speak_, the word
_speak_ is an infinitive. In the phrase _I am forced to speak_, the word
_speak_ is (in the present English) an infinitive also. In one case,
however, it is preceded by _to_; whilst in the other, the particle _to_ is
absent. The reason for this lies in the original difference of form.
_Speak_ - _to_=the Anglo-Saxon _sprécan_, a simple infinitive; _to speak_,
or _speak + to_=the Anglo-Saxon _to sprécanne_, an infinitive in the dative
case.
_Let the blind lead the blind_ is not an instance of conversion. The word
_blind_ in both instances remains an adjective, and is shown to remain so
by its being uninflected.
* * * * *
{402}
CHAPTER II.
SYNTAX OF SUBSTANTIVES.
The remaining points connected with the syntax of substantives, are chiefly
points of either ellipsis, or apposition.
1. _Right and left_--supply _hand_. This is, probably, a real ellipsis. The
words _right_ and _left_, have not yet become true substantives; inasmuch
as they have no plural forms. In this respect, they stand in contrast with
_bitter_ and _sweet_; inasmuch as we can say _he has tasted both the
bitters and sweets of life_. Nevertheless, the expression can be refined
on.
* * * * *
{404}
CHAPTER III.
SYNTAX OF ADJECTIVES.
Expressions like _full of meat_, _good for John_, are by no means instances
of the government of adjectives; the really governing words being the
prepositions _to_ and _for_ respectively.
The most that can be said, in cases like these, is that particular
adjectives determine the use of particular prepositions--thus the
preposition _of_, generally follows the adjective _full_, &c.
The reasons for employing one expression in preference to the other, depend
upon the nature of the particular word used.
When the word is, at one and the same time, of Anglo-Saxon origin and
monosyllabic, there is no doubt about the preference to be given to the
form in _-er_. Thus, _wis-er_ is preferable to _more wise_.
Between these two extremes, there are several intermediate forms wherein
the use of one rather than another, will depend upon the taste of the
writer. The question, however, is a question of euphony, rather than of
aught else. It is also illustrated by the principle of not multiplying
secondary elements. In such a word as _fruit-full-er_, there are two
additions to the root. The same is the case with the superlative,
_fruit-full-est_.
§ 496. The 9th Chapter of Part IV., should be read carefully. There, there
is indicated a refinement upon the current notions as to the power of the
comparative degree, {406} and reasons are given for believing that the
fundamental notion expressed by the comparative inflexion is the idea of
comparison or contrast between _two_ objects.
is preferable to
but not
This statement may be refined on. It is chiefly made for the sake of giving
fresh prominence to the idea of duality expressed by the terminations _-er_
and _-ter_.
* * * * *
{407}
CHAPTER IV.
SYNTAX OF PRONOUNS.
§ 498. The syntax of substantives is, in English, simple, from the paucity
of its inflections, a condition which is unfavourable towards the evolution
of constructional complexities; the most remarkable exception being the
phenomenon of convertibility noticed above.
The same is the case with adjectives. The want of inflexion simplifies
their syntax equally with that of the substantives.
But with the pronouns this is not the case. Here we have--
Of these forms, the first is more common than the second and third, and the
fourth more common than the first.
§ 500. The fourth has another element of importance. It has given rise to
the absurd notion that the genitive case in _-s_ (_father-s_) is a
contraction from _his_ (_father his_).
To say nothing about the inapplicability of this rule to feminine genders,
and plural numbers, the whole history of the Indo-Germanic languages is
against it. {408}
4. The word _his_ itself must be accounted for; and that cannot be done by
assuming to be _he_ + _his_.
5. The _-s_ in _father's_ is the _-is_ in _patris_, and the -[Greek: os] in
[Greek: pateros].
* * * * *
{409}
CHAPTER V.
§ 503. In English, however, there is a second change over and above the
change of number, _viz._ that of case. We not only say _ye_ instead of
_thou_, but _you_ instead of _ye_.--(See p. 245).
Mr. Guest remarks, "that at one time the two forms _ye_ and _you_ seem to
have been nearly changing place in our language.
_Henry VIII._ 4, 2.
DRYDEN."
the _me_ is expletive, and is equivalent to _for me_. This expletive use of
the dative is conveniently called the _dativus ethicus_. It occurs more
frequently in the Latin than in the {410} English, and more frequently in
the Greek than in the Latin.
It follows from this that the word _self_ is used to a greater extent than
would otherwise be the case.
_He strikes him_ is ambiguous; inasmuch as _him_ may mean either the
_person who strikes_ or some one else. In order to be clear we add the word
_self_ when the idea is reflective. _He strikes himself_ is, at once,
idiomatic, and unequivocal.
This shows the value of a reflective pronoun for the third person.
Yet this was not always the case. The use of the simple personal pronoun
was current in Anglo-Saxon, and that, not only for the two first persons,
but for the third as well.
§ 506. _Reflective neuters._--In the phrase _I strike me_ the verb _strike_
is transitive; in other words, the word _me_ expresses the object of an
action, and the meaning is different from the meaning of the simple
expression _I strike_.
In the phrase _I fear me_ (used by Lord Campbell in his Lives of the
Chancellors), the verb _fear_ is intransitive or neuter; in other words,
the word _me_ (unless, indeed, _fear_ mean _terrify_) {411} expresses no
object of any action at all; whilst the meaning is the same as in the
simple expression _I fear_.
Here the reflective pronoun appears out of place, _i. e._, after a neuter
or intransitive verb.
The proper place of the governing pronoun is, in the indicative and
subjunctive moods, _before_ the verb.
* * * * *
{412}
CHAPTER VI.
ON THE SYNTAX OF THE DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS, AND THE PRONOUNS OF THE THIRD
PERSON.
§ 508. Reasons have been given in p. 249, for considering the so-called
pronouns of the third person (_he_, _she_, _it_, _they_) demonstrative
rather than truly personal.
§ 509. As _his_, and _her_, are genitive cases (and not adjectives), there
is no need of explaining such combinations as _his mother_, _her father_,
inasmuch as no concord of gender is expected. The expressions are
respectively equivalent to
§ 510. From p. 250, it may be seen that _its_ is a secondary genitive, and
it may be added, that it is of late origin in the language. The Anglo-Saxon
form was _his_, the genitive of _he_ for the neuter and masculine equally.
Hence, when, in the old writers, we meet _his_, where we expect _its_, we
must not suppose that any personification takes place, but simply that the
old genitive common to the two genders is used in preference to the modern
one limited to the neuter, and irregularly formed. This has been
illustrated by Mr. Guest.
"The apoplexy is, as I take it, a kind of lethargy. I have read the
cause of _his_ effects in Galen; _it_ is a kind of deafness."--2 _Henry
IV._ i. 2.
"If the salt have lost _his_ flavour, wherewith shall it be seasoned.
_It_ is neither fit for the land nor yet for the dunghill, but men cast
_it_ out."--_Luke_ xiv. 35.
"Some affirm that every plant has _his_ particular fly or caterpillar,
which it breeds and feeds."--WALTON'S _Angler_.
{413}
"The genitive _its_ is of late introduction into our language. Though used
by our dramatists and many of their cotemporaries, it does not occur in the
versions of our Bible, the substitute being _his_ or the compound term
_thereof_."--Phil. Trans., No. 25.
§ 511. For the archaic and provincial use of _him_ and _he_ for _it_ see
_ibid._; remembering that the two cases are different. _His_ for _its_ is
an old form retained: _him_ and _he_ for _it_ are really changes of gender.
§ 512. _Take them things away._--Here we have _them_ for _those_. The
expression, although not to be imitated, is explained by the originally
demonstrative power of _them_.
Sometimes the expression is still more anomalous, and we hear the so-called
nominative case used instead of the accusative. In the expression _take
they things away_, the use of _they_ for _them_ (itself for _those_) is
similarly capable of being, down to a certain period of our language,
explained as an archaism. The original accusative was _þa_, and _þo_: the
form in _-m_ being dative.
§ 513. _This_ and _that_.--The remarks upon the use of these words in
certain expressions is brought at once to the Latin scholar by the
quotation of the two following lines from Ovid, and the suggestion of a
well-known rule in the Eton Latin Grammar.
Here _hic_ (=_this_ or _the one_) refers to the antecedent last named (the
_air_); whilst _ille_ (=_that_ or _the other_) refers to the antecedent
first named (the _sea_).
Now on the strength of this example, combined with others, it is laid down
as a rule in Latin that _hic_ (_this_) refers to the last-named antecedent,
_ille_ to the first-named.
The truth is, that it is a question which no authority can settle; and all
that grammar can tell us is (what we know without it) that _this_ refers to
the name of the idea which is logically the most close at hand, and _that_
to the idea which is logically the most distant.
1. The idea to which the name was last given, or (changing the expression)
the name of the last idea may be the nearest idea in the order of sequence,
and, consequently, the idea referred to by the pronoun of proximity. In
this case the idea closest at hand to the writer of the second line of the
couplet quoted above was the idea of the _atmosphere_ (_aer_), and it was,
consequently, expressed by (_this_) _hic_.
2. Or the idea to which the name was first given, or (changing the
expression) the name of the first idea may be the nearest idea in the order
of sequence, and consequently the idea referred to it by the pronoun of
proximity; inasmuch as the idea which occurs first is the most prominent
one, and what is prominent appears near. In this case, the idea closest at
hand to the writer of the second line of the couplet quoted above would
have been the idea of the _sea_ (_pontus_), and it would, consequently,
have been the idea expressed by _this_ (_hic_).
As Ovid, however, considered the idea at the end of the last half of one
sentence to be the idea nearest to the {415} beginning of the next, we have
him expressing himself as he does. On the other hand, it is easy to
conceive a writer with whom the nearest idea is the idea that led the way
to the others.
As I believe that one and the same individual may measure the sequence of
his ideas sometimes according to one of these principles, and sometimes
according to another, I believe that all rules about the relations of
_this_ and _that_ are arbitrary.
"It was a proud day for the bar when Lord North made Thurlow (1) and
(2) Wedderburn (1) Attorney (2) and Solicitor General."--_Mathias from
Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors._
* * * * *
{416}
CHAPTER VII.
§ 515. The undoubted constructions of the word _self_, in the present state
of the cultivated English, are three-fold.
There is neither apposition nor government; _him_ and _them_, being neither
related to _my_ and _thy_, so as to be governed, nor yet to _he_ and
_they_, so as to form an apposition. In order to come under one of these
conditions, the phrases should be either _he his self_ (_they their
selves_), or else _he he self_ (_they they selves_). In this difficulty,
the only logical view that can be taken of the matter, is to consider the
words _himself_ and _themselves_, not as two words, but as a single word
compounded; and even then, the compound will be of an irregular kind;
inasmuch as the inflectional element _-m_, is dealt with as part and parcel
of the root.
_Itself_--is also ambiguous. The _s_ may represent the _-s_ in _its_, as
well as the _s-_ in _self_.
_Ipomedon_, 1690.
Here _his one_, _her one_, mean _his singleness_, _her singleness_.
{418}
§ 518. As to the inflection of the word _-self_, all its compounds are
substantives; inasmuch as they all take plural forms as far as certain
logical limitations will allow them to do so--_ourselves_, _yourselves_,
_themselves_.
_a._ Just as men say _we_ for _I_, so may they say _our_ for _my_.
_b._ Just as men say _you_ for _thou_, so may they say _your_ for _thy_.
When an adjective intervenes between _self_ and its personal pronoun the
construction is always in the way of government; in other words, the
personal pronoun is always put in the genitive case.
§ 519. The construction of _self_ and a personal pronoun with a verb may be
noticed in this place. It is only in the case of the two pronouns of the
singular number that any doubt can arise.
1. When _myself_ or _thyself_ stands alone, the verb that follows is in the
third person--_myself is_ (not _am_) _weak_, _thyself is_ (not _art_)
_weak_. Here the construction is just the same as in the proposition _my
body is weak_.
* * * * *
{419}
CHAPTER VIII.
§ 520. The possessive pronouns fall into two classes. The first class
contains the forms connected, partially in their etymology and wholly in
their syntax, with _my_ and _thy_, &c. The second class contains the forms
connected, partially in their etymology and wholly in their syntax, with
_mine_ and _thine_, &c.
The first class is the class of what may be called the _oblique_
possessives; the name being founded upon the etymological fact of their
being connected with the oblique cases of the pronominal inflection.--_My_,
_thy_, _his_ (as in _his book_), _her_, _its_ (as in _its book_), _our_,
_your_, _their_. These are conveniently considered as the equivalents to
the Latin forms _mei_, _tui_, _ejus_, _nostrum_, _vestrum_, _eorum_.
The second class is the class of what may be called the _absolute_
possessives; the name being founded upon the syntactic fact of their being
able to form the term of a proposition by themselves; as _whose is this?_
_Mine_ (not _my_).--_Mine_, _thine_, _his_ (as _in the book is his_),
_hers_, _ours_, _yours_, _theirs_ are conveniently considered as the
equivalents to the Latin forms _meus, mea, meum_; _tuus, tua, tuum_; _suus,
sua, suum_; _noster, nostra, nostrum_; _vester, vestra, vestrum_. How far
either or both of these two classes of pronouns are cases, or adjectives,
is a point of etymology that has already been noticed (Part IV., chap. 37).
How far either or both are cases or adjectives is, in syntax, a matter of
indifference.
§ 521. There is, however, a palpable difference between the construction of
_my_ and _mine_. We cannot say _this is mine hat_, and we cannot say _this
hat is my_. Nevertheless, this {420} difference is not explained by any
change of construction from that of adjectives to that of cases. As far as
the syntax is concerned the construction of _my_ and _mine_ is equally that
of an adjective _agreeing_ with a substantive, and of a genitive (or
possessive) case _governed_ by a substantive.
Now a common genitive case can be used in two ways; either as part of a
term, or as a whole term (_i. e._, absolutely).--1. As part of a
term--_this is John's hat_. 2. As a whole term--_this hat is John's_.
And a common adjective can be used in two ways; either as part of a term,
or as a whole term (_i. e._, absolutely).--1. As part of a term--_these are
good hats_. 2. As a whole term--_these hats are good_.
Now whether we consider _my_, and the words like it, as adjectives or
cases, they possess only _one_ of the properties just illustrated, _i. e._,
they can only be used as part of a term--_this is my hat_; not _this hat is
my_.
And whether we consider _mine_, and the words like it, as adjectives or
cases, they possess only _one_ of the properties just illustrated, _i. e._,
they can only be used as whole terms, or absolutely--_this hat is mine_;
not _this is mine hat_.
"Nomina substantiva apud nos nullum vel generum vel casuum discrimen
sortiuntur."--p. 76.
* * * * *
{422}
CHAPTER IX.
§ 524. _Which_ has so nearly replaced _what_ that the general use of this
last word with its proper power, as a neuter relative, is, in the present
English, vulgar, _e.g._,
In one case, however, _what_ is used as a true relative, _viz._, when the
antecedent is either _this_ or _that_.
{423}
Here _who_=_man_.
(1) As white--(2) as snow.
Here _snow_=_white_.
§ 527. It is necessary that the relative be in the same _number_ with the
antecedent. As, however, _who_, _which_, _whom_, are equally singular and
plural, and as _what_, which is really singular, is not used as a relative,
the application of this law is limited to the word _whose_. Now _whose_ is,
etymologically, a genitive case, and a genitive case of the singular
number. Hence the expression _the men whose daggers stabbed Cæsar_ can only
be justified by considering that the word _whose_ is plural as well as
singular. Such is the case. If not the expression is as illogical as
_homines_ cujus _sicæ_, &c. would be in Latin.
§ 528. It is _not_ necessary for the relative to be in the same case with
its antecedent.
§ 529. The reason why the relative must agree with its antecedent in both
number and gender, whilst it need not agree with it in case, is found in
the following observations.
3. Whilst, however, the actions are two in number, the {424} person or
thing which does, or suffers them is single--_John_.
5. Things and persons that are one and the same, are of one and the same
gender. The _John_ who _trusts_ is necessarily of the same gender with the
_John_ who _comes_.
6. Things and persons that are one and the same, are of one and the same
number. The number of _Johns_ who _trust_, is the same as the number of
_Johns_ who _come_. Both these elements of concord are immutable.
As the relative is only the antecedent in another form, it may change its
case according to the construction.
1. I trust John--(2) _John_ trusts me.
2. I trust John--(2) _He_ trusts me.
3. I trust John--(2) _Who_ trusts me.
4. John trusts me--(2) I trust _John_.
5. John trusts me--(2) I trust _him_.
6. John trusts me--(2) I trust _whom_.
7. John trusts me--(2) _Whom_ I trust.
8. John--(2) _Whom_ I trust trusts me.
3. The word which connects the two propositions, and without which, they
naturally make separate, independent, unconnected statements.
Now, although true and unequivocal ellipses are scarce, {425} the preceding
is one of the most unequivocal kind--the word which connects the two
propositions being wanting.
§ 531. One or two points connected with the construction of those sentences
wherein relative pronouns occur, are necessary to be familiarly understood
in order for us to see our way clearly to certain real and apparent
anomalies in the syntax of this class of words.
5. But the relative is the equivalent to the pronoun and substantive, and
_something more_. In sentences like
_a._ Reduce the sentence to the several propositions (which are never less
than two) which it contains.
_b._ Replace the relative by its equivalent personal or demonstrative
pronoun, or by its equivalent substantive.
_When the relative and antecedent are in different cases, and the relative
is omitted, the antecedent is sometimes put in the case of the relative._
_Him_ I accuse,
The city gates by this has entered.
_Coriolanus_, v. 5.
Better leave undone, than by our deeds acquire
Too high a fame, when _him_ we serve's away.
The reason of this is clear. The verb that determines {427} the case of the
relative is brought in contact with the antecedent, and the case of the
antecedent is accommodated to the case of the relative.
§ 534. _When there are two words in a clause, each capable of being an
antecedent, the relative refers to the latter._
2. _Solomon the son of David who built the temple._ This is exceptionable.
* * * * *
{428}
CHAPTER X.
_Direct._--Who is he?
DIRECT.
OBLIQUE.
§ 536. Nevertheless, such expressions as _whom do they say that it is?_ are
common, especially in oblique questions. The following examples are Mr.
Guest's.--_Philological Transactions._
"And he axed hem and seide, _whom_ seien the people that I am? Thei
answereden and seiden, Jon Baptist--and he seide to hem, But _whom_
seien ye that I am?"--WICLIF, _Luke_ ix.
{429}
§ 538. _The omission_, &c.--Tell me _whom_ she is you _love_. Here the full
construction requires a second pronoun--tell me _who_ she is _whom_ you
_love_; or else, tell me _her whom_ you love.
§ 539. To the question, _who is_ this? many would answer not _I_, but _me_.
This confusion of the case in the answer favours a confusion of case in the
question.
This view, if true, justifies the use of _whom_ after the conjunctions
_than_ and _as_; so that the expression,--
may be right.
* * * * *
{431}
CHAPTER XI.
§ 541. This is the syntax. As to the power of the words _each_ and _one_ in
the expression (_each other_ and _one another_), I am not prepared to say
that in the common practice of the English language there is any
distinction between them. A distinction, however, if it existed would give
strength to our language. Where two persons performed a reciprocal action
on another, the expression might be _one another_; as _Eteocles and
Polynices killed one another_. Where more than two {432} persons were
engaged on each side of a reciprocal action the expression might be _each
other_; as, _the ten champions praised each other_.
The Lapplandic, and, probably other languages, have the same elements of
perspicuity.
* * * * *
{433}
CHAPTER XII.
Sometimes it is by the use of the passive voice. This is the common method
in Latin and Greek, and is also current in English--_dicitur_, [Greek:
legetai], _it is said_.
Sometimes the plural pronoun of the third person is used. This also is an
English locution--_they say_=_the world at large says_.
The word _man_ has an indeterminate sense in the Modern German; as, _man
sagt_=_they say_.
The word _man_ was also used indeterminately in the Old English, although
it is not so used in the Modern.--Deutsche Grammatik.
In the Old English, the form _man_ often lost the _-n_, and became
_me_.--Deutsche Grammatik. This form is also extinct.
It has been stated in p. 257, that the indeterminate pronoun _one_ has no
etymological connection with the numeral _one_; but that it is derived from
the French _on_=_homme_=_homo_=_man_; and that it has replaced the Old
English, _man_ or _me_.
§ 543. Two other pronouns, or, to speak more in accordance with the present
habit of the English language, one {434} pronoun, and one adverb of
pronominal origin are also used indeterminately viz., _it_ and _there_.
When _it_ is the predicate of a proposition, the number of the verb depends
upon the number of the subject. These points of universal syntax are
mentioned here for the sake of illustrating some anomalous forms.
§ 545. _There_ can only be the predicate of a subject. It differs from _it_
in this respect. It follows also that it must differ from _it_ in never
affecting the number of the verb. This is determined by the nature of the
subject--_there is this_, _there are these_.
When we say _there is these_, the analogy between the words _there_ and
_it_ misleads us; the expression being illogical.
§ 546. Although _it_, when the subject, being itself singular, absolutely
requires that its verb should be singular also, there is a tendency to use
it incorrectly, and to treat it as a plural. Thus, in German, when the
predicate is plural, the verb joined to the singular form _es_ (=_it_) is
plural--_es sind menschen_, literally translated=_it are men_; which,
though bad English, is good German.
* * * * *
{435}
CHAPTER XIII.
THE ARTICLES.
§ 547. The rule of most practical importance about the articles is the rule
that determines when the article shall be repeated as often as there is a
fresh substantive, and when it shall not.
When two or more substantives following each other denote the same object,
the article precedes the first only. We say _the secretary and treasurer_
(or, _a secretary and treasurer_), when the two offices are held by one
person.
* * * * *
{436}
CHAPTER XIV.
THE NUMERALS.
§ 548. The numeral _one_ is naturally single. All the rest are naturally
plural.
The captains of two different classes at school should be called the _two
first boys_. The first and second boys of the same class should be called
the _first two boys_. I believe that when this rule is attended to, more is
due to the printer than to the author: such, at least, is the case with
myself.
* * * * *
{437}
CHAPTER XV.
ON VERBS IN GENERAL.
§ 550. For the purposes of syntax it is necessary to divide verbs into the
five following divisions: transitive, intransitive, auxiliary, substantive,
and impersonal.
_Intransitive verbs._--An act may take place, and yet no object be affected
by it. _To hunger_, _to thirst_, _to sleep_, _to wake_, are verbs that
indicate states of being, rather than actions affecting objects. Verbs like
_hunger_, and _sleep_, are naturally intransitive.
This variation in the use of one and the same verb is of much importance in
the question of the government of verbs.
A. Transitive verbs are naturally followed by some noun or other; and that
noun is _always_ the name of something affected by them _as an object_.
{438}
B. Intransitive verbs are not naturally followed by any noun at all; and
when they are so followed, the noun is _never_ the name of anything
affected by them _as an object_.
§ 552. The verb _substantive_ has this peculiarity, _viz._ that for all
purposes of syntax it is no verb at all. _I speak_ may, logically, be
reduced to _I am speaking_; in which case it is only the _part_ of a verb.
Etymologically, indeed, the verb substantive is a verb; inasmuch as it is
inflected as such: but for the purposes of construction, it is a copula
only, _i.e._, it merely denotes the agreement or disagreement between the
subject and the predicate.
This does not apply to the infinitive mood. The infinitive mood of the
so-called verb substantive is a noun; not, however, because it is a verb
substantive, but because it is an infinitive mood.
* * * * *
{439}
CHAPTER XVI.
§ 553. The verb must agree with its subject in person, _I walk_, not _I
walks_: _he walks_, not _he walk_.
It must also agree with it in number,--_we walk_, not _we walks_: _he
walks_, not _he walk_.
Clear as these rules are, they require some expansion before they become
sufficient to solve all the doubtful points of English syntax connected
with the concord of the verb.
A. _It is I, your master, who command you._ Query? would _it is I, your
master, who commands you_, be correct? This is an example of a disputed
point of concord in respect to the person of the verb.
B. _The wages of sin is death._ Query? would _the wages of sin _are_ death_
be correct? This is an example of a disputed point of concord in respect to
the number of the verb.
§ 554. In respect to the concord of person the following rules will carry
us through a portion of the difficulties.
_Rule._--In sentences, where there is but one proposition, when a noun and
a pronoun of different persons are in apposition, the verb agrees with the
first of them,--_I, your master, command you_ (not _commands_): _your
master, I, commands you_ (not _command_).
Undoubtedly the idea which comes first is the leading idea; and,
undoubtedly, the idea which explains, qualifies, or defines it, is the
subordinate idea: and, undoubtedly, it is the leading idea which determines
the construction of the verb. We may illustrate this from the analogy of a
similar construction in respect to number--_a man with a horse and a gig
meets me on the road_. Here the ideas are three; nevertheless the verb is
singular. No addition of subordinate elements interferes with the
construction that is determined by the leading idea. In the expression _I,
your master_, the ideas are two; viz. the idea expressed by _I_, and the
idea expressed by _master_. Nevertheless, as the one only explains or
defines the other, the construction is the same as if the idea were single.
_Your master, I_, is in the same condition. The general statement is made
concerning the _master_, and it is intended to say what _he_ does. The word
_I_ merely defines the expression by stating who the master is. Of the two
expressions the latter is the awkwardest. The construction, however, is the
same for both.
_Rule._--In all single propositions the verb agrees in person with the noun
(whether substantive or pronoun) which comes first.
§ 555. But the expression _it is I, your master, who command_ (or
_commands_) _you_, is not a single proposition. It is a sentence containing
two propositions.
1. _It is I._
2. _Who commands you._
{441}
This is the first point to observe. The next is that the verb in the second
clause (_command_ or _commands_) is governed, not by either the personal
pronoun or the substantive, but by the relative, _i.e._, in the particular
case before us, not by either _I_ or _master_, but by _who_.
And this brings us to the following question--with which of the two
antecedents does the _relative_ agree? with _I_ or with _master_?
_Rule 1._--When the two antecedents are in the same proposition, the
relative agrees with the first. Thus--
1. It is _I_--
2. Your _master_ who _commands_ you.
This, however, is not all. What determines whether the two antecedents
shall be in the same or in different propositions? I believe that the
following rules for what may be called _the distribution of the substantive
antecedent_ will bear criticism.
_Rule 1._ That when there is any natural connection between the substantive
antecedent and the verb governed by the relative, the antecedent belongs to
the second clause. Thus, in the expression just quoted, the word _master_
is logically connected with the word _command_; and this fact makes the
expression, _It is I your master who commands you_ the better of the two.
_Rule 2._ That when there is no natural connection between the substantive
antecedent and the verb governed by the {442} relative, the antecedent
belongs to the first clause. _It is I, John, who command_ (not _commands_)
_you_.
3. Of such two antecedents the relative agrees with the one which stands in
the same proposition with itself.
_Rule 1._ That the verb agrees with the subject, and with nothing but the
subject. The only way to justify such an expression as _the wages of sin is
death_, is to consider _death_ not as the subject, but as the predicate; in
other words, to consider the construction to be, _death is the wages of
sin_.
_Rule 2._ That, except in the case of the word _there_ (p. 434), the word
which comes first is always the subject, until the contrary be proved.
{443}
_Rule 3._ That no number of connected singular nouns can govern a plural
verb, unless they be connected by a copulative conjunction. _The sun _and_
moon shine_,--_the sun_ in conjunction with _the moon shines_.
* * * * *
{444}
CHAPTER XVII.
§ 558. The government of verbs is of two sorts, (1.) _objective_, and (2.)
_modal_.
It is objective where the noun which follows the verb is the name of some
object affected by the action of the verb,--as _he strikes me_; _he wounds
the enemy_.
It is modal when the noun which follows the verb is not the name of any
object affected by the verb, but the name of some object explaining the
manner in which the action of the verb takes place, the instrument with
which it is done, the end for which it is done, &c.
The government of all intransitive verbs can only be modal,--_I walk with
the stick_. When we say, _I walk the horse_, the word _walk_ has changed
its meaning, and signifies _make to walk_, and is, by the very fact of its
being followed by the name of an object, converted from an intransitive
into a transitive verb.
§ 560. _Verb and nominative case._--No verb governs a nominative case. The
appositional construction _seems_ to require such a form of government; but
the form is only apparent. {446}
It is I.
It is thou.
It is he, &c.
Here, although the word _is_ is _followed_ by a nominative case, it by no
means governs one--at least not as a verb.
It has been stated above that the so-called verb substantive is only a verb
for the purposes of etymology. In syntax, it is only a part of a verb,
_i. e._, the copula.
Now this fact changes the question of the construction in expressions like
_it is I_, &c., from a point of government to one of concord. In the
previous examples the words _it_, _is_, and _I_, were, respectively,
_subject_, _copula_, and _predicate_; and, as it is the function of the
copula to denote the agreement between the predicate and the subject, the
real point to investigate is the nature of the concord between these two
parts of a proposition.
Now the predicate need agree with the subject in case only.
{447}
{448}
N.B. The question (in cases where the conjunction _that_ is not used), as
to the greater propriety of the two expressions--_I believe it to be
him_--_I believe it to be he_--has yet to be considered.
§ 561. _The verb and genitive case._--No verb in the present English
governs a genitive case. In Anglo-Saxon certain verbs did: _e.g._, _verbs
of ruling_ and others--_weolde thises middangeardes_=_he ruled_ (_wealded_)
_this earth's_. Genitive cases, too, governed by a verb are common both in
Latin and Greek. _To eat of the fruit of the tree_ is no genitive
construction, however much it may be equivalent to one. _Fruit_ is in the
objective case, and is governed not by the verb but by the preposition
_of_.
_The verb and dative case._--The word _give_, and a few others, govern a
dative case. Phrases like _give it him_, _whom shall I give it_, are
perfectly correct, and have been explained above. The prepositional
construction _give it_ to _him_,--_to whom shall I give it?_ is
unnecessary. The evidence of this is the same as in the construction of the
adjective _like_.
Here, the word, _to be_, is, in respect to its power, a noun.
With this accusative infinitive, _it_ agrees, as being part of the same
complex idea. And _him_ does the same.
1. _I believe it to be him._
2. _I believe that it is he._
In the first example, _it_ is the object; and _it-to-be-him_ forms one
complex term.
In the second, _he_ agrees with _it_; and _it_ is the subject of a
separate, though connected, proposition.
Of these two forms the Latin language adopts but one, _viz._, the
former,--_credo eum esse_, not _credo quod illud est ille_.
1. It is believed.--
2. Who spoke.
{450} Now, here, _it_ is the subject, and, as such, nominative. But it is
also the equivalent to _to be he_, which must be nominative as well. _To be
he is believed_=_esse-ille creditur_,--or, changing the mode of proof,--
* * * * *
{451}
CHAPTER XVIII.
ON THE PARTICIPLES.
For the extent to which the view differs from that of Priestley, and still
more with that of Mr. Guest, see _Phil. Trans._, 25.
§ 568. The past participle corresponds not with the Greek form [Greek:
tuptomenos], but with the form [Greek: tetummenos]. _I am beaten_ is
essentially a combination, expressive not of present but of past time, just
like the Latin _sum verberatus_. Its Greek equivalent is not [Greek: eimi
tuptomenos]=_I am a man in the act of being beaten_, but [Greek: eimi
tetummenos]=_I am a man who has been beaten_. It is past in respect to the
action, though present in respect to the state brought about by the action.
This essentially past element in the so-called present expression, _I am
beaten_, will be again referred to.
* * * * *
{452}
CHAPTER XIX.
ON THE MOODS.
§ 569. The infinitive mood is a noun. The current rule that _when two verbs
come together the latter is placed in the infinitive mood_ means that one
verb can govern another only by converting it into a noun--_I begin to
move_=_I begin the act of moving_. Verbs, _as verbs_, can only come
together in the way of apposition--_I irritate_, _I beat_, _I talk at him_,
_I call him names_, &c.
§ 570. The construction, however, of English infinitives is twofold. (1.)
Objective. (2.) Gerundial.
When one verb is followed by another without the preposition _to_, the
construction must be considered to have grown out of the objective case, or
from the form in _-an_.
This is the case with the following words, and, probably, with others.
Thou shalt not _see_ thy brother's ox or his ass _fall_ down by the
way.
I would fain _have_ any one _name_ to me that tongue that any one can
speak as he should do by the rules of grammar.
The following examples, from the Old English, of the gerundial construction
where we have, at present, the objective, are Mr. Guest's.
_R. Br._
_Octavian_, 381.
_Othello_, iv. 2.
{454}
* * * * *
{455}
CHAPTER XX.
ON THE TENSES.
§ 573. Notwithstanding its name, the present tense in English, does not
express a strictly _present_ action. It rather expresses an habitual one.
_He speaks well_=_he is a good speaker_. If a man means to say that he is
in the act of speaking, he says _I am speaking_.
§ 574. The English præterite is the equivalent, not to the Greek perfect
but the Greek aorist. _I beat_=[Greek: etupsa] not [Greek: tetupha]. The
true perfect is expressed, in English, by the auxiliary _have_ + the past
participle.
* * * * *
{456}
CHAPTER XXI.
§ 575. For the impersonal verbs see Part IV. Chapter 27.
Now, in English, the plural form is the same for all three persons. Hence
we say _I and you are friends_, _you and I are friends_, _I and he are
friends_, &c., so that, for the practice of language, the question as to
the relative dignity of the three persons is a matter of indifference.
1. Whenever the words _either_ or _neither_ precede the {457} pronouns, the
verb is in the third person. _Either you or I is in the wrong_; _neither
you nor I is in the wrong_.
2. Whenever the disjunctive is simple (_i. e._ unaccompanied with the word
_either_ or _neither_) the verb agrees with the _first_ of the two
pronouns.
The reasons for these rules will appear in the Chapter on Conjunctions.
Now, provided that they are correct, it is clear that the English language
knows nothing about the relative degrees of dignity between these three
pronouns; since its habit is to make the verb agree with the one which is
placed first--whatever may be the person. I am strongly inclined to believe
that the same is the case in Latin; in which case (in the sentence _ego et
Balbus sustulimus manus_) _sustulimus_ agrees, in person, with _ego_, not
because the first person is the worthiest, but because it comes first in
the proposition. That the greater supposed worth of the first person may be
a reason for putting it first in the proposition is likely enough.
* * * * *
{458}
CHAPTER XXII.
Here the word _hight_=_was called_, and seems to present an instance of the
participle being used in a passive sense without the so-called verb
substantive. Yet it does no such thing. The word is no participle at all;
but a simple preterite. Certain verbs are _naturally_ either passive or
active, as one of two allied meanings may predominate. _To be called_ is
passive; so is, _to be beaten_. But, _to bear as a name_ is active; so is,
_to take a beating_. The word, _hight_, is of the same class of verbs with
the Latin _vapulo_; and it is the same as the Latin word,
_cluo_.--_Barbican cluit_=_Barbican audivit_=_Barbican it hight_.
* * * * *
{459}
CHAPTER XXIII.
§ 578. The auxiliary verbs, in English, play a most important part in the
syntax of the language. They may be classified upon a variety of
principles. The following, however, are all that need here be applied.
This sketch of the different lights under which auxiliary verbs may be
viewed, has been written for the sake of illustrating, rather than
exhausting, the subject.
3. _Future._--An action that has neither taken place, nor is taking place
at the time of speaking, but which is stated as one which _will_ take
place.--Expressed, in English, by the combination of _will_ or _shall_ with
an infinitive mood. In Latin and Greek by an inflection. _I shall_ (or
_will_) _speak_, [Greek: lek-sô], _dica-m_. {462}
None of these expressions imply more than a single action; in other words,
they have no relation to any second action occurring simultaneously with
them, before them, or after them.--_I am speaking now_, _I spoke
yesterday_, _I shall speak to-morrow_. Of course, the act of mentioning
them is not considered as an action related to them in the sense here
meant.
These are the chief expressions which are simply determined by the
relations of actions to each other, and to the time of speaking, either in
the English or any other language. But over and above the simple idea of
_time_, there may be others superadded: thus, the phrase, I do _speak_
means, not only that _I am in the habit of speaking_, but that I also
_insist_ upon it being understood that I am so.
Again, one tense, or one combination, may be used for another. _I was
speaking when he enters._
4. That the power of the present tense is, in English, not present, but
habitual, has already been twice stated.
§ 581. The present tense can be used instead of the future; and that on the
principle of representation. Can a future be used for a present? No.
The present tense can be used instead of the aorist; and that on the
principle of representation. Can a past tense, or combination, be used for
a present?
The use of the aorist as a present (except so far as both the tenses agree
in their power of expressing _habitual_ actions) is a more difficult
investigation. It bears upon such expressions as _I ought to go_, &c., and
will be taken up in p. 475.
Here the connection of the present and perfect ideas explains the apparent
contradiction. The present state may be the result of a previous one; so
that a preterite element may be involved in a present expression. _Ut
sumus_=_since I have been where I am_.
§ 583. Two fresh varieties in the use of tenses and auxiliary verbs may be
arrived at by considering the following ideas, which may be superadded to
that of simple time.
_Opera et Dies._
Again,--
{466}
2. _Habit in the case of past actions._--_I had dined when I rode out._
This may apply to a particular dinner, followed by a particular ride. But
it may also mean that when the speaker _had dined, according to habit, he
rode out, according to habit also_. This gives us a variety of pluperfect;
which is, in the French language, represented by separate
combination--_j'avais diné_, _j'eus diné_.
§ 584. It is necessary to remember that the connection between the present
and the past time, which is involved in the idea of a perfect tense
([Greek: tetupha]), or perfect combination (_I have beaten_), is of several
sorts.
It may consist in the _present proof_ of the _past_ fact,--_I have written,
and here is the evidence_.
Hence, in all expressions like _I have ridden a horse_, there are two
ideas, a past idea in the participle, and a present idea in the word
denoting possession.
Mark the words in italics. The word _ridden_ does not agree with _horse_,
since it is of the neuter gender. Neither if we said _I have ridden the
horses_, would it agree with _horses_; since it is of the singular number.
or in Greek--
which is logical.
When Johnson (see Mr. Guest, _Phil. Trans._ No. 44) thought that, in the
phrase _he is to blame_, the word _blame_ was a noun, if he meant a noun in
the way that _culpa_ is a noun, his view was wrong. But if he meant a noun
in the way that _culpare_, _ad culpandum_, are nouns, it was right.
Again--"_would_ et _should_ illud indicant quod erat vel esset futurum: cum
hoc tantum discrimine: _would_ voluntatem innuit, seu agentis propensionem:
_should_ simpliciter futuritionem."--Wallis, p. 107.
§ 589. Archdeacon Hare explains this by a _usus ethicus_. "In fact, this
was one of the artifices to which the genius of the Greek language had
recourse, to avoid speaking presumptuously of the future: for there is an
awful, irrepressible, and almost instinctive consciousness of the
uncertainty of the future, and of our own powerlessness over it, which, in
all cultivated languages, has silently and imperceptibly modified the modes
of expression with regard to it: and from a double kind of _litotes_, the
one belonging to human nature generally, the other imposed by good-breeding
on the individual, and urging him to veil the manifestations of his will,
we are induced to frame all sorts of shifts for the sake of speaking with
becoming modesty. Another method, as we know, frequently adopted by the
Greeks was the use of the conditional moods: and as sentiments of this kind
always imply some degree of intellectual refinement, and strengthen with
its increase, this is called an Attic usage. The same name too has often
been given to the above-mentioned middle forms of the future; not that in
either case the practice was peculiar to the Attic dialect, but that it was
more general where the feelings which produced it were {471} strong and
more distinct. Here again our own language supplies us with an exact
parallel: indeed this is the only way of accounting for the singular
mixture of the two verbs _shall_ and _will_, by which, as we have no
auxiliary answering to the German _werde_, we express the future tense. Our
future, or at least what answers to it, is, _I shall_, _thou wilt_, _he
will_. When speaking in the first person, we speak submissively: when
speaking to or of another, we speak courteously. In our older writers, for
instance in our translation of the Bible, _shall_ is applied to all three
persons: we had not then reacht that stage of politeness which shrinks from
the appearance even of speaking compulsorily of another. On the other hand
the Scotch use _will_ in the first person: that is, as a nation they have
not acquired that particular shade of good-breeding which shrinks from
thrusting itself[61] forward."
{472}
"Archdeacon Hare's _usus ethicus_ is taken from the brighter side of human
nature:--'When speaking in the first person we speak submissively; when
speaking to or of another, we speak courteously.' This explains _I shall_,
_thou wilt_; but I cannot think it explains _I will_, _thou shalt_. It
often happens {473} that _you will_, with a persuasive tone, is used
courteously for something next to, if not quite, _you shall_. The present
explanation is taken from the darker side; and it is to be feared that the
_à priori_ probabilities are in its favour.
"In introducing the common mode of stating the future tenses, grammar has
proceeded as if she were more than a formal science. She has no more
business to collect together _I shall_, _thou wilt_, _he will_, than to do
the same with _I rule_, _thou art ruled_, _he is ruled_.
"It seems to be the natural disposition of man to think of his own volition
in two of the following catagories, and of another man's in the other two:
Compelling, non-compelling; restrained, non-restrained.
{474}
The following table exhibits the _expedients_ on the part of the different
languages of the Gothic stock, since the loss of the proper passive form of
the Moeso-Gothic.
§ 592. _Ought, would, &c., used as presents._--These words are not in the
predicament of _shall_.
They are _present_ in power, and _past_ in form. So, perhaps, is _shall_.
But they are not, like _shall_, perfect forms; _i. e._, they have no
natural present element in them.
They are _aorist_ præterites. Nevertheless, they have a present sense.
Very often when we say _you should_ (or _ought to_) _do this_, we leave to
be added by implication--_but you do not_.
Very often when we say _I could_ (or _might_) _do this_, we leave to be
added by implication--_but I do not exert my power_.
Now, if what is left undone be the _present_ element in this assertion, the
duty to do it, or the power of doing it, constitutes a past element in it;
since the power (or duty) is, in relation to the performance, a
cause--insufficient, indeed, but still antecedent. This hypothesis is
suggested rather than asserted.
_I_ am bound _to do this_ now = _I_ owe _to do this_ now. However, we do
not say _owe_, but _ought_.
Hence, when we wish to say _I_ was bound _to do this_ two years ago, we
cannot say _I ought_ (_owed_) _to do this_, &c., since _ought_ is already
used in a present sense.
We therefore say, instead, _I_ ought to have done _this_ two years ago;
which has a similar, but by no means an identical meaning.
_I was bound to pay two years ago, _means_ two years ago I was under an
obligation to make a payment, either then or at some future time._
_I was bound to have paid, _&c., means_ I was under an obligation to have
made a payment._
Common people sometimes say, _you had not ought to do so and so_; and they
have a reason for saying it.
The Latin language is more logical. It says not _debet factum fuisse_, but
_debuit fieri_.
* * * * *
{477}
CHAPTER XXIV.
§ 594. The syntax of the adverb is simpler than that of any other part of
speech, excepting, perhaps, that of the adjective.
Neither have they any government. They _seem_, indeed, to have it, when
they are in the comparative or superlative degree; but it is merely
apparent. In _this is better than that_, the word _that_ is governed
neither by _better_ nor by _than_. It is not governed at all. It is a
nominative case; the subject of a separate proposition. _This is better_
(_i. e._, _more good_) _than that is good_. Even if we admit such an
expression as _he is stronger than me_ to be good English, there is no
adverbial government. _Than_, if it govern _me_ at all, governs it as a
preposition.
§ 595. By referring to the Chapter on the Adverbs, we shall find that the
neuter adjective is frequently converted into an adverb by deflection. As
any neuter adjective may be so deflected, we may justify such expressions
as _full_ (for _fully_) _as conspicuous_, and _peculiar_ (for _peculiarly_)
_bad grace_, &c. We are not, however, bound to imitate everything that we
can justify.
Adverbs are convertible. _The then men_=[Greek: hoi nun brotoi], &c. This
will be seen more clearly in the Chapter on Conjunctions.
§ 597. It has been remarked that in expressions like _he sleeps the sleep
of the righteous_, the construction is adverbial. So it is in expressions
like _he walked a mile_, _it weighs a pound_. The ideas expressed by _mile_
and _pound_ are not the names of anything that serves as either object or
instrument to the verb. They only denote the _manner_ of the action, and
define the meaning of the verb.
* * * * *
{479}
CHAPTER XXV.
ON PREPOSITIONS.
All prepositions in English precede the noun which they govern. _I climbed
up the tree_, never _I climbed the tree up_. This is a matter not of
government, but of collocation. It is the case in most languages; and, from
the frequency of its occurrence, the term _pre-position_ (or _prefix_) has
originated. Nevertheless, it is by no means a philological necessity. In
many languages the prepositions are _post-positive_, following their noun.
_Ours_ does not necessarily mean _of us_. It may also mean of _our hills_,
_i. e._, of _the hills of our choice_. _Nightes_ may mean _of the night's
hours_. In the expression, _what a grand castle_, &c., it is submitted to
the reader that we _do_ take into our account other castles, which the Duke
of Northumberland {481} may or may not have. _The Booke of Eneidos_ is a
mistaken Latinism. As it does not seem to have been sufficiently considered
that the real case governed by _of_ (as by _de_ in Latin) is the ablative,
it is the opinion of the present writer that no instance has yet been
produced of _of_ either governing, or having governed a genitive case.
§ 604. Akin to this, but not the same, is the so-called vulgarism,
consisting of the use of the preposition _for_. _I am ready to go=I am
ready for going_=the so-called vulgarism, _I am ready_ for _to go_. Now,
this expression differs from the last in exhibiting, not only a _verbal_
accumulation of prepositions, but a _logical_ accumulation as well:
inasmuch as _for_ and _to_ express like ideas.
* * * * *
{482}
CHAPTER XXVI.
ON CONJUNCTIONS.
From this it follows, that whenever there is a conjunction, there are two
subjects, two copulas, and two predicates: _i.e._, two propositions in all
their parts.
But this may be expressed compendiously. _The sun shines_, _and the moon
shines_, may be expressed by the _sun and moon shine_.
§ 607. The second point in the syntax of conjunctions is the fact of their
great convertibility. Most conjunctions have been developed out of some
other part of speech. {483}
One and the same word, in one and the same sentence, may be a conjunction
or preposition, as the case may be.
_All fled but John._--If this mean _all fled_ except _John_, the word _but_
is a preposition, the word _John_ is an accusative case, and the
proposition is single. If, instead of _John_, we had a personal pronoun, we
should say _all fled but_ him.
_All fled but John._--If this mean _all fled, but John did not fly_, the
word _but_ is a conjunction, the word _John_ is a nominative case, and the
propositions are two in number. If, instead of _John_, we had a personal
pronoun, we should say, _all fled but_ he.
2. Of two propositions one may be the condition of the other--_the day will
be clear_ if _the sun shine_. Here, although it is certain that _if the sun
shine the day will be clear_, there is {484} no certainty of _the sun
shining_. Of the two propositions one only embodies a certain fact, and
that is certain only conditionally.
SHAKSPEARE.
2. Let us go and sacrifice to the Lord our God, _lest_ he _fall_ upon
us with pestilence.--_Old Testament._
J. MILTON.
6. He shall not eat of the holy thing _unless_ he _wash_ his flesh with
water.--_Old Testament._
Expressions like _except_ and _unless_ are equally conditional with words
like _if_ and _provided that_, since they are equivalent to _if--not_.
But if, instead of saying _if_, we say _although_, and omit the word _not_,
so that the sentence run _although the children be so badly brought up they
are to be trusted_, we do two things: we indicate the general relation of
cause and effect that exists between _bad bringing-up_ and _unfitness for
being trusted_, but we also, at the same time, take an exception to it in
the particular instance before us. These remarks have been made for the
sake of showing the extent to which words like _though_, &c., are
conditional.
2. Those which express a condition as a possible fact, and one which the
speaker either does not admit, or admits only in a qualified manner.
Since _the children_ are _so badly brought up_, &c.--This is an instance of
the first construction. The speaker admits as an actual fact the _bad
bringing-up of the children_.
Hence we must look to the meaning of the sentence in general, rather than
to the particular conjunction used.
When the first formula is one required, there is no element of doubt, and
the verb should be in the indicative mood. _If_ (_as is the case_), _he
_is_ gone, I must follow him_.
When the second formula is the one required, there _is_ an element of
doubt, and the verb should be in the subjunctive mood. _If_ (_as may or may
not be the case_) _he _be_ gone, I must follow him_.
§ 615. The use of the word _that_ in expressions like _I eat that I may
live_, &c., is a modification of the subjunctive construction, that is
conveniently called _potential_. It denotes that one act is done for the
sake of supplying the _power_ or opportunity for the performance of
another.
A little consideration will show that this rule is absolute. For a man _to
be doing_ one action (in present time) in order that some other action may
_follow_ it (in past time) is to reverse the order of cause and effect. To
do anything in A.D. 1851, that something may result from it in 1850 is a
contradiction; and so it is to say _I _do_ this _that_ I _might_ gain by
it_.
The reasons against the converse construction are nearly, if not equally
cogent. To have done anything at any _previous_ time in order that a
_present_ effect may follow, is, _ipso facto_, to convert a past act into a
present one, or, to speak in the language of the grammarian, to convert an
aorist into a perfect. To say _I _did_ this_ that _I may gain by it_, is to
make, by the very effect of the expression, either _may_ equivalent to
_might_, or _did_ equivalent to _have done_.
{489}
Here it is necessary to construe [Greek: edôke], _has given and continues
to allow_, which is to construe it like a _perfect_[64] tense. Upon similar
passages Mathiæ writes, "but frequently the conjunctive is used, although
the preceding word be in the time past, viz., when the verb which depends
upon the conjunction shows an action continued to the present time." That
means when the verb is really a perfect.
In Latin, where the same form is both aorist and perfect, the succession of
tenses is a means of determining which of the two meanings it conveys.
_Veni ut videam_=_I have come that I may see._ _Veni ut viderem_=_I came
that I might see_.
Arnold states, from Krüger and Zumpt, that even where the præterite was
clearly a perfect (_i. e._, =_to have_ with the participle), the Roman ear
was so accustomed to the _imperfect_ subjunctive, that it preferred such an
expression _as diu dubitavi num melius esset to diu dubitavi num melius
sit_. The latter part of the statement is sure enough; but it is by no
means so sure that _dubitavi_, and similar forms in similar constructions
are perfects. There is no reason for considering this to be the case in the
present instance. It seems to be so, because it is connected with _diu_;
but an action may last a long time, and yet not last up to the time of
speaking. _Diu dubitavi_ probably expresses, _I doubted a long time_, and
leaves it to be inferred that _now I do not doubt_.
§ 617. It has been stated above that whilst the Latin and English have a
succession of _tenses_, the Greek language {490} exhibits what may be
called a succession of _moods_. This suggests inquiry. Is the difference
real? If so, how is it explained? If not, which of the two grammatical
systems is right?--the English and Latin on the one side, or the Greek on
the other? Should [Greek: tuptoimi] be reduced to a past tense, or
_verberarem_ be considered an optative mood.
The present writer has no hesitation in stating his belief, that all the
phænomena explicable by the assumption of an optative mood are equally
explicable by an expansion of the subjunctive, and a different distribution
of its tenses.
1. The double forms [Greek: tupsaimi] and [Greek: tupsoimi], one of which
would remain unplaced.
The first reason I am not prepared to impugn. _Valeat quantum_, &c. The
second indicates a class of expressions which tense will _not_ explain, and
which mood _will_. Yet this is not conclusive. _Would that thou wert_ is
thoroughly optative: yet it is expressed by a tense.
§ 618. _Be_ may stand for _may be_. In this case the preterite is not
_were_ but _might be_. The sentence, _what_ care _I how fair the lady_ be,
_if she be not fair to her admirer_? is accurate. Here _be_ = _may be_.
But, _what_ cared _I how fair the lady_ were, _if she were not fair to her
admirer_? is inaccurate. It ought to run thus,--_what_ cared _I how fair
the lady_ might be, _if she were not fair to her admirer_?[65]
§ 621. From the pronominal character of the word _either_, when it forms
part of a term, and from the power of the disjunctive, _or_, in _isolating_
the subject of the verb, combined with an assumption which will be
explained hereafter, we get at the principle of certain rules for doubtful
constructions.
Then, as to expressions like _I, or you, am in the wrong_. Here, _I_ is the
leading pronoun, which determines the person of the verbs; the words, _or
you_, being parenthetic, and subordinate. These statements bear upon the
rules of p. 457.
Perhaps not. The assumption that has been just alluded to, as helping to
explain certain doubtful constructions, is the following, _viz._, that in
cases of apposition, disjunction, and complex terms, the _first_ word is
the one which determines the character of the sentence wherein it occurs.
This is a practice of the English language, which, in the opinion of the
present writer, nothing but a very decided preponderance of a difference in
person, gender, or number, can overrule. Such may fairly be considered to
be the case in the three examples just adduced; especially as there is also
the secondary influence of the conjunctional character of the word
_either_. Thus, although we say,--
We also say,--
{494}
* * * * *
{495}
CHAPTER XXVII.
§ 624. When the verb is in the infinitive mood, the negative precedes
it.--_Not to advance is to retreat._
When the verb is not in the infinitive mood, the negative follows it.--_He
advanced not. I cannot._
That the negative is rarely used, except with an auxiliary, in other words,
that the presence of a negative converts a simple form like _it burneth
not_ into the circumlocution it _does not burn_, is a fact in the practice
of the English language. The syntax is the same in either expression.
_Paradise Lost._
§ 628. The following extract from the Philological Museum (vol. ii.)
illustrates a curious and minute distinction, which the author shows to
have been current when Wicliffe wrote, but which was becoming obsolete when
Sir Thomas More wrote. It is an extract from that writer against Tyndall.
{497}
"I would not here note by the way that Tyndall here translateth _no_ for
_nay_, for it is but a trifle and mistaking of the Englishe worde: saving
that ye shoulde see that he whych in two so plain Englishe wordes, and so
common as in _naye_ and _no_ can not tell when he should take the one and
when the tother, is not for translating into Englishe a man very mete. For
the use of these two wordes in aunswering a question is this. _No_
aunswereth the question framed by the affirmative. As for ensample if a
manne should aske Tindall himselfe: ys an heretike meete to translate Holy
Scripture into Englishe? lo to thys question if he will aunswere trew
Englishe, he must aunswere _nay_ and not _no_. But and if the question be
asked hym thus lo: is not an heretike mete to translate Holy Scripture into
Englishe? To this question if he will aunswere trewe Englishe, he must
aunswere _no_ and not _nay_. And a lyke difference is there betwene these
two adverbs _ye_ and _yes_. For if the question bee framed unto Tindall by
the affirmative in thys fashion. If an heretique falsely translate the New
Testament into Englishe, to make his false heresyes seem the word of Godde,
be his bokes worthy to be burned? To this questyon asked in thys wyse, yf
he will aunswere true Englishe, he must aunswere _ye_ and not _yes_. But
now if the question be asked him thus lo; by the negative. If an heretike
falsely translate the Newe Testament into Englishe to make his false
heresyes seme the word of God, be not hys bokes well worthy to be burned?
To thys question in thys fashion framed if he will aunswere trewe Englishe
he may not aunswere _ye_ but he must answere _yes_, and say yes marry be
they, bothe the translation and the translatour, and al that wyll hold wyth
them."
* * * * *
{498}
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Considering the nature of the connection between the two actions, we find
good grounds for expecting _à priori_ that the participle will be in the
instrumental case, when such exists in the language; and when not, in some
case allied to it, _i.e._, the ablative or dative.
In Latin the ablative is the case that is used absolutely. _Sole orto,
claruit dies._
In the present English, however, the nominative is the absolute case. _He
made the best proverbs, him alone excepted_, is an expression of
Tillotson's. We should now write _he alone excepted_. The present mode of
expression is only to be justified by considering the nominative form to be
a dative one, just as in the expression _you are here_, the word _you_,
although an accusative, is considered as a nominative. A real nominative
absolute is as illogical as a real accusative case governing a verb.
* * * * *
{499}
PART VI.
§ 630. Prosody deals with metre; and with accent, quantity and the
articulate sounds, as subordinate to metre. For these the reader is
referred to Part III. Chapters 1. 6. 7.
1.
2.
3.
In Caines cynne
þone cwealm gewræc.
CÆDMON.
§ 632. All metre goes by the name of poetry, although all poetry is not
metrical. The Hebrew poetry (_see_ Lowth, _De Sacra Poesi Hebræorum_) is
characterized by the recurrence of similar _ideas_.
WHITEHEAD.
_Bold_ and _note_.--As compared with each other, these words have two of
the elements of a rhyme: _viz._ the identity of the vowel, and the
difference of the parts preceding it. They want, however, the third
essential, or the identity of the parts following; _ld_ being different
from _t_. The coincidence, however, as far as it goes, constitutes a point
in metre. The words in question are assonances in the limited sense of the
term; and because the identity lies in the _vowels_, they may be named
vowel assonances. Vowel assonances are recognized in (amongst others) the
Spanish and Scandinavian metrical systems. In English they occur only when
they pass as rhymes. {502}
_Bold_ and _mild_.--Here also are two of the elements of a rhyme, viz., the
identity of the parts following the vowel (_ld_), and the difference of the
parts preceding (_b_ and _m_). The identity of the vowel (_o_ being
different from _i_) is, however, wanting. The words in question are
assonances in the limited sense of the term, and consonantal assonances.
Recognized in the Scandinavian, they occur in English only when they pass
as rhymes.
In the lines just quoted there is no rhyme, but an assonance. The identity
of the parts after the main syllable is destroyed by the single sound of _g
in gone_.
Hence there may be (as in the case of blank verse) accent without rhyme;
but there cannot be rhyme without accent.
{503}
§ 637. A full and perfect rhyme (the term being stringently defined)
consists in _the recurrence of one or more final syllables equally and
absolutely accented, wherein the vowel and the part following the vowel
shall be identical, whilst the part preceding the vowel shall be different.
It is also necessary that the part preceding the vowel be articulate._[69]
The deviations from the above-given rule, so common in the poetry of all
languages, constitute not rhymes, but assonances, &c., that, by poetic
licence, are recognized as equivalents to rhymes.
§ 638. _Measure._--In lines like the following, the accent occurs on every
second syllable; in other words, every accented syllable is accompanied by
an unaccented one.
§ 639. In lines like the following the accent falls on every third
syllable, so that the number of syllables to the measure is three, and the
measure is trisyllabic.
The primary division of the English measures is into the dissyllabic and
the trisyllabic.
{504}
A measure like _presúme_ (where the accent lies on the second syllable) may
be repeated throughout a whole verse, or a whole series of verses; as,
A measure like _týrant_ (where the accent lies on the first syllable) may
be repeated throughout a whole verse, or a whole series of verses; as,
1.
2.
_Christabel._
{505}
There's a beáuty for éver unfádingly bríght;
Like the lóng ruddy lápse of a súmmer-day's níght.
_Lalla Rookh._
The classical grammarians have names for their feet; _e.g._, _iambic_ is
the name of [U-], _trochee_ of [-U], _dactyle_ of [-UU], _amphibrachys_ of
[U-U], _Anapæst_ of [UU-], &c.
The English grammarians have no symbols for their feet: since they have no
form for expressing the absence of the accent. Sometimes they borrow the
classical forms [U] and [-]. These, however, being originally meant for
the expression of _quantity_, confusion arises from the use of them.
Neither have the English grammarians names for their measures. Sometimes,
they borrow the classical terms _iambic_, _trochee_, &c. These, however,
being meant for the expression of _quantity_, confusion arises from the use
of them.
As symbols for the English measures, I indicate the use of _a_ as denoting
an accented, _x_ an unaccented syllable; or else that of + as denoting an
accented, - an unaccented syllable. Finally, ´ may denote the accent, ¨ the
absence of it.
1. + - , or ´ ¨, or _a x_ = _týrant_.
2. - + , or ¨ ´, or _x a_ = _presúme_.
3. + - -, or ´ ¨ ¨, or _a x x_ = _mérrily_.
4. - + -, or ¨ ´ ¨, or _x a x_ = _disáble_.
5. - - +, or ¨ ¨ ´, or _x x a_ = _cavaliér_.
That, of the dissyllabic measures, the second is commoner than the first.
MARLOWE--
The succession, or periodic return, of verses of the same length has the
same effect with the succession, or periodic return, of rhymes; _viz._, it
constitutes stanzas, or continuous metre, as the case may be.
This leads to the nomenclature of the English metres. Of these, none in any
of the trisyllabic measures have recognized and technical names; neither
have any that are referable to the measure _a x_.
§ 644. Taking, however, those that are named, we have the following list of
terms.
1. _Octosyllabics._--Four measures _x a_, and (unless the rhyme be double)
eight syllables. Common in Sir W. Scott's poetry.
But one request I made to him | that sits the skies above,
That I were freely out of debt | as I were out of love.
§ 645. Such are the names of certain lines or verses taken by themselves.
Combined or divided they form--
_Essay on Criticism._
The heroic couplet is called also _riding rhyme_; it being the metre
wherein Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (told by a party riding to Canterbury)
are chiefly written. {508}
CHAUCER'S _Troilus_.
10. _Ballad metre._--Stanzas of four lines; the first and third having
four, the second and fourth having three measures each. Rhymes alternate.
{509}
§ 646. _Scansion._--Let the stanza just quoted be read as two lines, and it
will be seen that a couplet of ballad metre is equivalent to a line of
service metre. Such, indeed, was the origin of the ballad metre. Observe
also the pause (marked |) both in the Alexandrine and the service metres.
This indicates a question as to where lines _end_; in other words, how can
we distinguish one long line from two short ones.
Now this view (which may be carried throughout the whole five measures) of
the proportion between the accents and the syllables, taken with the fact
that it is determined by the nature of the final syllable, indicates a
division of our metres into symmetrical (where the number of the syllables
is the multiple of the number of accents), and unsymmetrical (where it is
not so).
For practical purposes, however, the length of the last measure may be
considered as indifferent, and the terms indicated may be reserved for the
forthcoming class of metres. {510}
In the second of these lines, the accents and the syllables are
symmetrical; which is not the case with the first. Now to every, or any,
accent in the second line an additional unaccented syllable may be added,
and the movement be still preserved. It is the fact of the accents and
syllables (irrespective of the latitude allowed to the final measure) being
here unsymmetrical (or, if symmetrical, only so by accident) that gives to
the metres in question their peculiar character. Added to this, the change
from _x x a_, to _x a x_, and _a x x_, is more frequent than elsewhere. One
point respecting them must be borne in mind; _viz._, that they are
essentially trisyllabic metres from which unaccented syllables are
withdrawn, rather than dissyllabic ones wherein unaccented syllables are
inserted.
§ 650. The majority of English _words_ are of the form _a x_; that is,
words like _týrant_ are commoner than words like _presúme_.
The majority of English _metres_ are of the form _x a_; that is, lines like
The multitude of unaccentuated words like _the_, _from_, &c., taken along
with the fact that they _precede_ the words with which they agree, or which
they govern, accounts for the apparent antagonism between the formulæ of
our _words_ and the formulæ of our _metres_. The contrast between a Swedish
line of the form _a x_, and its literal English version (_x a_), {511}
shows this. In Swedish, the secondary part of the construction _follows_,
in English it _precedes_, the main word:--
2. The notions imbibed from a study of the classical prosodies have been
unduly mixed up with those which should have been derived more especially
from the poetry of the Gothic nations.
3. The attempt to introduce (so-called) Latin and Greek metres into the
Gothic tongues, has been partially successful on the Continent, and not
unattempted in Great Britain.
The second, viz., "that the notions imbibed, &c." will bear some
illustration; an illustration which verifies the assertion made in p. 505,
that the English grammarians "sometimes borrow the classical terms
_iambic_, _trochee_," &c., and apply them to their own metres.
How is this done? In two ways, one of which is wholly incorrect, the other
partially correct, but inconvenient.
The less incorrect method consists in giving up all ideas of the existence
of _quantity_, in the proper sense of the word, as an essential element in
English metre; whilst we admit _accent_ as its equivalent; in which case
the presence of an accent is supposed to have the same import as the
lengthening and the absence of one, as the shortening of a syllable; so
that, _mutatis mutandis_, _a_ is the equivalent to [-], and _x_ to [U].
_x a, x a, x a, x a,_
_a x x, a x x, a x x, a_
respectively, but--
[U - U - U - U -]
[- U U - U U - U U -]
Again--
is not--
_x x a, x x a, x x a, x x a_,
but
[U U - U U - U U - U U -]
§ 653. With this view there are a certain number of classical _feet_, with
their syllables affected in the way of _quantity_, to which they are
equivalent English _measures_ with their syllables affected in the way of
_accent_. Thus if the formula
{513}
are (A), trochaic; (B), iambic; (C), dactylic; (D), amphibrachych; and (E),
anapæstic, respectively.
And so, with the exception of the word _amphibrachych_ (which I do not
remember to have seen) the terms have been used. And so, with the same
exception, systems of versification have been classified.
1. Certain English metres have often a very different character from their
supposed classical analogues.
For the latter line to have the same movement as the former, it must be
read thus--
Now we well know that, whatever may be any English scholar's notions of the
Greek accents, this is not the way in which he reads Greek anapæsts.
§ 656. I have said that _certain English metres have often a very different
metrical character_, &c. I can strengthen the reasons against the use of
classical terms in English prosody, by enlarging upon the word _often_. The
frequency of the occurrence of a difference of character between classical
and English metres similarly named is not a matter of _accident_, but is,
in many cases, a necessity arising out of the structure of the English
language as compared with that of the Greek and Latin--especially the
Greek.
but no Greek word (with the exception of the so-called second futures like
[Greek: nemô]=_nemô_) and (probably) no Latin word at all, is accented like
_presúme_ and _cavalíer_.
From this it follows that although the first three measures of such
so-called English anapæsts as--
a parallel to the last measure (_-ery stréet_) can only be got at by one of
two methods; _i. e._, by making the verse end in a so-called second future,
or else in a vowel preceded by an accented syllable, and cut off--
Ep' omóisi feróusi ta kleína nemó--
{515} or,
Now it is clear that when, over and above the fact of certain Greek metres
having a different movement from their supposed English equivalents, there
is the additional circumstance of such an incompatibility being less an
accident than a necessary effect of difference of character in the two
languages, the use of terms suggestive of a closer likeness than either
does or ever can exist is to be condemned; and this is the case with the
words, _dactylic_, _trochaic_, _iambic_, _anapæstic_, as applied to English
versification.
On the other hand, the classical metrists have several measures in both
predicaments. Thus to go no farther than the trisyllabic feet, we have the
pyrrhic ([U U]) and tribrach ([U U U]) without a long syllable at all, and
the spondee ([- -]), amphimacer ([- U -]), and molossus ([- - -]) with more
than one long syllable. It follows, then that (even _mutatis mutandis_,
_i.e._, with the accent considered as the equivalent to the long syllable)
English pyrrhics, English tribrachs, English amphimacers, English spondees,
and English molossi are, each and all, prosodial impossibilities.
It is submitted to the reader that the latter reason (based wholly upon the
limitations that arise out of the structure of language) strengthens the
objections of the previous section.
1. Accent and quantity differ; and the metrical systems founded upon them
differ also.
{516}
_a._ That Englishmen do _not_ read the classical metres according to their
quantities.
The more regular the period at which similar accents recur the more typical
the metre.
Similarly, in all lines where the measures are trisyllabic the syllables
will also be multiples of the accents, _i. e._, they will be thrice as
numerous. Hence, with three accents there will be nine syllables, with four
accents, twelve syllables, and with seven accents, twenty-one syllables.
_x x a x a x a x a_
_a x a x a x a_
_a x x a x a x a_
_a x x a x a x x a_
_a x a x a x x_
_x a x x a x x a x x a_
_a x x a x x a x a_
_a x x a x x a x x a_
_x a x a x x a x a_
_a x x a x x a x a_
_x x a x a x x a x a_
_x a x x a x x a x a_
_x x a x x a x a x a_
_a x a x a x a x_
_a x a x a x a_
_a x a x a x a_
_a x a x a x a x_
Now many Latin metres present a recurrence of accent little more irregular
than the quotation just analysed. The following is the accentual formula of
the first two stanzas of the second ode of the first Book of Horace. {519}
_a a x a x | a x a x a x_
_a x x a x | a x a x a x_
_a x x a x | a x a x a x_
_ a x x a x_
_a x x a x | a x a x a x_
_a x x a x | a x a x a x_
_a x x a x | a x a x a x_
_ a x x a x_
_Latin Asclepiad._
_ x a x a x x | a x x a x x_
_ a x x a x x | a x a x a x_
_ a x a x a x x | a x x a x x_
_ a x a x a x | a x x a x x_
_ a x a x a x | a x x a x x_
_ x a x a x x | a x x a x a x_
_Latin Hexameter._
_a x x a x a x a x x a x x a x_
_x a x x a x a x x x a x x a x_
_a x x x a x a x x x a x x a x_
_x a x x a x a x x x a x x a x._
A longer list of examples would show us that, throughout the whole of the
classical metres the same accents recur, sometimes with less, and sometimes
with but very little more irregularity than they recur in the
_unsymmetrical_ metres of our own language.
{520}
We buried him
Darkly at dead of night, the sods with our bayonets turning;
By the struggling
Moonbeams' misty light and the lantern dimly burning.
Lightly they'll
Talk of the spirit that's gone, and o'er his cold ashes upbraid him,
But little he'll
Reck if they let him sleep on in the grave where a Briton has laid him.
or Shelly's--
2. Líquid Péneus was flówing,
and
From the joint effect of these two causes, it follows that in certain parts
of a verse no final syllable can occur, or (changing the expression) no
word can terminate.
_a._ If the accented syllable (the sixth) be the first of a word of any
length, the preceding one (the fifth) must be the final one of the word
which went before; in which case the first and last parts belong to
different words, and the measure (foot) is divided or _cut_.
_b._ If the accented syllable (the sixth) be the second of a word of three
syllables, the succeeding one which is at the end of the word, is the first
part of the measure which follows; in which case the first and last parts
of the measure (foot) which follows the accented syllable is divided or
_cut_.
As the _cæsura_, or the necessity for dividing certain measures between two
words, arises out of the structure of language, it only occurs in tongues
where there is a notable absence of words accented on the last syllable.
Consequently there is no cæsura[71] in the English.
{522}
{524}
§ 672. The chief reason against the naturalization of metres of the sort in
question (over and above the practical one of our having another kind in
use already), lies in the fact of their being perplexing to the readers who
have _not_ been {525} trained to classical cadences, whilst they suggest
and violate the idea of _quantity_ to those who have.
{526}
may be read in two ways. We may either lay full stress upon the word _ere_,
and read--
or we may lay little or no stress upon either _ere_ or _her_, reserving the
full accentuation for the syllable _faith-_ in _faithless_, in which case
the reading would be
{528}
When the syllables contained in the same measure (or connected metrically)
are also contained in the same construction (or connected grammatically),
the metrical and the grammatical combinations coincide. Such is the case
with the line
where the same division separates both the measure and the subdivisions of
the sense, inasmuch as the word _the_ is connected with the word _glories_
equally in grammar and in metre, in syntax and in prosody. So is _of_ with
_Brian_, and _the_ with _Brave_.
Here the metrical division is one thing, the grammatical division another,
and there is no coincidence.
_Metrical_,
_Grammatical_,
In
_a x, x a, x x a, x x a,_
_a x, x a x, x a x, x a,_
_a x, x a, x x a, x x a,_
_a x, x a x, x a x, x a._
The variety which arises in versification from the different degrees of the
coincidence and non-coincidence between the metrical and grammatical
combinations may be called _rhythm_.
Of the three parts, or elements, of a rhyme the part which precedes the
vowel is _inconstant_, _i.e_, it must be changed in order to effect the
rhyme. Thus, _old_ and _old_, _told_ and _told_, _bold_ and _bold_, do
_not_ rhyme with each other; although _old_, _bold_, _told_, _scold_, &c.
do.
_Rule 1._ In two or more syllables that rhyme with each other, neither the
vowel nor the sounds which _follow_ it can be _different_.
_Rule 2._ In two or more syllables that rhyme with each other, the sounds
which _precede_ the vowel cannot be _alike_.
Now the number of sounds which can precede a vowel is limited: it is that
of the consonants and consonantal combinations; of which a list can be made
_a priori_.
This gives us the following method (or receipt) for the discovery of
rhymes:--
1. Divide the word to which a rhyme is required, into its _constant_ and
_inconstant_ elements.
3. In the list of words so formed, mark off those which have an existence
in the language; these will all rhyme with each other; and if the list of
combinations be exhaustive, there are no other words which will do so.
_Example._--From the word _told_, separate the _o_ and _-ld_, which are
constant.
Instead of the inconstant element _t_, write successively, _p_, _pl_, _pr_,
_b_, _bl_, _br_, &c.: so that you have the following list:--_t-old_,
_p-old_, _pl-old_, _pr-old_, _b-old_, _bl-old_, _br-old_, &c.
§ 677. All words have the same number of possible, but not the same number
of actual rhymes. Thus, _silver_ is a word amenable to the same process as
_told--pilver_, _plilver_, _prilver_, _bilver_, &c.; yet _silver_ is a word
without a corresponding rhyme. This is because the combinations which
answer to it do not constitute words, or combinations of words in the
English language.
This has been written, not for the sake of showing poets how to manufacture
rhymes, but in order to prove that a result which apparently depends on the
ingenuity of writers, is reducible to a very humble mechanical process,
founded upon the nature of rhyme and the limits to the combinations of
consonants.
* * * * *
{531}
PART VII.
According to the former, we place in the same class those dialects which
were introduced by the same section of immigrants. Thus, a body of Germans,
starting from the same part of Germany, and belonging to the same section
of the Germanic population, even if, whilst at sea, they separated into
two, three, or more divisions, and landed upon widely separated portions of
Great Britain, would introduce dialects which were allied _ethnologically_;
even though, by one of them changing rapidly, and the others not changing
at all, they might, in their external characters, differ from each other,
and agree with dialects of a different introduction. Hence, the
ethnological principle is essentially historical, and {532} is based upon
the idea of _affiliation_ or affinity in the way of descent.
Still, the evidence of one in favour of the other is only _primâ facie_
evidence. Dialects of the same origin may grow unlike; dialects of
different origins alike.
§ 681. The original difference between the two sections (or _sub_-sections)
of an immigrant population are referable to either--1. Difference of
locality in respect to the portion of the country from which they
originated; or 2. Difference in the date of the invasion.
Two bodies of immigrants, one from the Eyder, and the other from the
Scheldt, even if they left their respective localities on the same day of
the same month, would most probably differ from one another; and that in
the same way that a Yorkshireman differs from a Hampshire man.
On the other hand, two bodies of immigrants, each leaving the very same
locality, but one in 200 A.D., and the other in 500 A.D., would also, most
probably, differ; and that as a Yorkshireman of 1850 A.D. differs from one
of 1550 A.D. {533}
§ 682. The subsequent changes which may affect the dialect of an immigrant
population are chiefly referable to either, 1. Influences exerted by the
dialects of the aborigines of the invaded country; 2. Influences of simple
growth, or development. A dialect introduced from Germany to a portion of
Great Britain, where the aborigines spoke Gaelic, would (if affected at all
by the indigenous dialect) be differently affected from a dialect similarly
circumstanced in a British, Welsh, and Cambrian district.
§ 683. A full and perfect apparatus for the minute philology of the
dialects of a country like Great Britain, would consist in--
2. The details of the history of each dialect through all its stages.
This last is both the least important and the most unattainable.
§ 684. Such are the preliminaries which are wanted for the purposes of
investigation. Others are requisite for the proper understanding of the
facts already ascertained, and the doctrines generally admitted; the
present writer believing that these two classes are by no means
coextensive.
Of such preliminaries, the most important are those connected with 1. the
structure of language, and 2. the history of individual documents; in other
words, certain points of philology, and certain points of bibliography.
"It appears to have been popularly known, if not in East Anglia proper, at
all events in the district immediately to the westward, since we find it in
Orm, in an Eastern-Midland copy of the Rule of Nuns, sæc. XIII., and in
process of time in Suffolk. Various conjectures have been advanced as to
the origin of this form, of which we have no certain examples before the
thirteenth century.[72] We believe the true state of the case to have been
as follows. It is well known that the Saxon dialects differ from the
Gothic, Old-German, &c. in the form of the present indicative
plural--making all three persons to end in _-aþ_ or
_-ad_;_--we--[gh]e--hi--lufi-aþ_ (_-ad_). Schmeller and other German
philologists observe that a nasal has been here elided, the true ancient
form being _-and_, _-ant_, or _-ent_. Traces of this termination are found
in the Cotton MS. of the Old Saxon Evangelical Harmony, and still more
abundantly in the popular dialects of the Middle-Rhenish district from
Cologne to the borders of Switzerland. These not only exhibit the full
termination _-ent_, but also two modifications of it, one dropping the
nasal and the other the dental. _E.g._:--
4. The common use of the termination _-th_ in the third person present;
_goeth_, _hath_, _speaketh_,--Devonshire.
The following changes (a few out of many) are matters not of grammar, but
of pronunciation:--
Ui for _oo_--_cuil_, _bluid_, for _cool_, _blood_,--Cumberland, Scotland.
Of these the substitution of _oo_ for _ow_, and of _ee_ for _i_, are of
importance in the questions of the Appendix.
_Transition of Consonants._
_Ejection of Letters._
_Transposition._
Transpositions of the liquid _r_ are common in all our provincial dialects;
as _gars_, _brid_, _perty_, for _grass_, _bird_, _pretty_. Here the
provincial forms are the oldest, _gærs_, _brid_, &c., being the Anglo-Saxon
forms. Again; _acsian_, Anglo-Saxon=_ask_, English.
{538}
2. The present[74] plural form _-s_, encroaches upon the form in _-n_.
Thus, _munuces_=_munucan_=_monks_.
4. The particle _at_ is used instead of _to_ before the infinitive verb.
2. The simple[74] sound of _k_ replaces the combination out of which the
modern sound of _ch_ has been evolved.
3. The sound of _sk_ replaces either the _sh_, or the sound out of which it
has been evolved.
From all this it follows, that the inquirer must talk of _copies_ rather
than of _authors_.
§ 690. _Caution._--In the Reeve's Tale, Chaucer puts into the mouth of one
of his north-country clerks, a native of the Strother, in the north-west
part of the deanery of Craven, where the Northumbrian dialect rather
preponderates over the Anglian, certain Yorkshire glosses. "Chaucer[76]
undoubtedly copied the language of some native; and the general accuracy,
with which he gives it, shows that he was an attentive observer of all that
passed around him.
"We subjoin an extract from the poem, in order to give our readers an
opportunity of comparing southern and northern English, as they co-existed
in the fifteenth century. It is from a MS. that has never been collated;
but which we believe to be well worthy the attention of any future editor
of the Canterbury Tales. The italics denote variations from the printed
text:--
{542}
In Ben Jonson's Tale of a Tub, one (and more than one of the characters)
speaks thus. His residence is the neighbourhood of London, Tottenham Court.
_Act_ I. _Scene_ 1.
{544}
Not so, however, with the provincialisms of another of Ben Jonson's plays,
the Sad Shepherd:--
The scene of the play is Sherwood Forest: the language, however, as far as
I may venture an opinion, is not the language from which the present
Nottinghamshire dialect has come down.
The language of the United States was imported from England into America in
the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The language of South Australia has been
introduced within the present generation. In one sense, the American
English is older than the Australian. It was earliest separated from the
mother-tongue.
Now what may be said of the language of two countries, may be said of the
dialects of two districts. The one dialect may run its changes apace; the
other alter but by degrees. {545} Hence, of two works in two such dialects,
the one would appear older than the other, although in reality the two were
cotemporary.
Hence, also, it is a lax expression to say that it is the old forms (the
archaisms) that the provincial dialects retain. The provincial forms are
archaic only when the current language changes more rapidly than the local
idiom. When the local idiom changes fastest, the archaic forms belong to
the standard mode of speech.
The provincial forms, _goand_, _slepand_, for _going_ and _sleeping_, are
archaic. Here the archaism is with the provincial form.
1. 2.
_Wanley._ _Hickes._
_Translation._
Now we should praise For earth's bairns,
The heaven-kingdom's preserver, Heaven to roof;
The might of the Creator, Holy shaper;
And his mood-thought. Then mid-earth,
The glory-father of works, Mankind's home,
As he, of wonders, each Eternal Lord,
Eternal Lord, After formed,
Originally established. For the homes of men,
He erst shaped, Lord Almighty.
From a MS. at St. Gallen; quoted by Mr. Kemble, _Archæologia_, vol. xxviii.
. . . . . . . mik. . . . . . . me.
Riiknæ kyningk The powerful King,
Hifunæs hlafard, The Lord of Heaven,
Hælda ic ne dærstæ. I dared not hold.
Bismerede ungket men, They reviled us two,
Bâ ætgæd[r]e, Both together,
Ik (n)iðbædi bist(e)me(d) I stained with the pledge of crime.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . geredæ . . . . prepared
Hinæ gamældæ Himself spake
Estig, ða he walde Benignantly when he would
An galgu gistîga Go up upon the cross,
Môdig fore Courageously before
Men, . . . . . Men . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Mid stralum giwundæd, Wounded with shafts,
Alegdun hiæ hinæ, They laid him down,
Limwêrigne. Limb-weary.
Gistodun him . . . They stood by him.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Krist wæs on rôdi; Christ was on cross.
Hweðræ ther fûsæ Lo! there with speed
Fearran cwomu From afar came
Æððilæ ti lænum. Nobles to him in misery.
Ic that al bih (eôld) I that all beheld
. . . . . sæ (...) . . . . . . . . . .
Ic w(æ)s mi(d) ga(l)gu I was with the cross
Æ (. . . .) rod . ha . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
{548}
{549}
_Matthew_, cap. 2.
cweoðonde
cwomun to hierusalem hiu cwoedon huer is ðe acenned
venerunt Hierosolymam, dicentes, Ubi est qui natus
tungul
is cynig Judeunu gesegon we forðon sterru his in
est rex Judæorum? vidimus enim stellam ejus in
ða burgwæras
herodes se cynig gedroefed wæs and alle ða hierusolemisca mið
Herodes turbatus est et omnis Hierosolyma cum
mesapreusti
him and gesomnede alle ða aldormenn biscopa
illo. Et congregatis (_sic_) omnes principes sacerdotum
geascode
and ða uðuutta ðæs folces georne gefragnde fra him huer crist
et scribas populi, sciscitabatur ab iis ubi Christus
acenned were.
nasceretur.
_a._ The form for the first person is in the Psalter generally _-u_. In the
Ritual it is generally _-o_. In West Saxon, _-e_.
_b._ In the West Saxon the plural present of verbs ends in _-að_: _we
lufi-að_, _ge lufi-að_, _hi lufi-að_. The Psalter also exhibits this West
Saxon form. But the plurals of the Ritual {550} end in _-s_: as,
_bidd-as_=_we pray_; _giwoed-es_=_put on_; _wyrc-as_=_do_.
Here observe--
2. That the Rushworth Gospels take us as far south as the West Riding of
Yorkshire.
3. That there are no specimens from any Cumberland, Westmoreland, or North
Lancashire localities, these being, most probably, exclusively Celtic.
§ 693. The most general statements concerning this great section of the
Anglo-Saxon, is that--
1. It prefers the slenderer and more vocalic to the broader and more
diphthongal forms.
3. The forms without the prefix _ge-_, to those with them. Nevertheless the
form _ge-cenned_ (=_natus_) occurs in the first line of the extract from
the Durham Gospels.
§ 694. The Old and Middle English MSS. from this quarter are numerous;
falling into two classes:
{552}
Danish admixture--Considerable.
§ 696. The classification which gives this arrangement now draws a line of
distinction at the river Ribble, in Lancashire, which separates _South_
from North Lancashire; whilst in Yorkshire, the East Riding, and that part
of the West which does not belong to the Wapentake of Claro, belong to the
class which is supposed to exclude the previous and contain the following
dialects:--
These last two statements apply to all the forthcoming areas north of
Essex. The latter is a simple historical fact; the former supposes an
amount of difference between the Angle and the Saxon which has been assumed
rather than proved; or, at any rate, which has never been defined
accurately.
Here, also, both the _a priori_ probabilities and the known facts make the
Danish intermixture at its _minimum_.
Danish elements may now be expected, Derbyshire being the most inland
Danish area.
Physiognomy, Danish.
{555}
§ 702. These remarks have the following import. They bear upon the question
of the origin of the _written_ language of England.
Mr. Guest first diverted the attention of scholars from the consideration
of the West Saxon of the chief Anglo-Saxon writers as the mother-dialect of
the present English, to the Mercian; so turning their attention from the
south to the centre of England.
Neither does the fact of the nearest approach to the written language being
found about the parts in question; since the doctrine to which the present
writer commits himself, viz., that in the parts between Huntingdon and
Stamford, the purest English is most generally spoken, is, neither
universally recognised, nor yet part of Mr. Guest's argument.
Mr. Guest's arguments arose out of the evidence of the MSS. of the parts in
question.
That the dialect most closely allied to the dialect (or dialects) out of
which the present literary language of England is developed, is to be found
either in Northamptonshire or the neighbouring counties is nearly certain.
Mr. Guest looks for it on the western side of that county (Leicestershire);
the present writer on the eastern (Huntingdonshire).
These, to a certain extent, may be dealt with like those to the north of
the Humber. Just as the latter were, in the first instance, and in the more
general way, thrown into a single class (the Northumbrian), so may the
dialects in question form the provisional centre of another separate class.
For this we have no very convenient name. The dialects, however, which it
contains agree in the following points.
2. The dialect of the Durham Gospels and Ritual contain a probably Frisian
form.
The details necessary for either the verification or the overthrow of the
doctrine of a similarity of origin between {559} portions of the
Northumbrian[83] and portions of the Kentish population have yet to be
worked out.
So have the _differentiæ_ between the dialects of _Kent_, and the dialects
of Sus_sex_, Es_sex_, Middle_sex_, and Wes_sex_.
What does this prove? Not that the West Saxon dialect {560} extended into
Mercia, but that a political nomenclature is out of place in philology.
Of these the first line involves an undeniable fact; the second a very
doubtful one. No evidence has been adduced in favour of disconnecting Saxon
Essex from Anglian Suffolk, nor yet for connecting it with Sus_sex_ and
Wes_sex_. The termination _-sex_ is an undoubted fact; the difference
between the Saxons and Angles which it is supposed to indicate is an
assumption.
§ 708. The exceptions suggested in §§ 703, 704, lie not only against the
particular group called West-Saxon, but (as may have been anticipated)
against all classifications which assume either--
1. A coincidence between the philological divisions of the Anglo-Saxon
language, and the political division of the Anglo-Saxon territory.
* * * * *
On the other hand, Mr. Guest has thrown a reasonable doubt upon this
inference; suggesting the probability of its having been simply English.
The following vocabulary collected by the Rev. J. Collins,[84] in the
little peninsula of Gower, confirms this view. It contains no exclusively
Flemish elements.
Angletouch, n. s. _worm_.
Bumbagus, n. s. _bittern_.
Brandis, n. s. _iron stand for a pot or kettle_.
Eddish, n. s. _wheat-stubble_.
Evil, n. s. a _three-pronged fork for dung, &c._
Gloy, n. s. _refuse straw after the "reed" has been taken out_.
Gloice, n. s., _a sharp pang of pain_.
Kittybags, n. s. _gaiters_.
Wee, Vassales o' "His Most Gracious Majesty" Wilyame ee 4th an az wee
verilie chote na coshe an loyale Dwellers na Baronie Forth, crave na
dicke luckie acte t'uck necher th' Excellencie, an na plaine garbe o'
oure yola talke, wi' vengem o' core t'gie oure zense o'ye grades wilke
be ee dighte wi' yer name, and whilke wee canna zie, albeit o'
"Governere" Statesman an alike. Yn ercha an ol o' whilke yt beeth wi'
gleezom o'core th' oure eene dwitheth apan ye vigere o'dicke zovereine,
Wilyame ee Vourthe unnere fose fatherlie zwae oure deis be ee spant, az
avare ye trad dicke lone ver name was ee kent var ee _Vriene o'
Levertie_, an _He fo brack ge neckers o' Zlaves_--Mang ourzels--var wee
dwitheth an Irelone az oure general haime--y'ast bie' ractzom homedelt
tous ye lass ee mate var ercha vassale, ne'er dwith ee na dicke wai
n'ar dicka. Wee dewithe ye ane fose deis bee gien var ee gudevare o' ee
lone ye zwae, t'avance {565} pace an levertie, an wi'out vlinch ee
garde o' general riochts an poplare vartue.--Ye pace--yea wee ma' zei
ye vaste pace whilke be ee stent o'er ye lone zince th' ast ee cam,
prooth, y'at we alane needed ye giftes o' general riochts, az be
displayte bie ee factes o' thie governmente. Ye state na dicke die o'ye
lone, na whilke be ne'er fash n'ar moil, albeit "Constitutional
Agitation" ye wake o'hopes ee blighte, stampe na per zwae ee be rare an
lightzom. Yer name var zetch avanct avare y'e, e'en a dicke var hie,
arent whilke ye brine o' zea, an ee crags o'noghanes cazed nae balk. Na
oure glades ana whilke we dellte wi' mattoc, an zing t'oure caules wi
plou, we hert ee zough o'ye colure o' pace na name o' "_Mulgrave_." Wi
"Irishmen" oure general hopes be ee bond, az "Irishmen," an az dwellers
na coshe an loyale o' Baronie Forthe, w'oul dei an ercha dei, oure
maunes an aure gurles, prie var lang an happie zins, home o'leurnagh an
ee vilt wi benizons, an yersel an oure zoverine 'till ee zin o'oure
deis be var ay be ee go t'glade.
* * * * *
We, the subjects of His Most Gracious Majesty William IV., and as we
truly believe both faithful and loyal inhabitants of the Barony Forth,
beg leave, at this favourable opportunity to approach Your Excellency,
and in the simple garb of our old dialect to pour forth from the
strength (or fulness) of our hearts, our strength (or admiration) of
the qualities which characterize your name, and for which we have no
words but of "Governor," "Statesman," &c. Sir, each and every
condition, it is with joy of heart that our eyes rest upon the
representative of that Sovereign, William IV., under whose paternal
rule our days are spent; for before your foot pressed the soil, your
name was known to us as the _Friend of Liberty_, and _He who broke the
fetters of the Slave_. Unto ourselves--for we look on Ireland to be our
common country--you have with impartiality (of hand) ministered the
laws made for every subject, without regard to this party or that. We
behold you, one whose days devoted to the welfare of the land you
govern, to promote peace and liberty--the uncompromising guardian of
common rights and public virtue. The peace, yes we may say the profound
peace, which overspreads the land since your arrival, proves that we
alone stood in need of the enjoyment of common privileges, as is
demonstrated by the results of your government. The condition, this
day, of the country, in which is neither tumult nor confusion, but that
constitutional agitation, the consequence of disappointed hopes,
confirm your rule to be rare and enlightened. Your fame for such came
before you, even into this retired spot, to which neither the waters of
the sea yonder, nor the mountains above, caused any impediment. In our
valleys, where we were digging with the spade, or as we whistled to our
horses in the plough, we heard in the word "Mulgrave," the sound of the
wings of the dove of peace. With Irishmen our common hopes are
inseparably wound up; as Irishmen, and as inhabitants, faithful and
loyal, of the Barony Forth, we will daily, and every day, our wives and
our children, implore long and happy days, free from melancholy and
full of blessings, for yourself and good Sovereign, until the sun of
our lives be for ever gone down the dark valley of death.[85]
{566}
§ 712. _Extract._--In a sound and sagacious paper upon the Probable Future
Position of the English Language,[86] Mr. Watts, after comparing the
previous predominance of the French language beyond the pale of France,
with the present spread of the German beyond Germany, and after deciding in
favour of the latter tongue, remarks that there is "The existence of
another language whose claims are still more commanding. That language is
our own. Two centuries ago the proud position that it now occupies was
beyond the reach of anticipation. We all smile at the well-known boast of
Waller in his lines on the death of Cromwell, but it was the loftiest that
at the time the poet found it in his power to make:--
"'I care not,' said Milton, 'to be once named abroad, though perhaps I
could attain to that, being content with these islands as my world.' A
French Jesuit, Garnier, in 1678, laying down rules for the arrangement of a
library, thought it superfluous to say anything of English books, because,
as he observed, 'libri Anglicâ scripti linguâ vix mare transmittunt.'
Swift, in the earlier part of the eighteenth century, in his 'Proposal for
correcting, improving, and {567} ascertaining the English Tongue,'
observed, 'the fame of our writers is usually confined to these two
islands." Not quite a hundred years ago Dr. Johnson seems to have
entertained far from a lofty idea of the legitimate aspirations of an
English author. He quotes in a number of the 'Rambler' (No. 118, May 4th,
1751), from the address of Africanus as given by Cicero, in his Dream of
Scipio:--'The territory which you inhabit is no more than a scanty island
inclosed by a small body of water, to which you give the name of the great
sea and the Atlantic Ocean. And even in this known and frequented continent
what hope can you entertain that your renown will pass the stream of Ganges
or the cliffs of Caucasus, or by whom will your name be uttered in the
extremities of the north or south towards the rising or the setting sun? So
narrow is the space to which your fame can be propagated, and even there
how long will it remain?' 'I am not inclined,' remarks Johnson, 'to believe
that they who among us pass their lives in the cultivation of knowledge or
acquisition of power, have very anxiously inquired what opinions prevail on
the further banks of the Ganges.... The hopes and fears of modern minds are
content to range in a narrower compass; a single nation, and a few years
have generally sufficient amplitude to fill our imagination.' What a
singular comment on this passage is supplied by the fact that the dominions
of England now stretch from the Ganges to the Indus, that the whole space
of India is dotted with the regimental libraries of its European
conquerors, and that Rasselas has been translated into Bengalee! A few
years later the great historian of England had a much clearer perception of
what was then in the womb of Fate. When Gibbon, as has been already
mentioned, submitted to Hume, a specimen of his intended History of
Switzerland, composed in French, he received a remarkable letter in reply:
'Why,' said Hume, 'do you compose in French and carry faggots into the
wood, as Horace says with regard to Romans who wrote in Greek? I grant that
you have a like motive to those Romans, and adopt a language much more
generally diffused than your native tongue, but have you not remarked the
fate {568} of those two ancient languages in following ages? The Latin,
though then less celebrated and confined to more narrow limits, has in some
measure outlived the Greek, and is now more generally understood by men of
letters. Let the French therefore triumph in the present diffusion of their
tongue. Our solid and increasing establishments in America, where we need
less dread the inundation of barbarians, promise a superior stability and
duration to the English language.'
"Every year that has since elapsed has added a superior degree of
probability to the anticipations of Hume. At present the prospects of the
English language are the most splendid that the world has ever seen. It is
spreading in each of the quarters of the globe by fashion, by emigration,
and by conquest. The increase of population alone in the two great states
of Europe and America in which it is spoken, adds to the number of its
speakers in every year that passes, a greater amount than the whole number
of those who speak some of the literary languages of Europe, either
Swedish, or Danish, or Dutch. It is calculated that, before the lapse of
the present century, a time that so many now alive will live to witness, it
will be the native and vernacular language of about one hundred and fifty
millions of human beings.
"What will be the state of Christendom at the time that this vast
preponderance of one language will be brought to bear on all its
relations,--at the time when a leading nation in Europe and a gigantic
nation in America make use of the same idiom,--when in Africa and
Australasia the same language is in use by rising and influential
communities, and the world is circled by the accents of Shakspeare and
Milton? At that time such of the other languages of Europe as do not extend
their empire beyond this quarter of the globe will be reduced to the same
degree of insignificance in comparison with English, as the subordinate
languages of modern Europe to those of the state they belong to,--the Welsh
to the English, the Basque to the Spanish, the Finnish to the Russian. This
predominance, we may flatter ourselves, will be a more signal blessing to
literature than that of any other language could possibly be. The English
is essentially a {569} medium language;--in the Teutonic family it stands
midway between the Germanic and Scandinavian branches--it unites as no
other language unites, the Romanic and the Teutonic stocks. This fits it
admirably in many cases for translation. A German writer, Prince Pückler
Muskau, has given it as his opinion that English is even better adapted
than German to be the general interpreter of the literature of Europe.
Another German writer, Jenisch, in his elaborate 'Comparison of Fourteen
Ancient and Modern Languages of Europe,' which obtained a prize from the
Berlin Academy in 1796, assigns the general palm of excellence to the
English. In literary treasures what other language can claim the
superiority? If Rivarol more than sixty years back thought the collective
wealth of its literature able to dispute the pre-eminence with the French,
the victory has certainly not departed from us in the time that has since
elapsed,--the time of Wordsworth and Southey, of Rogers and Campbell, of
Scott, of Moore, and of Byron.
"A sufficient importance has not always been attached to the fact, that in
South America, and in a portion of the northern continent, the languages of
the Peninsula are spoken by large and increasing populations. The Spanish
language is undoubtedly of easier acquisition for the purposes of
conversation than our own, from the harmony and clearness of its
pronunciation; and it has the recommendation to the inhabitants of Southern
Europe of greater affinity to their own languages and the Latin. Perhaps
the extraordinary neglect which has been the portion of this language for
the last {570} century and a half may soon give place to a juster measure
of cultivation, and indeed the recent labours of Prescott and Ticknor seem
to show that the dawn of that period has already broken. That the men of
the North should acquire an easy and harmonious southern language seems in
itself much more probable than that the men of the south should study a
northern language, not only rugged in its pronunciation, but capricious in
its orthography. The dominion of Spanish in America is, however,
interrupted and narrowed by that of Portuguese, and to a singular degree by
that of the native languages, some of which are possibly destined to be
used for literary purposes in ages to come.
"At the time when Hume wrote his letter to Gibbon, the conquest of Canada
had very recently been effected. The rivalry of the French and English in
North America had been terminated by the most signal triumph of the English
arms. Had measures been taken at that time to discourage the use of French
and to introduce that of English, there can be little doubt that English
would now be as much the language of Quebec and Montreal as it is of New
York and the Delaware. Those measures were not taken. At this moment, when
we are approaching a century from the battle of the Heights of Abraham,
there is still a distinction of races in Canada, nourished by a distinction
of language, and both appear likely to continue.
"Within the United States themselves, a very large body of the inhabitants
have remained for generation after generation ignorant of the English
language. The number is uncertain. According to Stricker, in his
dissertation 'Die Verbreitung des deutschen Volkes über die Erde,'
published in 1845, the population of German origin in the United States in
1844 was 4,886,632, out of a total of 18,980,650. This statement, though
made in the most positive terms, is founded on an estimate only, and has
been shown to be much exaggerated. Wappaus (in his 'Deutsche Auswanderung
und Colonisation'), after a careful examination, arrives at the conclusion
that the total cannot amount to a million and a half. Many of these are of
course acquainted with both {571} languages--in several cases where
amalgamation has taken place, the German language has died out and been
replaced by the English,--but the number of communities where it is still
prevalent is much larger than is generally supposed. In Pennsylvania, Ohio,
and Missouri, to say nothing of other states, there are masses of
population of German origin or descent, who are only acquainted with
German. This tendency has of late years increased instead of declining. It
has been a favourite project with recent German emigrants to form in
America a state, in which the language should be German, and from the vast
numbers in which they have crossed the Atlantic, there is nothing
improbable in the supposition, that, by obtaining a majority in some one
state, this object will be attained. In 1835 the legislature of
Pennsylvania placed the German language in its legal rights on the same
footing with the English.
"It may be asked if any damage will be done by this? The damage, it may be
answered, will be twofold. The parties who are thus formed into an isolated
community, with a language distinct from that of those around them, will be
placed under the same disadvantages as the Welsh of our own day, who find
themselves always as it were some inches shorter than their neighbours, and
have to make an exertion to be on their level. Those of them who are only
masters of one language are in a sort of prison; those who are masters of
two, might, if English had been their original speech, have had their
choice of the remaining languages of the world to exert the same degree of
labour on, with a better prospect of advantage. In the case of Welsh, the
language has many ties: even those who see most clearly the necessity of
forsaking it, must lament the harsh necessity of abandoning to oblivion the
ancient tongue of an ancient nation. But these associations and feelings
could not be pleaded in favour of transferring the Welsh to Otaheite; and
when these feelings are withdrawn, what valid reason will remain for the
perpetuation of Welsh, or even, it may be said, of German?
"The injury done to the community itself is perhaps the greatest; but there
is a damage done to the world in general. It will be a splendid and a novel
experiment in modern society, if a single language becomes so predominant
over all others as {572} to reduce them in comparison to the proportion of
provincial dialects. To have this experiment fairly tried, is a great
object. Every atom that is subtracted from the amount of the majority has
its influence--it goes into the opposite scale. If the Germans succeed in
establishing their language in the United States, other nations may follow.
The Hungarian emigrants, who are now removing thither from the vengeance of
Austria, may perpetuate their native Magyar, and America may in time
present a surface as checkered as Europe, or in some parts, as Hungary
itself, where the traveller often in passing from one village to another,
finds himself in the domain of a different language. That this consummation
may be averted must be the wish not only of every Englishman and of every
Anglo-American, but of every sincere friend of the advancement of
literature and civilization. Perhaps a few more years of inattention to the
subject will allow the evil to make such progress that exertion to oppose
it may come too late."
* * * * *
§ 713. Of the Gypsy language I need only say, that it is not only
Indo-Germanic, but that it is Hindoo. Few words from it have mixed
themselves with our standard (or even our provincial) dialects.
Thieves' language, or that dialect for which there is no name, but one from
its own vocabulary, _viz._ Slang, is of greater value in philology than in
commerce. It serves to show that in speech nothing is arbitrary. Its
compound phrases are either periphrastic or metaphorical; its simple
monosyllables are generally those of the current language in an older form.
The thieves of London are conservators of Anglo-Saxonisms. In this dialect
I know of no specimens earlier than the reign of Queen Elizabeth. In the
dramatic literature of that age they are rife and common. The Roaring Girl,
the Jolly Beggars, amongst the plays, and Deckar's Bellman amongst the
tracts, preserve us a copious vocabulary, similar to what we have now, and
similar to what it was in Gay's time. Of this the greater part is Saxon.
Here and there appears a word of Latin origin, _e.g._, _pannum_, bread;
_cassons_, cheese. Of the Gypsy language I have discovered no trace. {573}
SPECIMEN.[87]
1. Drie deh na bakka dem holi wan bruiloft na Cana na Galilea; on mamma
va Jesus ben de dapeh.
2. Ma dem ben kali Jesus nanga hem discipel toe, va kom na da bruiloft.
3. En teh wieni kaba, mamma va Jesus takki na hem; dem no habi wieni
morro.
5. Hem mamma takki na dem foetoeboi; oene doe sanni a takki gi oene.
11. Datti da fossi marki dissi Jesus ben doe; en datti ben passa na
Cana na Galilea va dem somma si hem glori. En dem discipel va hem
briebi na hem.
1. Three day after back, them hold one marriage in Cana in Galilee, and
mamma of Jesus been there.
2. But them been call Jesus with him disciple, for come to that
marriage.
3. And when wine end, mamma of Jesus talk to him, them no have wine
more.
4. Jesus talk to him, me mamma how work me have with you? Time of me no
been come yet.
6. But them been put there six big water-jug, after the fashion of Jew
for clean them; every one jug hold two or three firkins.
{574} 7. Jesus talk to them (footboy): ye fill them water jug with
water. And them fill them till to mouth.
9. But when grandfootboy taste that water, this been turn wine, could
he no know from where that wine come-out-of (but them footboy this been
take that water well know): he call the bridegroom.
10. He talk to him, every one man use of give first the more sweet
wine; and when them drink enough end, after back the less sweety wine:
but you been cover that more good wine.
11. That the first miracle that Jesus been do, and that been pass in
Cana in Galilee, for them men see him glory. And them disciple of him
believe in him.
§ 715. That the Anglo-Norman of England was, in the reign of Edward III.,
not the French of Paris (and most probably not the Franco-Norman of
Normandy), we learn from the well-known quotation from Chaucer:--
Item jeo devyse que j'ay un homme armes en mes armes et ma hewme ene sa
teste, et quy soit bien monte et un homme de bon entaille de qil
condicon que y sort.
Item jeo devyse que touz ceaux, qui a moy appendent meignialx en ma
maison, soient vestuz en bluw a mes costagez. Et a touz les poores,
qils veignent le jour de mon enterment jeo devise et voile que chescun
ait un denier en ovre de charrte, et en aide de ma chitiffe alme, et
jeo voile que les sires mes compaignons mez aliez et mez voiseignez,
qui volliont venir de lour bone gre prier pour moy et pour faire honour
a mon chettife corps, qi peue ne vault, jeo oille et chargez mez
executour que y soient mesme cel jour bien a eise, et q'il eient a
boiere asseth, et a cest ma volunté parfournir jeo devise ci marcæ ove
l'estore de maison taunke juiste seit.
The doctrine that languages become _dead_ when they lose a certain power of
evolving new forms out of previously existing ones, is incompatible with
views to which the present writer has committed himself in the preface. If
the views there exhibited be true the test of the _vitality_ of a language,
if such metaphors _must_ be used, is the same as the test of vitality in
material organisms, _i.e._, the power of fulfilling certain functions.
Whether this is done by the evolution of new forms out of existing
materials, or by the amalgamation (the particular power of the English
language) of foreign terms is a mere difference of process.
"In reviewing the principal languages of the ancient and modern world,
where the migrations of those that spoke them can be traced with
certainty, we are struck with the fact that the dwellers in chains of
mountains, or on the elevated plains of hilly districts, strongly
affect broad vowels and guttural consonants. Compare the German of the
Tyrol, Switzerland, or Bavaria, with that of the lowlands of Germany,
Westphalia, Hanover, and Mecklenburg: compare the Doric with the Attic,
or still more the soft Ionic Greek: follow the Italian of our own day
into the mountains of the Abruzzi: pursue the English into the hills of
Northumberland; mark the characteristics of the Celtic in the highlands
of Wales and Scotland, of the Vascongado, in the hilly ranges of Spain.
Everywhere we find the same type; everywhere the same love for broad
sounds and guttural forms; everywhere these appear as the peculiarity
of mountaineers. The difference of latitude between Holstein and
Inspruck is not great; that between Newcastle and Coventry is less;
Sparta is more southerly than Athens; Crete more so than either; but
this does not explain our problem; its solution is found in the
comparative number of feet above the level of the sea, in the hills and
the valleys which they enclose."
* * * * *
{581}
PRAXIS.
The following extracts are given in the form of simple texts. They are
meant, more especially, to be explained by masters to their classes; and as
such were used by myself during the time that I was Professor of the
English language and literature at University College. They are almost all
taken from editions wherein either a translation or a full commentary can
be found by reference. To have enlarged the present Appendix into a full
Praxis, would have been to overstep the prescribed limits of the present
work.
I.
MOESO-GOTHIC.
II.
OLD HIGH-GERMAN.
MUSPILLI.
_From Schmeller._
{588}
III.
ANGLO-SAXON.
Hyt wæs ða swiþe angrislic, ða ða Satanas, ðære Helle ealdor and þæs
deaþes heretoga, cwæþ to þære Helle; "Gegearwa þe sylfe, þat ðu mæge
Chryst onfon; se hyne sylfne gewuldrod hæfð, and ys Godes sunu and eac
man, and eac se Deað ys hyne ondrædende, and myn sawl ys swa unrot þæt
me þincþ þæt ic alybban ne mæg, for þig he ys mycel wyðerwynna and yfel
wyrcende ongean me, and eac ongean þe: and fæla, þe ic hæfde to me
gewyld and to atogen, blynde and healte, gebygede and hreoslan, eallo
he fram ðe atyhð." Seo Hell þa, swiþe grymme and swiþe egeslice,
answarode ða Satanase ðam ealdan deofle, and cwæð: "Hwæt is se þe ys
swa strang and swa myhtig, gif he man is, þæt he ne sig þone Deað
ondrædende, þe wyt gefyrn beclysed hæfdon, for þam ealle þa þe on
eorþan anweald hæfdon þu hig myd þynre myhte to me getuge, and ic hig
fæste geheold; and, gif þu swa mihhtig eart swa þu ær wære, hwæt ys se
man and se Hælend þe ne sig þone Deað and þyne mihte ondrædende? to
forðan ic wat, gif he on mennyscnysse swa mihtig ys, þæt he naþer ne
unc ne þond Deað ne ondræt, þonne gefohð he þe and þe byþ æfre wa to
ecere worulde." Satanos þa, þæs cwicsusles ealdor þære Helle
andswarode, and þus cwæd: "Hwæt twyneð þe, oþþe hwæt ondrædst þu þe
þone Hælend to onfonne, mynne wyþerwynnan and eac þynne; Ac forðon ic
his costnode, and ic gedyde him þæt eal þæt Iudeisce folc þæt hig wæron
ongean him myd yrre and mid andan awehte, and ic gedyde þæt he wæs mid
spere gesticod, and ic gedyde þæt hym man dryncan mengde myd eallan and
myd ecede, and ic gedyde þæt man hym treowene rode gegearwode, and hyne
þær on aheng, and hyne mid næglum gefæstnode and nu æt nextan ic wylle
his deað to þe gelædan, and he sceal beon underþeod agwhær ge me ge
þe." Seo Hell þa swyþe angrysenlice þus cwoeþ; "Wyte þæt ðu swa do þæt
he ða deadan fram me ateo, for þam þe her fæla syndon geornfulle fram
me mig, þæt hig on me wunian noldon; ac ic wat þæt hig {589} fram mig
ne gewytaþ þurh heora agene myhte, butan hig se Ælmytiga God fram me
ateo, se þe Lazarum of me genam, þone þe ic heold deadne feower nyht
fæstne gebunden, ac ic hyne æft cwicne ageaf þurh his bedodu." Da
andswarode Satanas and cwæþ: "Se ylca hyt is se þe Lazarum of unc bam
genam." Seo Hell hym þa þus to cwæp. "Eala hic halgige þe þuhr þyne
mægenu, and eac þuhr myne, þæt þu næfre ne geþafige pæt he on me cume,
for þam þa ic gehyrde, þæt worde his bebodes, ic was myd miclum ege
afyriht, and ealle mynne arleasan þenas wæron samod myd me gedrehte and
gedrefede, swa þæt we ni myhton Lazarum gehealdan, ac he wæs hyne
asceacende eal swa earn þonne he myd hrædum flythe wyle forð afleon,
and he swa wæs fram us ræfende, and seo eorþe þe Lazarus deadan
lichaman heold, heo hyne cwycne ageaf, and þæt ic nu wat þæt se man þe
eall þæt gedyde þæt he ys on Gode strang and myhtig, and gif þu hyne to
me lædest, ealle þa þe her syndon on þysum wælhreowan cwearterne
beclysde, and on þysum bendum myd synnum gewryðene, ealle he myd þys
godcundnysse fram me atyhð, and to lyfe gelæt."
IV.
3. Gemine þæt þu gehalgie þone ræstedæg. Wyrceað eow syx dagas, and on
þam seofaðan restað eow, þu and þin sunu and þine dohter and þin þeowe
and þine wylne and þin weorcynten and se cuma þe bið binnan þinan
durum. Forþam on syx dagum Crist geworhte heofenas and eorðan, sæas and
ealle gesceafta þe on him sint and hine gereste on þam seofaðan dæge,
and forþon drihten hine gehalgode.
4. Ara þinum fæder and þinre meder, þa þe drihten sealde þe, þæt þu sy
þy leng libbende on eorðan.
5. Ne slea þu.
7. Ne lige þu dearnunga.
11. Þis synd þa domas þe þu him settan scealt. § 1. Gif hwa gebycge
Christenne þeow, VI gear þeowige he, þe seofoðan beo he freoh
orceapunga. § 2. Mid swylce hrægle he ineode, mid swilce gange he ut.
§ 3. Gif he wif sylf hæbbe, gange heo ut mid him. § 4. Gif se hlaford
þonne him wif sealde, sy heo and hire beam þæs hlafordes. § 5. Gif se
þeowa þonne cwæðe: nelle ic fram minum hlaforde, ne fram minum wife, ne
fram minum bearne,--breng hine þonne his hlaford to þære dura þæs
temples and þurhþyrlige his eare mid eale to tacne, þæt he sy æfre
syððan þeow.
* * * * *
13. Se man þe his gewealdes monnan ofslea, swelte se deaðe. Se-þe hine
þonne neades ofsloge oððe unwillum oððe ungewealdes, swylce hine god
swa sende on his honda and he hine ne ymb syrede, sy he his feores
wyrðe and folcrihtre bot, gif he fryðstowe gesece. Gif hwa þonne of
gyrnesse oððe gewealdes ofslea his þone nehstan þurh syrwa, aluc þu
hine fram minum weofode, to þam þæt he deaðe swelte.
14. Se-þe slea his fæder oððe his modor, ne sceal deaðe sweltan.
15. Se-þe frione forstæle and he hyne bebycge and hit onbetæled sy, þæt
he hine bereccan ne mæg, swelte se deaðe. § 1. Se-se wyrge his fæder
oððe his modor, swelte se deaðe.
16. Gif hwa slea his þone nehstan mid stane oððe mid fyste, and he þeah
utgangan mæge be stafe, begyte him læce and wyrce his weorc þa hwile,
þe he sylf ne mæge.
17. Se-þe slea his agenne þeowne esne oððe mennen, and he ne sy þy
dæges dead, þeah he libbe twa niht oððe þreo, ne bið he ealles swa
scyldig, forþon þe hit wæs his agen feoh. Gif he þonne sy idæges dead,
þonne sitte seo scyld on him.
18. Gif hwa on ceast eacniend wif gewerde, bete þone æfwyrdlan swa him
domeras gereccan. Gif heo dead sy, sylle sawle wið sawle.
19. Gif hwa oðrum his eage oðdo, sylle his agen for; toð for toð, handa
for handa, fet for fet, bærning for bærning, wund wið wund, læl wið
læle.
{591} 20. Gif hwa ofslea his þeowe oððe his þeowenne þæt eage ut, and
he þonne hi gedo ænigge, gefreoge hi forþon. Gif he þonne toð ofslea,
do þæt ylce.
21. Gif oxa ofhnite wer oððe wif, þæt hy deade synd, sy he mid stanum
ofweorpod and ne sy his flæsc geeton and se hlaford bið unscyldig. § 1.
Gif se oxa hnitol wære twam dagum ære oððe þrym and se hlaford hit wist
and hine inne betynan nolde, and he þonne were oððe wif ofsloge, sy he
mid stanum ofworpod and sy se hlaford ofslegen oððe forgolden, swa þæt
witan to riht findan. § 2. Sunu oððe dohtor gif he ofstinge, þæs ylcan
domes sy he wyrðe. § 3. Gif he þonne þeow oððe þeowe mennen ofstynge,
gesylle þæm hlaford XXX scill. seolfres and se oxa sy mid stanum
ofworpod.
22. Gif hwa adelfe wæterpytte oððe betynedne untyne and hine eft ne
betyne, gyld swylc neat swa þær on befealle and hæbbe him þæt dead.
23. Gif oxa oðres mannes oxan gewundige and he þonne dead sy, bebycggen
þone oxan and hæbben him þæt weorð gemæne and eac þæt flæsc swa þæs
deadan. Gif se hlaford þonne wiste, þæt se oxa hnitol wære and hine
healdan nolde, sylle him oðerne oxan fore and hæbbe him ealle þæt
flæsc.
24. Gif hwa forstæle oðres oxan and hine ofslea oððe bebycge, sylle
twegen wið and feower sceap wið anum. Gif he hæbbe hwæt he sylle, sy he
sylf beboht wið þam feoh.
25. Gif þeof brece mannes hus nihtes and he wyrðe þær ofslægen, ne sy
he na manslæges scyldig, þe him sloge. Gif he syððan æfter sunnan
upgonge þis deð, he bið mansleges scyldig and he þonne sylfa swylte,
butan he nyddæda wære. Gif mid him cwicum sy funden þæt he ær stale, be
twyfealdum forgylde hit.
26. Gif hwa gewerde oðres monnes wingeard oððe his æceras oððe his
landes awuht, gebete swa hit man geeahtige.
27. Gif fyr sy ontended ryt to bærnenne, gebete þone æfwerdelsan se þæt
fyr ontendeð.
28. Gif hwa oðfæste his friend feoh, gif he hit sylf stæl, forgylde be
twyfealdum. § 1. Gif he nyste, hwa hit stæle, geladige hine sylfne, þæt
he þær nan facn ne gefremede. § 2. Gif hit þonne cucu feoh wære and he
secge, þæt hit here name oððe þæt hit sylf acwæle, and he gewitnesse
hæbbe, ne þearf he þæt gyldan. § 3. Gif he þonne gewitnesse næbbe, and
he him ne getriewe ne sy, swerige he þonne. {592}
* * * * *
* * * * *
35. Gif þu feoh to borh gesylle þinum geferan, þe mid þe eardian wille,
ne nide þu hine swa nidling and ne gehene þu hine mid þy eacan.
36. Gif man næbbe butan anfeald hrægle hine mid to wreonne and to
werianne and he hit to wedde sylle, ær sunnan setlgange sy hit agyfen.
Gif þu swa ne dest, þonne cleopað he to me and ic hine gehyre, forþon
þe ic eom swiðe mildheort.
37. Ne tæl þu þinne drihten, ne þone hlaford þæs folces ne werge þu.
38. Þine teoðan sceattas and þine frumripan gangendes and weaxendos
agyfe þu gode.
39. Ealle þæt flæsc þæt wilddeor læfan, ne etan ge þæt ac syllað hit
hundum.
42. Gif þe becume oðres mannes gymeleas feoh on hand, þeah hit sy þin
feonde, gecyðe hit him.
43. Dem þu swiðe emne; de dem þu oðerne dom pæm welegan oðerne þam
earman, ne oðerne þam leofran oðerne þam laðran ne deme þu.
V.
OPENING OF BEOWULF.
Hwæt we Gár-Dena,
in gear-dagum,
þeód-c[.y]ninga,
þr[.y]m ge-frunon--
hû ða æþelingas
ellen fremedon--
oft Sc[.y]ld Scefing,
sceaþen(a) þreátum,
moneg[=u] mægþum,
meodo-setla of-teáh--
egsode eorl--
s[.y]ððan ['æ]rest wearð
feá-sceaft funden;
he þæs frófre ge-bá(d),
weóx under wolcnum,
weorð-m[.y]ndum þáh;
oð [=þ] him ['æ]g-hwl[.y]c
þára ymb-sittendra,
ofer hron-ráde,
hýran scolde,
gomban g[.y]ldan--
[=þ] w['æ]s gód c[.y]ning--
ðæm eafera w['æ]s
æfer cenned,
geong in geardum,
þone gód sende
folce to frófre;
f[.y]ren-þearfe on-geat,
[=þ] híe ['æ]r drugon,
aldor-(le)áse.
lange hwíle,
him þæs líf-freá,
wuldres wealdend,
worold-áre for-geaf--
Beó-wulf w['æ]s breme,
bl['æ]d wíde sprang,
Sc[.y]ldes eafera,
Scede-landum in--
swa sceal (wig-fru)ma
góde ge-wircean--
fromum feo-giftum,
on fæder-(feo)rme;
[=þ] hine, on [.y]lde,
eft ge-wunigen
wi(l)-ge-síþas,
þonne wig cume.
leóde ge-l['æ]sten,
lof-d['æ]d[=u] sceal,
in mægþage-hwære,
man ge-þeón----
him, ðá Sc[.y]ld ge-wát
tó ge-scæp hwíle
fela-hror feran
on freán wæ re--
hí h[.y]ne þá æt-b['æ]ron
tó brimes faroðe,
sw['æ]se ge-síþas,
swá he selfa bæd;
{594}
þenden wordum weóld
wine Sc[.y]ldinga
leóf land-fruma
lange áhte----
þær æt hýðe stód
hringed-stefna,
isig and út-fús,
æþelinges fær;
á-ledon þá
leófne þeóden,
beága br[.y]ttan,
on bearm scipes,
m['æ]rne be m['æ]ste:
þær w['æ]s mádma fela
of feor-wegum
frætwa ge-l['æ]ded.
Ne hýrde ic c[.y]mlicor
ceol ge-g[.y]rwan,
hilde-wæpnum
and heaðo-w['æ]dum,
billum and b[.y]rnum
him on bearme læg
mádma menigo,
þa him mid scoldon
on flódes æht
feor ge-wítan.
Nalæs hí hine læssan
lácum teódan,
þeód-ge-streónum,
þon þá d[.y]don
þe hine, æt frum-sceafte,
forð on-sendon,
['æ]nne ofer ýðe,
umbor-wesende.
þá g[.y]t híe him á-setton
segen (g[.y]l denne,
heáh ofer heáfod--
leton holm ber(an)
geafon on gár-secg:
him w['æ]s geomor-sefa
murnende mód----
men ne cunnon
secgan, tó sóðe,
séle rædenne,
hæleð under heofen[=u]
hwá þæm hlæste on-feng.
VI.
Æthelstán cyning,
eorla drihten,
boorna beáh-gyfa,
and his bróther eac,
Eadmund ætheling,
ealdor langne tir,
geslogon æt secce,
sweorda ecgum,
ymbe Brunanburh.
Bord-weal clufon,
heowon heatho-linda,
hamora lafum,
eáforan Eadweardes.
Swa him geæthele wæs
from cneo-mægum
thæt híe æt campe oft,
{595}
with lathra gehwæne,
land ealgodon,
hord and hámas,
hettend crungon.
Scotta leode,
and scip-flotan,
fæge feollon.
Feld dennade,
secga swate,
sith-than sunne úp,
on morgen-tíd,
mære tuncgol,
glád ofer grundas,
Godes candel be orht,
éces Drihtnes;
oth-thæt sio æthele gesceaft,
sáh tó setle.
Thær læg secg monig,
gárum ageted,
guman northere,
ofer scyld scoten.
Swylc Scyttisc eac,
werig wiges sæd.
West-Seaxe forth,
ondlangne dæg
eorod-cystum,
on last lægdon
lathum theodum.
Heowon here-flyman,
hindan thearle,
mecum mylen-scearpum.
Myrce ne wyrndon
heardes hand-plegan,
hæletha nanum,
thára the mid Anlafe,
ofer ear-geblond,
on lides bosme,
land gesohton,
fæge to feohte.
Fife lægon,
on thám campstede,
cyningas geonge,
sweordum aswefede.
Swylc seofen éac
eorlas Anlafes;
unrím heriges,
flotan and Sceotta.
Thær geflymed wearth
Northmanna bregu,
nyde gebæded,
to lides stefne,
litle werede.
Cread cnear on-flot,
cyning ut-gewat,
on fealowe flod,
feorh generede.
Swylc thær éac se froda,
mid fleame cóm,
on his cyththe north,
Constantinus,
har hylderinc
Hreman ne thórfte
meca gemanan.
Her wæs his maga sceard,
freonda gefylled,
on folc-stede,
beslægen æt secce;
and his sunu (he) forlet
on wæl-stowe,
wundum-forgrunden,
geongne æt guthe.
Gylpan ne thórfte,
beorn blanden-feax,
bill-geslehtes,
eald inwitta;
ne Anláf thy má,
mid heora here-lafum,
hlihan ne thorfton,
{596}
thæt hí beadu-weorca
beteran wurdon,
on camp-stede,
cumbol-gehnastes,
gár mittinge,
gumena gemotes,
wæpen-gewrixles,
thæs the híe on wæl-felda
with Eadweardes
eáforan plegodon.
Gewiton hym tha Northmen,
nægledon cnearrum,
dreorig daretha láf,
on dinges mere,
ofer deop wæter,
Dyflin secan,
eft Yraland,
æwisc-mode.
Swylce thá gebrother,
begen æt samne,
cyning and ætheling,
cyththe sohton,
West Seaxna land,
wiges hremige.
Læton him behindan,
hrá brittian,
salowig padan,
thone sweartan hræfn,
hyrned-nebban;
and thone hasean padan,
earn æftan hwit,
æses brucan,
grædigne guth-hafoc;
and thæt græge deor,
wulf on wealde.
Ne wearth wæl máre,
on thys igland,
æfre gyta,
folces gefylled,
beforan thissum,
sweordes ecgum,
thæs the us secgath béc,
ealde uthwitan,
sith-than eastan hider
Engle and Seaxe
úp becomon,
ofer brade brimu
Brytene sohton,
wlance wig-smithas,
Weales ofer-comon,
eorlas árhwáte,
eard begeaton.
VII.
VIII.
OLD SAXON.
_Psalm_ LIV.
5. Herta min gidruouit ist an mi, in forta duodis fiel ouir mi.
9. Ic sal beidan sin, thie behaldon mi deda fan luzzilheide geistis in fan
geuuidere. {599}
10. Bescurgi, herro, te deile tunga iro, uuanda ic gesag unriht in fluoc an
burgi.
11. An dag in naht umbefangan sal sia ouir mura ira, unreht in arbeit an
mitdon iro in unreht.
13. Uuanda of fiunt flukit mi, is tholodit geuuisso; in of thie thie hatoda
mi, ouir mi mikila thing spreke, ic burge mi so mohti geburran, fan imo.
15. Thu samon mit mi suota nami muos, an huse gode giengon uuir mit geluni.
16. Cum dot ouir sia, in nithir stigin an hellon libbinda. Uuanda arheide
an selethe iro, an mitdon ini.
19. Irlosin sal an frithe sela mina fan then, thia ginacont mi, uuanda
under managon he uuas mit mi.
20. Gehorun sal got in ginetheron sal sia; thie ist er uueroldi.
21. Ne geuuisso ist ini uuihsil; in ne forchtedon got. Theneda hant sina an
uuitherloni.
IX.
_Mark_, _Chap._ I.
1. Het begin des Evangelies van JEZUS CHRISTUS, den Zoon van God.
3. De stem des roependen in de woestijn: bereidt den weg des Heeren, maakt
zijne paden regt!
5. En al het Joodsche land ging tot hem uit, en die van Jerûzalem; en
werden allen van hem gedoopt in the rivier de Jordaan, belijdende hunne
zonden.
7. En hij predikte, zeggende: na mij komt, die sterker is dan ik, wien ik
niet waardig ben, nederbukkende, den riem zijner schoenen te ontbinden.
8. Ik heb ulieden wel gedoopt met water, maar hij zal u doopen met den
Heiligen Geest.
10. En terstond, als hij uit het water opklom, zag bij de hemelen opengaan,
en den Geest, gelijk eene duive, op hem nederdalen.
11. En er geschiedde eene stem nit de hemelen: gij zijt mijn geliefde Zoon,
in denwelken Ik mijn welbehagen heb!
13. En hij was aldaar in de woestijn vertig dagen, verzocht van den Satan;
en was bij de wilde gedierten; en de Engelen dienden hem.
16. En wandelende bij de Galilésche zee, zag hij Simon en Andréas, zijnen
broeder, werpende het net in de zee (want zij waren visschers);
17 En Jezus zeide tot hen: volgt mij na, en ik zal maken, dat gij visschers
der menschen zult worden.
19. En van daar een weinig voortgegaan zijnde, zag hij Jacobus, den zoon
van Zebedéüs, en Johannes, zijnen broeder, en dezelve in het schip hunne
netten vermakende.
20. En terstond riep hij hen; en zij, latende hunnen vader Zebedéüs in het
schip, met de huurlingen, zijn hem nagevolgd.
22. En zij versloegen zich over zijne leer: want hij leerde hen, als magt
hebbende, en niet als de Schriftgeleerden. {601}
23. En er was in hunne Synagoge een mensch, met eenen onreinen geest, en
hij riep uit,
24. Zeggende: laat af, wat hebben wij met u _te doen_, gij Jezus Nazaréner!
zijt gij gekomen, om ons to verderven? Ik ken u, wie gij zijt, _namelijk_
de Heilige Gods.
25. En Jezus bestrafte hem, zeggende: zwijg stil, en ga nit van hem.
26. En de onreine geest, hem scheurende, en roepende met eene groote stem,
ging uit van hem.
27. En zij werden allen verbaasd, zoodat zij onder elkander vraagden,
zeggende: wat is dit? wat nieuwe leer is deze, dat hij met magt ook den
onreineen geesten gebiedt, en zig hem gehoorzaam zijn!
28. En zijn gerucht ging terstond uit, in het geheel omliggen land van
Galiléa.
29. En van stonde aan uit de Synagoge gegaan zijnde, kwamen zij in het huis
van Simon en Andréas, met Jacobus en Johannes.
30. En Simons vrouws moeder lag met de koorts; en terstond zeiden zij hem
van haar.
31. En hij, tot haar gaande, vattede hare hand, en rigtte ze op; en
terstond verliet haar de koorts, en zij diende henlieden.
32. Als het nu avond geworden was, toen de zon onderging, bragten zij tot
hem allen, die kwalijk gesteld, en van den duivel bezeten waren.
34. En hij genas er velen, die door verscheidene ziekten kwalijk gesteld
waren; en wierpe vele duivelen uit, en liet de duivelen niet toe te
spreken, omdat zij hem kenden.
35. En des morgens vroeg, als het nog diep in den nacht was, opgestaan
zijnde, ging hij uit, en ging henen in eene woeste plaats, en bad aldaar.
37. En zij hem gevonden hebbende, zeiden tot hem: zig zoeken u allen.
38. En hij zeide tot hen: laat ons in de bijliggende vlekken gaan, opdat ik
ook daar predike: want daartoe ben ik uitgegaan.
40. En tot hem kwam een melaatsche, biddende hem, en vallende {602} voor
hem op de knieën, en tothem zeggende: indien gij wilt, gij kunt mij
reinigen.
42. En als hij _dit_ gezegd had, ging de melaatschheid terstond van hem, en
hy werd gereinigd.
43. En als hij hem strengelijk verboden had, deed hij hem terstond van zich
gaan;
44. En zeide tot hem: zie, dat gij niemand iets zegt; maar ga heen en
vertoon u zelven den Priester, en offer voor uwe reiniging, hetgeen Mozes
geboden heeft, hun tot eene getuigenis.
45. Maar hij vitgegaan zijnde, begon vele dingen te verkondigen, en dat
woord te verbreiden, alzoo dat hij niet meer openbaar in de stad kon komen,
maar was buiten in de woeste plaatsen; en zij kwamen tot hem van alle
kanten.
X.
OLD NORSE.
2.
3.
Sá var blóðugr,
um brjóst framan,
ok galdrs föður
gól um lengi.
Framm reið Óðinn,
foldvegr dundi,
hann kom at háfu
Heljar ranni.
4.
Þá reið Óðinn
fyr austan dyrr,
þar er hann vissi
völu leiði.
Nam hann vittugri
valgaldr kveða,
unz nauðig reis,
nás orð um kvað:
{603}
5.
6.
"Vegtamr ek heiti,
sonr em ek Valtams,
segðu mér or helju,
ek mun or heimi:
hveim eru bekkir
baugum sánir,
flet fagrlig
flóð gulli?
7.
8.
"Þegiattu völva!
þik vil ek fregna,
unz alkunna,
vil ek enn vita:
hverr mun Baldri
at bana verða,
ok Oðins son
aldri ræna?
9.
10.
"Þegiattu völva!
þik vil ek fregna,
unz alkunna,
vil ek enn vita:
hverr mun heipt Heði
hefnt of vinna
eða Baldrs bana
á bál vega?
11.
"Rindr berr
i vostrsölum,
sá mun Oðins sonr
einnættr vega;
bond um þvær
né höfuð kembir
áðr a bál um berr
Baldrs andskota;
nauðug sagðak,
nú mun ek þegja.
12.
"Þegiattu völva!
þik vil ek fregna,
unz alkunna,
vil ek enn vita:
hverjar 'ro þær meyjar,
er at muni gráta
ok á himin verpa
hálsa skautum?
{604}
13.
"Ertattu Vegtamr,
sem ek hugða,
heldr ertu Óðinn,
aldinn gautr."
"Ertattu völva
né vis kona,
heldr ertu þriggja
þursa móðir.
14.
XI.
ICELANDIC.
Y'NGLINGA SAGA.
KAP. I.
KAP. II.
XII.
_Bardagi í Storð_.
Hákon konúngr hafði þá fylkt liði síno, ok segja menn at hann steypti af
sèr brynjunni áðr orrostan tækist; Hákon konúngr valdi mjök menn með sèr í
hirð at afli ok hreysti, svâ sem gert hafði Haraldr konúngr faðir hans; þar
var þá með konúngi Þorálfr hinn sterki Skólmsson, ok gekk á aðra hlið
konúngi; hann hafði hjálm ok skjöld, kesju ok sverð þat er kallat var
Fetbreiðr; þat var mælt at þeir Hákon konúngr væri jafnsterkir; þessa getr
Þórðr Sjáreksson í drápu þeirri er hann orti um Þórálf:
{606} En er fylkíngar gengu saman, var fyrst skotit spjótum, þvínæst brugðu
menn sverðum; Gerðist þá orostan óð ok mannskjæd; Hákon konúngr ok Þórálfr
gengu þá fram um merkin ok hjöggu til beggja handa; Hákon konúngr var
auðkendr, meiri enn aðrir menn, lýsti ok mjök af hjálmi hans er sólin shein
á; þá varð vopnaburðr mikill at konúngi; tók þá Eyvindr Finnsson hatt einn,
ok setti yfir hjálm konúngsins; þá kallaði hátt Eyvindr Skreyja: leynist
hann nú Norðmanna konúngr, eðr hefir hann flýit, þvíat horfinn er nú
gullhjálmrinn? Eyvindr ok Álfr bróðir hans gengu þá hart fram svâ sem óðir
ok galnir væri, hjöggu til beggja handa; þa mælti Hákon konúngr hátt til
Eyvindar: haltu svâ fram stefnunni ef þú vill finna hann Norðmanna konúng,
Var þá skampt at bíða at Eyvindr kom þar, reiddi upp sverþit ok hjó til
konúngs; Þórálfr skaut við honum Eyvindi skildinum, svâ at hann stakaði
við; konúngr tók þá tveim höndum sverþit Kvernbít, ok hjó til Eyvindar,
klauf hjálminn ok höfuðit alt í herþar niðr; í því bili drap Þórálfr Álf
Askmann. Svâ segir Eyvindr Skáldaspillir:
Eptir fall þeirra bræðra gekk Hákon konúngr svâ hart fram at alt hravkk fur
honum; sló þá felmt ok flótta á lið Eiríks sona, en Hákon konúngr var í
öndverðri sinni fylkíng, ok fylgði fast flóttamönnum, ok hjó tídt ok hart;
þá fló ör ein, er Fleinn er kallaðr, ok kom í hönd Hákoni konúngi uppi í
músina firir neþan öxl, ok er þat margra manna sögn at skósveinn
Gunnhildar, sá er Kispíngr er nefndr, ljóp fram í þysinn ok kallaði: gefi
rúm konúngs bananum, ok skaut þá fleinnum til konúngs; en sumir segja at
engi vissi hverr skaut; má þat ok vel vera, firir því at örvar ok spjót ok
önnur skotvâpn flugu svâ þykkt sem drífa; fjöldi manns fèll þar af Eiríks
sonum, en honúngarnir allir komust á skipin, ok rèro þegar undan, en
Hákonar menn eptir þeim; svâ segir Þórðr Sjáreksson: {607}
XIII.
MODERN SWEDISH.
FRITHIOFS SAGA.
XI.
1.
2.
3.
{608}
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
{609}
12.
13.
14.
15.
THE END.
LONDON:
Printed by SAMUEL BENTLEY & CO.,
Bangor House, Shoe Lane.
* * * * *
NOTES
[5] Probably, for reasons, too long to enter upon, those of Grutungs and
Tervings; this latter pointing to Thuringia, the present provincial dialect
of which tract was stated, even by Michaelis, to be more like the
Moeso-Gothic than any other dialect of Germany.
[7] The meaning of these terms is explained in § 90-92. The order of the
cases and genders is from Rask. It is certainly more natural than the usual
one.
[10] The syllables _vulg-_, and _Belg-_, are quite as much alike as
_Teuton-_, and _Deut-sch_; yet how unreasonable it would be for an
Englishman to argue that he was a descendant of the _Belgæ_ because he
spoke the _Vulgar_ Tongue. _Mutatis mutandis_, however, this is the exact
argument of nine out of ten of the German writers.
[12] And on the west of the Old Saxons is the mouth of the river Elbe and
Friesland; and then north-west is the land which is called _Angle_ and
Sealand, and some part of the Danes.
[13] He sailed to the harbour which is called Hæðum, which stands betwixt
the Wends (_i.e._ the Wagrian Slaves, for which see § 42) and Saxons, and
_Angle_, and belongs to Denmark ... and two days before he came to Hæðum,
there was on his starboard Gothland, and Sealand, and many islands. On that
land lived _Angles_, before they hither to the land came.
[23] This list is taken from Smart's valuable and logical English Grammar.
[28] This class of words was pointed out to me by the very intelligent
Reader of my first edition.
[34] To say, for instance, _Chemist_ for _Chymist_, or _vice versâ_; for I
give no opinion as to the proper mode of spelling.
[44] Or _call-s._
[46] Antiquated.
[47] As the present section is written with the single view of illustrating
the subject, no mention has been made of the forms [Greek: tupô] (_typô_),
and [Greek: etupon] (_etypon_).
[48] Obsolete.
[49] Obsolete.
[50] Obsolete.
[52] Obsolete.
[54] Obsolete.
[60] In the first edition of this work I wrote, "Verbs substantive govern
the nominative case." Upon this Mr. Connon, in his "System of English
Grammar," remarks, "The idea of the _nominative_ being _governed_ is
contrary to all received notions of grammar. I consider that the verb _to
be_, in all its parts, acts merely as a connective, and can have no effect
in governing anything." Of Mr. Connon's two reasons, the second is so
sufficient that it ought to have stood alone. The true view of the
so-called verb substantive is that it is no verb at all, but only the
fraction of one. Hence, what I wrote was inaccurate. As to the question of
the impropriety of considering nominative cases fit subjects for government
it is a matter of definition.
[61] The paper _On certain tenses attributed to the Greek verb_ has already
been quoted. The author, however, of the doctrine on the use of _shall_ and
_will_, is not the author of the doctrine alluded to in the Chapter on the
Tenses. There are, in the same number of the Philological Museum, two
papers under one title: first, the text by a writer who signs himself T. F.
B.; and, next, a comment, by the editor, signed J. C. H. (Julius Charles
Hare). The _usus ethicus_ of the future is due to Archdeacon Hare; the
question being brought in incidentally and by way of illustration.
The subject of the original paper was the nature of the so-called second
aorists, second futures, and preterite middles. These were held to be no
separate tenses, but irregular forms of the same tense. Undoubtedly this
has long been an opinion amongst scholars; and the writer of the comments
is quite right in stating that it is no novelty to the learned world. I
think, however, that in putting this forward as the chief point in the
original paper, he does the author somewhat less than justice. His merit,
in my eyes, seems to consist, not in showing that real forms of the
_aoristus secundus_, _futurum secundum_, and _præteritum medium_ were
either rare or equivocal (this having been done before), but in
illustrating his point from the English language; in showing that between
double forms like [Greek: sunelechthên] and [Greek: sunelegên], and double
forms like _hang_ and _hanged_, there was only a difference in degree (if
there was that), not of kind; and, finally, in enouncing the very
legitimate inference, that either we had two preterites, or that the Greeks
had only one. "Now, if the circumstances of the Greek and English, in
regard to these two tenses, are so precisely parallel, a simple and obvious
inquiry arises, Which are in the right, the Greek grammarians or our own?
For either ours must be wrong in not having fitted up for our verb the
framework of a first and second preterite, teaching the pupil to say, 1st
pret. _I finded_, 2d pret. _I found_; 1st pret. _I glided_, 2d pret. _I
glode_: or the others must be so in teaching the learner to imagine two
aorists for [Greek: heuriskô], as, aor. 1, [Greek: heurêsa], aor. 2,
[Greek: heuron]; or for [Greek: akouô], aor. 1, [Greek: êkousa], aor. 2,
[Greek: êkoon]."--p. 198.
The inference is, that of the two languages it is the English that is in
the right. Now the following remarks, in the comment, upon this inference
are a step in the wrong direction:--"The comparison, I grant, is perfectly
just; but is it a just inference from that comparison, that we ought to
alter the system of our Greek grammars, which has been drawn up at the cost
of so much learning and thought, for the sake of adapting it to the system,
if system it can be called, of our own grammars, which are seldom
remarkable for anything else than their slovenliness, their ignorance, and
their presumption? Is the higher to be brought down to the level of the
baser? is Apollo to be drest out in a coat and waistcoat? Rather might it
be deemed advisable to remodel the system of our own grammars."
1. That the _true_ second future in Greek (_i.e._, the future of verbs with
a liquid as a characteristic) is a variety of the _present_, formed by
accentuating the last syllable; just as _I beát you_=_I will beat you_.
2. That this accent effects a change on the quantity and nature of the
vowel of the penultimate.
[63] Notwithstanding the extent to which a relative may take the appearance
of conjunction, there is always one unequivocal method of deciding its true
nature. The relative is always a _part_ of the second proposition. A
conjunction is _no part_ of either.
Eur. _Hec._
[65] It is almost unnecessary to state that the sentence quoted in the text
is really a beautiful couplet of Withers's poetry _transposed_. It was
advisable to do this, for the sake of guarding against the effect of the
rhyme. To have written,
would have made the grammar seem worse than it really was, by disappointing
the reader of a rhyme. On the other hand, to have written,
would have made the grammar seem better than it really was, by supplying
one.
[66] In the first edition of the present work I inaccurately stated that
_neither_ should take a plural and _either_ a singular verb; adding that
"in predicating something concerning _neither you nor I_, a negative
assertion is made concerning _both_. In predicating something concerning
_either you or I_, a positive assertion is made concerning _one of two_."
This Mr. Connon (p. 129) has truly stated to be at variance with the
principles laid down by me elsewhere.
[69] To the definition in the text, words like _old_ and _bold_ form no
exception. At the first view it may be objected that in words like _old_
there is no part preceding the vowel. Compared, however, with _bold_, the
negation of that part constitutes a difference. The same applies to words
like _go_ and _lo_, where the negation of a part following the vowel is a
point of identity. Furthermore, I may observe, that the word _part_ is used
in the singular number. The assertion is not that every individual sound
preceding the vowel must be different, but that the aggregate of them must
be so. Hence, _pray_ and _bray_ (where the _r_ is common to both forms)
form as true a rhyme as _bray_ and _play_, where all the sounds preceding
_a_, differ.
[70] For _prosópa_. The Greek has been transliterated into English for the
sake of showing the effect of the accents more conveniently.
[71] For the sake of showing the extent to which the _accentual element_
must be recognised in the classical metres, I reprint the following paper
On the Doctrine of the Cæsura in the Greek senarius, from the Transactions
of the Philological Society, June 23, 1843:--
"In respect to the cæsura of the Greek tragic senarius, the rules, as laid
down by Porson in the Supplement to his Preface to the Hecuba, and as
recognized, more or less, by the English school of critics, seem capable of
a more general expression, and, at the same time, liable to certain
limitations in regard to fact. This becomes apparent when we investigate
the principle that serves as the foundation to these rules; in other words,
when we exhibit the _rationale_, or doctrine, of the cæsura in question. At
this we can arrive by taking cognizance of a second element of metre beyond
that of quantity.
"It is assumed that the element in metre which goes, in works of different
writers, under the name of ictus metricus, or of arsis, is the same as
accent, _in the sense of that word in English_. It is this that constitutes
the difference between words like _týrant_ and _resúme_, or _súrvey_ and
_survéy_; or (to take more convenient examples) between the word _Aúgust_,
used as the name of a month, and _augúst_, used as an adjective. Without
inquiring how far this coincides with the accent and accentuation of the
classical grammarians, it may be stated that, in the forthcoming pages,
arsis, ictus metricus, and accent (_in the English sense of the word_),
mean one and the same thing. With this view of the arsis, or ictus, we may
ask how far, in each particular foot of the senarius, it coincides with the
quantity.
or,
The proof of the coincidence between the arsis and the quantity in the
third foot is derived partly from _a posteriori_, partly from _a priori_
evidence.
1. In the Supplices of Æschylus, the Persæ, and the Bacchæ, three dramas
where licences in regard to metre are pre-eminently common, the number of
lines wherein the sixth syllable (_i. e._, the last half of the third foot)
is without an arsis, is at the highest sixteen, at the lowest five; whilst
in the remainder of the extant dramas the proportion is undoubtedly
smaller.
2. In all lines where the sixth syllable is destitute of ictus, the iambic
character is violated: as
The circumstance, however, of the last half of the third foot requiring an
arsis, brings us only half way towards the doctrine of the cæsura. With
this must be combined a second fact, arising out of the constitution of the
Greek language in respect to its accent. In accordance with the views just
exhibited, the author conceives that no Greek word has an arsis upon the
last syllable, except in the three following cases:--
Now the fact of a syllable with an arsis being, in Greek, rarely final,
taken along with that of the sixth syllable requiring, in the senarius, an
arsis, gives as a matter of necessity, the circumstance that, in the Greek
drama, the sixth syllable shall occur anywhere rather than at the end of a
word; and this is only another way of saying, that, in a tragic senarius,
the syllable in question shall generally be followed by other syllables in
the same word. All this the author considers as so truly a matter of
necessity, that the objection to his view of the Greek cæsura must lie
either against his idea of the nature of the accents, or nowhere; since,
that being admitted, the rest follows of course.
As the sixth syllable must not be final, it must be followed in the same
word by one syllable, or by more than one.
2. _The sixth syllables followed by two_ (_or more_) _syllables in the same
word_. This is only another name for the eighth (or some syllable after the
eighth) syllable occurring at the end of a word; as
No remark has been made by critics upon lines constructed in this manner,
since the cæsura is a penthimimer, and consequently their rules are
undisturbed.
4. _The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by three or more than
three syllables._--This is equivalent to the fourth (or some syllable
preceding the fourth) syllable occurring at the end of the word preceding;
a state of things which would include the third and fourth feet in one and
the same word. This concurrence is denounced in the Supplement to the
Preface to the Hecuba; where, however, the rule, as in the case of the
quasi-cæsura, from being based upon merely empirical evidence, requires
limitation. In lines like
2. It was the character of the Greek language to admit an arsis on the last
syllable of a word only under circumstances comparatively rare.
3. These two facts, taken together, caused the sixth syllable of a line to
be anywhere rather than at the end of a word.
8. Respecting the non-occurrence of the third and fourth feet in the same
word, the assertion may be withdrawn entirely.
[72] _Sceolon_, _aron_, and a few similar words, are no real exceptions,
being in structure not present tenses but preterites.
[79] But not of _Great Britain_. The Lowland Scotch is, probably, more
Danish than any South-British dialect.
[83] For some few details see Phil. Trans., No. 36.
* * * * *
Page 150. § 212. Table, first row, Lene Flat: "b": 'v' in original (compare
§ 203).
Page 158. § 227. "the þ is a (so-called) aspirate": 'the f' in original.
Page 194. § 255. "the statement ... that ... the c is mute": 'the k' in
original.
Page 300. § 355. "I ate ... we ate": 'ete' for 'ate' (twice) in original.
Page 301. Ibid. "swungon, we swung": 'swangon' in original (does not fit
criterion for this table).
Page 323. § 382. "accounting for the -s in must": 'in most' in original.
Page 324. § 382. "wit, wot, wiss, wist": 'wit, wot, wiss, wsst' in
original.
Page 356. § 411. "the word rose prefixed": 'the word tree prefixed' in
original (the same as the contrary case).
Page 398. § 479. "the words Roman emperor might be wholly ejected": 'the
word' in original.
Page 411. § 507. "in the indicative and subjunctive moods": 'is the' in
original.
Page 434. § 545. "the analogy between the words there and it": 'these and
it' in original.
Page 490. § 617. "4. Let tupsaimi be considered an aorist subjunctive": 'on
aorist' in original.
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