Koha Digest # 63

EDITORIAL

GASPING ON THE NECK

by VETON SURROI

At one o'clock after midnight, two uniformed policemen enter a cafe in Belgrade, they ask for
identity cards and they take away a man, on whose ID card it says that he was born in Mostar.
In two dramatic hours he has between departing from the police station to the bus station, he
has explain that he doesn't want to go.

Hundreds of people have suffered the same fate in the two or three past weeks. Uniformed
policemen, formally authorized by rebel Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina,
circulate down the towns of Serbia asking for war refugees to take them back to war. The
gasping of the uniformed on the neck of the refugees has no end and no selection: quiet cafes
are targeted as much as the streets of the villages in Vojvodina, full of police checkpoints,
same as in Kosova. The majority of the stopped, boys and men born in Croatia and Bosnia
have no chance to evade the summons written with blood: some of them use the familial and
friendly connections to evade the discrete but strong clasp of the military police.

"It is your obligation towards your fatherland", say the military policemen. Some of the locals
in Serbia think the same way: "Why should boys from Serbia go there and fight for the Serbs
of Croatia and Bosnia. Let them fight themselves".

There is logic in both thoughts. The war of the Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia has created
administrative regions of blood and nation which can't be concealed any longer, and the same
reason of blood and nation makes an automatic call to have these territories defended. And as
the locals in Serbia say, to be defended by those who were born there, so they can live there
one day. Or, the same, so they can die in the way between the phase of birth and living in the
future.

But, as any thought of the kind, the neck of the one against whom the gasping takes place
misses, of the one who has fled war for one reason or another and who doesn't want to go
back to the state of war. He is not asked, maybe just to prove the old truth (this time by
Milosevic's regime and tomorrow probably by another regime in history) that war is not a
choice of the individuals participating in it.

But, even more surprising, astonishing up to an epic song, will the meeting with an old friend
of mine from Sarajevo, a famous intellectual, remain in my memory. In a basement restaurant
in Budapest, he explained how will he go back to Sarajevo: first he'll go to Mostar, then by
car, going through a series of police checkpoints up to Mount Igman, later he will have a two

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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hours' walk on the goat-paths on the Igman opened by wood-stealers during the Socialist
period and finally walk through the famous tunnel between the airport and the town of
Sarajevo, which in fact is only a bit larger sewage tube in which even the dwarfs feel big. All
of these to go back to a town which since three years knows of no other life but war. While he
was explaining, he anticipated the question ("Why go back?") and before I even asked, he
replied to me with an intonation of personal spite and contribution in that direction:

"Because this war has to end".

At the checkpoint in Mali Idjos in Vojvodina, while the policemen were checking the ID
cards of all passengers coming from and going to Hungary, there was no way to evade
thinking that this war still goes on. Who knows for how long.

BITING RAW MEAT

What is happening now, unintentionally takes me back to the

atmosphere I lived four years ago while I was in America. It
reminds me of the hard American sleepless nights , waiting the
phone to ring and hear the voice of one of the few friends I
still had, to read me what the newspapers were writing against
me. From the other side of the Atlantic, from my fatherland, I
heard the accusations coming against me that I had grabbed so
many millions of DEM belonging to the TV, and that I had ran
away. This was being said against me in times when the occupying
Serbian regime, after the financial check ups at the radio and
TV, aiming at accusing me for economic delict, hadn't found the
smallest reason to oust me from Kosova, had indicted me for
political activities against the state; this was said to me in
times when with three small children, I was counting days to go
back home, living in a cheap neighborhood I shared with Blacks
and Mexicans, and helped by the others; these things were said
to me in times when I had no idea what was going on with the
money of the Radio-Television and when I was asking the
responsible persons about it, while they would reply to me that
they couldn't tell me on the phone because the police would find
out; I was told this in times when all borders of the Former
Yugoslavia had a warrant for my arrest and I couldn't go back to
Kosova, while the Albanians were doing all they could not to
allow me even stay abroad. But this was done by bad Albanians,
because Albanians are good, better than the others who wouldn't
hesitate to declare me robber of the people's money.

The same thing seems to be repeated nowadays. Instead of

receiving after-midnight phone calls, now I have "Rilindja" from
Zofingen which is loyally transmitting the insinuations of some
journalists of "Zëri" in Prishtina and some others from the
magazines.

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And it is good that this is happening: the hand that feeds,
should be bitten. Zëri's Editorial Board has received an
important amount of money in the past 15 months of my mediation,
and this money is enough to make it self-sufficient for two
years!

What did really happen? I spent two years isolated in

Switzerland, in a small village where only three buses a day
pass. And one day, surprisingly, Adem Demaçi comes to see me and
takes me back among the Albanians. A publishing house with 14
share-holders is established to publish Zëri and Albanian
magazines from Kosova. It soon becomes evident that the
investment must be larger and that another enterprise is formed
by Albanian businessmen, intrigued by the project. Seeing that
it is impossible to sustain both Zëri and the other magazines,
the first one becomes "Zëri Pres AG" in Zurich. I become
counsellor of the enterprise and mediator between the colleagues
in Zëri's Editorial Board in Prishtina and the businessmen who
had invested money. However, in the first months of the first
year, Zëri accounts only losses. To affirm a magazine abroad, one
should be technically well prepared, one must know well the
printing business and the market. Until these preconditions are
created, the publication of this magazine causes loses worth 20
thousand Francs a month. Nevertheless, money is sent to the
Editorial Board in Prishtina. The first year, a considerable
amount of money, and in the first months of this year, too.
Because of these circumstances, expenses in Zurich should be cut.
Volunteers, including me, were found to make Zëri come out. There
were about 16 people engaged around Zëri, in journalistic and non
professional tasks. And finally, Zëri managed to increase the
number of subscribers, and sell more copies, however left behind
a loss worth 200 thousand Swiss Francs to the share-holders. And
when it was about to pay back these loses successively, Bardh
Hamzaj and Blerim Shala appear on the scene, unannounced, signing
a contract of publication and distribution with "Rilindja". This
happens precisely in times when the Editorial Board has received
the money to start a daily newspaper and continue the weekly. It
becomes clear that "Rilindja" is only a mediator between Zëri and
a third person in Switzerland, who really has money, but is
compromised in the eyes of the Albanians. The Editorial Board in
Prishtina is offered an agreement on separation, which is not
accepted after all.

The epilogue of this story are the different publications and

offenses, raw meet biting on the left and right - "Agim Mala is
a robber...". And there is a list of names of people waiting for
their money. Agim Mala lives thanks to the assistance given by
the Swiss state and his income is controlled. Agim Mala has
financial problems, and this is known by hundreds of Albanian who
have contacted him in the past two years. Agim Mala's father got

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paralysed several months ago, and his treatment in Kosova costs,
which forces Mala's brother to sell his only property, 60 ares
of land in Gllogjan. Agim Mala's only property in Kosova are two
meters of land, if the occupier allows him to use it, and has a
lot of debts in Switzerland. Tell me, what should Agim Mala do
to be trusted? Hang himself? In Switzerland, this is a problem,
because all trees are straight high and it is hard to find a tree
for hanging.

PLUNDERING OF "ZËRI" ENTERPRISE

The Editorial Board of the Albanian weekly "Zëri" informs the

state institutions of Kosova and the Albanian public opinion that
"Zëri's" international issue has been blocked in the past two
weeks by the Western publisher "Zëri Press AG", i.e. Xhevdet
Mazreku, owner of this enterprise and travel agency ALBTRAVEL
seated in Zurich, Agim Mala, former director of TV Prishtina and
Ruzhdi Demiri, former Editor in Chief of Bujku.

Mazreku, a businessman, Mala, a "political refugee" in

Switzerland and Demiri an "asylum seeker in Switzerland", with
unscrupulous, quasi-juridical manipulations managed to stop the
publication of our magazine in the West. Even though "Zëri's"
Editorial Board informed the enterprise abroad that as of June
1 all cooperation would stop because of the totally deformed
relations, and that a new agreement with the new publisher
("Rilindja") would enter in force as of June 10, Mala and
Mazreku, without any authorization, published Zëri's last issue,
abusing flagrantly of the fifty years' old firm and the articles
of our journalists and collaborators. The last issue published
by Mala and Mazreku, whose representative in Prishtina is Ali
Hajdini, former Director of Zëri, is nothing but a forgery and
an attempt of two "refugees" and a businessman to plunder "Zëri",
with a fifty years long experience, as an important informing
institution in Kosova.

As of June 1, 1995, "Zëri" tried and offered different varieties

and modalities for separation, which were replied to by Mala,
Demiri (now Editor in Chief of the announced "refugee" daily Bota
Sot - The World Today, seated in Zurich) and Mazreku with
constant blackmailing aiming at only one thing: to keep on
plundering Zëri in the West, which was done also in public with
the scandalous abuse of Zëri's name when they published last
week's issue without the consent of the Editorial Board in
Prishtina.

In the meantime, Mazreku, Mala and Demiri have blocked the

distribution of Zëri to be done by the new distributor in the

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West ("Rilindja"), thanks to a written order arranged by their
"attorneys".

Not wanting to scandalize the problem in public and trying to

save the fifty years old enterprise Zëri from the plunderers, the
editorial Board in Prishtina did all it could to achieve an
agreement of separation. This was impossible to do, because the
plunderers, a businessman, the former director of TV Prishtina
and the former Editor in Chief of Bujku, after achieving
"miracles" in the two largest medias in Kosova, by all means
wanted to do the same thing with Zëri. This has only completed
the crime which has got its final form. Realistically, this was
the only possible result which had been announced by these people
with their attitude so far, brutally intervening in Zëri's
concept, in the international issue, when they included rubrics,
censured contents, removed whole pages and interviews... all of
these without any agreement with the Editorial Board in
Prishtina, which according to the contract was responsible and
sovereign in setting the concept of "Zëri" for Europe. We are
conscious that this has damaged the image of Zëri.

Plundering perpetrated by Mala, Mazreku and Demiri, apart from

damaging the people actually working in Zëri, is really robbing
the goods possessed by Kosova alone and which can't be taken by
anyone. And especially not two "refugees" whom Kosova knows very
well...

In order to evade this unprecedented robbery, Zëri's editorial

Board in Prishtina was forced to publish the international issue
under the name of "Zëri i Evropës" (Europe's Voice - or European
Zëri) which in fact is the same Zëri which is published in
Prishtina and whose distribution will be made from now on by
"Rilindja". The other Zëri has nothing to do with the Editorial
Board in Prishtina and is nothing else but a publication of
"refugees" such as Mala and Demiri.

Having in mind that the robbers will try to justify the robbery
of Prishtina's Zëri in Zurich, we call upon the state
institutions of Kosova and the Albanian public to defend the
fifty years old tradition of the name and the institution of
Zëri.

The Editorial Board.

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KOSOVA - USA

KOSOVA IS NOT FORGOTTEN

by LINDITA IMAMI / Washington

The President of the Republic of Kosova, dr. Ibrahim Rugova, met

with the American Secretary of State, Warren Christopher last
Wednesday. In a press conference, dr. Rugova evaluated the
meeting as very important and friendly. "The United States have
great understanding for the question of Kosova" said Rugova to
the journalists gathered in front of the US State Department.
"America will continue supporting the issue of Kosova and will
continue following the situation in Kosova". Stressing that he
was very satisfied with the meeting, Rugova said that Christopher
told him that Kosova was not forgotten and that he repeated the
warning proclaimed by Presidents Bush and Clinton, that the US
will not allow a conflict in Kosova. The meeting, organized with
the invitation of the State department, was also attended by
Richard Holbrooke, deputy Secretary of State for Europe and John
Burley, Officer in Charge of the State Department for Southern
and Central Europe.

So far, different American administrations have expressed their

posture that autonomy should be reinstalled in Kosova and that
any form of repression should be eliminated. President Clinton's
administration has recently declared that it is ready to react
against the Serbs in case of an eventual conflict in Kosova.

On Friday, Rugova also met the founders of the American Congress

Group for the Albanian Question, congressmen Eliot Engel and
Susan Molinari, as well as other legislators who have visited
Kosova or are concerned with the situation of human rights there.
Congressmen Peter King, John Olver, David Bonior, Nita Lowey and
Jim Moran were also invited to the official lunch at the Capitol
Hill. The American legislators informed Rugova that they are
doing all they can to gain as many supporters for the bill called
Act for Peace, Democracy and Human Rights in Kosova. They also
informed Rugova that they had requested from the American
administration to condition the lifting of international
sanctions against Serbia with the solution of the problem of
Kosova, the return of the OSCE observers and start and American
presence in Kosova, maybe in the form of an USIA office or a
diplomatic representative office.

The congressmen evaluated the official invitation to President

Rugova as a way to express the interest of the American
administration about the tense situation in Kosova, as well as
to express the concern for the eventual expansion of the conflict
to Kosova.

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Rugova's visit to Washington takes place in times when Western
countries, including the USA, have intensified the efforts to
find a solution for the Bosnian crisis and prevent the expansion
of war in the region. The US have stressed several times, that
if the conflict is expanded to Kosova, the vital interests of the
US would be affected.

RUGOVA

MEETINGS, INTERVIEWS...

On Thursday, President Rugova also met with the Deputy Secretary

of State for Questions of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, John
Shattuck. This meeting was concentrated on the situation in
Kosova, the economic and humanitarian situation. "Shattuck
promised that the economic, diplomatic and political assistance
for Kosova will continue, as well as the support for the solution
of Kosova's problem", Rugova told the journalists.

Shattuck expressed his respect for the wisdom that Albanian

people have showed in times of high tensions and reiterated the
warning of both administrations that the US will not allow the
conflict in Kosova.

Shattuck informed Rugova about the US support to t he

International War Tribunal in The Hague and that this Court will
also include in its jurisdiction the crimes committed in Kosova.
Rugova informed Shattuck that Kosova has presented the dossier
on the crimes committed and described the actual repressive
situation in Kosova.

The importance of the presence of international non-governmental

organizations in Kosova was also stressed during the
conversation. After he asked about the situation of the media in
Kosova, Shattuck spoke about the importance of Voice of America,
as a means to keep the communication between the US and Kosova
going. Durinmg the conversation, Rugova reiterated the option of
an independent and neutral Kosova, and a civilian trusteeship as
a step towards the normalization of life in kosova. Rugova
evaluated this meeting as a important and of great understanding.
Rugova also met with Warren Zimmerman, who is known in
Washington's political circles as a harsh critic of the Serbian
policy. President Rugova was interviewed by many American
newspapers and magazines, as well as CNN.

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INTERVIEW

BRANKO HORVAT, Chairman of the Social-Democratic Union of Croatia

IN FAVOR OF AN ADVANCED BALKANS FEDERATION

Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Paris

KOHA: About Kosova, seven years after the "Issue of Kosova"...

HORVAT: I believe that you Albanians have no idea about

marketing. You didn't translate the book in English and thus, the
interested world remained without any information on Kosova,
which anyways was not known as a problem. "The Issue of Kosova"
was read only in Yugoslavia. Nowhere else...

KOHA: Today, you are defined as a "Yugo-nostalgic" and initiator

or economic integrations in the former Yugoslav space...

HORVAT: In regard to the term... When someone calls me thus in

Croatia I call him back "Ustasha-nostalgic", on the other hand,
if I am called thus in Serbia, I call them "Chetnik-
nostalgic"..This is where I see an interesting direct parallelism
between the leading bands of Milosevic in Serbia and Tudjman and
his nationalists is Croatia. I do not understand this national
exclusiveness as opposed to the need to live in huge problems.
In regard to the new integrations. I don't think we can speak of
any new economic development or a normal life in the regions of
the former Yugoslavia as long as there is war. But then, when it
ends, the dilemma will remain: if Milosevic and Tudjman keep
holding the power in Serbia and Croatia, I don't believe that
there will be any movement from the full social stagnation;
people will continue emigrating around the world, the science
will stagnate... If only there we some changes, first of all
political - I tend to believe that there can be some economic
prospects in the sense of the social wellbeing and Balkans
integration, which, indisputably would lead towards a real
development, towards the increase of new jobs, i.e. the decrease
of the level of unemployment. All of what Yugoslavia achieved
after WWII.

KOHA: Do you believe that the period after WWII was successful,
at leat in the economic aspect?

HORVAT: Yes. Some time ago I made a comparative analysis: I

compared the first five years of post-war Tito leadership (1950)
and five years under Tudjman's rule - the level of economic
development in Croatia in times of the partisans and the modern
nationalists.In the case of the second, the level of production
has decreased some 60%, while thew partisans had increased the

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index of production for 120%.

KOHA: Let's go back to your parallelism of totalitarian regimes.

What is the current situation in Croatia and Serbia like?

HORVAT: I have to say one thing: people in Croatia live a better

life than the ones in Serbia. This is clear, and there can hardly
be any equality sign. Citizens of Croatia can travel all around
the world, they can come here to France whenever they wish, there
are visas required for Croats, there are no restrictions, there
is no embargo...In this aspect, life in Croatia is much better
than in Serbia. However, this doesn't change in any way the
political (and economic) viewpoints of the regime in Zagreb which
can't be called democratic. It is a regime which has,
nevertheless, its support on weapons and war, therefore it has
nothing to with democratic regimes of Europe.

KOHA: The economic trends in Croatia today?

HORVAT: Really catastrophic. You can imagine that we are living

on the level Croatia had 15 years ago.

KOHA:In your statement you make a clear distinction between

societal property, de-etatization...

HORVAT: This is the only thing that makes sense in the

contemporary economic reorganization. First economy should detach
from state administration, so the market can function. In this
aspect, we face a serious problem with state ownership and the
etatization of whatever used to be societal property, which I
believe was the most developed form of property in this century.
According to me, the societal property has nothing to do with
thew concept of statal property, i.e., of state administration
of economy. Two years ago, we sued the state before the
Constitutional Court of Croatia, for plundering the property that
belonged to all, and for treating it as it's own. In the
accusation, we qualified such acts as "state plundering", because
the taking someone's property by force is plundering, don't you
thing so?

KOHA: Wasn't precisely the definition of societal property the

foundation of the economic destruction of the Former Yugoslavia?

HORVAT: I don't know what "experts" think thus!... The truth is

that there are many opinions of the kind in the whole Former
Yugoslavia. Even in the IMF and WB... however I have still not
met a serious person who would claim this, really. I believe that
this is nothing else but an ideological pamphlet which is not
grounded on any analysis. For example: the American company
General Motors, the largest producer of cars in the US has as

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many share-holders as Serbia has inhabitants! The question arises
then: who is a private owner here? I want to say that in societal
property, citizens are private owners. This is why I insist that
we must elaborate a serious economic theory according to which
in Socialism, which is grounded on social solidarity and
equality, there should be no societal polarities according to
which, grounded on the profit, small group of people come to the
surface as the societal; elite, while the others are presented
as the working force. I believe that in the efficacious economic
system, the over-all capital should belong to the society and
should be used on its behalf. In such a system, the amount of
profit should be bigger only for the amount needed for
investments; the increase of production, creating new jobs, etc.
Theoretically, everyone should be employed in Socialism...

KOHA: Are you a socialist?

HORVAT: Since the age of 16. This is why I joined the partisans.
If it weren't for my convictions, I would have never followed
them. Then, I was supposed to study in Switzerland, therefore I
don't believe that someone forced me to join them...

KOHA: Today you are chairman of a political party, the Social-

Democratic Union (SDU)...

HORVAT: Yes. We even have one MP in the Croatian Parliament. The

government doesn't like us much, but I believe we are an
efficacious mechanism for social criticism.

KOHA: Are you informed about the process of privatization in

Albania?

HORVAT: Not at all. I wanted to visit Albania...

KOHA: And what about Kosova? the processes of privatization and

transition there seem to be nothing else but the re-etatization
of the plundered property belonging to Albanians? What model of
privatization/transformation would you opt for in Kosova?

HORVAT: Not only in Kosova, but all former Yugoslav republics

could have only one model: first, free initiative. When someone
has money and ideas, he/she has the right to do whatever pleases
him/her. Second, enterprises with societal capital should remain
the same - until the competition in the market doesn't exclude
them. However, this shouldn't decided by the President f the
government or the director, but the market. Third, all process
should develop within a real rule of law if something functional
is aimed at in the economic aspect. I believe these would be the
basic preconditions, without involving any politics.

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KOHA: Kosova proclaimed its independence, peaceful policy,
political pluralism... It is living in a state of emergency and
under constant repression. Where do you find Kosova in your
"integrating" theory?

HORVAT: I don't believe that Kosova's fate depends only on

Kosova, i.e.Kosova Albanians, despite the proclamation of their
independence. I believe that in general, this depends on the
environment that surrounds Kosova and the position and events in
regard to it. While Former Yugoslavia existed, I believed that
the best solution for Kosova was to remain within it. Today,
Yugoslavia doesn't exist any more. But let's go back to the
context of its status. In 1945, its Parliament decided to remain
part of Serbia. Without discussing whether this was the will of
the people or blackmailing by the Serbian leadership, it can be
justly said that if in 1945 it decided to become part of Serbia,
in 1995 it has the full right to secede. There can't be any
dilemmas. This is what makes the fundament of freedom and self-
determination. I believed that Kosova should remain part of
Yugoslavia, because it was a more developed state. But, the
destruction of Yugoslavia created a new situation. Kosova is not
a part of Yugoslavia any more, but a part of Serbia. I believe
Kosova should exist as a separate unit. This is my "integrating
" idea which is grounded on the fact that the whole of the
Balkans should be organized as an integrated economic unit. In
that case, both Kosova and Albania should be equal units within
a united formation, similar to the EU today?

KOHA: Wasn't this an original idea of Esat Pashë Toptani at the

beginning of the century?

HORVAT: Yes, but he was to closely inked with Serbia and Pasic.

KOHA: The theory on the Balkans federation is ancient...

HORVAT: Yes, but we must find a more developed form of this

federation. I believe that Balkans socialists tried do to
something of the kind in their conference in 1910.

KOHA: Do you believe that this is the formula of the future of

the Balkans?

HORVAT: Yes, with no doubt.

KOHA: The relativization of borders, economic integration, state

decentralization...

HORVAT: ...No borders! As in the former Yugoslavia. Integration

is the best guarantee that there will be social equality,
national and cultural freedom. I believe that the differences in

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the economic and social development are the reasons why the
former Socialist states can't integrate in the EU. This also
counts for Kosova. However, on the other hand,all of these would
function much better within a possible union between Eastern
European countries and the Balkans, because a balance between the
standards and the level of development can be found.

KOHA: Let's go back to the obstacles transition faces.

HORVAT: In the professional aspect, I don't believe that

application of economic transition represents any problem.
Political will is the only problem. This is something totally
different. Without finding a way out from the dead end of the
nationalist policy, it is hard to achieve anything.

KOHA: You remain faithful to socialist self-management?

HORVAT: Yes. I believe that self-management proved to be

successful from 1952 to 1970. I believe that these years
evidenced the period of the explosive growth and level of
development.

KOHA: But what about state bureaucracy and negligence which

emerged from the lack of definition of responsibility on the
property and the work which finally destroyed the "socialist
self-management"?

HORVAT: It was not created by self-management, but the political

system of the Former Yugoslavia, which was non-democratic, had
only one political party and lost its way in the bureaucratic
corridors. These are the first years of the '70s when the created
micro-bourgeois cast takes over power after Tito's death. That
is when not only the self-management but also the state started
being destroyed.

KOHA:Do you believe that the concept of social self-management

doesn't exclude any "political system" and vice versa?

HORVAT: In a pluralist and democratic society, the self-managing

concept is offered as the optimum of the economic and social
development, even though this is not a full guarantee. One must
have educated, professionally prepared people and will to work.
Edvard Kardelj's self-management was something totally different.
He was a "village teacher" a man without any professional
qualification. He had great ideas but he solutions he offered
were catastrophic. They all ended in totalitarianism...

KOHA: How well are you acquainted with "Avramovic's program", his
forced "resignation" and the economic flows in Serbia, where
plundering of Albanians seems to be the only source of existence

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for the regime...

HORVAT: I don't doubt about your ascertainment. However,

Avramovic, even in the sense of healing the economy tried to do
the only thing possible in a state ruled by a regime such as
Milosevic's. And he partially succeeded. The problem is that this
success is brief. Afterwards, everything is destroyed and ends
with a catastrophe. He tried to do something known as monetary
solution of inflation, by keeping the printing mill under
control. There is no doubt that there must be a rigorous control
of the money printed, hover this is not enough. Money still
remains a means of payment. production forces must grow and
develop, and how will that be done, no one cares in Serbia. The
same thing happens in Croatia. i think that Avramovic's reform
will totally fail.

About his resignation... What I was expecting, happened. Serbia

needs money for the police and army. The state gets the money
either from the citizens or from printing money. After the
citizens are totally squeezed - and Avramovic has great merits
in this aspect - now there is no other option but start printing
money and cause an galloping inflation. Anyhow, Avramovic's
departure is the departures of the only serious man and expert
on economy in Serbia. If he is replaced by an illiterate, Serbia
will find itself in a total chaos...

INTERVIEW

LJUPCO GEORGIJEVSKI, Chairman of VMRO-DPMNE

OPEN TALKS ABOUT ALBANIAN REQUESTS

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: What does VMRO-DPMNE actually do?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I can practically say that in Macedonia we have a

one party parliament; we have a totalitarian state; we have a
government which we can claim has totally suppressed the
democratic rights in the Republic of Macedonia. In such a
situation, it is very hard to be opposition; it is very hard to
be opposition in a state that resembles dictatorship. Therefore,
VMRO-DPMNE has no other alternative but dedicate itself to its
own organization; to dedicate to itself, and await for our
chance.

KOHA: Can you be more specific in the accusations against the

government?

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GEORGIJEVSKI: Why do I say totalitarian state? If you look at the
Macedonian parliament, then you will notice that 90% of the
parliamentarians are supporting the government, apart from some
independent MPs, therefore we have a one-party parliament. This
is the first segment. The second segment is, let's put it so,
very interesting: the Republic of Macedonia is one of the few
states in Europe where the judiciary is not separated from the
executive power by law. Five-six years have passed and the
judiciary in Macedonia is still not independent. The third
segment is the local self-administration: we will see that the
second local elections should have been celebrated in October
last. The deadline expired and we still don't know when will they
be celebrated. The Republic of Macedonia has suspended all local
self-administration and, simply, everything is centralized. There
are no new elections, and no one even mentions the second local
elections. We don't have such a situation in any European state.
These are the basic segments, because Macedonia is going towards
dictatorship. If to this we add the complete censorship on the
state owned media; the impossibility of the opposition to
pronounce itself; the different tortures the opposition parties
are subjected on daily basis, then the image of Macedonia is
clearly seen.

KOHA: Aren't you also to blame, for you boycotted the second
round of the elections?

GEORGIJEVSKI: Looking at it from this distance, maybe it would

have been better for Macedonian democracy to have 15-20 VMRO MPs.
Unfortunately, we witnessed a forgery of the government and VMRO-
DPMNE could choose: become a mask for democracy with its 15 MPs
or take the step it did - to withdraw from the second round and
let the government rule. We believe that both elements have their
"pros and cons", but we consider to have taken the right step,
because almost all parties withdrew from the second round.

KOHA: Can't you find any success of the government?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I consider this to be a government of continuance.

Someone will say of a five years continuance, and I will say to
that - of fifty years! And the fact that this new coalition is
called the Social-Democratic League or the Socialist Party
changes nothing. Simply: it is a continuance of Communism. In
regard to its performance, I can look into all segments of power:
foreign policy- catastrophe; interior policy - catastrophe;
economic policy - catastrophe; inter-ethnic relations -
catastrophe. I believe that the Macedonian people are aware of
this, same as the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia. I should
by all means add the criminality and corruption as a massive
process in the Republic of Macedonia. I believe that Macedonia
has never lived as bad as today.

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KOHA: Several days ago, President Gligorov declared in Paris that
the Macedonian model of peace and security in the Balkans was
established here!

GEORGIJEVSKI:I don't know which is the Macedonian recipe for

peace. I believe that this moment is being hyper-inflated by the
Macedonian policy. You see yourself that the only argument of the
government is to kind of safeguard peace. I would say that the
Macedonian recipe was simple: there were too many Serbs in
Croatia, and also in Bosnia and Herzegovina; there is a huge
problem in Kosova, and nevertheless, there are a very few Serbs
in Macedonia. This is the recipe of peace. All the rest is
demagogy. In brief: Serbia couldn't have allowed the opening of
a southern front towards Macedonia. This is the recipe of peace.
We should be grateful to the governments of Croatia and Bosnia
for not having surrendered as planned by Milosevic. This is the
whole philosophy why there us peace in Macedonia and this is the
peace recipe.

KOHA: Maybe is was also the role of Albanians who refused to

become part of the southern front project?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I believe that all political factors in Macedonia

are to be praised for the peace. Don't you think so? Even the
government has its merits, as well as the Albanian minority
parties. So do we, who were considered to be extreme
nationalists. All these factors manifested a high level of
responsibility towards the circumstances in the Republic of
Macedonia and I consider that all have their merits for the
policy we have today.

KOHA: How will the indirect negotiations with Greece end?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I believe it is a question of short time before we

listen to President Gligorov announcing the agreement and lifting
of the Greek embargo and our change of the flag and constitution.
This is the so called small package. If this is it, then the
question is why didn't Macedonia do this one year and a half ago?
I believe that this is a big defeat of the Macedonia policy.

KOHA: Some time ago you held your Congress. You have promoted the
philosophy of political pragmatism to reach power. How did this,
for many, unexpected change come?

GEORGIJEVSKI: VMRO-DPMNE is a renewed party since five years ago,

since Communism fell. And we have been speaking of high national
interests for the past five years. I believe that all unbiased
observers will see that the key point in the construction of
independent Macedonia and the ruin of the Former Yugoslavia was
VMRO-DPMNE in the Republic of Macedonia. We spoke a lot about the

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state and national interests; we created many enemies but in
spite of all, we managed to bring Macedonia to independence. The
dark side of this fact is that Macedonia is in deep opposition.

For now on, this moment of political pragmatism speaks of

something totally different - that we will not give up on these
high ideals and interests, but they will subjugate political
pragmatism which should takes to us to power. I believe that
VMRO-DPMNE has made a serious change in its attitude and from now
on, it will be as any other normal political party, which by
definition, struggles for power.

KOHA: In this sense, you haven't excluded even the possibility

of cooperation with Albanian political parties. Could you comment
some more on this?

GEORGIJEVSKI: Yes! I see that the Macedonian public and

especially the regime's media is upset because of my visit to the
municipal assembly of Tetova, where I met the president of the
municipality and where the possibility to create governmening
coalitions in municipalities appeared to mentioned as feasible.
I don't see why should this be a reason for the Macedonian public
opinion to become upset, if we claim that this a civic state,
where all parties and citizens are equal. Then why should someone
be bothered by a possible coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and PPD
at a local level? We are not only open towards the cooperation
with PPD but maybe all Albanian parties in Macedonia. There is
no reason not to talk to them; why shouldn't we agree upon some
important issues, because I believe that thus we can help the
Republic of Macedonia, on one hand, and on the other we would
gain some points from the international public, when we could
prove that the parties categorized as extreme can sit down and
cooperate.

KOHA: Allow me to remind you of your statement one year ago: then
you had accused the Albanian political parties for lack of
loyalty towards the Macedonian state. Has something changed in
them or - in you?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I must say that the PPD had extreme postures

before; I would say it was separatist as opposed to the integrity
of the Republic of Macedonia; I believe that many things have
changed in their policy, but also some things in our policy have
changed. Therefore, if now we have a coalition between the League
for Macedonia and the PPD functioning at the highest level, then
why wouldn't there be a coalition between us and the PPD at the
local level?

KOHA: If, figuratively speaking, you would be the steering wheel

of this coalition, the PPD would be one pedal, which would be the

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second one, Mr. Andov's Liberals, or...?

GEORGIJEVSKI: This requires a deeper analysis. This will depend

on the concrete circumstances and conditions: you'll always try
to find the party which can help you make the 51% if you haven't
won the majority. We can't speak of previously determined
schemes, but this will be determined in a concrete situation. It
is a fact that the Liberals appear often imposed as a third
partner, maybe this could be a basis for further cooperation.

KOHA: How do you perceive the problems of Albanians in Macedonia.

In Prilep or Manastir you declared that you have nothing against
the University in Albanians, but that you are fearing that they
would ask for more!

GEORGIJEVSKI: This is the position I advocate for some time: I

don't want to discuss whether there should or should not be a
University. If this University is requested as something which
can produce qualified staff in Albanian, then we can think of
this context, however, when the problem of the University is
pushed, it is more imposed as a level, as a new step towards the
federalization of Macedonia and towards the secession of
different parts of Macedonia and their unification to another
state. This is the problem. I don't perceive this problem
partially: I believe that there must be conversations and reached
agreements on a table of discussions in which it will be seen
what are the requests of the Albanians and which the compromises
of the Macedonian government. All issues can be discussed, all
of them can be solved in a way that after the issues are closed,
they can't be reopened again. I am in favor of the global and not
partial solution of the problem.

KOHA: Xhaferi from the new PPD is also in favor of something

similar!

GEORGIJEVSKI: I believe that he presented an interesting thesis,

that of a historical agreement between Macedonians and Albanians
in Macedonia, and I consider that, as a thesis, it is very
interesting. Maybe, his positions about the agreement different
from ours, but I consider that the initiative is interesting and
I think that VMRO-DPMNE would accept it if it comes to power. I
believe that the open issues should be discussed on the table,
and when the agreement is reached to have it solved once and for
all, and not go back to inter-ethnic tensions, but all should
turn towards the economic, social, and statal prosperity of the
Republic of Macedonia.

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MONTENEGRO

THE MILITARIZATION OF THE MONTENEGRIN SEACOAST

by NAIL DRAGA / Ulqin

"The Republic of Montenegro has decided to give the "Pinjes"

location in Ulqin comprised of 130 apartments and a total surface
of 6.500 squared meters to the Yugoslav Navy. Montenegro has also
given its consent for the construction of a port for military
ships at Valdanos in Ulqin". This part of the statement delivered
some time ago in Kotor by Momir Bulatovic, President of
Montenegro, on the Day of the Navy of Yugoslavia, caused only the
reaction of the Montenegrin opposition media. The interest of the
military staff to have a military base in this area is not a new
idea, for the public was informed about it in 1993. This request
was rejected professionally by the then Minister of Urbanism in
the Montenegrin Government, Miodrag Burzan, who was representing
the opposers, i.e. the Liberals. Then he said that this idea
could not be realized, for according to the space planning of the
republic, this area was meant for the development of intensive
tourism. Strangely enough, the minister's posture was supported
by the whole Government, which was really a pleasant surprise.
The Navy, on the other hand, was given a chance to file an appeal
at the Constitutional Court.

Since then, it seemed as if the issue had been solved for ever.
Bulatovic's speech was preceded by an information that the
Government had bought the Pinjes location for three million
dinars, not stating for whom were the apartments destined. One
week later, the public was informed that the apartments were
bought for the army, i.e., the officers and their families.

What has most surprised the public is that the Republican

Parliament has not made any decision in this respect. Thus, the
secretary of the Democratic League of Montenegro, M. Nika says
that "this decision proves clearly that Montenegro is not a civic
state, because on this occasion, we have a clear disregard
towards the parliament as the highest legislative body, as well
as the local population, which implies the existence of an acting
totalitarian state".

This decision has most demoralized the local population because,

apart from the consequences which the tourism will suffer, the
structure of population will mechanically change, at the cost of
the Albanian population. This has been a long-planned goal, as
claimed by some military officials, because this is not a
military secret any longer.

While the Municipal Counsellor for Tourism, Qazim Rexha,

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considers that "tourism and the Navy are in total antagonism,
because the militarization of tourist zones has never proven to
be an effective move, on the contrary". In a joint communique
issued by the Albanian Democratic Union and the Democratic Forum
of Albanians in Montenegro, it is said that such a decision is
"contrary to the international provisions and documents",
therefore they are of the opinion that this issue should be
discussed in the local parliament of Ulqin municipality, where
the majority belongs to the Democratic League (of Albanians) in
Montenegro". Even though it is known that the municipality lacks
competencies which it had before, the debate about this issue
would not be without effect, it would rather make the public
aware.

All opposition parties in Montenegro have reacted to this

decision, while the 13 MPs of the Liberal League of Montenegro
have sent a letter to President Bulatovic asking him to give
specific information about what was broadcasted by Montenegrin
Radio and TV as well as daily "Pobjeda", about Valdanos turning
into a military base. They also stated that they would ask for
a special session of the Parliament to discuss the issue. It
remains to be seen whether Bulatovic will offer concrete facts
about the issue. Analysts say that this could have been a
decision made by decree of Premier Djukanovic. Acting thus, the
Government, by Decree, can change the Space Planning Document of
the Republic according to the needs of the daily politics, always
projected, in the case of Montenegro, by the Serbian "great
leader". This is perfidious policy, says weekly Monitor referring
to Valdanos, stating that it is now in safe hands, "in the same
procedure in which Montenegro is getting rid of one of its
competencies, so it won't be what it used to be".

MACEDONIA

THE COALITION OF A NEW POLITICAL COURSE

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

What seemed impossible in the past four or five years in the

internal political scene of Macedonia, is becoming a reality
which is astonishing even the boldest analysts. The news is that
the "most Macedonian" party, VMRO-DPMNE is offering coalition to
the largest Albanian political party in Macedonia, and at the
same time, part of the governing coalition, the PPD. The truth
is that the coalition is offered at municipal level, however,
this doesn't reduce at all the sensation of the news.

With this move, VMRO started applying in practice the new

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political course which Ljupco Georgijevski determined on the
Second Congress celebrated in Kërçovë last month (or the Tenth
Congress of Continuity, as VMRO people claim, counting also all
the congresses of the VMRO established in Thessaloniki at the end
of the previous century), on which occasion he promoted the new
strategy grounded on "political pragmatism to gain power". It is
worth mentioning the statements of VMRO's leader on the last
congress about the failures they presented when they missed to
lead Macedonia twice so far.

"We created the image of a party which doesn't want to mix with
ex-Communist parties and extremist Albanian parties, and we lost
the feeling for pragmatism and the chance to form the
government". The impression is that he referred to the Liberals
and this option is more feasible, because it became evident that
"coexistence" with Gosev's Democrats is not very likely because
of the basic differences between the two parties. In regard to
the cooperation with the "extremist Albanian parties", the idea
itself is not a big surprise, but the fact is that this time,
Georgijevski himself, accompanied by vice-chairman of VMRO Mrs.
Dosta Dimovska and his closest collaborators visited Tetova on
June 19 and met the President of the Municipal Assembly, Shaqir
Aliti. This is a serious move.

Since the meeting was open for the media, the public in Macedonia
got the chance to "amuse itself" with the new postures of the
most charismatic leader in Macedonia. In the conversation with
the first man of Tetova, VMRO's leader said that the main
determination of this party, the independence of Macedonia has
been achieved already, and now better living conditions for all
citizens of Macedonia should be created. Therefore, he said, all
should propose compromises for the solution of disputable issues.
In continuation of his conversation with the leaders of Tetova
municipality, he openly and clearly said that a coalition with
PPD in the next local elections is possible, as well as with any
party, if this leads towards the stability of Macedonia. With
this statement, Georgijevski opened a new page in the diary of
the political life in Macedonia and at the same time broke the
pattern created in the past and which served the Macedonian
parties in power. Even though it is early say that VMRO has come
closer to the Center, in a way, this party has made a symbolic
move from deeper right and abandoned this position for other
parties with the VMRO prefix, which hastened to declare
Georgijevski a traitor.

It will not be easy for the central leadership of VMRO-DPMNE to

convince the municipal leaderships, which are expected to resist
the possible coalition. This was illustrated by the fact that
after Georgijevski's proposal, a meeting between the central
leadership and the municipal one in Tetova was held behind closed

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doors. Unofficially, Georgijevski faced harsh criticism.
Regarding Albanians, their posture is still unknown, but it can
be imagined that they will have no special motive to oppose this
coalition, especially knowing that coalitions with "civic"
Macedonian parties didn't bring them particular happiness.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: [email protected]

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