Japanese Interment in WWII

There is no doubt that the internment and segregation of Japanese Americans during
World War II (WWII) was a mistake made by the American government. Justifying the
relocation of Japanese Americans as a military necessity is an incomplete and unjust argument.
Though society now recognizes the hardship imposed on the many men, women and children
who were forced to uproot their lives in middle of the war, little can be done to remedy the
situation in the present. FDRs decision to enact Executive Order 9066 was made when war was
a reality and the fear of the "Fifth Column" prompted ill decisions. This fear was a driving force
in the decision to intern the Japanese, rationalized by the possibilities of treason (traitor is more
for personal relations). Roger Daniels Prisoners Without Trial details the political motives
behind the decision to relocate thousands of families during the wartime panic induced by the
attack on Pearl Harbor. Daniels discusses the ordeal from the whispers of concentration camps to
the discharge of the last internee. The Japanese American Relocation Digital Archives (JARDA)
contains many unique first-person accounts of the interment process, offering the insight and
emotions from a Japanese American who weathered the ordeal. These archives tells that
internment not only disrupted life for the children of Japanese Americans during the length of
their relocation, causing them to lose their land and possessions, but also caused social
difficulties and economic hardships that would remain prevalent in the lives of internees and
their children decades after the war.
The act of relocation posed a major life change for many of the Japanese American
children living in California. Relocation occurred in four stages: posting of Exclusion Orders,
registration of all Japanese in the selected area, preparation for evacuation, and the evacuation of

Japanese from their home in increments of 500, all of which took within a week.1 Particularly
for children, the sudden change to their life was unexplainable and frightening. While an adult
may understand the political reasons for the government to uproot entire communities, a young
child cannot fathom why he must say goodbye to the home he has known for his entire life. The
internees were allowed to take very few personal possessions with them, and were barred from
bringing pets and other superfluous personal items.2 For the child, the loss of a pet was a
startling and shocking event as the animal was not only a playmate, but also a family member
and a friend. The pets that could not accompany the children were given away or . . .
Destroyed.3 Additionally, many toys and playthings were forced to be sold or discarded, leaving
the children to wonder in fear
While the loss of their physical possessions no doubt left a sizable impression on the
young Japanese Americans, the physical displacement perhaps was even more influential. The
second and third stages of the evacuation normally took place at assembly centers scattered along
the west coast. These centers were usually former fairgrounds or racetracks and animal stalls
were often used as impromptu housing, offering little sanitation or comfort.4 The transition from
the physically comforting home to a filthy stall surrounded by unfamiliar faces was certainly a
terrifying experience as the accommodations were reminiscent of a prison. Their residence at
these assembly centers could last anywhere from weeks to months, giving just enough time for
the children to adjust to the new environment before once again being shipped to a new location.
The final camp, or relocation center, would be home to the Japanese American families for two

Roger Daniels, Prisoners Without Trial: Japanese Americans in World War II, Revised Edition, (New York: Hill
and Wang, 2004), 54-55.
2
Daniels, Prisoners, 55.
3
Daniels, Prisoners, 55.
4
HIST 127AC Lecture, Second Gold Rush, Internment, Zoot, Monday, April 7, 2014.

to three years. These camps became isolated communities, self-contained with their own schools,
libraries, and other social centers.5 where these Japanese American children grew up.
Life proceeded with some sense of normalcy for these children. The letters of Afton Dill
Nance, a teacher in California shortly before the outbreak of WWII, outline the day-to-day
activities the Japanese Americans participated in during and after their stay at the internment
camps. One such letter, from Kazue Murakishi, gives thanks to Mrs. Nance for a basket of
goodies the student received.6 This gift shows genuine care and affection from Nance, and can be
seen that there were white Americans who sympathized with the Japanese and understood that
there was a blatant violation of their civil rights. By continuing her correspondence with her
former students, Nance shows that not every white American believed them to be a threat. In his
letter, Kazue mentions his recovery from an earlier appendix operation, a personal anecdote that
would not be shared with other pen pal. There were other letters that shows Ms. Nance was a
well-liked and trusted person in the lives of many school-aged Japanese American children. Mrs.
Nance continued to support her students long after they left her classroom, as demonstrated in
her 1943 letter recommending Mrs. Sumi as a strong candidate for an employment opportunity.7
Though Nance speaks highly of Mrs. Sumi, her tone indicates she is a strong American patriot,
stating that the Sumi family is heartily in accord with the principles of American democracy.8
Despite her avocation on the part of Japanese Americans who were sent to the interment camps,
Afton Dill Nance still carried the view that the American way was the superior culture, a view
that was likely present in her teachings to the young Japanese American students. By growing up

Daniels, Prisoners, 66.

Kazue Murakishi, Letter to Mrs. Nance from Crystal City, TX. Afton Dill Nance Papers, Japanese American
National Museum, Los Angeles, CA.
7
Afton Dill Nance, Letter to D.S. Myer from Hermosa Beach, CA March 27, 1943. Afton Dill Nance Papers,
Japanese American National Museum, Los Angeles, CA.
8
Nance, Letter to Myer, 1943. Afton Dill Nance Papers, Japanese American National Museum, Los Angeles, CA.
6

in the United States, the second generation of Japanese Americans was placed in a difficult
position somewhere between the values imposed by their parents and the American ideals
preached at schools and by the general public.
Even while in the internment camp, these values could still be found in the teaching staff,
many of whom were white Americans. A letter from Edward Sanada addressed to Rasmen Bird
in 1942 details his desire to help teach Japanese American children in the internment camps.9
Though the letter does not specify Sanda's ethnicity, it is likely that he is not of Japanese descent;
he mentions his degree from UCLA in a time when many American institutions of higher
learning . . . refused to admit Japanese American students.10 Why he is drawn to teaching in the
camps is unknown, but it is likely his teachings incorporated the key values of the American
culture. Additionally, the cafeteria structure of the internment camps allowed children to move
from mess hall to mess hall, no longer enjoying their meals in the company of their parents.11
What used to provide a valuable face-to-face opportunity for parents to exchange moral wisdom
and cultural values was replaced with more time for Japanese children to develop their own
culture, a blend of the traditional Japanese morals from their parents and the American values
from their teachers.
There was much hardship that came with the forced relocation. The internees had been
held in the camps for years and had subsequently lost their properties and previous homes. Many
chose to stay in the camps longer than necessary, deliberately answering the loyalty
questionnaires in a way to be kept in the internment system. It was preferable to stay where food
and housing was guaranteed, even if their civil liberties were revoked. Eventually, with the last
9

Edward Kazuya Sandra, Letter to Resmen Bird from Los Angeles, CA April 29, 1942. Special Collections
Japanese American Relocation (SCJAR), Occidental College Library, Los Angeles, CA.
10
Daniels, Prisoners, 73.
11
Daniels, Prisoners, 67.

internment camp closing in 1946, all of the displaced Japanese Americans were returned to their
original place of residence. After their removal from society for years, even simple tasks proved
difficult for the newly released interns, particularly those released before the official end of
WWII. Housing proved challenging for many families returning to a civilian life, as their homes
were no longer available. Instead, they sought temporary housing while searching for jobs in
cities across America. The photograph by Charles E. Mace dated August 15, 1943 depicts a
husband and wife questioning a landlady about possible vacancies.12 This scenario was
pervasive in many parts of America as former internees searched for a new place to live.
Housing opportunities were limited, and the Japanese Americans faced additional discrimination
by Americans who did not want "Japs" living in their towns. The children also faced the added
challenge of adjusting to life outside of the internment camp. A photograph taken in early 1944
by the War Relocation Authority Photographs shows eight children clustered around a foosball
table deeply engrossed in the game.13 The photograph was taken at the Young Kansas Citians
Club, where the entire facilities of the club accommodated to the re-settlers every Thursday
evening. The idea that the Japanese Americans were only allowed to use the club facilities at
given times, separate from the white citizens of the same town, shows a distinct division in the
population. Even if they were able to make acquaintances with the white children, it is unlikely
that the other children would be able to relate to the hardships the internees experienced.
Though they were no longer confined to the distinct area of an internment camp, the
Japanese Americans still felt much discrimination and distrust from the white citizens around
them. Much of the rational stemmed from the idea that these people, who had been considered
12

Charles E. Mace, Photograph from Chicago, IL, August 15, 1943. War Relocation Authority Photographs of
Japanese-American Evacuation and Resettlement Series 12, UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, CA.
13
War Relocation Authority Photographs, Photograph from Kansas City, MO, January 20, 1944. War Relocation
Authority Photographs of Japanese-American Evacuation and Resettlement Series 12, UC Berkeley, Bancroft
Library, Berkeley, CA.

dangerous at one point to be relocated, were a threat to American values. Mrs. Nance's
recommendation letter for Mrs. Sumi shows that the newly released internees were still
dependent on the word of the white person to make a living in society, as Nances claim that the
Sumi family was American would ease the fear of employers.14 Without the recommendation,
it is unlikely that Mrs. Sumi would be considered comparable against a white person. Even
though WWII was over and American society soon returned to its pre-war state, Japanese
Americans were haunted by their lengthy ordeal. The children, especially, would carry the
effects of internments throughout the rest of their lives, forever marked by the process of moving
from one place to another, losing their possessions, and later facing the discrimination by the
white Americans. Their cultural identity had also been affected, now an emulsion of traditional
Japanese morals and American patriotism. As stated by Daniels, It must not be forgotten,
however, that thousands of Japanese Americans had their lives destroyed.15 Extreme care must
be exercised in the future to prevent another mass violation of civil rights and to ensure that all
citizens, no matter where their original home may be, feel welcomed and part of the American
Melting? Pot.

14
15

Nance, Letter to Myer, 1943. Afton Dill Nance Papers, Japanese American National Museum, Los Angeles, CA.
Daniels, Prisoners, 87.