Instructional Technolgy and Attitude Change

Instructional Technolgy and Attitude Change

Michael Simonson & Nancy Maushak
Iowa State University
"A companion's words of persuasion are effective. " -The Iliad, Homer, c. 700
BC
Attitudes are learned "predispositions to respond." Attitudes serve to provide
direction to subsequent actions. Because attitudes are acquired they can be
changed fairly predictably (Zimbardo & Leippe, 1991). Increasingly,
instructional media have been used to deliver attitude change messages. This
chapter will discuss the use of media to present instructional messages that
persuade instead of inform. Unfortunately, when media are used for attitude
change, the relationship between the medium of delivery and the message of
persuasion is unclear.
Chaiken and Egly (1976) reported on the results of what now is considered a
classic study of attitude change using media. It demonstrated the difficulty of
drawing conclusions about mediated instruction and attitude change. In their
experiment, subjects were exposed to either an easy- or difficult-tocomprehend message that was presented in written, audiotaped, or
videotaped form. 'Me easy version of the message, which dealt with a dispute
between a company and its union, used short sentences with simple
vocabulary. The difficult version used complex sentences and sophisticated
vocabulary. The results showed that in the difficult message treatment, both
attitude change and learning were greater when the message was presented in
written form. For the easy-to-comprehend message, a different pattern
emerged. Comprehension was high no matter what delivery medium was used,
but the amount of attitude change was greatest when the message was
videotaped, slightly less when it was audiotaped, and least when the message
was written (Table 34- 1).
Apparently, the amount of attitude change was related to the difficulty of the
message content and to the delivery medium. Chaiken and Egly discussed why
this differential effect occurred, but they did not explain the apparent media
effect. Results such as this one demonstrate the difficulty of developing
conclusions or offering guidelines about the persuasive impact of messages
delivered using media. Actually, any careful study of the literature leads the
Serious, if conservative, reviewer to conclude that there is little if any "medium

effect," and to agree with Clark (1994, 1983) that media are "mere vehicles"
that do not directly influence attitudes any more than they do achievement.
However, instructional media are often used to deliver persuasive messages.
There is a wealth of interesting and useful research examining attitudes and
media that can be applied by the educator. This literature will be reviewed,
criticized, and summarized in this chapter.
34.1 Introduction
Attitude change and instructional technology will be discussed as follows.
First, the nature of attitudes will be explained. Attitudes will be defined and
the characteristics of attitude constructs will be presented. Also included will
be a rationale for why attitude change is an important concern of those
interested in instructional technology. Second, there will be a review of the
theories of attitude change. Understanding some of the various theories of
attitude change is fundamental to any discussion of the relationship between
persuasion and instructional technology. Third, a review of the longcontinuing debate about the relationship between attitudes and behaviors will
be included. Historically, many have felt that attitudes are not related to
actions, but others have taken a more moderate approach. This debate will be
summarized.
Next, an overview of the techniques for measuring attitudes will be provided.
It is obvious from any review of the literature that attitude measurement is
done poorly. Researchers often do not use even the most basic procedures for
effective measurement when they investigate attitude variables. Generally
accepted procedures for measuring attitudes will be presented. Fifth, there
will be a review of previous attempts to organize the attitude change and
instructional technology literature. At least two schemes (Simonson, 1979;
Bednar & Levie, 1993) for explaining the use of instructional technology for
attitude change have been proposed and will be discussed.
Finally, a set of six guidelines for designing persuasive instructional messages
will be offered. These guidelines will be linked using a "Model of Cumulative
Effect" that proposes a method for improving the likelihood of attitude
change. The model is an attempt to provide the practitioner with techniques
for building a persuasive message that is to be delivered with media.
It is also important to explain what is not covered in this discussion of attitude
change and instructional technology. First, the very important and rich
literature about motivation is not reviewed. Motivation is obviously related to
attitude change, especially to most of the current theories used to predict

behaviors, such as the theory of reasoned action and the theory of planned
action. However, motivation is a broad topic that requires its own discussion.
(see 32.5.5).

TABLE 34-1. Attitude Change and Retention of Message Content as a

Function of Medium and Message Difficulty (Chaiken & Egly, 1976)

Easy Message

Difficult Message

Written Audio Video Written Audio Video

Attitude change
Number of messages recalled
Number of short answer items
correct
Perceived message difficulty

2.94

3.75

4.78

4.73

2.32

3.02

2.45

2.21

2.17

2.29

1.74

1.67

4.57

3.93

4.45

4.21

3.71

3.36

4.76

4.21

4.83

5.31

2.32

7.43

Note: Higher numbers indicate greater attitude change; message comprehension, and
perceived message difficulty.

Second, attitude toward media or technology is presented only peripherally.

This is because the main concern of this review is to discuss persuasive
instructional messages presented with media. In other words, attitude change
toward the content of messages is the focus of this chapter, not attitude
toward the medium itself. Finally, this review should not be considered a
comprehensive examination of the extremely broad body of literature related
to attitudes and attitude change. Rather, it is a handbook-type summary of the
literature that relates, at least tangentially, to the chapter's theme: how to
design messages using media when attitude changes are desired. For a more
complete review of attitude literature, one of the recently published books on
this topic should be consulted (e.g. Eagly & Chaiken, 1993; O'Keefe, 1990).

The Nature of Attitudes

Research on attitudes has been popular in many disciplines. However, the

construct is considered more central to social Psychology than to any other
academic area. Allport (1935) claimed 60 years ago "the concept of attitude is
probably the most distinctive and indispensable concept in contemporary
American social psychology.- This assessment is as appropriate today as it was
then. Most information on attitudes is reported in the literature of social
psychology (see 6.6, 32.5.4.8).
34.2.1 Attitudes Defined
Attitudes and attitude change have been discussed at least since the beginning
of this century (Thomas & Znaniecki, 1918). The study of attitudes has been an
important area of interest to psychologists, who often were also interested in
related concepts such as propaganda. Educators have been interested in
attitudes because of their possible impact on learning, and while attitudes
have not been convincingly linked to achievement, they have been long
considered an important component of the most important outcome of
education: learning.
Attitude has been a difficult concept to define adequately, primarily because it
has been defined by so many, but also because of the word's differing lay uses
and connotations. One of the earliest definitions of attitude was proposed by
Thomas and Znaniecki (1918). They defined attitude as:
A mental and neural state of readiness, organized through experience,
exerting a directive or dynamic influence upon the individual's response to all
objects and situations with which it is related.
More recently, Zimbardo, and Leippe (1991) defined attitude as:
An evaluative disposition toward some object based upon cognitions, affective
reactions, behavioral intentions, and past behaviors ... that can influence
cognitions, affective responses, and future intentions and behaviors.

Attitudes are latent and not directly observable in themselves, but they act to
organize or provide direction to actions and behaviors that are observable.
Many refer to attitudes as "predispositions to respond" (Zimbardo & Leippe,
199 1). Attitudes are related to how people perceive the situations in which
they find themselves. Also, attitudes vary in direction (either positive or
negative), in degree (the amount of positiveness or negativeness), and in
intensity (die amount of commitment with which a position is held; Smith,
1082).
34.2.2 Attitude Systems
Attitude positions are the summary aggregation of four components:
(a) affective responses, (b) cognitions, (c) behaviors, and (d) behavioral
intentions (Zimbardo & Leippe, 1991). The affective component of attitude is
said to consist of a person's evaluation of, liking of, or emotional response to
some situation, object, or person. Affective responses reflect one's attitude
with sensations of pleasure, sadness, or other levels of physical arousal- For
example, for the attitude construct of computer anxiety, a topic of current
interest, the affective component would be a person's liking of the computer
and his feeling of excitement, or dread, when she or he used one.
The cognitive component of an attitude is conceptualized as a person's factual
knowledge of the situation, object, or person, including oneself. In other
words, the cognitive component refers to how much a person knows about a
topic, such as computers. The cognitive component of computer anxiety would
be based on how much a person knows about computers and her level of
understanding of computer operation.
The behavioral component of an attitude involves the person's overt behavior
directed toward a situation, object, or person. For example, the behavioral
component of computer anxiety would be related to how often a person had
used a computer, and what kind of experience he had. Persons who routinely
use computers, especially if they choose to use them freely, would be more
likely to have positive attitudes toward computers, and be less anxious, than
would others who have fewer experiences with computers.
Finally, the behavioral intention component involves the person's plans to
perform in a certain way, even if sometimes these plans are never acted upon.

An example, once again, is the construct of computer anxiety. Computer

anxiety is defined by Maurer and Simonson (1993, 1994, p. 206) as "the fear or
apprehension felt by an individual when considering the implications of
utilizing computer technology, or when actually using computer technology."
The behavioral intention component of this attitude construct would be the
"apprehension felt by an individual when considering the implications of
utilizing computer technology." In other words, if people knew that they were
going to have to use computers in an upcoming class, this would partially
shape their level of computer anxiety. If the class were to be a difficult one, say
in statistics, then computer anxiety would be likely to be increased.
These four components of attitude form an attitude system. The components
are not isolated but are interrelated and produce an organizing framework or
mental representation of the attitude construct. Cognitive schemata provide
structure to interrelated attitudes and guide the information processes of
attending, interpreting, and reconstructing (Smith, 1982). Behavioral research
supports the idea that actions lead to the formation of cognitive schemata,
which lead to the creation of attitudes. It would seem that the opposite is also
true. Attitudes help form cognitive relationships, which in turn predispose
behaviors.
34.2.3 Attitude Formation
Situational stimuli or events in the environment directly influence behavior
and the formation of attitudes. Strict behaviorists would argue that internal
events that form attitudes are the result of observable actions. A change in
attitude or beliefs occurs as a result of actions that have been influenced by
reinforcers. Social-learning theory expands this principle. According to sociallearning theorists, it is not essential to learn behaviors directly through action
and reinforcement, as traditional behavioral psychologists would propose.
Indirect learning through observing a model and receiving verbal instruction
has a powerful impact on behavior and attitude formation (Zimbardo &
Leippe, 1991).
Situations that include a change in the behavioral component of attitude lead
to changes in attitudes. But there is also a reciprocal action. Since the
components of attitude systems are interrelated, a change in liking (affect)
may result in a change in behaviors (Smith, 1982). For example, the currently

popular concept of the cognitive apprenticeship is based on the idea of

learners participating as apprentices in real-world activities with those who
are more knowledgeable than they. If designed correctly, these situations are
perceived by learners as important and realistic, and learners come to value
them. The overt activities of cognitive apprenticeships produce in students
favorable dispositions (i.e., affects), which in turn promote a sense of value
and often a desire to learn more.
34.2.4 An Example
Some professions use computers more than others. For example, stockbrokers
use computers routinely, and their use of computers, especially computer
networks, is directly related to positive consequences, such as increased
profits.
Students who work as apprentices with stockbrokers will most likely see the
importance of computers and gain an appreciation of them (an affective
reaction). They also learn a great deal about using computers (a cognitive
reaction) as they navigate through various options included in the
stockbroker's network of computer databases and on-line sources of
information (a behavioral reaction), and certainly this real-world use of the
computer is perceived as important.
Finally, future uses (behavioral intentions) are important because the
apprentice stockbroker learns quickly from the mentor that financial success
may be directly related to continued use of computers and computer systems.
In this case, cognitive apprenticeships are effective attitude change strategies
because they often place learners in situations where an entire attitude system
is influenced.
Maurer (1983) has reported that computer anxiety is lower for those who see
an observable benefit to computer use, such as stockbrokers who can use
computer skills to increase productivity. Stockbrokers usually have relatively
low levels of computer anxiety because their computer attitude systems are
continuously and positively modified during their work.
Maurer (1983) also reported, as have others, that all groups, even computerintensive professionals such as stockbrokers, have individuals that are more or

less computer anxious than their peers. These computer-using professionals

just tend to be less anxious than some other groups of people. A characteristic
of attitudes is that they are variable, not discrete. Attitudes are analog, not
digital. Attitudes vary among individuals.
34.2.5 Importance of Attitudes
Traditionally when instruction is designed, there are two categories of
outcomes in mind: those directed toward cognitive goals, and those related to
the attitudes of the learner. There is little necessity to argue the importance of
the acquisition of knowledge by a student as a result of instruction.
Achievement is the paramount objective of most instructional activities,
However, it may also be important to recognize the need for establishing
attitudinal goals and for planning activities designed to facilitate affective
outcomes in learners as a consequence of an instructional situation. As a
matter of fact, it has become increasingly apparent to those involved in
educational technology research that one of the major, and possibly unique,
consequences of instructional situations involving media is the likelihood of
the development of positive attitudinal positions in students (Simonson,
1985).
The most powerful rationale for the need to promote attitude positions in
learners would be to demonstrate a direct relationship between attitudes and
achievement, or liking and learning. Numerous researchers have identified
such a relationship (Fenneman, 1973; Greenwald, 1965, 1966; Lamb, 1987;
Levy, 1973; Perry & Kopperman, 1973; Simonson, 1977; Simonson, 1978;
Simonson & Bullard, 1978). However, most educational and psychological
researchers are reluctant to claim that there is any cause and-effect linkage
between these two learner variables (Zimbardo & Leippe, 1991). There are too
many intervening forces likely to influence the relationship between how a
person feels and how he or she behaves. Attitudes are thought to "predispose"
persons to act Positive attitudes toward a topic are felt to orient the person in
a positive manner toward that idea, but not to predict actions directly.
The impact of attitude on learning is only one reason for interest in attitudes.
There are other arguments that explain why attitudes of learners are
important. First, most educators would agree that there are times when it is

legitimate, and important, for learners to accept the truth of certain ideas-in
other words, to accept an attitudinal position. The importance of voting is an
attitude position that most would agree is important. Civics teachers routinely
"teach" this attitude.
Second, while the strength of the relationship between attitudes and
achievement is unclear, it seems logical that students are more likely to
remember information, seek new ideas, and continue studying when they
react favorably to an instructional situation or like a certain content area.
Students who like chemistry Will tend to stay after class to work on
experiments, read about chemistry outside of class, and be more likely to elect
to take a chemistry course than will those who do not like chemistry. Learners
tend to do what they like, not what they do not like. They gravitate toward
their interests.
Third, there are some instances when influencing student's attitudes is not
desirable, so educators should be aware of which techniques affect attitudes.
In this way, possible bias can be recognized and eliminated. The gender biases
found in textbooks are considered partially responsible for gender biases in
people. For example, the use of the generic he was long considered
appropriate by textbook authors and publishers. Now it is obvious that the use
of this term helped form an inappropriate attitude position in both boys and
girls that males were more important.
Last, student attitudes toward a situation can tell the teacher a great deal
about the impact of that situation on the learning process. Obviously, attitudes
need to be measured in order to know if they have been influenced. As a result
of quantitatively and qualitatively assessing the opinions of students toward
the learning activities in which they are participating, it may be possible to
improve the quality of procedures. One of the most important techniques of
evaluation is to ascertain attitudes toward some event, object, or person. Endof-course evaluations of attitude toward courses and course content are a
standard activity in schools and training centers.
In summary, attitudes, as shall be discussed later, are complex phenomena.
They have been studied for decades by social scientists and educators and are
beginning to be understood as organizers related to learning processes and

outcomes. Attitudes are learned "predispositions to respond" held by

individuals that make them likely to act in certain ways. Attitudes are not
observable, but they do serve to help produce observable actions in people.
Social psychologists, and others, have proposed a number of theories of
attitude change. Many of the theories are related, so there has been
considerable effort to categorize them. Because of the comprehensiveness of
the attitude change literature, it is considered important to review the theories
of attitude change as a foundation for proposing guidelines for persuasion.

Theories of Attitude Change

Several attitude change categorization schemes have been proposed in the
literature (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993; O'Keefe, 1990), and most are similar. For
this discussion, attitude theories have been organized into four categories (see
11.6):
Consistency theories
Learning theories

 Social judgment theories

Functional theories
The study of attitudes has been approached with varying emphases and
methods during most of this century. Prior to World War II, the emphasis was
on definition issues and attitude measurement. Most studies were of a survey
nature and provided important correlational findings, but little insight into
causality. Experimental techniques such as control groups or comparison
groups were notably absent (Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974).
This changed dramatically during World War H. Attitude change was an
important topic of Army-sponsored research (see 1. 10). Because of the
influence of experimental psychologists such as Carl Hovland, true
experimental techniques were used to study the persuasive effects of
propaganda. The work of Hovland and his associates in the area of attitude
change research was continued after the war at Yale University. Theories
developed by this group served as an organizational framework for the study
of attitude change (Hovland, Janis & Kelley, 1953; Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974;
Insko, 1967; O'Keefe, 1990). Most of Hovland's attitude change research can
be considered classical. Most of this research and theory building approached
the concept of attitude from the behaviorist perspective, and most research
activities dealt with trying to relate attitudes to observable outcomes in
learners.
An example of research of the classical type that demonstrated a consistency
theory approach was Simonson's (1977) study of dissonance theory principles.
In this study, cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger, 1957) assumptions, one
of the most influential consistency theories, were used in a formal program of
attitude change in order to improve student attitude toward an instructional
activity. Student achievement in this instructional activity was then measured
to determine if achievement was influenced by a change in student attitude
toward instruction.
Randomly assigned to one of three treatment groups were 218 students.
Students in the experimental treatments were asked to make a videotape
about their attitudes toward an instructional activity. An "Instructional
Improvement Needs Assessment" was the tide given to the fictitious activity
that in reality was the research study. First, students were given a camouflaged
attitude pretest. Then, students were met individually by a researcher who
told them that:

I am a member of a committee in the college called the Instructional

Improvement Needs Assessment Committee. We are attempting to obtain as
much information as possible about student's opinions of college courses. This
is difficult, so we are asking for several different types of information.
Then, depending on the random treatment group assignment, the students
were told:
1. Control group: "I would like you to complete this Needs Assessment
opinionnaire. You can fill it out in the next room. Answer on the score
sheet and when you finish place the opinionnaire and answer sheet in
the box."
2. Nonrelevant treatment group: "The entire committee would like to study
your opinions, so I will give you several minutes to think of everything
positive you can about (a course irrelevant to the study and to the
attitude tests). Then I will take you to the next room where we will ask
you to state your positive comments while you are being videotaped. We
need to videotape you so that the entire committee can get together and
observe all the videotapes. I'll give you 5 minutes to collect your
thoughts.
3. Relevant experimental group: The experimenter read the same
comments to students assigned to this group, with one exception; they
were given the name of the course that the study was attempting to
change attitudes about.
Students in the "irrelevant" and "relevant" groups were given time to jot down
ideas and then were escorted into the video-recording room where their
comments were recorded. When they were finished, they were told that
"faculty and students will be viewing this tape." Next, they signed a release
and were given a questionnaire that contained the attitude test embedded
among other items.
Subjects in the "relevant experimental treatment" who initially had low
attitudes toward the course in question were expected to experience
dissonance when they stated positive comments about this course. The
dissonance-producing experience was heightened by leading the students to
believe that a group of peers and faculty would view the videotapes. The
videotaping session and the signing of the release were included to make the
treatment procedures as forceful and irreversible as possible. The two other

treatments were included to control for the impact of videotaping and for
change due to extraneous events.
Results of this classical dissonance theory study demonstrated that attitude
change& could be produced. Students in the relevant videotaping group
changed their attitudes toward the course they were asked to talk about more
than one standard deviation (p < .0001). Simonson (1977) also tested the
persistence of the attitude changes and reported that while there was a
regression to the mean, student's attitudes remained positive 6 weeks later.
There was only a minor and statistically insignificant relationship between
attitude change and achievement.
This study showed in an experimental situation with real-world implications,
that it was possible, even simple, to modify student attitudes toward an
instructional event, in this case a college course. Simonson used video
recording as a technique to "cement" and make irreversible a student's
attitude positions. No one would argue that the video recording itself changed
attitudes. The forces that changed attitudes were the arguments created by the
student that were recorded on the video. In this situation, the video recording
was a methodological tool of the researcher. This chapter will tend to show
that in media and attitude research the role of media is as a tool. Media do not
influence attitudes; messages and methods do.
Simonson's (1977) study is an example of the type of attitude change research
often reported in the literature between the 1950s and today. Certainly,
human subject regulations would force modification in Simonson's approach
if it were replicated today. However, the behavioral and experimental
approach taken is typical of the research used to identify and support the
consistency theories of attitude change summarized next. Early attitude
change literature is firmly anchored in traditional experimental psychology
and draws heavily on behaviorism (see 2.2; Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).
34.3.1 Consistency Theories
The basic assumption of these theories is the need of the individual for
consistency. There must be consistency between attitudes, between behaviors,
and among attitudes and behaviors. A lack of consistency causes discomfort so
that an individual attempts to ease the tension by adjusting attitudes or
behaviors in order to once again achieve balance or consistency. One of the
earliest consistency theories was balance theory (Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974;
Kiesler, Collins & Miller, 1969; O'Keefe, 1990).

Relationships among the perceiver, another person, and an object are the
main focus of balance theory (Heider, 1958). Relationships are either positive
or negative, based on the cognitive perceptions of the perceiver. In this theory,
there are eight possible configurations; four balanced and four unbalanced.
Unbalanced states are recognized as being unstable. Under these conditions,
perceivers attempt to restore balance by changing their attitudes toward
objects or other persons.
Two extensions of Heider's balance theory include the work of Newcomb
(1961) and that of Abelson (Abelson & Rosenberg, 1958). Newcomb studied
interpersonal situations as well as cognitive balancing and transferred these
ideas to research on the pressures for uniformity in groups. Abelson proposed
four additional modes of restoring balance: (a) denial, (b) bolstering, (c)
differentiation, and (d) transcendence (Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974; Kiesler,
Collins & Miller, 1969; Insko, 1967; O'Keefe, 1990). Establishing balance was
critical to individuals. Attitude changes occurred when the individual
attempted to reestablish balance by modifying their attitudes.
Affective-cognitive consistency theory examines the relationship between
attitudes and beliefs (Rosenberg, 1956). An unstable state occurs when an
individual's attitudes toward an object and knowledge about an object are
inconsistent. Persuasive communications (see 4.4) attempt to change the
affective component of an attitude system by changing the cognitive
component of attitude. In Other words, providing an individual with new
information that changes the cognitive component of attitude will tend to
cause that individual to change overall attitudes toward an object.
An alternative to Rosenberg's theory is Festinger's theory Of cognitive
dissonance (Festinger, 1957). While Rosenberg's theory deals with affect and
cognition, Festinger's theory examines consistency among cognitive elements
or beliefs about oneself, behavior, or environment. Dissonance occurs when
elements are logically inconsistent or psychologically inconsistent because of
cultural mores, specific opinions deviating from more encompassing opinions,
or information or experiences that are contrary to previous information or
experiences. Dissonance motivates the individual to reduce the dissonance
and return to consonance. When faced with dissonance, the individual seeks
to avoid situations or information that may increase dissonance.
To test dissonance theory, Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) reported on an
experiment that is considered one of the most controversial ever conducted in
the area of attitude change. It was also one of the most influential. This study

lead to numerous modified replications, including Simonson's (1977) study

reported here earlier.
Male undergraduates spent an hour performing two tasks that had been
designed to be very boring: putting spools onto a tray and turning pegs on a
board. Afterwards, the experimenter told them that the study concerned the
effect that a prior expectation had on task performance and explained that
participants in another experiment were being given a favorable expectation
about the task. According to the researcher, this expectation was usually
conveyed by an assistant who told a waiting subject of the study that the
experience had been enjoyable and intriguing. The experimenter then claimed
(a white lie, one of several told by researchers) that the assistant who was
supposed to perform the chore had not shown up. The researcher then asked
the student who had just finished the boring task to fill in for the absent
assistant by conveying this story to the study's next participant. The
researcher promised the student money for this service and for being on call in
the future if help were needed again. The college male was told that the
decision to help was up to him.
Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) introduced the critical dissonance theory
incentive at the point when money was mentioned. Half the study's subjects
were offered $1, and half were offered $20, for engaging in the
counterattitudinal behavior. Because the inducement to comply with the
researcher's request was much greater with the larger amount of money, the
counterattitudinal behavior should have been considered by the students as
justified, and little dissonance and attitude change produced. The $1 payment
was designed to provide just enough pressure to induce compliance but
insufficient reason for subjects to believe their actions were warranted by
money alone. This was predicted to produce maximum dissonance and
maximum attitude change.
In both the $1 and the $20 conditions, the students engaged in a brief role
playing by praising the experiment to a confederate of the researcher who
pretended to be waiting to participate in the study. This person appeared to be
convinced by the student's story. Next, the students were referred to an
interviewer who was supposedly conducting a survey unrelated to the
experiment, This interviewer asked, among other things, how interesting and
enjoyable the experimental tasks involving the spools and pegs had been. The
results showed that the subjects who had been offered $1 for praising the
experiment evaluated the tasks significantly more favorably than did the
subjects who had been offered $20. The attitudes of students who received
$20 did not differ from the control subjects, who participated in the dull tasks,

but not the part of the experiment that involved making insincere statements
to the confederate.
The results of the experiment confirmed Festinger's prediction that increased
justification for role playing (i.e., more money) would reduce attitude change.
In other words, the students who received $1 for their actions experienced
dissonance. Their actions advocating the enjoyability of the peg and spool
activity, and the reality of the boring activity, were dissonant from one
another. In order to reduce the dissonance, it was easier to change their
attitudes toward the activity to be more positive than it was to change their
praising of the activity. Thus, attitude change occurred to reduce the student's
level of dissonance. The $20 subjects did not experience dissonance. They
were able to say in their minds: "I did it for the money; it really was boring."
This study was the first of many that demonstrated clearly the need for
consistency between attitude positions and behaviors. Consistency theories,
notably cognitive dissonance theory, provide relatively straightforward, if
incomplete, information about attitude change.
Studies on counter-attitudinal advocacy are based on dissonance theory.
Individuals who are asked to write an essay or present a speech promoting a
position contrary to their beliefs become committed to certain aspects of the
contrary position. This causes dissonance, which the individuals attempt to
reduce by changing their original position or attitude. The stronger the
magnitude of the dissonance, the stronger the need to change the original
attitude.
The simple act of decision making creates dissonance, too. The magnitude of
the dissonance is related to the importance of the decision and the
attractiveness of both the chosen and the unchosen alternatives (O'Keefe,
1990). For example, hypermedia-based instructional systems (see 21.1, 23.3.),
with their many learner choices, provide a great deal of decision making that
may influence learner's attitudes in either a positive or negative direction,
depending on the success and attractiveness of the decisions.
One of the major criticisms of consistency theories is that there are too many
of them. Since they all work from the similar theme of an individual's trying to
maintain consistency, it has been suggested that the area would be stronger if
the various subtheories were consolidated. Today, interest in dissonance
theory specifically, and consistency theories generally, has waned considerably
in social psychology (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993). This loss of interest is, in part,
due to the growth of understanding about the conditions and processes
responsible for the phenomena dissonance theorists investigated. Researchers

have a better understanding of the interactions between attitudes and

opinions and actions and behaviors, so consistency theories that are not
directly related to processes are of little interest to today's cognitive scientists
who tend to be more process oriented than behaviorists who studied
consistency theories.
34.3.2 Early Learning Theories
This section might more accurately be called behavioral theories of attitude
change. These theories were also developed during the 1950s and 1960s.
During this time, learning theories reflected behavioral psychology (see 2.2). A
major commonality of these theories was their emphasis on the stimulus
characteristics of the communication situation.
Staat's (Insko, 1967) work reflected the ideas of classical conditioning, and
focused almost entirely on the formation of attitudes. Events in the
environment create an emotional response in an individual. As new stimuli
are consistently paired with old stimuli (events), the new stimuli develop the
power to create an emotional response in the individual (O'Keefe, 1990).
Learning theories of attitude change received major emphasis by Hovland and
his associates in the Yale Communication Research Program (Hovland, Janis
& Kelley, 1953). They proposed that opinions tended to persist unless the
individual underwent some new learning experience. Persuasive
communications that both present a question and suggest an answer serve as
learning experiences. Acceptance of the suggested answer is dependent on the
opportunity for mental rehearsal or practice of the attitude response, and on
the number of incentives included in the communication. Hovland and his
colleagues assumed that as people processed persuasive message content, they
rehearsed the message's recommended attitudinal response, as well as their
initial attitude. For attitude change to occur, more than rehearsal and practice
had to take place. The Yale researchers emphasized the role of incentives and
the drive - reducing aspects of persuasive messages as mechanisms for
reinforcement, thereby creating acceptance of new beliefs and attitudes.
In the Yale model of attitude change emphasis is placed on attention,
comprehension, and acceptance. An individual must attend to and
comprehend the communication before acceptance can occur. It is during the
attending and comprehending phases that the individual has the opportunity
to practice the recommended new opinion. Practice alone does not lead to
acceptance, but when combined with incentives and recommendations
imbedded in the communication, attitude change is likely. Incentives are

broadly defined by Hovland et al. (1953). They could be direct financial or

physical benefits (e.g., money, improved health), or they could take on more
abstract forms such as the knowledge gain from persuasive arguments, social
acceptance by others who are respected, or self-approval from the feeling that
one is correct.
Hovland and his associates identified three classes of variables that influenced
the effectiveness of the message: (a) source characteristics, (b) setting
characteristics, and (c) communication content elements. Research using the
Yale model focuses on variables in one or more of these three classes.
Examples include research in communicator credibility (trustworthiness and
degree of expertness), fear-arousing appeals, and the placement of persuasive
arguments within the communication (Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974; Kiesler et
al., 1969; Insko, 1967).
A Skinnerian approach (see 2.5) to the study of attitude change was employed
by Bem (1967), whose major assumptions reflected the viewpoint that
attitudes were learned as a result of previous experience with the
environment. Bem proposed that since the person trying to change attitudes
usually lacked direct knowledge of the internal stimuli available to the learner,
it was necessary to rely on external cues in order to reward and punish the
individual. It was the combination of external cues and observable behaviors
that produced changes in attitude (Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974; Kiesler et al.,
1969; Insko, 1967).
Today, few attitude change theorists feel that the early research by Hovland
and others has direct impact on current procedures (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).
Newer research and theory building is directed toward approaches that
emphasize multiple modes of processing information. However, these early
researchers investigated basic issues, such as reinforcement, incentives, and
drive-reduction constructs, that are related to how motivational states
influence information processing and persuasion. Early-learning theorists'
efforts provided a foundation for more modem process models of attitude
change.
34.3.3 Social Judgment Theory
Social judgment theory focuses on how people's prior attitudes distort their
perceptions of the positions advocated in persuasive messages, and how such
perceptions mediate persuasion. In general terms, the theory assumes that a
person's own attitudes serve as a judgmental standard and anchor that
influences where along a continuum a persuader's advocated position is

perceived to lie (Sherif & Hovland, 1961). Social judgment theory- is an

attempt to apply the principles of judgment to the study of attitude change.
According to Sherif, Sherif, and Nebergall (1965), an individual's initial
attitude serves as an anchor for the judgment of related attitude
communications. Opinions are evaluated against this point of reference and
are placed on an attitudinal continuum. Opinions that most characterized the
individual's own opinion are in the latitude of acceptance. Those opinions
found most objectionable are placed in the latitude of rejection. The latitude of
noncommitment consists of those opinions that are neither accepted nor
rejected.
Communication that falls within the latitude of acceptance is assimilated, and
if judged to be fair and unbiased will result in a change in attitude, Within the
limits of the latitude of acceptance, the greater the difference between the
initial opinion and the communicated opinion, the greater the attitude change.
Though some change is possible when Opinions fall within the latitude of
rejection, the greater the discrepancy the less the change in attitude
(Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974; Kiesler et al., 1.969; Insko, 1.967).
Social judgment theory's core propositions can be summarized as follows
(Eagly & Chaiken, 1993):
1. A person's current attitude serves as a judgmental anchor for new
attitude positions.
2. Latitude widths determine whether a message's position will be
assimilated or contrasted (e.g., accepted or rejected). Positions falling
within the latitude of acceptance will be assimilated toward a person's
current attitude. Positions falling within the latitude of rejection will be
contrasted away from the person's own attitude.
3. Ego involvement of a person broadens the latitude of rejection and
narrows the latitude of noncommitment.
4. Both assimilation and contrast effects increase as a positive function of a
message's position and the recipient's attitude,
5. Ego involvement increases the anchoring property of initial attitudes.
6. Greater assimilation produces more positive evaluation of message
content, which produces greater amounts of attitude change.

Conversely, greater contrast produces more negative evaluations of

message content, which produces lesser amounts of attitude change.
7. Ambiguity enhances the likelihood of judgmental distortions. Therefore,
other effects are greater when recipients are exposed to persuasive
messages whose content positions are ambiguous.
In summary, social judgment theory predictions for attitude change are largely
home out by the research literature and by practice. Recently however,
researchers have questioned the basic principles of social judgment theory and
how the theory's principles relate to one another. Social judgment theory is
important because it demonstrates the importance of people's prior attitudes.
Most other approaches only deal marginally with previous attitudes. Newer
theories incorporate social judgment principles as covariates and control
variables in experimental designs (Wood, 1982).
34.3.4 Functional Theories
A fundamental question about attitudes concerns their purpose: That is, what
functions do attitudes serve? Understanding the purposes of attitudes is the
identifying characteristic of functional theories. Attitudes serve different
functions for different individuals or for the same individual in different
settings. The reasons for attitude changes are individualized and related to
personal functions of attitudes.
Functional theories of attitude entered the literature in the 1950s when
researchers developed the idea that attitudes served varying psychological
needs and thus had variable motivational bases. A common and central theme
of these early efforts was the listing of the specific personality functions that
attitudes served for individuals. Unlike other theoretical approaches
developed during this golden decade of attitude research, functional theories
are still relevant and important today (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).
Functional theories hold that successful persuasion entails implementing
change procedures that match the functional basis of the attitude one is trying
to change. Katz (1960) proposed that any attitude held by an individual served
one or more of the four distinct personality functions. The more of these
functions that contributed to an attitude system, the stronger and less likely it
was that the attitude could be changed.
Katz (1960) identified four personality functions of attitudes as follows: (a)
utilitarian function, (b) knowledge function, (c) ego-defensive function, and

(d) value-expressive function. In order for attitude change to occur, there must
be a discrepancy between the need being met by the attitude and the attitude
itself. Attitude change is accomplished by recognizing the function of the
attitude for the individual, and designing strategies to produce a disparity
between the attitude and one or more of the attitude functions.
The utilitarian function acknowledges the behaviorist principle that people
are motivated to gain rewards and avoid punishments from their
environment. Utilitarian attitudes are instrumental in securing positive
outcomes or preventing negative ones. For example, parents' opposition to
busing might be based on the utilitarian belief that it would be harmful to
their child. Often, utilitarian beliefs are associations to stimuli. For example,
children often acquire a positive feeling about the month of December because
they associate it with holidays, presents, and vacations (Eagly & Chaiken,
1993).
The knowledge function -of attitudes presumes a basic human need to gain a
meaningful, stable, and organized view of the world. Attitudes supply a
standard for organizing and simplifying perceptions of a complex and
ambiguous environment. Attitudes provide a way of sizing up objects and
events so they can be reacted to in a meaningful way. If people's attitudes
toward school are positive, then when they are asked about schools they will
be likely to say positive things without needing to "think about it too much."
Katz's ego-defensive-function emphasizes the psychoanalytic principle that
people use defense mechanisms such as denial, repression, and projection to
protect their self-concepts against internal and external threats. People protect
their feelings by developing convenient, if sometimes biased, attitudes that do
not require active involvement in threatening or unfamiliar situations. For
example, a high school student may think: "Chemistry is for nerds, and I do
not want to be a nerd; that is why I do not like chemistry." Or a student might
think: "Only really smart people study chemistry, and I study chemistry, so I
must be really smart; that is why I like chemistry.,,
Finally, Katz's value-expressive function acknowledges the importance of selfexpression and self-actualization.
Attitudes are a means for expressing personal values and other aspects of selfconcept. A person who draws self-esteem from being a liberal and an
environmentalist is motivated to hold attitudes that reflect these ideologies
(Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).

The central theme of functional theories is that changing an attitude requires

understanding its motivational basis, or its function for the individual.
Knowing what function an attitude performs for a person helps guide the
designer of the persuasive message who wants to change the attitude.
Whatever function attitudes perform they provide a frame of reference for
comprehending and categorizing objects, persons, and events, and only by
understanding an attitude's function can attitude change efforts be successful.
An alternative and related theory looks at social relationships that occur in
social influence situations (see 6.2). Kelman (1958) looked at three processes
of opinion change: (a) compliance, (b) identification, and (c) internalization.
Compliance results in only a surface level change. Attitudes are changed only
to receive a favorable reaction from another person or group. This attitude is
only expressed when the other person is present.
The attitude change resulting from identification occurs both publicly and
privately but does not become part of the person's value system. The change is
dependent on the relationship with the source but not with the source's
presence. Attitudes that are internalized become part of an individual's value
system.
McGuire's (1964) inoculation theory is concerned with resistance to change
(see 37.4). Research in this area investigates the treatments individuals could
receive which would allow them to resist successfully attacks on their belief
systems. An analogy is drawn from the biological process of inoculation. Once
people are inoculated, they are immune when exposed to the disease.
Attitudes are often established in a relatively "germ-free" environment, free
from attack. Thus, the individual has little chance to develop resistance to
future attacks. McGuire's research strategy was to expose the individual to
mild attacks in a control setting in order to motivate the individual to defend
his or her beliefs (Himmelfarb & Eagly, 1974; Kiesler et al., 1969; Insko, 1967).
Functional theories are in the mainstream of attitude research. Their
theoretical approaches remain conceptually intriguing to investigators because
of their breadth and unique focus on the functional bases for attitudes.
Functional theories provide a link between the behavioral theories proposed
during the 1950s (consistency theories, early-learning theories, social
judgment theories) and the processing and cognitive themes of more recent
theorizing.
Attitude and persuasion research is a major area of interest to those in social
psychology. Theory building has been characteristic of this research. Only a

fraction of this literature has been reviewed in this section of this chapter;
however, the information presented provides a basis for information
presented later. These theories, especially the functional theories discussed
last, provide guidance to the development of recommendations for the design
of persuasive messages delivered by media.

Attitudes and Behavior

In 1969, Wicker reported on a review of 42 experimental studies that assessed

attitudes and then included an observation of related behaviors. Wicker found
few studies where the correlation between attitudes and behavior were as high
as .30 (r = .30). The average correlation was about .15 (r = .15). Wicker
concluded that "taken as a whole, these studies suggest that it is considerably
more likely that attitudes will be unrelated or only slightly related to overt
behaviors than that attitudes will be closely related to actions" (p. 65).
The impact of Wicker's review was immediate. By the early 1970s most social
psychologists had readily accepted the negative verdict about the attitudebehavior link. Most felt that attitudes had little importance and direct relation
to actions. Also during this time frame, many studies were conducted and
reported that examined the impact of behaviors on attitudes, rather than the
other way around. Festinger's (1957) dissonance theory was very popular, and
its emphasis on the influence of behaviors on attitudes seemed to make it
difficult for researchers to believe that the opposite link could be strong or
even stronger.
Simonson's (1977) study discussed earlier showed that attitudes could be
changed predictably by following dissonance theory guidelines, but that the
impact of attitudes on achievement was not easily identified. Simonson's
results demonstrated a one standard deviation improvement in attitude
scores, but no significant improvement in related achievement scores. This
study was one of many reported during this period which supported the
position taken by many that attitude and behavior had little relationship to
each other. Most research of the 1970s dealing with attitudes did not attempt
to demonstrate a direct link between attitudes and behavior (Eagly & Chaiken,
1993).

Since then, however, there has been a reexamination of the attitude-behavior

link, and a resurgence of interest in this area has occurred. As a matter- of
fact, the generalization that attitudes do not predict behavior is now
considered inaccurate (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993). Parenthetically, as one reads
the debate about attitudes and behaviors that raged in the social psychology
literature during the 1970s and 1980s, it is interesting to compare it to the
ongoing debate in instructional technology between those who say "media will
never influence achievement' (Clark, 1983, 1994) and those who take a more
moderate approach to the relationship between mediated instruction and
achievement. The similarities are interesting. In the attitude-behavior debate,
subsequent research has shown that neither extreme position was correct, and
the following section of this chapter will present what currently is known
about the attitude-behavior link.
This section will include a brief explanation of the approaches taken recently
by attitude researchers and will concentrate on theories of social psychology.
The section will conclude with a discussion of attitudes and instructional
behaviors.
First, while Wicker's (1969) premise about the weak link between attitudes
and behavior gained widespread acceptance, many took issue with his study's
methods. Wicker reviewed only a narrow sample of studies that were heavily
weighted toward laboratory research, Many outstanding studies were not
examined by Wicker, and several writers who reviewed survey research
reported that this literature showed a moderately strong relationship between
attitudes and behaviors (Kelman, 1974; Schuman & Johnson, 1976). This
critique of Wicker led to a series of new proposals about, and new
examinations of, the relationship between attitudes and behavior.
First, researchers began to examine attitudes as being related to an aggregate
of behaviors. It was found that relatively high attitude-behavior correlations
were obtained by comparing a general attitude (e.g., attitude toward chemistry
or attitude toward homework) to a measure with an aggregate of attituderelevant behaviors (e.g., taking chemistry courses, talking about chemistry in
the study hall with friends, using chemistry examples in other classes).

Fishbein and Ajzen (1975) reported that attitudes typically predicted multipleact criteria better than single-act criteria. They generalized that attitudes and
behaviors must be compatible to ensure a strong relationship. In other words,
general attitudes are good predictors of general behaviors (e.g., attitudes
toward affirmative action are predictors of actions related to affirmative
action), and specific attitudes, especially attitudes toward behaviors, are good
predictors of specific actions (attitudes toward studying chemistry predict
nicely the act of studying). Unfortunately, many researchers had examined,
and still are examining, quite general attitudes (e.g., attitudes toward
chemistry), and quite specific behaviors (e.g., achievement on a chemistry
test).
Fishbein and Ajzen maintained that a consistent terminology was needed. In
other words, specific attitude constructs should be identified if specific actions
are to be correlated to them. An attitude toward studying chemistry every
evening could be measured by an attitude test, and subsequent studying of
chemistry could be determined by asking students' parents to keep a journal of
their child's study habits. Fishbein and Ajzen predicted that the correlation
between this kind of specific attitude and specific behavior would be quite
high.
Fishbein's efforts in this area produced a model that he and Ajzen called
the theory of reasoned action. It is now considered an excellent model of the
psychological processes that explain observed links between attitudes and
behaviors. The theory of reasoned action suggests that the cause of behavior is
a person's intention to engage in the behavior. Attitudes influence behavior by
their influence on intentions, which are decisions to act in a particular way.
The issue of how an attitude was transformed into action was resolved by
adding another psychological event, the formation of an intention. Intention
was explained to be the person's motivation to exert effort to carry out a
behavior.
This theory was popular since it had an inherent reasonableness about it.
People were assumed to behave as they intended to behave. They were
theorized to act in ways that allowed them to obtain favorable outcomes and to
meet the expectations of others. The theory of reasoned action can be
summarized as follows:

a. Behavior is determined by the intention to engage in the behavior.

b. Intention is determined by attitude toward the behavior and the subjective
norm to which the attitude is related.
c. Attitude is determined by behavioral beliefs and evaluation of the likely
outcomes of a behavior.
d. Subjective norms are determined by the normative beliefs of the person and
the motivation to comply with the relevant actions.
Many believe that this theory provides a complete theory of voluntary
behavior. Critics have indicated that they do not consider the theory of
reasoned action to be a general theory of behavior. Rather, it is considered by
them to be a theory of the immediate causes of voluntary action.
In part because of criticisms, Ajzen proposed an alternative theory of planned
behavior that attempted to enlarge the Fishbein-Ajzen model (Ajzen, 1991).
Ajzen stated that for nonhabituaI behaviors that are easily executed by almost
everyone without special circumstances, the theory of reasoned action was
adequate. When behaviors are more difficult to execute, and when a person
needs to take control over needed resources in order to act, the theory of
planned behavior is a better predictor of behavior than the theory of reasoned
action. In the theory of planned behavior, control is taken into account as a
variable labeled "perceived behavioral control," which is defined as a person's
perception of how easy or difficult it would be to perform the action.
Perceived control affects behavior in two ways: First~ it influences the
intention to perform the behavior. Second, it may have a direct impact on the
behavior itself. Ajzen proposed that people tend to engage in behaviors to the
extent that they believe that they have control over the behaviors, in other
words, to the extent that they have confidence in their ability to perform the
behavior.
In a series of studies that examined the prediction of behavior, it was found
that when perceived behavioral. control was taken into account, along with
attitude toward a behavior, the average R for predicting intentions was .71
(Ajzen, 1991). Research suggests that the addition of perceived control to the

model of reasoned action results in a more comprehensive model that applies

to behaviors that require skills, resources, and other inputs that are not
available merely because people decide to act.
From the low point of the late 19609, when many social scientists believed
that attitudes were not closely related to behaviors, new information has been
made available to the point where most now believe there is considerable
interaction between attitudes, behaviors, and other variables. High
correlations between attitudes and overt behaviors can be produced by
aggregating several behaviors to create a measure that corresponds to the
attitude measure. The theory of reasoned action and the theory of planned
action provide direction to the study of the prediction of behavior, especially
where attitudes are concerned.
Eagly and Chaiken (1993) also proposed a composite attitude-behavior model
that is especially attractive because of its comprehensiveness (Fig. 34-1). This
model demonstrates that behavior is likely to be partially determined by
attitudes, but that the relation between attitudes and behavior is best
understood by placing attitudes in the context of other factors that also help to
determine behavior, such as habits, intentions, and perceived utilitarian
outcomes.
Ultimately we must return to the purposes of this chapter: the design of
persuasive messages that are delivered by media, and the relationship between
media and attitudes. It is apparent from the literature of social psychology that
a direct relationship between attitude formation and the production of
educational behaviors such as achievement is not straightforward. Rather, the
development of attitude positions that are desirable and planned is only one
step in the process of promoting educational relevant actions. Attitudes
contribute to learning outcomes, but are only one of several important
variables. Arguments listed previously in this chapter provide support for the
need to understand the use of mediated messages designed to persuade. Later
in this chapter, a series of guidelines for producing attitude changes will be
proposed.
It would be inappropriate to assume that the development of new attitude
positions will directly and predictably influence educational behaviors. Rather,

attitudes are one component of a system that predicts behaviors. For those
interested in predicting behavior from attitudes, the literature provides
guidelines. First, single general attitudes are not likely to predict general
actions. At the very least, very specific attitudes and very specific behaviors
should be identified for correlation. Second, general attitudes are probably
related to a collection, an aggregate, of behaviors. Finally, other variables such
as motivation, intention, and personality traits are intervening forces that
should be considered in the attitude-behavior formula. Interestingly, even the
critics of attitude-behavior research are consistent in their opinion that it is
possible, even easy, to modify attitudes predictably, and that attitudes play
some role in determining actions.

Measuring Attitudes

When reviewing the literature that deals with attitude change and instructional
technology, it is very apparent that attitude measurement is often done very poorly.
Simonson (1979a) commented on the sad state of attitude measurement in the
educational technology literature, and more recent reviews have not revealed any
improvements in testing methodology (Simonson & Maushak, 1995). The move to more
qualitative-based research (see 40.2) and measurement has not changed this situation,
and may be contributing to a decline in the quality of attitude testing (see 6. 1).
Before beginning this discussion of attitude measurement, it is important once again to
establish a frame of reference for this review. Attitude research is largely conducted by
those called empiricists, objectivists, and reductionists. They tend to take the approach
of the scientific empiricist who believes that there are laws of nature that the scientist
must discover. The vast body of attitude and attitude-change literature is authored by

those attempting to "discover the answer" and to determine "truth." These researchers
usually apply quantitative approaches in their research designs (see 39.4).
Those advocating naturalistic inquiry (see 40.2) may be uncomfortable with the
approach taken by this chapter. A general question often asked by qualitative
researchers, "What is going on here", does not readily translate to results of the kind
summarized in this chapter and the type of measurement techniques recommended
next. Certainly, it would be unwise to discount qualitative techniques for examining the
critical issues of the field. Just as certainly, the vast body of literature about attitudes
and attitude measurement were generated by scientists who applied quantitative
approaches to measurement.
Problems with attitude measurement are of three types. First, researchers are not clearly
defining their attitude variables. In other words, they are not operationalizing the
constructs that they are setting out to measure. This problem is heightened by the
failure of many to include attitude hypotheses or research questions in their research
designs. Rather, attitude constructs are often included as post-hoc components of
research studies. Qualitative researchers also tend to show little interest in attitude
constructs.
Second, attitudes are not measured well. Certainly, quantitative measurement of
attitudes has evolved into a fairly exact process (Henerson, Morris & Fitz-Gibbon, 1987).
However, reports about the methods used to develop measures of attitudes are reported
in only a minority of the research studies found in the literature. Simonson (1979a)
reported that only 50% of the studies reviewed reported on the validation of attitude
measures, and only 20% reported descriptive information about their attitude tests.
Most measures then, and toddy, tended to be locally prepared and used only once-in the
specific study reported. Researchers who were otherwise extremely careful to
standardize their achievement measures did not do the same for their tests of attitudes.
One alarming trend was the use of single items to measure attitudes. Researchers
reported using a single item to determine a person's attitude (e.g., Do you like
chemistry?), and then used the responses to this question in powerful statistical
analyses. Apparently, reliability and validity concerns were not worrisome to these
researchers.
Finally, attitude measurement has tended to be of only peripheral importance to
researchers. Often, as stated above, attitudes are relegated to post-hoc examinations,
often conducted without controls or design considerations being taken into account. As
a matter of fact, it is obvious that attitude study is not an area of interest or importance
in mainstream instructional technology research. Of the hundreds of studies published
in the literature of educational communications and technology since Simonson's review

(1979a) of attitude research, less than 5% examined attitude variables as a major area of
interest. This lack of interest was discouraging, especially when contrasted with the
wealth of attitude research in the literature of social psychology.

Figure34-1. A composite model of the attitude-behavior relationship (Eagly & Chaiken,

1993).
One reason attitudes may be studied so rarely is the difficulty many have in clearly
identifying how attitudes should be measured. The characteristics of attitude contribute
to this perception of difficulty, as does the recent move away from quantitative research
procedures. In a recent review of the indexes of five textbooks dealing with methods of
qualitative analysis, the term attitude was not found in any, even in the recently
publishedHandbook of Qualitative Research (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994).
Since attitudes are defined as latent, and not observable in themselves, the educator
must identify some action that would seem to be representative of the attitude in
question so that this behavior might be measured as an index of the attitude. This
characteristic of attitude measurement is justifiably one of the most criticized of this
area of educational evaluation. However, there are several generally recognized
procedures used to determine quantitatively an individual's, or group's, attitude toward
some object or person. It is those procedures that are described below. Two excellent

sources for information on attitude measurement should be reviewed by those

interested in quantitatively testing for attitudes. First is Himmelfarb's ( Eagly &
Chaiken, 1993) comprehensive review of the basic concepts and ideas behind attitude
measurement. It also contains an explanation of the various techniques for quantifying
attitude positions. Himmelfarb's discussion is a scholarly explanation of attitude
measurement.
For those interested in more specific procedures for attitude measurement, Henerson,
Morris, and Fitz-Gibbon's (1987) manual is excellent. It would be unfair to call the
manual a cookbook because it is more than that. It does contain step-by-step, cookbooklike, procedures for validly and reliably developing measures of attitudes. It is a must
reference for those interested in quantifying attitudes as part of a research study, but
who do not wish to become attitude measurement experts. Henerson, Morris, and FitzGibbon even include a section labeled "alternative approaches to collecting attitude
information" designed to appeal to the qualitative researcher.
34.5.1 Characteristics of Quantitative Attitude Measurement

Before procedures for measuring attitudes are discussed, there are several general
characteristics of measurement that should be considered in order to determine if an
evaluation technique is an effective one. Good tests have these characteristics. Basically,
a quantitative approach to attitude measurement requires that measures be:

Valid. The instrument must be appropriate for what needs to be measured. In other
words, a valid test measures the construct for which it is designed. A test of "attitude
toward chemistry" will have items that deal directly with the concept of chemistry.

Reliable. The measure should yield consistent results. In other words, if people were to
take a reliable test a second time, they should obtain the same, or nearly the same, score
as they got the first time they took the test, assuming no changes occurred between the
two testings.

Fairly simple to administer, explain, and understand. Generally, the measures that yield
a single score of an attitude position epitomize the intent of this characteristic, although
the single score may be deficient in meeting the intent of other characteristics of good
measurement. Most tests of single attitudes have about 10 to 30 items, are valid, and
have reliability estimates above.80.

Replicable. Someone else should be able to use the measure with a different group, or in
a different situation, to measure the same attitude. Replicable tests of attitude should be
usable in a variety of situations. In other words, a test of computer anxiety should
measure the existence of that construct in college students, parents, elementary schools
students, and even stockbrokers.

34.5.2 Categories of Attitude Measurement Techniques

There are four widely used and accepted categories, or approaches, for collecting
attitude information. These approaches are:

Self-reports, where the members of a group report directly about their own attitudes.
Self-reports include all procedures by which a person is asked to report on his or her own
attitudes. This information can be provided orally through the use of interviews, surveys,
or polls, or in written form through questionnaires, rating scales, logs, journals, or
diaries. Self-reports represent the most direct type of attitude assessment and should be
employed, unless the people who are being investigated are unable or unwilling to
provide the necessary information. Questions like "How do you feel about XT' where X is
the attitude construct under investigation are often asked in self-reports.

Reports of others, where others report about the attitudes of a person or group. When
the people whose attitudes are being investigated are unable or unlikely to provide
accurate information, others can be questioned using interviews, questionnaires, logs,
journals, reports, or observation techniques. Parents of children can be asked how their
children feel about X, where X is the attitude construct under investigation.

Sociometric procedures, where members of a group report about their attitudes toward
one another. Sociometrics are used when the researcher desires a picture of the patterns
within a group. Members of groups can be asked questions like "Who in your group fits
the description of XT' where X is the attitude position being studied.

Records, which are systematic accounts of regular occurrences, such as attendance

reports, sign-in sheets, library checkout records, and inventories. Records are very
helpful when they contain information relevant to the attitude area in question. For
example, when a researcher is trying to determine if a schoolwide program to develop a
higher level of school pride is working, the school's maintenance records might give an
index of the program's effectiveness. If school pride is improving, then vandalism should
decline, and maintenance costs should be lower. The amount of trash picked up from the
school's floors might yield relevant information, too. Students who have 'school pride are
less likely to throw trash on the floor.

Within each of these categories, there are strategies for measuring attitude-related
behaviors. Most commonly, attitude measurement is accomplished by one of the
following techniques:

Questionnaires and rating scales. Questionnaires and rating scales are instruments that
present information to a respondent in writing and then require a written response, such
as a check, a circle, a word, a sentence, or several sentences. Attitude rating scales are
special kinds of questionnaires. They are developed according to strict procedures that
ensure that responses can be summed to yield a single score representing one attitude.
Questionnaires and rating scales are often used because they permit anonymity, permit
the responder time to answer, can be given to many people simultaneously, provide
uniformity across measurement situations, permit relatively easy data interpretation,
and can be mailed or administered directly. Their main disadvantage is they do not pennit as much flexibility as do some other techniques.

Interviews. Interviews are face-to-face meetings between two or more people in which
the respondent answers questions. A survey is a highly structured interview. Often
surveys are conducted over the telephone, an approximation of face-to-face interviewing.
A poll is a headcount. Respondents are given a limited number of options and asked to
select one. For example, word-of-mouth procedures, such as interviews, surveys, and
polls, are useful because they can be read to people who cannot read or who may not
understand written questions. They guarantee a relatively high response rate, they are
best for some kinds of information especially when people might change their answers if
responses were written, and they are very flexible. There are two major problems with
interviews. First, they are very time consuming. Second, it is Possible that the
interviewer may influence the respondent.

Written reports, such as logs, journals, and diaries. Logs, journals, and diaries are
descriptions of activities, experiences, and feelings written during the course of the
Program. Generally they are running accounts consisting of many entries prepared on an
event, on a daily or weekly basis. The main advantage of this approach is that reports
Provide a wealth of information about a person's experiences and feelings. The main
problem is in extracting, categorizing, and interpreting the information. Written reports
require a great deal of time by both the respondent and the researcher.

Observations. These procedures require that a person dedicate his or her attention to the
behaviors of an individual or group in a natural setting for a certain period of time. The
main advantage of this approach is its increased credibility when pretrained,
disinterested, unbiased observers are used. Formal observations often bring to attention
actions and attitudes that might otherwise be overlooked. Observations are extremely
time consuming, and sometimes observers produce discomfort in those they are
observing. The presence of an observer almost always alters what is taking place in a
situation.

A specific strategy for attitude measurement should be chosen which is appropriate for
the type of attitude construct of interest, the type of learner, and the situation being
examined (Henerson, Morris & Fitz-Gibbon, 1987). The procedures summarized above
are those most often used. Others strategies are available, but attitude researchers are
cautioned to select a technique appropriate to their research questions and a technique
they are competent to carry out.
34.5.3 A Recommended Process for Attitude Measurement
Attempts at measurement, including the evaluation of attitude, require that a systematic
process be followed. Using structured procedures increases the likelihood of an effective
measurement taking place. Guidelines for attitude measurement usually recommend
that at least six steps be followed (Henerson, Morris & Fitz-Gibbon, 1987):
1. Identify the construct to be measured. A construct is simply defined as the attitude
area of interest. It is usually best to identify specific attitude constructs. Narrow attitude
constructs such as "desire to take a course in chemistry" are probably better than "liking
of chemistry," and "importance of knowing about the chemical elements" might be an

even better attitude to measure. A learner can conceivably have an attitude position
toward any object, situation, or person. When mediated instruction is designed, those
attitudes that are important to the learning activity should be clearly identified and
defined. An example of an attitude that an instructional developer might be interested in
would be "attitude toward learning about titrations; by video."
2. Find an existing measure of the construct. Once a certain attitude construct has been
identified, an attempt should be made to locate an instrument that will measure it.
Published tests are the first choice for measuring attitudes because they have usually
been tried out in other instructional situations and include some statement of test
validity and reliability Additionally, instructions for administration of published tests
often are available. The use of standardized measures simplifies the job of attitude
evaluation.
The most obvious disadvantage to using a predesigned. test is that it may not be
evaluating the specific attitude being studied. Even if this is the case, it may sometimes
be possible to extract valuable information from an instrument designed to test an
attitude position similar to the one of specific instructional interest.
Possibly the best source of published tests is the research literature. Researchers who
have conducted attitude research will often have developed or identified measures of
their dependent variables that can be used in new experimental situations. If the
research literature does not yield an appropriate measure of an attitude construct, then
published indexes of tests can be reviewed. Mental Measurements Yearbooks, and Tests
in Printare general sources for tests of all kinds. Often, standardized tests, such as those
listed in general indexes, can be used to provide direction to -the development of more
specific attitude tests.
3. Construct an attitude measure. If no existing test of the relevant attitude is available,
and a quantitative measure is needed, then it is necessary to construct a new test. Of the
many types of attitude measurement possible, one widely used technique that seems to
possess most of the characteristics of a good measure is the Agreement, or Likert-type,
Scale. This technique involves the use of statements about the attitude that are either
clearly favorable or unfavorable. Each student responds to each test item according to
his or her perceived attitude "intensity" toward die statement. Often, students are asked
to answer test items using a five-point scale that has responses varying in the amount of
agreement to the statement from "strongly disagree" to 41strongly agree." Advantages of
this technique are ease of scoring and ease of summarizing the information obtained.
When a test is constructed, it is critical that validity and reliability information be
collected for the measure. Of these two concepts, validity (i.e., appropriateness of
instrument) is the most difficult to determine.

Validity for a test depends on a number of factors, such as the type of test and its
intended use. Basically, there are four categories of validity:

Construct validity. This concept refers to the extent to which the measure accurately
represents the attitude construct whose name appears in its title. This can be determined
by:

a. Opinions of experts. Experts are asked to review the test, and their reactions to
it are used to modify the test, or if they do not have negative reactions, then the
test is considered valid.
b. Correlations to other measures of the same construct. In some situations there
may be other, often more complex, measures of the same variable that are
available. Validity can be determined by asking a sample of learners to complete
both the complex and the simpler versions and then correlating their scores. This
procedure was used by Maurer (1983) when he validated his Computer Anxiety
Index by correlating student's scores on it to Spielberger's (1970) much more
complex and expensive State Anxiety Index.
c. Measures of criterion group subjects (those who have been proved to possess
the construct). Maurer (1983) validated his computer anxiety index also using
this technique. He observed learners and identified those who possessed the
obvious characteristics of the computer anxious person. He then examined their
Computer Anxiety Index scores and determined that their Index scores were also
high, indicating that it was validly measuring computer anxiety.
d. Appeals to logic. Many times, particularly when the attitude can be easily
defined, audiences will accept an instrument as logically related to the attitude, as
long as they know it will be administered fairly.

Content validity. This refers to the representativeness of the sample of questions

included in the instrument. Content validity is usually determined by careful analysis of
the items in the test. There is no simple process to determine content validity other than
a close, thoughtful examination of each item separately, and all items collectively.

Concurrent validity. This refers to the agreement of a test with another test on the same
topic that was administered at approximately the same time. Concurrent validity is
determined by correlating the results of the two parallel measures of the same attitude.
This correlation coefficient is reported as an index of concurrent validity. For example, if
an attitude test measuring "willingness to study chemistry" was administered and scores
were obtained, it could be correlated to the instructor's assessments of the "completion
rate of chemistry homework assignments" in order to determine an index of concurrent
validity.

Predictive validity. This refers to how well a measure will predict a future behavior,
determined by comparing the results of an attitude test to a measure of behavior given in
the future. Ibis type of validity is usually expressed by a correlation coefficient found by
comparing the results of two measures. For example, the results of an attitude test that
measured "willingness to take additional chemistry courses" could be compared to actual
course enrollment figures to determine the predictive validity of the attitude test.

Determining validity is not simple, however. Every educator who constructs a test of any
type should be acutely aware of the need to develop valid instruments. Because there is
no single, established method for determining validity, the test originator should
exercise great care when constructing, administering, and interpreting tests.
Reliability is the ability of a measure to produce consistent results. It is usually less
difficult to determine than validity. Reliability also refers to the extent to which
measurement results are free of unpredictable kinds of error.
There are several methods of determining reliability that can be easily used by the
attitude test developer. The "Test-Retest" method involves a second administration of
the instrument to the target group and correlation of the results. The "Split-Half'
method uses a random division of the instrument into two halves. Results from each
half are correlated and reported as a reliability coefficient. "Alternate-Form" reliability
involves the correlation of the results of two parallel forms of tests of the same attitude
construct. In this method, each subject takes each form, and the resulting correlation is
reported as a reliability estimate. Internal consistency reliability is a determination of
how well the items of an attitude test correlate with one another. Measures of internal
consistency, such as the Cronbach-alpha, are often used by attitude test developers
(Ferguson, 1971).
Both the Test-Retest and Alternate Form techniques will yield a score between -1.00 and
+1.00. The higher the number, the more reliable the test. Reliability coefficients above .
70 are considered respectable. Scores above .90 are not uncommon for standardized
attitude tests. As with validity, the results of reliability estimation should be reported to
the test's consumer (Anastasi, 1968; Cronbach, 1970; Talmage, 1978; Henerson et a].,
1987).
4. Conduct a pilot study. While it is possible to obtain validity and reliability data during
the actual testing portion of the instructional activity, it is preferable to administer
attitude instruments to a pilot audience before any formal use is undertaken. This is
done to obtain appropriate data, and to uncover minor and potentially troublesome
administrative problems such as misspellings, poor wording, or confusing directions. A
group of learners similar to those who are the target group for the attitude test should be
given the measure. Results should be used to revise the test and to determine validity
and reliability information.

5. Revise tests for use. Results of pilot testing are used to revise, and refine, attitude
instruments. Once problems are eliminated, the measure is ready to be used with its
intended target audience.
6. Summarize, analyze, and display results. After testing is completed, the resulting
data should be interpreted. Attitude test results are handled similarly to any other
quantitative test information. Attitude responses should be summarized, analyzed, and
displayed in such a manner that results are easily and quickly understood by others.
Descriptive statistics should be reported about the attitude test results. Most often,
means, standard deviations, and the range of scores should be reported. In experimental
situations, tests of inference are often performed using the results of attitude tests. Most
attitude test results can be analyzed using standard parametric tests, such as t tests and
analysis-of-variance tests. However, attitude data about instructional method or content
area are often useful even if they are only averaged and compared to other averages. In
other words, did the class average change for "Attitude Toward the Happiness of People
in India" after viewing the video, or did the class react favorably to "The Importance of
Wearing Seat-Belts" after participating in a hypermedia computer lesson?
Displaying data is another effective method of analysis. Charts, graphs, and bar
diagrams are examples of data display techniques that are useful in assisting the reader
in developing an understanding of what test results indicate. Whatever the process, the
developer of an attitude test should make every effort to decipher the results of the
measure and to explain apparent conclusions and implications derived from the test.
Attitude measurement is certainly not an exciting topic, and may be of less interest than
other issues discussed in this chapter. However, attitude testing specifically, and
identifying attitudes generally, are apparently not understood and probably not valued
by many educational technology researchers. Certainly, the trend toward more
qualitative approaches to investigation may convince some that attitude measurement,
and even attitude identification, are irrelevant to the important issues of the field.
However, those who are still approaching research questions from an objectivist
perspective will want to be sure that they are correctly following the accepted principles
of measurement.

Attitudes and Instructional Media - The Literature

In the last 15 years, two attempts have been made to organize the literature
related to attitude change and instructional technology. In the late 1970s and
early 1980s, Simonson reported on a series of reviews of the literature that

culminated in a set of guidelines for designing mediated messages for

obtaining attitudinal outcomes. Several studies were reported during the
following years that attempted to validate Simonson's (1979) guidelines.
In 1993, Bednar and Levie proposed a series of attitude change principles.
These principles facilitated the design of instruction to change attitudes and
for the processes used for structuring lessons that targeted affective goals.
Simonson's research will be summarized first, then Bednar and Levie's
principles will be reviewed. Finally, there will be a discussion of other research
literature that relates to the use of media for persuasion.
34.6.1 Designing Instruction for Attitudinal Outcomes--The Iowa
State Studies
In 1977, the first of a number of reviews and research studies dealing with
media-attitude research was published by Simonson. A three-part approach
was followed. First, literature about media and attitudes was located,
reviewed, and synthesized (Simonson & Burch, 1977; Simonson, Thies &
Burch, 1979a; Simonson, 1979; Simonson, 1980). Next, Simonson proposed a
series of guidelines for designing instruction for attitudinal outcomes
(Simonson, 1979, 1983, 1994). Finally, a series of research studies were
conducted that evaluated various aspects of Simonson's guidelin6s (Simonson,
1985; Simonson, Aegerter, Berry, Moock & Stone, 1987; Treimer & Simonson,
1988; Dimond & Simonson, 1988). This research agenda will be reviewed.
Several publications by Simonson reviewing the media and attitude literature
were published during the 3-year period between 1977 and 1980. The purpose
of these reviews was to summarize the status of the research in this area and
to attempt to synthesize conclusions about the results of this research.
Simonson identified 211 research studies that experimentally examined some
aspect of the relationship between attitudes, attitude change, and instructional
media. Published or abstracted in AV Communications Review were 138
articles, and 73 articles were found that were published elsewhere (Simonson,
Thies & Burch, 1979; Simonson, 1979a).

Simonson (1979a) arrived at several general conclusions after reviewing this

literature. Five observations, with each having impact on those preceding it,
were offered.
Observation #1: Mediated instruction does contribute to desired attitudinal
outcomes in learners, especially when the instruction is designed specifically
to produce certain attitudes or attitude changes.
Observation #2: The state of the art of media-attitude research is such that no
specific guidelines for producing attitudinal outcomes can be generated. 'Ibis
is no theory of "media-produced attitude change."
Observation #3: Procedures most likely to produce desired attitudinal
outcomes toward content as a result of instruction delivered by media include:
Use of follow-up activities (e.g., discussions) and open-ended questions
after the mediated instruction
Maximum use of realistic types of media with as many
nondistracting/noncontradictory visual cues (e.g., color, motion) as
possible (e.g., the story film)
Creation of an aroused state in the learner through direct participation,
intermittent distractions to reorient the learner from previously held
attitudinal positions, or dramatic presentations that involve the viewer
emotionally and intellectually in the content shown
Observation #4: Procedures least likely to produce desired attitudinal
outcomes toward content as a result of instruction delivered by media include:
Varying only the channel through which the instruction is delivered
(e.g., a videotaped replay of a live lecture probably would not produce
more favorable viewer attitudes toward the lecture topic, and might even
produce more negative attitudes than would the live lecture)
Including distractions in the form of extraneous information or cues in
the mediated instruction (e.g., a videotaped presentation on the need for
better study habits probably would not change viewers' attitudes toward
the use of the public library as a source of information even though this

was included as part of the videotape script; too much irrelevant

information inhibits attitude change)
Presenting unrealistic, highly symbolic information using visual media
(e.g., a slide set which included many frames containing written
information probably would not produce positive attitudes toward the
topic presented)
Presenting problem/conflict situations but providing no mechanism for
conflict alleviation or problem solving, either as part of the mediated
messages or in follow-up discussions (e.g., a film on the problem of soil
erosion probably would not change farmer's attitudes unless the film
showed solutions to the problem of soil erosion)
Observation #5. Media-attitude experimentation is not currently a high
priority for researchers in media or related areas.
Simonson (1979a) stated that these five observations were opinions, but that
any careful review of the 221 studies summarized would produce the same or
similar conclusions. Simonson (1980) stated that if mediated instruction was
broadly defined to include the entire learning process of which television, film,
or still pictures were a part, then mediated instruction did seem to contribute
to attitude formation and change. When only the media were evaluated, then
conclusions were much less conclusive. Simonson stated that only one, broad,
general conclusion about the relationship between media and attitudes was
apparent and that this conclusion was an obvious one. Instructional media are
primarily carriers of information and play their greatest role in the attitude
change process as delivery vehicles. Characteristics of media such as flexibility
of use, accessibility of information, and ability to encode ideas were more
important than any inherent communication-related characteristics of a
medium, which probably were of secondary importance to any development of
attitudes or attitude changes (Simonson, 1980).
Simonson, Thies, and Burch (1979) also identified four trends in mediaattitude research. These trends were listed as phases that characterized the
research about media and attitudes.
Phase #L Liking. A number of early research studies evaluated the mediaattitude link in the simplest form by attempting to determine if the learner

liked the lesson delivered by media or the medium itself. Usually, researchers
reported on the results of an evaluation of learners. They were asked questions
like, "Did you like this lesson?" or "Do you like learning from film?"
Phase #2. Change in liking. The logical second level of attitude evaluation
conducted by media researchers was the study of change in liking as a result
of media exposure. Usually pre- or postsurveys of learner attitude were
conducted in order to determine if there was a positive or negative change.
Phase #3. Attitude comparison. A slightly more sophisticated design was the
use of two treatments to determine the impact of attitude change procedures.
Often, one treatment was a mediated one and the other was traditional,
teacher-centered instruction. These comparison studies suffered from the
same problems as media comparison studies of achievement: Results from
many studies produced contradictory findings.
Phase #4. Media-attitude interaction. In the late 1970s, researchers began to
design experimental studies using an aptitude-treatment-interaction approach
(Allen, 1975). This approach made it possible to determine with greater
specificity the relationship between attitudes and media. While relatively few
studies were found that used this approach, the ones that were found did
provide considerable information for the development of guidelines for
designing persuasive mediated instruction (Simonson, 1979).
Next, a number of methodological problems common to the media-attitude
literature were summarized by Simonson. These concerns related directly to
the problems encountered by those who subsequently attempted to synthesize
this area of research.
First, attitudes were poorly defined. Often researchers did not operationally
define the attitude constructs they were investigating. Rather, statements such
as "attitudes were measured and students liked learning about chemistry from
films" were reported. Measurement of attitudes was also considered
inadequate. Most measures were locally prepared, and most researchers did
not report validity or reliability information about their attitude tests.
Most studies reviewed by Simonson were considered to be quasi-experimental
or experimental (Campbell & Stanley, 1963). Often, however, attitude testing

was only of peripheral importance to the main purposes of the research study.
Many times, attitudes were evaluated after the fact~ as follow-ups to an
experiment. Clearly stated attitude hypotheses or research questions were
rarely reported.
Finally, it was rare that follow-ups of the results of attitude change treatments
were reported. Many critics of attitude research considered then, as they do
now, that attitudes are transitory and attitude changes short-lived. Social
psychology literature tends to refute this criticism. Few media-attitude
researchers reported studying the long-term consequences of their persuasive
efforts.
Simonson (I 979a) concluded that the research on media and attitudes was not
significantly different from media research in general. However, Simonson did
feel that there were important implications to the research that made possible
the proposal of general guidelines pertaining to the design of mediated
instruction for attitudinal outcomes. Simonson offered a series of six
guidelines (1979, 1983, 1984), which are included next.
34.6.2 Guidelines for Designing Instruction for Attitudinal Outcomes

Several versions of six guidelines for designing mediated instruction for

attitudinal outcomes were proposed by Simonson' (1979, 1983, 1984). In all
cases, they were Supported by research literature and were offered with two
purposes in mind. First, the guidelines were generated for instructional
developers to apply during the instructional design process (1979). They were
also offered to researchers so they could test the effectiveness of the
guidelines.
Simonson's six guidelines for designing instruction of attitudinal outcomes
are:
Guideline #1: Learners react favorably to mediated instruction that is realistic,
relevant to them, and technically stimulating.
Guideline #2: Learners are persuaded, and react favorably, when mediated
instruction includes the presentation of new information about the topic.

Guideline #3: Learners are positively affected when persuasive messages are
presented in as credible a manner as possible.
Guideline #4.- Learners who are involved in the planning, production, or
delivery of mediated instruction are likely to react favorably to the
instructional activity and to the message delivered.
Guideline #5: Learners who participate in postinstruction discussions and
critiques are likely to develop favorable attitudes toward delivery method and
content.
Guideline #6.- Learners who experience a purposeful emotional involvement
or arousal during instruction are likely to change their attitudes in the
direction advocated in a mediated message.
Simonson (1979) concluded his discussion of these six guidelines by repeating
the position, taken several times previously, that media are primarily carriers
of information. There was no "best medium" found for producing attitude
outcomes. However, there apparently was a best approach for the maximizing
of the likelihood of desirable attitudes being fostered in learners in a specific
situation. The guidelines were thought to be useful for developing specific
attitude change messages.
Apparently, the six guidelines received a lukewarm reception from the
profession. While no rebuttals were published, neither were there many
research studies published that cited the guidelines as the basis for either a
research plan or an instructional design process. One exception to this were
the studies conducted at Iowa State University during the 1980s that
attempted to investigate one or more of the guidelines. Six of these studies will
be discussed next.
34.6.3 Media and Attitude Change: Six Studies
Simonson's (1979) guidelines were derived from previous research dealing
with media and attitudes. In order to evaluate them, a number of research
studies were completed and reported. The first four were 'published as a group
(Simonson, Aegerter, Berry, Kloock & Stone, 1987). One was published in the
journal Teaching and Learning Technologies (Simonson, 1985) and replicated
and presented at a convention of the Association for Educational

Communications and Technology (Dimond & Simonson, 1988), and the last
study was published in the Journal of Social Psychology (Treimer &
Simonson, 1988).
The first four studies were part of a research program that investigated
whether instructional media could be used to deliver persuasive messages
effectively. The studies attempted to provide evidence about the following
questions:
1. Is there a hierarchy of media types related to effectiveness in delivering
persuasive messages? In other words, are media that deliver messages
realistically, as defined by Dale (1946), more effective than media that
depict messages less realistically?
2. Does learner aptitude interact with media type when attitude change is
the goal of the message? Specifically, do the learner characteristics of
field dependence/ field independence and hemisphericity interact with
media type when persuasive messages are delivered?
Study #1. This study attempted to determine if a motion picture was more
effective than a nearly identical slide with audiotape presentation at changing
attitudes of viewers toward the need for greater soil conservation efforts. This
study used a posttest only, control group design (Campbell & Stanley, 1963).
There were three randomly assigned groups of subjects, two experimental and
one control. The two experimental treatments were based on a 23-minute film
entitled We Are of the Soil. This motion picture was designed to introduce soil
conservation practices, such as conservation tillage, and to convince viewers
that these practices were important. It was selected by a panel of experts as a
film that was technically excellent (Cook, 1979), and as one that seemed to
have been produced more to change attitudes than to provide information.
Subjects in the first treatment viewed the motion picture. Students in the
second treatment watched a 2 X 2 slide presentation and listened to an
accompanying audiotape. To produce this slide presentation, each scene in the
film was analyzed, and the most important still picture from each scene was
made into a slide. The film's narration was duplicated on an audiotape. The
slides were projected using a dissolve unit and two carousel slide projectors, a
treatment that was reported by Cook (1979) to be comparable in technical

quality to the motion picture from which it was derived. The motion picture
was considered to be the medium that would deliver the message the most
realistically (Dale, 1946).
Subjects. Students enrolled in an undergraduate teacher education course
were assigned randomly to one of the three treatment groups. Before
treatments were administered, all subjects were given the Group Embedded
Figures Test (GEFT) (Witkin, Oltman & Raskin, 197). The GEFT was used to
determine whether students tended to be either field-dependent (FD) or fieldindependent (FI) learners. This learner characteristic was examined because it
was felt that the impact of the mediated treatments might be different for
subjects who were either FD or Fl.
FD and FI are considered to be pervasive, stable cognitive styles that influence
a person's perception of messages (McLeod, McCormack, Carpenter &
Skvarcius, 1978). FD learners are influenced more by their surroundings than
are F1 learners, who are influenced more by internal factors. FD individuals
seem to be more socially oriented and are more affected by praise and
criticism from their peers. FD persons tend to take a passive, spectator role in
learning. FI learners, on the other hand, seem more adept at taking a
message apart and at understanding its component parts, and tend to be more
active learners who often have a strong self-concept. People are not totally
field dependent or field independent, rather they have tendencies one way or
the other.
Subjects were given the GEFT, then were categorized as being either FD or Fl,
depending on their score on the GEFT. Students who had scores within one
raw score of the average of all scores were not included in treatments. They
were excused from the experiments because the GEFT did not satisfactorily
identify them as tending to be either FD or Fl.
Design. This study employed a 2 X 3 factorial design. There were three
treatment groups. One group watched the motion picture, one group watched
the slide presentation, and the third was a control group. Within each group
there were two levels of each treatment: those students considered to be FD
and those considered to be FI.

After treatments were viewed, subjects were given the Soil Conservation
Attitude Test (SCAT). The SCAT was developed by Cook (1979) and revised by
Kloock (198 1). It contained 24 statements to which subjects reacted using a
five-response Likert-type scale. The SCAT was reported to have a reliability
estimate of .85 (Kloock, 198 1).
Results of Study #1. Descriptive statistics are reported in Table 34-2. There
was a statistically significant difference in attitude reported that was
attributable to the experimental treatments. The average scores of students in
all four experimental treatment cells indicated a more positive attitude toward
the importance of soil conservation than did the scores of control subjects.
Because one of the main goals of this study was to determine if any of the
experimental groups of subjects reacted to treatments significantly differently
from the others, a Duncan's test (Ferguson, 197 1) was used to identify where
significant differences occurred among cells. It was found that the subjects in
the motion picture treatment who were identified as being field independent
had more positive attitudes than did subjects in any of the other five treatment
groupings.
Study #2. This study was a modified replication of study 1, with the same
general purpose. However, three changes were made. First, the topic of the
experimental treatments was changed. A film entitled The Right
Approach was selected by a jury of media specialists as an excellent persuasive
film. Its topic was the employment of the handicapped. A slide presentation,
with accompanying audiotape, was produced from the most relevant scenes of
the film in a manner similar to the slide treatment produced for study 1. The
two treatments (motion picture and slide with audiotape) were judged by
experts to be generally of comparable technical quality.

Since the topic of the treatments changed, the test of the dependent variable
also had to be changed. A standardized text of attitude toward disabled
persons was found in the Mental Measurements Yearbook (Buros, 1978). The
Attitudes Toward Disabled Persons (ATDP) was reported to have a reliability
estimate of .76 (Yucker, Block & Young, 1970).
The second change for study 2 was to use fifth- and sixth-grade students as
subjects. They ranged in age from 10 to 13. Last, a follow-up test was given to a
small sub-sample of subjects 3 weeks after treatment to determine if attitude
changes produced by the treatments persisted.
The posttest-only design for this study had two independent variables, field
dependence/field independence and treatment. The 2 X 3 factorial design had
three treatments (motion picture, slide with audiotape, and control), and two
levels of the cognitive style, field dependence/independence.
Results of Study #2. Results of descriptive tests are reported in Table 34-3.
There was a statistically significant difference in attitude attributable to
treatments and to the learner cognitive style field dependence/independence.
After treatments, the subjects who had viewed the motion picture generally
had more positive attitudes toward disabled persons than did subjects who
watched the slide/audiotape presentation. Average attitude scores of subjects
in both of the experimental treatments were significantly more positive than
were the average scores of control subjects.

Average scores of several treatment cells deserve note. Three of the

experimental treatment cells, Film/FD, Film/Fl, and Slide/Fl, had
approximately equal attitude scores, while the fourth treatment group,
Slide/FD, had significantly less positive attitudes toward the disabled than did
students in any of the other three experimental cells.

TABLE 34-2. Attitudes Toward Soil Conservation: Study #1

Treatments

Film

Slides

Control

Total

Field-dependent
subjects

x=
N=
sd =

64.69
13.00
6.76

65.33
12.00
7.39

61.14
14.00
8.47

6362
39.00
7.64

Field-dependent
subjects

x=
N=
sd =

69.86
14.00
4.85

65.31
13.00
7.69

63.69
16.00
7.95

66.19
43.00
7.42

Totals

x=
N=
sd =

67.37
27.00
6.31

65.32
25.00
7.53

62.50
30.00
8.16

64.96
82.00
7.59

Higher scores indicate a more positive attitude toward soil conservation.

Possible range of scores was 24 to 120.

TABLE 34-3. Attitudes Toward Disabled Persons: Study #2

Treatments

Film

Slides

Control

Total

Field-dependent
subjects

x=
N=
sd =

86.08
25.00
14.61

75.25
24.00
18.96

67.83
23.00
21.29

76.64
72.00
19.65

Field-dependent
subjects

x=
N=
sd =

85.17
24.00
4.85

87.24
21.00
7.69

78.35
23.00
7.95

83.50
68.00
7.42

Totals

x=
N=
sd =

85.63
49.00
15.67

80.64
45.00
17.91

73.09
46.00
19.52

79.97
140.00
18.35

Higher scores indicate a more positive attitude toward disabled persons.

Possible range of scores was 24 to 120.

This study added a follow-up testing session. Three weeks after treatments
were administered, a smaller number of the subjects were randomly selected
for retesting. There were no significant differences found, even though the
trends of scores were similar to those obtained from the original
administration of the attitude test. There seemed to be a regression effect. It
was also apparent that field-independent subjects generally remained more
positive toward disabled persons than did field-dependent subjects. However,
because such a small number of subjects were included in this retesting, it is
not possible to draw generalizable conclusions from the data.
Study #3. This experiment could also be considered a modified replication of
study 1. For this experiment, there were two major changes made to the design
of study 1. First, junior and senior high school students were used as subjects.
These students attended school in a small town in an agricultural state in the
Midwest and ranged in age from 13 to 18. The second change in this study was

the examination of the independent variable hemisphericity instead of field

dependence/independence.

TABLE 34.4. Attitudes Toward Soil Conservation: Study #3

Treatments

Film

Slides

Control

Total

Right-brain
dominant subjects

x=
N=
sd =

57.26
19.00
8.26

57.47
17.00
11.35

55.56
16.00
9.80

56.81
52.00
9.65

Left-brain
dominant subjects

x=
N=
sd =

59.78
18.00
4.85

60.64
14.00
7.69

57.29
21.00
7.95

59.02
53.00
7.42

Totals

x=
N=
sd =

58.49
37.00
9.84

58.90
31.00
9.81

56.54
37.00
8.54

57.92
105.00
9.36

Higher scores indicate a more positive attitude toward soil conservation.

Possible range of scores was 24 to 120.

Researchers have reported that in spite of a great deal of overlap of function,

the two hemispheres of the brain organize and encode information in two
different ways. Generally, the left hemisphere is more logical, convergent, and
analytical- It is responsible for language and processes information
sequentially. The right hemisphere is more holistic, intuitive, spatial, and
divergent (Ornstein, 1977).
It also has been determined that individuals tend to have a dominant
hemisphere. That is, one hemisphere tends to take priority when information
is processed. It has been proposed that this hemispheric dominance is related

to effective learning. In other words, how a person's brain perceived data

determines in part how much is learned.
In order to assign subjects to treatments, the Conjugate Lateral Eye Movement
(CLEM) Test was used to identify a person's dominant hemisphere (Day,
1964). The CLEM is an individually administered test that requires
observation of a subject's eye movement after reflective questions are asked of
them. The CLEM Test has a reliability of .78 (r = .78).
Subjects were tested using the CLEM and were assigned to treatment groups.
Individuals who did not have a clearly dominant hemisphere, as indicated by
the CLEM, were excused from the experiment. Specifically, subjects who did
not move their eyes in a predictable pattern when they were asked reflective
questions were not included in data analyses.
The first treatment group viewed the persuasive film We Are of the Soil. The
second group watched the slides with accompanying audiotape prepared from
this motion picture. The third group was a control. After treatments were
completed, the SCAT was administered. This study used a 2 X 3, posttest only,
control group design.
Results of Study #3. Descriptive statistics are reported in Table 34-4. There
were no statistically significant differences found, although the trends of the
mean scores were interesting. Left-brain-dominant subjects generally were
more positive than were right-brain subjects in alltreatment categories. In
order to examine the data more completely, a post-hoc analysis of SCAT scores
for subjects in grades 9 through 12 was conducted. While results were not
significant, it was found that subjects in the senior high school grades who
were in experimental treatments had more positive attitudes when compared
to control subjects in the same grade. In other words, the difference between
control group subjects' and experimental group subjects' attitude scores were
greater in the higher grades than they were in the lower grades.
Study #4. This experiment took a slightly different approach than studies 1, 2,
or 3. At its foundation was the principle reported by Simonson (1984) and
Rogers (1973) that the use of fear may be an effective technique for attitude
change, especially if cures to the problem or probabilities of exposure to a

fear-provoking event are included in the message. In other words, a persuasive

message that showed the dire consequences of not following some course of
action-such as stopping smoking, or wearing seat belts-could be made more
effective if cures for the problem or techniques for how to change behavior
were included in the message.
Study #4 used a 2 X 3, posttest only, control group design. As before, field
dependence/independence was the second factor in the design. This learner
characteristic was hypothesized as possibly being related to the impact of a
fear-provoking message, especially when information to reduce the tension
produced in viewers as a consequence of the fear was included in one
treatment and not in the other.
The college students who participated in the experiment were tested using theGEFF and assigned to one of the three treatment groups, just as they were in
study 1.
Experimental treatments were based on a film entitled The Feminine Mistake,
a 23-minute, antismoking motion picture sponsored by the American Cancer
Society. This film was selected by a group of media specialists because as
obtained from of its high technical quality. Permission w the copyright holder
to produce two 15-minute videotape versions of the film. The first version
showed only the fear provoking scenes included in the film. Narrated by
Bonnie Franklin, star of the television program One Day at a 771me, this
version showed scenes designed to scare viewers so they would stop smoking.
These scenes included an interview with a young woman undergoing
chemotherapy for lung cancer, sequences showing how smoke deteriorated the
tissues of the skin, and a presentation by a doctor of the results of medical
tests that demonstrated the effects of cigarette smoke on the unborn.
The second 15-minute videotape version included the most dramatic, fearprovoking scenes used in the first version, but also included about the 5
minutes of information on how to stop smoking. These scenes gave
information on smokers' support groups and how the body recovered once a
smoker quit.

The two video versions of the motion picture were evaluated several times
during production. They were also evaluated by subjects during the
experiment and in all cases were judged to be generally of high and
comparable technical quality.
After treatments were administered, subjects completed the Smoking Attitude
Scale (SAS; Baer, 1966). The SAS is a 21-itern measure using a five-response,
Likert-type scale. It is reported to have a reliability estimate of .84.
Results of Study #4. Results are reported in Table 34-5. It was found that both
experimental treatments were successful at significantly influencing subjects'
attitudes toward smoking. Subjects assigned to one of the two versions of the
videotaped adaptations of The Feminine Mistake had more negative attitudes
toward smoking after viewing treatments than did control subjects. There was
no statistical difference found between subjects categorized as being either
field dependent or field independent, nor was there a significant interaction
between field dependence and treatment.

Table 34-5. Attitudes Toward Smoking Study #4

Treatments

Fear with alleviation

Fear alone

Control

Field-dependent subjects

x=
N=
sd =

41.23
22.00
11.67

38.93
15.00
7.78

47.50
14.00
6.76

Field-independent subjects

x=
N=
sd =

40.21
24.00
8.95

39.85
20.00
10.87

48.32
22.00
13.16

Higher scores indicate a more positive attitude toward smoking

Possible range of scores was 21 to 105

34.6.3.1. Discussion of the Four Studies. Earlier, two specific questions

were posed that served as guides for the design of the four studies included in
this research program.
Question I. Is there a hierarchy of media types related to effectiveness in
delivering persuasive messages? It seems obvious that media can be used to
effectively deliver persuasive messages. Studies 1, 2, and 4 all reported attitude
positions that were significantly different for subjects who viewed
experimental treatments when compared to control subjects. There also
seemed to be some evidence that motion pictures generally were more
effective at persuading than were slide presentations. This conclusion was
supported by the results of studies I and 2.
The impact of realistic persuasive messages on attitude change has been
studied by social psychologists for over 4 decades. Reinforcement theory is
based on the assumption that realistic messages have more cues for the
viewer, and thus are more effective at persuading. Specifically, since motion
pictures have more visual information, theoretically this should make motion
pictures more effective than still pictures at persuading. The results from these
studies seem to support the assumptions of this theory. While no hierarchy of
media types could be developed based on this series of experiments, it does
seem that this question should be investigated further.
Question 2. Does learner aptitude interact with media type when attitude
change is the goal of a message? Based on the results of studies I and 2, there
may be a relationship between field independence and filmed persuasive
messages for the topics of soil conservation and hiring the disabled. Fieldindependent subjects seem more likely to be influenced favorably. It also
seemed that films were, in general, better than slide presentations at
delivering messages that changed attitudes.
34.6.3.2. Conclusions from the Four Studies. A fundamental
assumption of the research presented above was that attitude change is an
important concern of the educator, and that if attitudes are important,

information on how attitudes might be formed or changed with media is

needed. These four studies were conducted to examine the use of media to
deliver persuasive messages. The results of the four studies tended to support
the following conclusions: First, attitudes toward educationally relevant
topics, such as conservation, smoking, and disabled persons, can be modified
by using persuasive messages delivered by media. Next, it appeared that some
types of media may be more effective than others at delivering information
designed to change attitudes. Motion pictures seem to be more effective than
slides. There also seems to be sufficient evidence to warrant further
investigation into the relationship between the content of persuasive
messages, the media used to deliver those messages, and the characteristics of
the students who view the message.
Realistic media, such as films and video, were reported most often to be
vehicles for delivering attitude change messages. The next step in Simonson's
research agenda was to query filmmakers about the techniques they used
when they designed persuasive motion pictures.
Study #5. Persuasive Films: Techniques Used to Change Attitudes (Simonson,
1985; Dimond & Simonson, 1988)
Purpose of the study. The four studies reported above indicated that
persuasive films can change attitudes. The next study attempted to determine
how films were planned and produced, and what makes it possible for a film to
persuade a viewer to accept an attitudinal position.
Alfred Hitchcock is supposed to have once remarked to an executive producer
that he never looked at motion pictures, to which the producer replied, "But
where do you get all your ideas then?" (Rose, 1963). "How they did it" in a film
starts a description heard in many film production conferences. The
techniques used by one filmmaker in a successful film are often used as
models for similar films. Filmmakers often produced films by formula. Many
times they do not even realize what formula they are following (Rose, 1963).
Most often, filmmakers decide on, or are hired, to present a position in a film.
The filmmaker then works backwards, planning the presentation to include,
through emphasis and selection, the ideas and techniques that would be most
likely to elicit the desired reaction in the viewer. In other words, the desired

attitude is identified, then filmmakers decide how to persuade the audience to

accept this attitude as a consequence of viewing their film (Rose, 1963).
The identification of the specific techniques used by the filmmaker to
accomplish these persuasive goals was the purpose of this study. Simonson's
(1979) guidelines were used in the development of the questions asked.
Procedures. In order to obtain information from filmmakers about persuasive
films, a Film-Makers Survey (FMS) was developed. A pilot version of the FMS
was sent to a small sample of filmmakers and a revised version based on their
comments and suggestions was developed. This revised FMS had two parts.
Part I dealt with the filmmaker's background and experience. Part 2 asked the
filmmaker to rate, discuss, or evaluate techniques used in persuasive
filmmaking. Each item in part 2 of the FMS was directly related to one of the
six design guidelines identified by Simonson (1979).
The catalog of the Council on International Non-Theatrical Events (CM) listed
150 filmmakers who were sent a copy of the FMS with a cover letter explaining
the purpose ' of this study- These filmmakers were sampled because their
films were listed in the CINE catalog as Golden Eagle Award winners and
because the accompanying descriptions of their -films seemed to indicate that
their motion pictures were persuasive. A random selection of
cinematographers was not considered appropriate because the purpose of this
study was to have individuals with experience in persuasive filmmaking
evaluate techniques used to produce this type of film. Experience in persuasive
filmmaking was necessary in order for a person to be able to satisfactorily
complete the FMS. Included. with the questionnaire and cover letter was a
stamped, addressed, return envelope. No follow-ups to filmmakers who failed
to return the questionnaire were attempted, because the cover letter stated
that if addressees had not produced persuasive films, they should disregard
the FMS. Because subjects were selected based on a two- or three-sentence
description of one of their films in the CINE catalog, it was very likely that
many of them were not actually persuasive filmmakers and, consequently,
discarded the FMS.
Results. Of the questionnaires, 51 were returned, for a response rate of 34%.
This fairly small percentage of returns was expected because of the technique

used to select subjects and because no follow-ups were attempted. A careful

analysis of the completed questionnaires did not reveal any discernible,
confounding pattern. An analysis of the known characteristics of those
filmmakers who completed the survey as compared to those who did not
return it failed to reveal any significant relationships that might have indicated
that a biased subset of filmmakers answered the FMS as compared to those
who did not.
Background information on the responding filmmakers. All 51 of the
filmmakers who responded indicated that producing motion pictures was their
primary method of employment. The average length of time respondents had
been employed as filmmakers was slightly more than 18 years. The range of
years of employment was I to 40. Of the respondents, 91% were males. Their
average age was 46. Ages ranged from 25 to 68 years.
The average number of films of all types produced by each filmmaker was 142.
The average number of persuasive films produced was 29 (range = I to 200).
For persuasive films, the average film length was 18.3 minutes. The shortest
persuasive film was reported to be 2 minutes. The longest was 30 minutes.
There were a large number of 28minute films reported, probably because this
was a popular length for films that were to be broadcast. Filmmakers reported
working in production companies with an average of 11 employees. The
smallest company was a one-person freelance operation. The largest company
employed 35. .
Of the filmmakers, 37% reported that they had no formal school training in
filmmaking, only on-the-job training; 16% had some college experience. Those
who had masters degrees or more were 21%; 5% reported that they had
attended a trade school. Only 9% reported having any formal training in
producing persuasive films.
The definition of persuasive film used for this study was considered
appropriate by 78% of the filmmakers who answered the FMS. Almost without
exception, those who did not like the definition thought that it was too narrow
and should be expanded to include broadcast, noneducational uses of films.
The definition used for this study was: "A persuasive film is a training or

educational film that has influencing, persuading, or changing of attitudes as

its primary purposeMost respondents thought that the market for persuasive films would increase
in the future (73%), and that about 40% of the educational film market was for
films that primarily persuade rather than inform. The average cost of a 10minute persuasive film was estimated at $29,000, or $2,900 per minute
(range = $13,000 to $65,000). This price was estimated as being only slightly
higher than the cost of an informative film of the same length.
Persuasive-film production techniques. One of the major goals of this study
was to determine how filmmakers would go about producing a film when
persuasion was their goal Filmmakers responding to the FMS considered
persuasive films to be planned and produced a little differently than other
educational films (X = 3.79; 5 = very differently; I = exactly the same). One
major difference was the importance of a prescript writing target audience
assessment that most filmmakers considered critical to the success of their
persuasive films (X = 4.27; 5 = critical; I = not necessary). Technical quality of
persuasive films was considered important, but only slightly more so than for
any film (X = 3.59; 5 = critical; I = less important than for other films). The
"outs," the percentage of film not used, for persuasive m6tion pictures was
estimated at being only slightly greater than for informative films (X = 3.59; 5
= much greater, 3 about the same; I = much less).
To determine the production techniques considered most effective for
persuasive films, several somewhat overlapping groups of procedures were
presented in the FMS for the filmmakers to rate. An analysis of this rating
process follows.

I. When comparing persuasive films to other educational films, how important is

it to:

Rank

Most important
1. Use motion rather than static actors, objects, or graphics?
2. Use believable, realistic scenes, events, and actors?
3. Present new information on the topic?
Least important

4. Use an arrousing or dramatic musical score?

5. Use many rather than fewer scenes?
6. Produce a short rather than a longer film?

7. Use color rather than black and white?

II. How would you rate the following techniques in terms of their likelihood of
influencing your audience?

Rank

Most
important

1. Conduct a target audience pre-assessment.

2. Hire professional actors rather than amateurs.
3. Present new information on the topic
4. have people in the film that are as similar to the target audience as possible.
5. Include a teacher's guide with the film to use in follow-up discussions

Least
Effective

6. Use testimonials from "the man on the street."

7. hire a big-name star to promote your position.
8. Present inspriational messages

9. Use title scenes to present verbal information visually.

10. Use graphs and charts for presenting facts

III. Rate the following characteristics of films in terms of their importance for use
in a persuasive film:

Rank

Most
important

1. Attempt to "Arrouse" the audience intel;lectually, sexually, or

emotionally.
2. Be as realistic in presenting the story as possible.
3. make the film "fun" to watch.
4. Present facts.
5. Be as nonverbal as possible.

Least
important

6. Use phsically attractive actors and actresses.

7. Present both sides of an argument.
8. Use animation
9. Use talking faces.
10. Scare the audience by presenting the dire consequences of not following
the recommendations presented in the film.

11. Use many written scenes.

When asked to rank three general statements concerning how important each
was to persuasive filmmaking, the filmmakers considered the need to arouse
the viewer emotionally or to promote some reaction in the viewer relative to
the content of the persuasive film as the most important of the three presented
(X = 1.23; 1 = most important; 3 = least important). The technical quality of
the film (X = 2.37) and the need to present considerable information in the
film about the topic (X = 2.31) were not considered as important as involving
the viewer in the message of the motion picture.
Because the production of persuasive films is considered controversial by
some, several questions were included in the FMS to determine what
filmmakers thought about the propriety of producing films that were meant to
persuade rather than to inform. Most considered persuasive films to be much
more exciting to produce than other types of motion pictures (X = 4.25; 5 =
much more exciting; I = not much fun). Only 10% reported having problems
with the morality of producing attitude change films. However, most indicated
that they would refuse to produce a film that was intended to promote a
position they did not believe in.
Based on the FMS results reported above, it would seem that there were
several ingredients agreed on by the filmmakers as being likely to promote
attitude changes when they were included in the planning or production of
persuasive films. Techniques considered important for successful persuasive
films were that they should:
Be planned and based on the results of a target audience assessment
Arouse and promote in the viewer some action, either intellectual or
behavioral
Present new information to the viewer on the topic Be realistic and
believable to the viewer
Include motion and action in scenes rather than static visuals
Be enjoyable, or fun, to watch Be as nonverbal as possible

 Be used with follow-up discussions as outlined in a teacher's guide that

should accompany the film
This hypothetical persuasive film should be no longer than necessary and have
a budget of about $3,000 per minute. Technical quality would be important
for this motion picture, but only slightly more so than for any film. The "outs"
ratio would probably be slightly greater for this film than for a regular
informative motion picture of the same length.
Techniques not considered important or effective for persuasive films were the
use of considerations of Color rather than black and white
Film length
Graphs, charts, and other written scenes
"Scare" tactics that would attempt to show the dire consequences of not
adhering to the message of the persuasive film
Talking faces
Animation
Inspirational messages
Generally, it was thought that an effective persuasive film was one that was
believable and realistic, presented new information, was fun to watch,
promoted involvement or action in the viewer, was more visual than verbal,
and was used correctly by the teacher. These results were the amalgamation of
those found in two studies (Simonson, 1985; Dimond & Simonson, 1988).
Study #6. Subliminal Messages, Persuasion, and Behavior Change (Treimer &
Simonson, 1988). In 1988, Treimer and Simonson published the results of a
slightly different type of study that attempted to investigate the impact of
subliminal messages on the level of emotional involvement felt by the viewer
of videotapes. It was felt that subliminal messages, if effective, might provide
an alternative method of intellectually or emotionally involving the viewer of a

videotape in the persuasive message, as proposed by guideline #6 (Simonson,

1979).
Subliminal perception was defined as any word, image, or sound that is not
perceived within the normal range of consciousness but that makes an
impression on the mind. This phenomenon involves words or pictures that are
flashed so quickly that the eye cannot transmit them to the conscious brain, or
words spoken at such a volume that they evoke no conscious memory.
The purpose of the Treimer and Simonson (1988) study was to determine
whether viewing a commercial videotape containing written and aural
subliminal messages was more effective at producing weight loss and attitude
change toward weight loss than a videotape containing the same visible
message but with no subliminals. Weight Loss Video Programming, by
Hypnovision, Inc., was the videotape selected for this study. It endorsed no
specific weight loss or exercise plan and required nothing of viewers other
than their willingness to change diet and exercise habits and to watch the
videotape that contained subliminal messages daily for 30 days.
Participants were measured to see if changes occurred in the following areas:
on the position that "the likelihood that a receiver will accept the conclusion
advocated in a given lesson is in part a function of the receiver's perception of
the source's or model's credibility" (p. 286).
I . Food and Exercise Attitude (FEAT; r = .72). This test of attitudes was
administered at the beginning and end of the treatment period.
2. Food Intake Recall (FIR). FIR was measured by using a 1-day recall of food
intake at the end of the testing period.
3. Weight and Skinfold Test (WST). WST was measured at the beginning and
end of the treatment period.
It was hypothesized that participants who viewed the videotapes with
subliminals would change their attitudes toward dieting, would have a
healthier food intake, and would lose weight. A pretest/posttest control group
design was used. Participants were volunteers who were randomly assigned to

one of two treatment groups: video with subliminals or video with no

subliminals. Both groups watched
the 22-minute video at least 25 times in a 35-day period. Two versions of the
video were prepared, one with the subliminals and one without.
Results of Study #6. The results of the study showed that FEAT scores
improved for the group watching the video with the subliminals (11.8 vs. 7.37),
but that the difference was not statistically significant. Results of the FIR and
WST testing showed little numerical difference in the scores of participants in
either group. It was concluded that subliminal messages did not appear to
have an impact on either attitude or behavior.
This study is included in this review because it represents a slightly different
approach than the five studies summarized previously. The results of this
study effectively closed the door on research on subliminals. As a matter of
fact, several months later Hypnovision, Inc., stopped marketing subliminal
videos.
34.6.4 Attitudes and Instructional Media (Bednar & Levie, 1993)
Fleming and Levie proposed a series of attitude change principles in 1978 that
were based on their comprehensive review of the media and attitude research.
Their discussion had three categories of information. The first was based on
the classic SMCR model of communication (see 4.3). (The Source presents a
Message through a Channel to a Receiver). They also developed principles
related to modeling of appropriate behaviors, and they concluded with
principles related to creating and managing dissonance. In 1993, Fleming and
Levie included an updated and revised series of attitude change principles
(Bednar & Levie, 1993) that are included next. SMCR Principles-the
Source. The first series of guidelines proposed by Bednar and Levie were
concerned with the source of the persuasive message and were based
Principle I. L High-credibility sources exert more persuasive influence than
low credibility sources.
Principle 1.2. Sources perceived by the receiver as attractive are more
influential.

Principle 1.3. The quality and structure of the arguments in a persuasive

message are more critical for credible sources than for attractive sources.
Message Principles. Next, Bednar and Levie identified principles that were
concerned with the content of the persuasive message. Message principles
were considered to be closely related to source-based principles.
Principle 1.6. Arguments are more effective if they are relevant to the
receivers needs.
Principle 1.8. It is almost always advisable to state the conclusion explicitly
rather than to allow receivers to draw their own conclusions.
Principle 1.9. Repetition helps, but only one or two repetions are likely to have
any additional effect.
Principle 1.4. Be sure the receiver is informed of the expertise of a highcredibility communicator.
Principle 1.5. To enhance communicator attractiveness, establish belief
congruence with the receiver by arguing in favor of positions die receiver is
known to hold.
Arguments are more effective if they are relevant to the receiver's needs.
Principle 1.7. Generally, two-sided arguments are slightly more effective than
one-sided messages.
It is almost always advisable to state. the conclusion explicitly rather than to
allow receivers to draw their own conclusions. Repetition helps, but only one
or two repetitions are likely to have any additional effect.
Channel Principle. A principle related to the channel of communication was
presented next by Bednar and Levie. Channels were explained to refer to both
media and to senses.
Principle 1.10. No one media type has been explicitly shown to have greater
persuasive effectiveness than any other media type. Face-to-face

communication, however, is more effective in promoting acceptance than

mediated communication, particularly in difficult cases.
Receiver Principle. Finally, Bednar and Levie proposed one principle related
to the receiver of a persuasive message. They stated that is very important for
the designer of the attitude change lesson to know as much as possible about
the student who will receive the lesson.
Principle 1. 11. It is very difficult to change the attitudes of receivers who are
highly committed to their positions on an issue.
Modeling Principles. Next, Bednar and Levie proposed five principles that
dealt with the use of modeling as an instructional strategy and with the
credibility of the model.
Principle 2. 1. High-credibility models exert more persuasive influence than
low-credibility models.
Principle 2.2. In order for modeling to be effective, the learners must
comprehend the presentation as a demonstration of specific behaviors.
Principle 2.3. In addition to observing the model demonstrating the behavior,
learners should observe the model being reinforced for that behavior.
Principle 2.4. Role playing can have a powerful
persuasive impact.
Principle 2.5. Active participation produces more attitude change than passive
reception of information.
Dissonance Principles. Last, Bednar and Levie offered six principles for
creating and managing dissonance in order to produce attitude changes. Their
principles were based on Festinger's (1957) cognitive dissonance theory.
Principle 3. 1. If a person can be induced to perform an important act that is
counter to the person's own private attitude, attitude change may result.

Principle 3.2. When a person is induced to perform an attitudinally discrepant

act because of promise, of reward or punishment attitude change will occur
only to the extent that the person feels that the magnitude of the reward or
punishment was insufficient to justify the attitudinally discrepant behavior.
Principle 3.3. A message should demonstrate the social acceptability of the
desired attitude and the reward available socially for behavior consistent with
the attitude.
Principle 3.4. The message should alternate, between presenting information
discrepant with existing beliefs and inducing behaviors discrepant with
existing attitudes to maximize dissonance.
Principle 3.5. Attitude change lessons should be
structured so that attention is paid to
the cognitive (information), affective
(feeling I ), and behavioral (acting) elements of the attitude.
Principle 3.6. Messages should use approximations to move attitudes
gradually between a current status and a desired state.
Bednar and Levie (1993) included with each principle a discussion of the
literature that supported it. The Bednar and Levie principles are practical and
effective, and provide
considerable guidance to the designer of persuasive messages. They stated in
their conclusion that "common to all of these (principles) are opportunities for
free choice and control by students, opportunities for success, and lessons
which present and confront alternative perspectives" (p. 302).
34.6.5 Summary
Simonson's six studies, Bednar and Levie's 22 principles, and other research
reported during the 1980s and 1990s have provided considerable information
about attitude change and instructional technology. The next section of this
chapter will propose a set of guidelines for designing mediated messages that

persuade. These guidelines are based on the research reviewed above and on
the other studies that were found in the literature. It is important to note that
revisiting this research area produced no startling changes from the reviews
reported a decade and a half ago. Attitude change is quite predictable if
mediated instruction is correctly designed. Media, at best, play a minor role in
persuasion when compared to the message delivered by the medium or the
methodology of instruction.

Conclusion: Designing Mediated Messages for Attitude Change and

the Model of Cumulative Effect
Based on the literature reviewed above, a series of guidelines have been
developed for designing mediated messages that change attitudes. These
guidelines are based on Simonson's (1979) previous work in this area and have
been modified in three ways. First, the recent attitude literature of social
psychology was incorporated where appropriate. Second, the Iowa State
University research agenda reviewed above provided guidance about
techniques that seemed effective. Finally, Bednar and Levie's (1993) 22
principles for attitude change validated the proposed guidelines. Bednar and
Levie's principles can be subsumed within one or more of the following
guidelines. The guidelines are organized into two groupings. The first three
guidelines refer to message design, and the second three relate to learner
involvement. A "model of cumulative effect"mis also proposed (Fig. 34-2).
This model states that for attitude change, at least one guideline should be
selected from each category, and the more of the guidelines that are
appropriately included in a persuasive communication, the more likely will be
the development of attitude changes.
34.7.1 Message Design Guidelines
Guideline #1: Learners are persuaded, and react favorably, when mediated
situations include the discovery of useful new information about a topic.
Most students like to learn. They react positively when relevant new
information is presented to them. Inert knowledge, knowledge that can be
recalled but is not spontaneously used in problem solving (Whitehead, 1929),

is often not perceived positively by learners. Sherwood, Kinzer, Hasselbring,

and Bransford's (1987) interesting work on logarithms demonstrates this
point. Most youngsters do not see the importance of learning logarithms, even
though almost everyone remembers studying them. To many students,
logarithms are inert knowledge. On the other hand, mathematicians,
statisticians, and computer programmers do not feel this way. They use
logarithms and realize their power as tools to solve problems. While no
attitude study investigating attitudes toward logarithms was found in the
literature, it is safe to say that those who use these powerful tools have a much
more positive attitude about them than those that do not use them. To the
users of logarithms, they are important tools, not inert knowledge. This is
because mathematicians use logarithms to solve real-world problems.
Message Design Guidelines:
New information
Realistic, relevant, and technically stimulating
Presented in a credible manner
PLUS
Learner involvement guidelines
Involved in planning, production, and/or delivery
Purposeful emotional involvement or arousal
Participation in postinstruciton discussions or critiques
Figure 34-2. Model of cummulative effect.

Levonian's (1960, 1962, 1963) landmark studies support this guideline. As a

critical part of Levonian's study, the audience for a film was surveyed about
India. The developer of the film used this information to ascertain previous
knowledge about India so that new information could be presented. This new
information was included in the film to support the attitude position desired
by Levonian. In other words, Levonian produced a film that presented useful
and relevant information. The content of the film was selected so that it would
not be knowledge for the sake of knowledge but that it would be cognitively
relevant to the previous knowledge and needs of the audience.

Jouko (1972) reported related results. It was found that the less preinstruction
knowledge students had about a topic, the more attitude change that was
produced after an informational and persuasive lesson. There was a negative
relationship between preinstruction familiarity about a topic and attitude
change as a result of participating in a relevant persuasive situation.
A similar conclusion was proposed in a study by Knowlton and Hawes (1962).
In this study, it was determined that knowledge about a topic was often a
necessary prerequisite
for a positive attitude position toward the idea. Stated another way, new
knowledge may need to be discovered by learners when attitude changes are
desired (e.g., Jouko, 1972), or knowledge may need to be present for learners
to have a favorable attitudinal position toward the situation in which they are
involved (Knowlton & Hawes, 1962). The results of two additional studies
using video reported similar findings (Thirion, 1992; Harkins& Petty, 198 1).
Guideline #2: Attitude change is likely because of, and learners react
favorably to, mediated situations involving the use of instructional
technologies that are authentic, relevant to them, and technically
stimulating.
One practical technique for instruction using technology is based on the
concept of anchored instruction. Anchored instruction, as described by the
Vanderbilt Cognition and Technology Group (1990), uses technology to
provide a realistic situation for learning. Media are used to present real-world
events that become the anchor for learning. While the Vanderbilt Group's
studies concentrated on the cognitive consequences of anchored instruction,
there is ample anecdotal evidence that anchored instruction also influences
attitudes.
Simonson et al. (1987) reported on a series study that attempted to determine
if a situation where media were used to deliver messages authentically was
more effective in creating attitude change than media that presented a
situation less authentically. It was found that authentic mediated situations
could be designed to promote desired attitudinal change.
Dimond and Simonson (1988) studied filmmakers who produced persuasive
films. These filmmakers indicated that presenting authentic situations in their
films was critical to the success of their persuasive messages, much more so
than for informational films and videos. In other words, filmmakers indicated
that the presentation of authentic, real-world situations was a critical

ingredient of successful persuasive films. Filmmakers also indicated that when

they produced persuasive films, they almost always "believed" in the
attitudinal positions advocated in their films. Dimond and Simonson
hypothesized that the act of filmmaking was an authentic situation that acted
to influence the filmmaker's attitudes.
Similar results have been reported in the literature for decades. Levonian's
(1960, 1962, 1963) landmark study that incorporated the use of a
preproduction survey of the target audience to determine their attitudinal
positions towards India was summarized above. The results of this survey
were used as input for the production of a persuasive film on India. This
approach made the resulting motion picture about India more authentic and
realistic to the audience, and this contributed to desired attitude changes.
Authenticity and realism were examined further by Croft, Stimpson, Ross,
Bray, and Breglio (1969) and Donaldson (1976). Both studies reported that
authentically presented situations were most effective in producing attitude
changes toward intercollegiate athletics and the disabled. Booth and Miller
(1974) and Winn and Everett (1978) investigated the authenticity provided by
pictures produced in color versus those produced in black and white. They
reported a relationship between the use of color, authenticity, and attitude
formation.
Authentic instruction, typically instruction anchored in technically stimulating
media such as the Vanderbilt Group's Jasper series (Vanderbilt, 1990), has a
positive attitudinal impact on learners. The assumption is that positive
predispositions, developed during participation in authentic situations, orient
students to actively pursue additional learning.
Guideline #3: Learners are positively affected when persuasive messages are
encountered in mediated situations that are as authentic and credible as
possible.
Modem strategies such as situated learning are based, in part, on the concepts
of the credibility and authenticity of instruction. A direct relationship exists
between attitude about a situation and the individual's perception of the
authenticity and relevance of the situation. For example, source credibility has
been recognized as an important criteria for attitude change since the early
1950s. When mediated situations are planned, they will often be valued
positively, and attitudinal positions advocated in the materials will be
influential, if persuasive messages are delivered by a credible source or
discovered in a credible situation. Kishler's (1950) classic study found that

when the actor in a persuasive film was cast as a member of a highly credible
occupational group, it was likely that the attitude changes advocated by the
actor would be produced. Viewers considered the message to be authentic, so
it influenced them.
A study by Carter (1990) supports this relationship between source credibility
and attitude change. Results indicated that when subjects were told that the
message was prepared by an expert, attitude changes tended to be more
positive.
Physical attractiveness and celebrity status also contribute to source
credibility. Maddux and Rogers (1980) used photographs of people with
varying levels of physical attractiveness to identify the relationship between
physical attractiveness and source credibility. The attractive source was
evaluated as being more sociable, warm, outgoing, poised, and more credible.
In a study by Mehta (1990), celebrities were rated significantly higher on
source variables of trustworthiness, believability, and physical attractiveness
and were found to be effective persuasive sources. This was especially true for
field-dependent subjects.
Two studies reported that the use of social modeling was an effective means of
promoting attitude change. Slide/tape an d print materials using positive role
models had a significant effect on student attitudes toward nontraditional
careers (Savenye, 1990). Evans, Rozelle, Maxwell, Raines, Dill, Guthrie,
Henderson, and Hill (1981) used students as real-world models in films
created to deter smoking. Groups viewing the films considered their messages
to be credible and authentic and exhibited less smoking behavior and
indicated less intention to smoke.
These studies have looked at human sources of information delivered by
media. However, one study in the
literature examined the effects of credible and noncredible computer sources
of information. Gahm (1986) found that persuasion increased as the
authenticity of the computer message increased.
The content of media-based instructional situations is A critical variable in
determining attitude formation and change. If information is presented
authentically and intelligently (i.e., credibly), it is likely that it will be
favorably received and will be persuasive.
34.7.2 Learner Involvement Guidelines

Guideline #4: Learners who are involved in a situation requiring their

participation in the planning, productioF4 or delivery of media-based
instruction are likely to react favorably to the situation and to the message
delivered by the media.
Involving learners in the planning, production, and delivery of mediated
lessons can be considered a form of cognitive apprenticeship (see 20.4). If
learners participate in a situation they feel is realistic and not fabricated, they
will generally react by indicating they have a positive attitude about it, Simsek
(1993) investigated the issue of audience involvement by studying the effects
of learner control in computer-based cooperative learning. A comparison was
made between students exercising control over pacing and sequencing and
students using software that controlled the pacing and sequencing. The
students with control over the lesson had a more positive attitude toward the
delivery system and the subject matter. Learner control as opposed to
program control was found to promote better attitudes (see 33.5).
Video is traditionally a very passive instructional medium. When merged with
computer technology, video allows the learner to become involved in the
instruction. In other words, it becomes more real. Dalton and Hannafin (1986)
found that interactive video instruction produced significant improvements in
learner attitudes when compared with computer-based instruction and video
alone.
Active involvement (see 12.3. 1. 1) in the learning situation has been examined
as a component of many research studies. For example, Erickson (M6) found
that students who actually produced a film on science concepts reacted more
favorably toward instruction and toward science than did students who only
watched science films. Coldevin (1975) involved students in message delivery
through the use of various review and summarization techniques that were a
part of the instructional sequence. It was found that a short review after the
TV lesson subunits produced the most favorable attitude reports from
students.
Simonson (1977) conducted an experiment in which students were convinced
to make counter attitudinal videotapes without realizing that attitude change
was the primary purpose of the activity. The process of involving subjects in
making these videotapes was found to be successful in producing significant
attitude changes in subjects. In these studies, learners were solving real-world
problems. They were learning by doing, and were often apprentices to more
knowledgeable mentors.

It would seem that in the affective domain, the active learner perceives
instruction and information more favorably than does the passive learner.
Student involvement is an important technique for promoting desirable
attitudinal outcomes.
Guideline #5: Learners who experience purposeful emotional involvement or
arousal during media-rich instructional situations are likely to change their
attitudes in the direction advocated in the situation.
Participating in an authentic event requires intellectual involvement that can
elicit emotions in the learner. For this reason, the research seems to indicate
that this guideline is extremely powerful. For example, the use of subliminal
messages to arouse emotion and therefore affect attitude change was
examined in two studies. In a pretest-posttest control group study on weight
loss, videotapes were used that differed only in the inclusion of visual and
aural subliminals. While the subliminal messages had no identifiable impact
on weight loss, subjects who viewed the videotape with subliminal messages
showed an improved attitude toward food and exercise (Treinier & Simonson,
1988)'
Edwards (1990) used a series of 10 supraliminal and 10 subliminal slides in a
study of affect-based and cognition-based attitude change. Subjects were
aware of the cognitive manipulation, but not the affective manipulation
(subliminal slides). Results indicated that emotion-arousing subliminal slides
were effective in inducing affect-based attitude changes, and supraliminal
knowledge, or information slides, were effective in inducing cognition-based
attitude changes.
Janis and Feshbach (1953) presented a slide/audiotape program on the effects
of poor dental hygiene to high school students. The intensity of a fear-arousing
appeal in three versions of the presentation were varied to determine the most
influential delivery technique. All three methods were successful in producing
aroused, affective reactions in the students. However, it was found that a
minimal fear-arousing appeal was most successful in modifying attitudes
because the stronger versions left students in a state of tension that was not
alleviated by the remedies offered during the slide show.
Janis and Feshbach concluded that strong, fear-producing appeals were not as
effective in changing attitudes as were more moderate appeals, because the
audience became motivated to ignore the importance of the threat to reduce
the tension they felt. The more-frightening message was not as authentic, and
therefore was not as effective. It was found that only those fear-provoking

messages that were considered to be authentic influenced attitudes. The more

dramatic and fearsome presentations were not considered to be realistic or
authentic, and were less effective.
Rogers (1973) reported on a study that supported this position. Public-health
films dealing with cigarette smoking, safe driving, and venereal disease were
tested in three different studies. It was found that the more noxious a film
was, the more fear was aroused in viewers. However, it was also reported that
these fear-arousing films were most effective in changing attitudes when
preventatives or statements of probability of exposure to the malady discussed
in the film were included as part of the motion picture.
Another study addressing the relationship between fear-arousing videos and
attitude change was conducted by Berry and Simonson (1983). Subjects
viewed either a fear-provoking persuasive video or a fear-provoking video with
remedies. The message was about smoking. Experimental treatments
significantly influenced subjects' attitudes as compared to subjects in the
control group, and the more authentic situations presented by the videos were
considered to be the most effective at changing attitudes.
The studies supporting guideline #5 indicate also that viewers' participation in
the learning process is important when attitudinal outcomes are desired. In
these cases, involvement was emotional rather than behavioral. It would seem
that learner involvement in a situation is a powerful technique if attitudinal
outcomes are to be important consequences of instruction.
Guideline #6: Learners who participate in situations where technologybased instructional situations are openly critiqued in an attitudinally
appropriate way are likely to develop favorable attitudes toward the
situations and toward the message.
The learner who is actively involved in what is perceived as a real event is
more likely to react in an attitudinally positive way to the situation and to
instruction. Johnson (1989) found that the use of discussion questions
following a mediated situation resulted in significant attitude changes toward
careers with regard to learners' confidence in their ability to be successful.
Follow-up discussions, a powerful technique for promoting positive attitudes,
were evaluated by several researchers (Howard, 1990). Follow-ups usually
involved learners in an analysis or critique of the instructional situation and
message presented. Allison (1966) found that significant attitude changes
occurred only when postviewing discussions were held. Fay (1974) reported

similar findings in a study that used follow-ups to a film on the problems of

the handicapped and the need for barrier-free buildings. Attitudes toward
continuing education were significantly altered after classroom teachers saw a
film and participated in a discussion on the subject (Burrichter, 1968). These
studies demonstrated the importance of learner involvement in authentic
situations which, in these cases, were discussion activities. The researchers
carefully constructed the learning situations to make sure the students felt
that their opinions were important.
Lamb (1987) found that including social interaction in the form of
postinstruction discussion was an effective instructional technique to promote
changes in attitudes toward wearing seat belts. This study examined the
effects of three learner involvement strategies incorporated into a persuasive,
computer-based instruction lesson. The situations that included
postinstruction discussions were found to be the most effective in promoting
attitude change.
The study also found that the absence of emotional involvement by the learner
toward the message was shown to be detrimental to attitude change. Students
stated that they considered the discussion to be real (i.e., authentic), and that
this was important to them.
These six guidelines can be used singly or in combination to design mediated
instructional situations that are likely to change attitudes. However, it is
hypothesized that there is likely to be a cumulative effect that will take place if
more than one technique from each category is used. Certainly, one media
design guideline and one learner involvement guideline should be considered
as part of any persuasive instructional strategy (Fig. 34-2).
34.7.3 Summary
The "model of cumulative effect' is based on the principle that a persuasive
message must be designed effectively. First, new information should be
presented (guideline #1). Next, the message should be realistic, relevant, and
stimulating (guideline #2). Finally, a persuasive message should be delivered
in as credible a manner as possible (guideline #3).
The effectiveness of persuasive messages is improved if the target of the
message, the learner, is involved actively, cognitively, and emotionally. First,
learners who are involved in the planning, production, or delivery of
persuasive messages are more likely to be influenced (guideline #4).
Purposefully emotional involvement of the learner is an extremely powerful

attitude change activity. The aroused learner is the involved learner (guideline
#5). Finally, the use of postinstruction activities that relate to the intent of the
persuasive message is extremely powerful and may produce attitude changes
even if other guidelines are improperly or inadequately followed (guideline
#6).
Certainly, these guidelines and the model of cumulative effect must now be
offered to the researchers of the discipline for further validation. However,
based on current evidence, it is safe to assume that attitudes of learners can be
changed if mediated instructional events incorporate as many of the activities
referred to in the guidelines as possible.
Attitudes are predispositions to respond, and media are primarily carriers of
information. There is no best medium for attitude change. However, there
probably are best situations involving media that will maximize the likelihood
of developing desirable attitudes in learners. Critically applying the general
guidelines listed above will promote the discovery of attitudinal positions by
students that are likely to contribute to healthy, positive learning situations.